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of the Committee on Higher Education. At a time when only 4-5% of young people attended
university, Robbins found that a much higher proportion, 10-15%, actually had the ability to
succeed in higher education, and therefore that places on courses should be available to all
who are qualified by ability and attainment to pursue them and who wish to do so (Robbins
1963, p8). The report provided the impetus for an initial doubling or tripling of university places,
and the 80s and 90s saw further expansion beyond Robbins expectations, achieved in part by
the conversion of technical colleges to university status. Subjects previously considered nonacademic (e.g. Fine Art) or vocational (e.g. social work) began to be offered as bachelors
degrees alongside traditional university subjects; an uncomfortable process that the creative
arts are still struggling to coming to terms with (Souleles 2013).
By the time I graduated, the exclusive sparkle of a degree had faded. There was an explicit
acknowledgment among my contemporaries that anything less than a 2:1 would mean an
uncertain future, while any class of degree from an elite university was rumoured to be ample
protection against the dreaded graduate poverty (Thompson 2016). Modern folklore, perhaps,
but one that reveals much about graduate expectations and attitudes, and university
hierarchies, at the turn of the century. The proletarianisation of graduate jobs described by
Thompson (2016) was a direct outcome of the steep expansion of higher education that
continued through the 80s and 90s and flooded the job market with overqualified graduates. Not
only is a degree no longer a ticket to a secure career, it now comes with tuition fees and
maintenance costs. Despite all this, demand has not abated, which raises questions about why
students today choose to go to university.
On speaking to young people in school and college about their perspective on what a university
education offers, Lucas (2015) reports their mixed feelings about wider access against cost and
quality, and a strong sense of gain and loss. Large-scale qualitative research on how students
perceive a university education is difficult to find, but is surely needed if we are to draw
meaningful conclusions from the mass of figures and charts collated by HESA (Universities UK
2014) and the Office for National Statistics (2013). Currently, those holding political power are
free to interpret the numbers however they wish; for example, key government figures have
claimed that the rise in applications from low-income students indicates uniform recognition that
a degree from the UK is an excellent investment and that they were right to raise tuition fees
(Department of Business, Innovation & Skills 2015).
Regardless of whether or not students see themselves as investors, there is no doubt that
universities are acting concordantly, with university funds increasingly being diverted towards
marketing and recruitment (Chapleo 2013). The question is; if a great deal of money is being
spent to convince people of the value of something, to what extent is that value real, or
constructed?
Higher Education as a producer of graduates?
What is it that the marketing departments of universities believe they are selling? Many
universities have decided upon a set of Graduate Attributes (GAs); what Barrie (2004) describes
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graduates to pioneer innovative and creative responses to achieving wider economic, social
and environmental well-being (p12). There is an imperative of change being communicated
here; it is assumed that graduates will be changing the social world rather than fitting into
existing roles, with the objective of our wider wellbeing. This is a clear distinction from typical
institutional Graduate Attributes which, when viewed against the NEFs, appear narrow,
individualistic and determinate.
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development, they transform themselves. It is the ongoing, lifelong nature of education that will
enable us not only to navigate the future, but to continue to shape it.
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function not only of heredity but also of a host of other influences varying with standards of
educational provision, family incomes and attitudes and the education received by previous
generations (p54) and would therefore be almost certain to grow. We have become better
educated. However, it is also the case that universities have taken on a lot of what used to be
taught on the job, and the question remains as to whether this is the kind of higher level study
Robbins had in mind.
For a while, higher educations sole purpose seemed to be to grow itself, and its new purpose is
survival; a constant struggle to feed the overgrown monster it has become. This has prompted
the transfer of cost onto the individual student; a move that presumes education only benefits
those who engage directly in it. The example of doctors paying thousands of pounds to train
how to save the lives of others is particularly difficult to comprehend. While the profile of
university subjects studied has changed dramatically since Robbins day, and we might
question why the general public should pay for education and training that directly creates
surplus value for private profit, it is still illogical to demand the individual pays. A fair system of
general taxation - including, crucially, corporation tax - is the logical solution. Clearly there are
other opportunities that could be taken to ensure that the surplus value educated employees
create for private companies is rewarded rather than exploited (see for example Piketty 2014,
Jones 2014 and Hutton 2015), but this is beyond the scope of education policy.
There is more that universities could be doing to ensure that their activities benefit everyone.
The introduction of fees has shifted our focus onto graduates as our primary product, but if our
product is people who think and act differently in and on the world, this should include our
students, staff, and the wider community. Thompson (2016) echoes Hogans (2010) talk of
scholarly aloofness in writing we cannot just retreat into the monasteries, lock the gates behind
us and hope that we will be left alone. The chasm between the opinions of academics, the
public, and policy-makers is particularly deep when it comes to education policy. Think tanks
and policy wonks clearly serve a purpose, but are they speaking for academic institutions, or
filling a vacancy created by their insularity? I will return to this matter in the following sections.
Higher education for a better world?
There is an assumption widely promoted by powerful groups in government and the media that
the interests of the economy are concordant with the interests of individuals and society. This
assumption is neatly illustrated by the National Careers Council (2013), who propose that in the
interests of the individual, our society and our economy, we must ensure we develop talent to
the full and use all that talent to best and most fulfilling effect (p6). In contrast, the 2015 Green
Party manifesto presents a bold challenge to the neoliberal dictum of full employment, arguing
for a shorter working week and a citizens income in the service of zero or negative economic
growth without individual hardship (EC201). This vision sits beyond the Overton window of
perceived political feasibility (Jones 2014), and that is precisely what is interesting about it.
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In the following sections I will discuss the role of higher education in creating a better world
according to various interpretations; supporting the economy, saving the environment, creating
world peace and promoting equality.
Higher education for the economy?
Education and training creates surplus value that benefits employers; a benefit that Jones
(2014) describes as a subsidy for private enterprise. It also appears to generate tax revenue; in
2010 those completing tertiary education were calculated to provide a net public benefit of
82,000 on average over the course of their lives, compared to those with lower qualifications
(OECD 2014).
However, what we are doing here is splitting the population and analysing the earnings of the
27-35% that now attend university. If we examined the difference in average earnings of the 5%
who attended university in 1961, we would probably see a much greater sum. At 50%, we would
probably see less. My point here is that the financial benefit of a university education to the
individual, the public purse, or to GDP is highly context-dependent.
While Rickett (2015) asks explicitly why a university education has become purely about getting
a job and earning more money, Iannucci (2015) questions the relationship between business
and public life in general, and the premise that every man is an island that has to be selffinancing. The central argument for the self-financing of higher education is that more people
are now going to university, but it is rarely asked why so many of these students are paying for
an education that used to be at least part-funded directly by employers through apprenticeships,
paid internships or other kinds of in-work training. Such opportunities are not only disappearing;
it seems they are also not being promoted, perhaps because schools and colleges feel
university destinations will boost their reputation. When the Edge Foundation (2012) surveyed
500 A level students, 77% reported being actively discouraged from pursuing vocational options
such as apprenticeships, with many being told that they were aimed at less bright or less
ambitious students.
While many employers have stopped investing in the training of new recruits, they still maintain
a strong interest in what happens at universities, as I found attending a recent Drapers Lecture
by the chair of BAFTA (Morrison 2015). New Statesman deputy editor Helen Lewis complains of
journalism graduates being expected to pay for their own training [currently 27K for a
Journalism BA], then take a crappy job on 15,000 (Jones 2014, p99), but she does not pledge
to reinstate paid internships at her newspaper. A postgraduate degree is now a common
prerequisite for media jobs, and many work as unpaid interns as part of or after their course of
study.
So why has the cost of job-specific training been shifted onto individual learners? The Leveson
enquiry highlighted the extent to which the newspaper industry is struggling financially as print is
being abandoned by consumers in favour of online media (Leveson 2012, p98). Other
industries, which used to make significant investment in the training of employees (e.g.
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manufacturing and mining), have a much-diminished presence in the UK since the onset of
globalisation. The profound social changes described in previous sections, particularly the
dissolution of the manufacturing industry, its related communities and jobs for life, mean that
employers are less likely to invest in long-term training, and certain not if someone else is willing
to pay for it. Modern apprenticeships still exist, but primarily in business administration and often
in local government; one of the few public services safe from privatisation or other substantial
reform.
The National Careers Council claims that there is a serious mismatch between our population
and the needs of our economy; that to compete in the global marketplace we need to focus on
matching people to jobs and training them accordingly, with no wasted investment in unused
skills (2013, p6). Despite all this talk of competition, it is not made clear what we are competing
for. If the intention is to beat Germany to fourth place on the GDP rankings, perhaps we should
look to the highly differentiated German higher education offer; particularly the dual education
(apprenticeship/vocational school) system.
Higher education for the environment?
GDP only measures financial wealth; it ignores the social and environmental costs of growth
and does not measure health, poverty, leisure time, or other factors in our experienced quality of
life. The dominant discourse among those who hold political power still echoes the Dearing
(1997) report; an acknowledgement of the role of education in enhancing holistic quality of life
that is subsequently undermined by an exclusive focus on economic success and global
competition.
While the social democracy of the post-war years is still hailed as something of a golden age,
we now appreciate the environmental implications of competition and consumption, and the full
impact of the economic growth of the past is yet to take effect (Lucas 2010). Universities have a
role to play in reducing future impact through research into green technologies and renewable
energy, and in integrating sustainable thinking into their curricula. University students will be the
business and industry leaders of the future, and we have a golden opportunity to influence the
way they think. Even the construction of university curricula around a sustainability framework
such as the NEFs Seven Things (Steuer & Marks 2008, p12) may not be sufficient to initiate
change when external signals (such as tuition fees) indicate that it all comes down to money.
The triumph of the economy over the environment is the triumph of individualism over
collectivism, but it may turn out to be a hollow victory.
Higher education for world peace?
In Conflict of the Faculties, Kant (1979) attempts to explain the role of the philosophy faculty in
the 18th century. Considered the lower faculty and grounded entirely in reason, it effectively
corrected and deepened the insights of the three higher faculties - theology, law and medicine.
Palmquist (2004) explains how in this sense Kant saw the university not only as an example and
model of peaceful conflict, but the origin of future world peace.
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Those of us who teach and research in universities would surely benefit from engaging with
Kants ideals. It feels that every year we are asked to do more with less; there seems to be no
time in which to have conversations with those around us; to share what we are doing and
thinking, and invite comment. Many departments and course teams in modern universities are
relatively isolated, having official dealings with central hub services but no pressing reason to
deal with each other.
The silos we have created for ourselves in academia are made more distinct by social media,
whose infrastructure promotes a form of social cleansing; a creeping insularisation of networks
of like-minded people. The physical world is unpredictable and inflexible, and we may feel
increasingly awkward in it, but we need to make the time and effort to relearn the art of
conversation (Zeldin 1998), to build and repair relationships with people who think differently to
ourselves. If war is founded on fear of the other, then familiarity and understanding must be
the basis for peace.
While confidence is commonly mentioned in institutional graduate attributes, humility rarely
makes an appearance. This is another example of how our hopes for and expectations of our
students have changed, as illustrated by this passage in Cardinal Wooleys 1864 opening
address at the University of Sydney:
Our undergraduates will...have formed the habit of thinking at once with modesty and
independence; they will not be in danger of mistaking one branch of science for the
whole circle of knowledge, nor unduly exaggerating the importance of those studies they
select as their own. Above all they will have attained the truest and most useful result of
human knowledge; the consciousness and confession of their comparative ignorance.
(Wooley quoted in Barrie 2004, p262)
It is important that we and our students understand ourselves and our particular area of
specialist knowledge in the context of the world and society as a whole. To develop this
contextualised understanding we need to step outside our departments, our institutions and,
most importantly, outside academia. Hogan (2010) stresses the importance of being willing to
grant that a contrasting standpoint might have something valuable and unexpected to
contribute (p164), suggesting that engaging regularly and publicly with other traditions is
probably the best way of persuading society of the integrity of educational practice.
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Humboldt described the university as a location for the disinterested search for truth
(Anderson 2010) in the sense that those doing the searching make no extrinsic gains from it. In
contrast, opportunities for personal gain abound in todays universities; from graduate career
prospects and external appointments to research funding, promotion, social status, peer esteem
and intellectual property. This means that decisions about research directions are often
influenced by financial and status factors rather than personal enjoyment and perceived value to
society. The central tenets of neoliberalism; competitive self-interest and the market (Olssen &
Peters 2005); are influencing research activities on both an individual and institutional level. The
search for truth, while not entirely corrupt, is undeniably interested.
While universities are reliant on external research funding, this interest is unlikely to dissolve.
Financial interests need to be declared to university ethics approval panels, but to what extent
does this declaration affect the research? There is plenty of evidence to suggest that, where
there is money to be made, the truth can become obscured. For example, Goldacre (2012)
describes a study of all 192 published medical trials of statins, where those funded by the
pharmaceutical industry were found to be 20 times more likely to demonstrate the drugs
effectiveness at reducing cholesterol. The primary focus of research ethics is generally seen as
the avoidance of harm to immediate participants, rather than ensuring disinterest and
embodying a broader conception of ethical values (Standish 2001, p498) that protects society at
large from harm.
Education is neither a tangible nor a liquid asset in economic terms. In writing about value in the
arts and humanities, Thompson (2016) implores us to revel in our own excrescence, reminding
us of the emergent and contingent nature of human existence, and that we have no purpose,
therefore education cannot be be subordinate to it. Hogans (2010) case for education as a
practice in its own right, with intrinsic value, is thorough and deeply convincing.
A practical example of how university teachers might, in practice, privilege the intrinsic value of
education comes from a University of Sheffield project that won the HEA Student and Staff
Partnership Award in 2013. This brought a range of students and scholars together to consider
value in the arts and humanities, a process culminating in the production of a collective
manifesto against value (see Fig. 1). These ideas inspired the development of a new module
which is now available to all students in the faculty (Holman & Mackay 2013).
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Fig 1. Two manifestos, produced by mixed groups of participants from the Faculty of Arts & Humanities (academics,
students, and professional service staff), at the University of Sheffield.
Conclusion
In an era of managerialism and constant measurement it is difficult to think beyond meeting
targets such as NSS scores, student satisfaction indices and graduate destinations. In order to
preserve our professional integrity and general well-being, those of us who teach in universities
will benefit from reconsidering our purpose, and that of the university itself in society. This is
ultimately something that should be agreed by society as a whole, but we are surely well-placed
to contribute something useful to the debate; or at least to ensure that there is a debate, and we
do not sleepwalk into a situation where our work no longer benefits humanity.
Education and scholarship should where possible be independent and disinterested, and valued
for its own sake. The current tuition fee system undermines the principle of education as an
essential public good and reframes it as a commodity that solely benefits the individual, despite
evidence to the contrary (e.g. OECD 2014). Shifting the entire cost of higher-level study onto the
individual learner is not only unjust, but likely to have a profound impact on how learners view
their studies in the context of their lives, and therefore on how and what they learn. All levels of
education should be funded at least in part by the state through general taxation.
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Aside from survival, there is no single purpose behind higher education as it exists today, and
that is one of the problems with it. Academic and vocational - and indeed different varieties
and formats of these educational categories - need to be reclaimed as signifiers of purpose, and
due consideration given as to why they should or should not be delivered by the same
institutions. A wide range of non-academic options should be available for school-leavers, from
vocational education that is college-based and more generalised, to specific vocational training
partly situated in and funded by industry.
In considering Graduate Attributes, universities should take care to think more broadly about
what higher education could contribute in the quest for a better world, and also about what this
means for how students are taught. A radical overhaul of the design of the university experience
has the potential to promote a true democracy with an electorate appreciative of the context in
which we live, and aware of our rights and duties as human beings. It could even make the
future less uncertain. On a course level, Sterling (2013, p24) suggests finding allies who share
a desire to incorporate sustainability into their curricula and exchanging peer reviews of
teaching using the range of resources available in the Future Fit Framework.
There are several trends being reported in our changing university populations; the decline in
mature students undertaking first degrees; a 70-80% increase in the numbers of international
students on first degree and taught postgraduate (e.g. MA) courses; the decline in numbers on
foundation degree and explicitly vocational undergraduate courses. In contrast the numbers and
profile of students undertaking research degrees remains relatively static. Large-scale
qualitative research exploring the factors contributing towards these trends will enable us to
achieve a richer understanding of the mechanisms at play. This is unlikely to be funded by the
government, for whom the HESA data is sufficient to prove that fees have worked (in
showing that students from low-income backgrounds are still applying to university in increasing
numbers).
While Barnett (2004) suggests that a consumption-production perspective is simply
incompatible with a view of universities as sites of open and transformatory engagement, there
is evidence to suggest that academic staff resist their positioning as fiscal resource generators
and competitors (Gonzales 2015) and find ways of reconciling institutional priorities with their
own values and commitments, often taking action that preserves their ideals in favour of
advancing their careers; for example, choosing to engage in local community projects rather
than presenting at international conferences. In doing this they demonstrate their agency and
subvert the dominant forms of measurement. This does not have to be an invisible protest; if we
are to resist competition at an individual level, we can do this explicitly; explaining our actions
and inviting debate.
We should call for a reconsideration of Dearings (1997) recommendation that institutions be
allowed to opt out of the RAE and apply for a lower level of non-competitive research funding.
Competitive measurement unavoidably privileges certain types of research over others. Placing
to one side the actual feasibility or validity of measuring social, cultural, economic and
environmental impact, the system rates research with short-term impact more highly than that
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which may have more significant impact over time (Manville 2014), and has been reported to
undervalue interdisciplinary research (Shaw 2013).
Finally, it is not just the research and recruitment arenas that are competitive. Universities have
now begun to speak in competitive terms about teaching itself. My own institutions mediumterm strategy for learning and teaching presents aspirations of a world-leading environment for
creative education. Logically, to aim for ones own students to have the best education is to
hope that others will have a worse education. Surely we want everyone to have the best
possible education?
There are some, I am sure, who would dismiss the above point as pedantic, but I feel it is a
crucially important one; the rhetoric of the competitive market has become commonplace and is
rarely challenged. The language is subtle, but that is exactly why it is pervasive and dangerous.
Academics therefore need to have a strong sense of their own purpose, and to take their place
in public debate about the purpose of higher education.
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