Gender Issues in Physical Education: Female Students Perspectives and

Experiences
David W Chorney and Cameron Weitz
Something that has remained fairly constant in high schools over the last few decades is the low enrolment of female students in postcompulsory physical education courses. As
physical educators, we need to gain an understanding as to why girls are choosing not to participate in physical education after it is no longer compulsory. Often, those students
are less physically active after graduation and into their adult lives. If we can understand why many girls are leaving high school with negative feelings about physical education,
wecan implement strategies to deal with the trend accordingly.
This article is intended to provide an in-depth understanding as to why girls are opting not to take physical education beyond the compulsory levels. Also, the question of
segregated or coeducational physical education classes will be discussed. The bulk of the article is dedicated to understanding why girls have negative feelings toward physical
education and what we as educators can do to change their perspectives.

Background
Living in an overly obese society, we must do our best as
physical educators to promote lifelong physical activity to
our students. We must do everything in our power to
improve female students perspectives on and experiences in
physical education and to encourage them to pursue a
healthy, physically activelifestyle.
In a study conducted in Saskatchewan, Avery, Girolami and
Humbert (1998, 4) state, In the school selected for our
study, over 80% of the young women who participated in
physical education when it was compulsory did not enroll in
optional physical education classes. Another study
focusing on participation in physical education (King and
Coles 1992) determined that young females participate less
often in physical activities than young males and also
consider themselves less fit and less likely to be physically

The majority of parents indicated that their child received

physical education one or two days per week, and 10 per
cent of parents indicated that their child received no
physical education at all. At the secondary level, 20 per cent
of parents surveyed across Canada indicated that their
adolescent child received no physical education at all, and
this percentage increased as students advanced throughthe
secondary grades.
Once physical education becomes optional, enrolment tends
to decrease significantly, with the decrease more noticeable
with adolescent girls than with adolescent boys (Craig and
Cameron 2004; Deacon 2001; Government of
Newfoundland and Labrador, Department of Education
1996; Grunbaum et al 2004; Spence et al 2001). In addition,
data from the Health Behaviour in School-Aged Children

active at age 20 (p 3). If girls are turned off by physical

education in high school, they are much less likely to
remainactive as adults.

Survey demonstrated that adolescent girls in Grades 610

spent less time than adolescent boys participating in
vigorous physicalactivity during class time (Boyce 2004).

In North America, health issues related to being inactive are

overwhelming. Research indicates that physical inactivity
leads to obesity, cardiovascular disease and coronary heart
disease (Canadian Associationfor Health, Physical
Education and Recreation 1993). On the other end of the
spectrum, those who remain active have decreased
occurrence of depression, colon and reproductive cancers,
and all other forms of hypokinetic disease (Australian
Sports Commission 1993). The psychosocial benefits
include improved social skills, improved leadership skills
and increased self-esteem.

The physical education class should be an environment that

promotes enjoyable lifelong physical activity, not one that
makes female students feel ashamed, embarrassed or
unworthy. The current Alberta physical education
curriculum has a specific emphasis on student
understanding of the benefits of health and the importance
of cooperation that results from participating in physical
activity, either as an individual or with others. Flintoff
(1996) stresses that physical education programs are an
important gateway for encouraging young people to develop
the knowledge, skills and attitudes necessary for active,
healthy living. The issue for many girls is that these noted
benefits are rarely, if ever, realized during the high school
years, since theyare not enrolling in the physical education
classes that are offered.

In a research study by the Canadian Fitness and Lifestyle

Research Institute (see Craig et al 2001), 3,334 parents of
school-aged children were surveyed, and only 20 per cent
indicated that their child received daily physical education.

Why Are Girls Turned Off by Physical Education?

Research indicates that previous negative experiences in physical education, particularly during elementary school, are the number one reason girls dislike physical education
(Avery, Girolami and Humbert 1998). Many girls have found previous physical education classes to be too competitive, and they feel that teachers show gender bias and make
students engage in intense activity (such as running laps or doing pushups) as a form of punishment. They also feel that student athletes are favoured and that teachers have
minimalexpectations for almost all girls.
Another concern often mentioned by girls is their not being able to participate in physical education without wearing proper gym attire. Avery, Girolami and Humbert (1998, 19)
highlight the comment of one participant, who said, We didnt bring our stuff so we just sat against the side of the gym, about ten of us. Our teacher put us there and we werent
allowed to do gym, it was a guy. He called us the vegetable garden. Many girls are discouraged by harassing comments and critical remarks from classmates about their

performance. Male classmates, who often feel secure in the physical education environment, make many of these derogatory comments. They also do little to include girls in the
planned activities and to create amore cohesive and friendly classroom environment (Avery, Girolami and Humbert 1998).
As physical educators, should we not be held accountable for our classroom environment, as well as for how we attempt to accomplish the outcomes of the curriculum? Who is
to blame for female students unwillingness to participate in or even register for elective physical education classes? The old school teachers who are too set in their ways to
even realize what is going on? The unqualified physical education teachers who are oblivious to these subtle issues? Or are there more compelling sources of blame? These
are questions that we as educators (and, specifically, professionals with an interest in and passion for physical education) need to consider if we are to change the perspectives
and experiences of girls in physical education. The provincial curriculum has been developed to decrease the emphasis on competition and sport-specific drill and practice,
while increasing the emphasis on cooperating, understanding the benefits of physical activity and engaging in daily physical activity for life. It is encouraging that the curriculum
has taken this approach to guiding the teaching of physical education, but are physical education teachersthemselves aware of this shift in curricular focus?

Segregated or Coeducational Physical Education Classes?

Most researchers believe that segregated physical education classes are much more beneficial than coeducationalclasses, particularly for girls and especially at the high school
level.
Research by Myrick (1996) indicates that when high school students convene for physical education, the skill level of both girls and boys declines. The competitive nature of the
boys subdues the girls: the girls willavoid play while the boys control the activity (p 6).
The research also reveals how much girls seem to prefer segregated physical education classes. The following statement from a female participant in research by Avery,
Girolami and Humbert (1998, 11) emphasizes her genuine feelings of relief and enjoyment: Im more confident now, I dont feel like everyone is watching me. Clearly, girls gain
a level of comfort when physical education classes are segregated. According to Myrick (1996), girls feel more comfortable, feel less pressure and reap more benefits from
single-sex physicaleducation classes.
Generally speaking, as students increase in age, operating a coeducational physical education class becomes increasingly difficult. The influence of peers and the media is
substantial in middle schools and high schools today. According to Myrick (1996, 7), many other issues come into play, including sexual harassment, body image, self-esteem,
major physical changes, and a more severe degree of gender bias when dealing with coeducational physical education. As physical educators, we need to be aware of
theseconcerns and deal with them accordingly.

Another reason segregation is recommended over coeducational classes is the fact that girls and boys usually like or dislike physical education for different reasons. Boys are
generally interested in competing, developing skills and striving for success. Girls are generally more interested in being with friends, having fun and participating in activities in
which everyone is involved. Girls also tend to enjoy playing more recreational games that require a low skill level and are easy to learn, as researched by Vertinsky (1992).
Vertinsky also states, Girls often value the fun and friendship of sport and activity more than competition and achievements (p 376), and notes that a decrease in girls activity
levels is especially seen in programs emphasizing highly structured and competitive sports and physical activities as opposed to recreational or cooperative activity (p 375).
The provincial curriculum has decreased the emphasis on competition and highlystructured sports, and increased the emphasis on recreational activities.

Dealing with the Issues

Physical education teachers should provide a
positive learning environment that motivates all
students to want to be present and to learn, but
perhaps more concern and attention should be
given to the femalestudents in our classes.
Research indicates that punishment does not
result in long-lasting changes in student
behaviour, while effective reinforcement does
(Downing, Keating and Bennett 2005). This is
perhaps the most importantconsideration when
teaching physical education to all students.
Promoting classroom community and
establishing a safe and caring learning
environment are other key components in
ensuring that all students feel welcome and
wanted in every physical education setting.
Greeting students at the door with a friendly

Aicinena (1991) states that the prudent

teacher would seem to be one who allows some
input into classroom decision making, yet
maintains control of the processes involved in
instruction. Such actions would seem most
likely to affect positive attitudes toward
physical education. Students want to know
that their teacher cares and values their
opinion. Lettingtheir voices be heard gives
them some ownership and responsibility.
Providing students with some choice with
regard to activities is also important in
increasing their motivation. Teachers can lead
by example by providing students with
innovative activities and by being enthusiastic,
inspiring and joyful while teaching them. Budris
(1993, 21) found that new activities can
positively affect the atmosphere in physical
education classes: You can improve the
psychological atmosphere of your classes with
new activities, and you can improve the

smile can put them in a positive frame of mind,

and it also conveys that you care and that you
are happy they have come to your class. It is
important that you get to know all the students
in your class, not just the athletically skilled
students or those who participate on the
schoolsports teams.
Perhaps the greatest way to build classroom
community and motivate students to be
engaged in their own learning is to ask them for
their opinions many times during the semester
and to make it clear that their input is valued.
When students have input into the activities in
which they will be participating, and when they
are made to feel part of the assessment and
evaluation aspects of the class, their intrinsic
motivation is increased. Provide students with
choices and guide their decisions, rather than
leaving it completely up to them.

physical environment even more easily. Girls,

in particular, prefer to try new activities, rather
than repeating the same activities and sports
year after year. Whether in a segregated or
coeducational physical education class, new
activities level the playing field for everyone
involved. Avery, Girolami and Humbert (1998,
25) found that young women stressed that
they wanted activities that offered most of the
students in the class an equal playing field.
Girls also prefer to have units of instruction
spread out throughout the semester or term,
rather than concentrating on one activity,
sportor skill set for a prescribed time frame
(such as one or two full weeks).

Conclusion
Girls choose not to take physical education classes beyond compulsory grade levels primarily because of their past experiences in physical education. Research indicates that
segregated classes are more beneficial to both genders at the high school level. Is this true in elementary and junior high school, as well? Are allschools capable of running
segregated physical education classes?
As physical education teachers, we need to reflect on our teaching practices, to see if we are providing girls with positive perspectives on and experiences in physical education.
Physical activity has many benefits, including health, psychosocial and spiritual benefits, while inactivity can lead to numerous hypokinetic diseases. We may need to change
our expectations, teaching practices and activities to promote positive perspectives on physical education among the female students enrolled in our mandatory physical

education classes. If not, the situation will continue to compound itself, and female students will increasingly tend not to register for elective physical education classes and will,
thus, miss out on the numerous benefits of physicalactivity.
Its true that all students should be valued, respected and individually challenged. But when it comes to physical education, the female student population is unique, and we
should remember that as we continueour planning and teaching in the days ahead.

References
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and Student Attitudes Toward
Physical Education. The Physical
Educator 48, no 1 (Winter): 28
32.
Avery, P, T Girolami and L
Humbert. 1998. Closing the Gap:
Addressing the Attitudes and
Experiences of Young Women in
Physical Education Classes.
Saskatoon, Sask: Dr Stirling
McDowell Foundation for
Research into Teaching.
Boyce, W F. 2004. Young People
in Canada: Their Health and Their
Well-Being. Ottawa: Health
Canada.
Budris, B. 1993. Physical
Education Should Be Fun.

Downing, J, T Keating and C Bennett.

2005. Effective Reinforcement
Techniques in Elementary Physical
Education: The Key to
BehaviorManagement. Physical
Educator 62, no 3 (Fall): 11422.
Flintoff, A. 1996. We Have No Problems
with Equal Opportunities Here . . . Weve
Got Mixed Changing Rooms. British
Journal ofPhysical Education 27, no 1
(Spring): 2123.
Flintoff, A. 1996. We Have No Problems
with Equal Opportunities Here . . . Weve
Got Mixed Changing Rooms. British
Journal ofPhysical Education 27, no 1
(Spring): 2123.
Grunbaum, J A, L Kann, S Kinchen, J Ross,
J Hawkins, R Lowry, W A Harris, T
McManus, D Chyen and J Collins. 2004.

Strategies 7, no 2: 21.
Canadian Association for Health,
Physical Education and
Recreation (CAHPER). 1993. The
Quality Daily Physical
EducationLeaders Lobbying Kit.
Ottawa: Government of Canada
Fitness and Amateur Sport.
Craig, C L, and C Cameron. 2004.
Increasing Physical Activity:
Assessing Trends from 1998 to
2003. Ottawa: Canadian
Fitnessand Lifestyle Research
Institute. Also available at
http://cflri.ca/ pdf/e/2002pam.pdf
(accessed May 22, 2009).
Craig, C L, C Cameron, S J Russell
and A Beaulieu. 2001. Increasing
Physical Activity: Supporting
Childrens Participation.
Ottawa:Canadian Fitness and
Lifestyle Research Institute. Also
available at
www.cflri.ca/pdf/e/2000pam.pdf
(accessed May 22, 2009).
Deacon, B W. 2001. Physical
Education Curriculum Review
Report. Victoria, BC: Curriculum
Branch, British Columbia Ministry

Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance

United States, 2003. Surveillance
Summaries 53 (SS-2). Also available at
www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/
ss5302a1.htm (accessed May 22, 2009).
King, A J C, and B Coles. 1992. The
Health of Canadas Youth: Views and
Behaviours of 11-, 13- and 15-Year-Olds
from 11 Countries.Ottawa: Health and
Welfare Canada.
Myrick, L. 1996. Does Coeducational
Physical Education Help High School
Students Reach Their Full Potential?
Journal ofPhysical Education, Recreation
and Dance 67, no 8 (October): 67.
Spence, J C, J L Mandigo, P Poon and W K
Mummery. 2001. A Survey of Physical
Education Enrolment at the
SecondaryLevel in Alberta. AVANT 7,
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Vertinsky, P. 1992. Reclaiming Space,
Revisioning the Body: The Quest for
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ofEducation. Also available at

www.bced.gov.bc.ca/irp/reports/p
ereport.pdf (accessed May 22,
2009).
http://www.hpec.ab.ca/gender-issues-in-physical-education-female-students-perspectives-and-experiences

Gender Issues in Physical Education

10 03 13'
WRITTEN BY KELLY ROSKO
0 COMMENTS

Thinking back to my high school physical education classes, the majority of girls in the class did not fully participate. They would simply stand around on the sidelines, watch the ball go
back and forth hoping that no one would throw it to them, or walk around the outside of the gym space while talking with friends. Female participation in physical education is an issue
that I never thought about until now.
I found an article titled, Gender Issues in Physical Education: Female Students Perspectives and Experiences. It begins by bringing the issue of female participation to the readers
attention. Physical education is often required through 10 th grade. Over 80% of female students do not partake in physical education in 11th and 10th grade. That is an astonishing
number. The article continues on to reveal why it seems that female students do not continue to enroll in physical education.
Many girls are uncomfortable in their class. They feel that they are judged by their peers. They feel that teachers expect a minimal amount of participation from them and focus more on
student athletes. One student shared, we didnt bring our stuff so we just sat against the side of the gym, about ten of us. Our teacher put us there and we werent allowed to do gym, it
was a guy. He called us the vegetable garden. Many girls are discouraged by comments like that. Male students also often deliver harsh comments to female students.
One on-going debate is whether or not physical education classes should be split by gender. The article talked about how many girls like the idea of separate male and female classes.
Some girls in separate classes shared that they feel better about themselves without having boys there watching them. The article suggested that separate classes could be beneficial
because girls and boys enjoy different types of activities. In a male class, they could focus on more physical activities, where a female class could have varied activities that are not
quite as intense. I think separate classes could be beneficial for those reasons, but also detrimental. Boys and girls can benefit from learning how to work cooperatively together. They
will have to work together the remainder of their lives. I have also seen a separated class that was not taught well. The boys played an unorganized game of basketball, and the girls did
a warm up that looked more like patty cake than anything that would actually be considered physical activity.
Nonetheless, something needs to be done to get girls spirits up in physical education. Teachers need to work on varying instruction. It is important to have activities with different levels
of exertion, and more activities than the same six sports you expect to have to play. Girls need to enjoy physical education so they will be more likely to continue being active for the
duration of their lives.

Article: http://www.hpec.ab.ca/gender-issues-in-physical-education-female-students-perspectives-and-experiences
https://blogs.longwood.edu/kellyrosko/2013/10/03/gender-issues-in-physical-education/

Physical education and female participation: A case study of teachers' perspectives and
strategies
Brooke Murphy, Rylee A. Dionigi and Chelsea Litchfield
Charles Sturt University

We argue that gender issues in physical education (PE) remain in some schools, despite advances in PE research and curricula aimed at
engaging females in PE. We interviewed five Australian PE teachers (1 male and 4 females) at a co-educational, regional high school
about the factors affecting female participation in PE and the strategies they used to engage female students. The key strategies the
teachers reported using, such as modified scoring in mixed gender activities, single gender classes, school policies and extra-curricular
activities, were (a) shaped by their individual views on the factors affecting female participation, (b) primarily embedded in (and
reproduced) stereotypes of gender and (c) generally not a reflection of what is being advocated in the literature. Therefore, our study
highlights the need for policies and programs aimed at supporting PE teachers to implement gender-sensitive strategies in their daily
practice.
Introduction

Engaging female students in physical education (PE) has been recognised as a challenge for high school teachers (Rich, 2004; Slater &
Tiggemann, 2010; Wright, 1999). Historically, female students have been positioned as 'the problem' and often blamed for their lack of
engagement in the physical activity component of PE (Azzarito, Solmon, & Harrison, 2006; Enright & O'Sullivan, 2010; Flintoff & Scraton
2001; Garrett, 2004; Keay, 2007; Wright 1996). Over time, it has become increasingly recognised by PE researchers that, "'the problem'
is more often located in the curriculum and pedagogical contexts within which girls are expected to participate and relates to the social
construction of gender through PE" (Enright & O'Sullivan, 2010, p. 204). Rich (2004, p. 215) claimed that there is "a growing body of
research pointing towards the continued prevalence of gender inequality and exclusion in often complex ways within the PE curriculum,
structures and practices". In particular, female students in rural and regional settings have additional factors affecting their participation
in PE, such as lack of school sporting facilities and equipment (Casey et al., 2009). Our study examines the perspectives of five teachers
in a regional New South Wales (NSW) high school regarding factors affecting female participation in PE, as well as the pedagogical and
management strategies that these PE teachers report using to address female participation. Our research is informed by theories on the
gendered nature of PE and an understanding that gender is socially constructed (Wright, 1995; 1999; 2001). This framing allows us to
show how traditional notions of gender, femininity and masculinity can be challenged and/or reproduced through PE teachers'
perspectives, as reported through their accounts of their everyday practices.

PE has long been recognised as gendered in its philosophy, content, organisational structure and through its association with sport (Garrett, 2004; Rich 2004; Wright, 1999).
Research informed by an understanding of gender as socially constructed has shown how teachers play a role in constructing gender and (re)producing relations of power
through their teaching practices (Wright, 2001). Such an approach asks teachers to reflect on the consequences of their practice, rather than simply 'blame' the female
students as problematic. This approach aligns with a poststructuralist perspective (among others) in that it recognises that what it means to be male or female, masculine or
feminine, is socially and historically located and open to change (Azzarito et al., 2006; Rich, 2004; Wright, 1999). Therefore, knowing what teachers say and do in their PE
classes, how they organise their classes and their choices of activities is important because these social practices have the potential to construct, reproduce or challenge
assumptions based on gender (Wright, 2001).
According to Macdonald and Penney (2009), health and physical education in Australia aims to play a key role in challenging social constructions, such as gender
stereotypes, that limit student engagement. In particular, the NSW Syllabus for Years 7-10 Personal Development, Health and Physical Education held "a great deal of
potential for a gender-inclusive approach which challenges narrow constructions of gender differences" because it was "conceptually based" and allowed teachers choice in
terms of activities, content and assessments (Wright, 1999, p. 192). In recent years, however, gender issues in PE have not been the major focus in Australian policy or
educational agendas. For instance, while the new Australian Curriculum: Health and Physical Education (Foundation-Year 10) adopts a strengths-based approach, rather than
a deficit-based model of health, its focus on sexuality and gender diversity is primarily in relation to health, not PE (Australian Curriculum, n.d.). Prior to the year 2000 the
NSW Department of Education and Training (now DEC; Department of Education and Communities) provided considerable funding and support for gender equity in
schools (Wright, 1999). In the past five-ten years this support has been significantly downgraded and the DEC's focus has moved away from recognising and challenging the
social construction of gender through PE. The emphasis is now on 'girls in sport' to address 'the problem' of females' lack of participation in physical activity (see NSW
Premier's Sporting Challenge, 2014). Among this focus on sport has been the introduction and development of the 'Games Sense' model in PE, which aims to "challenge the
traditional hegemony of the highly directed, formal and 'textbook' skill and drill oriented sport teaching" (Pill, 2011, p. 4). In other words, the 'Game Sense' approach is a
method of teaching PE that develops the broader meanings of sport and physical activity through problem solving in physical education (Pill, 2011, see note 3). However,
despite these changes, we argue that research and support specifically for gender sensitivity and inclusion in PE need to be put back on the agenda of the NSW DEC because
our study provides preliminary evidence that gender issues, which Wright (1999) identified over a decade ago, remain in the PE context.
Literature review

Much of the literature on this topic of female participation in PE examines young women's perspectives on the barriers and experiences
associated with PE, primarily from a sociological or psychological standpoint. There are also many studies which report PE researchers'
recommendations on effective practice for enhancing female students' engagement in PE. Very little research, however, has been
conducted on "how PE teachers themselves understand, perceive and address the issue of girls' experiences" in PE (Rich, 2004, p. 216),
especially in regional contexts. In this study, regional refers to an inland town with a population of approximately 40,000.
Many socio-cultural, psychological, and contextual factors affect female students' participation in PE. Factors affecting female students in PE have been shown to relate to
social constructions of gender and gender stereotypes (Cockburn & Clark, 2002; Ennis, 1999; Macdonald, 1990; Rich, 2004; Tinning, 1997; Whitehead, 2008); social

support and influences (from parents, peers and role models; Bauer, Yang, & Austin, 2004; Casey et al., 2009; Coakley, 2006; Dowda et al., 2007; Hall, 2008; Hills, 2007;
McNeill, Kreuter, & Subramanian, 2006; Trost et al., 2003) and; the teaching/classroom environment (e.g., the competitive nature of PE lessons, the teacher; van Daalen,
2005; Dudley Pearson, & Okley, 2006; Larsson, Fagrell, & Redelius, 2009). In addition, female students have reported feelings of embarrassment, low perceived ability,
concerns over body image, lack of interest in the activities being offered and the dominance of boys in class as affecting their involvement in PE (Flintoff & Scraton, 2006;
Wright 1995; Wright & Macdonald, 2010). Finally, the location of the school (i.e., a regional as opposed to a metropolitan setting) can impact female students' engagement
in PE (Casey et al., 2009). With regard to the latter, in rural or inland townships, where the population is lower than metropolitan regions, female students tend to feel
increased embarrassment when they are required to learn a new activity in front of peers that they socialise with or see in the community on a regular basis (Casey et al.,
2009). Furthermore, females in rural and regional settings are typically provided with limited PE activities that tend to comply with gender stereotypes of femininity and
masculinity (Casey et al., 2009). For example, female students are often required to participate in the traditionally feminine sport of netball, whilst the male students
participate in a 'rough and tumble' game of rugby union. Our study will examine regional teachers' perspectives on the factors affecting female students' engagement in PE
and the extent to which these teachers report using strategies to address these identified issues.
Recommended teaching strategies for engaging female students in PE include involving girls in curriculum design (Enright & O'Sullivan, 2010); the use of role models
(Bauer et al., 2004; Coakley, 2006; Dowda et al., 2007; Hall, 2008; Wallhead & Buckworth, 2004); single gender classes (Macdonald, 1990; McCaughtry, 2006; Wright,
1996; 1999) and giving female students a 'voice' and 'choice' in the types of activities offered during a lesson (Azzarito et al., 2006; Fisette, 2008; Flintoff & Scraton, 2001;
Hills, 2007; McMahon, 2007; Oliver, Hamzeh, & McCaughtry, 2009; Prusak et al., 2004). Other reported strategies for combatting gender exclusive practices, promoting
inclusivity and challenging stereotypes include taking the focus away from competition and performance enhancement, such as through adventure PE (Gehris, Kress, &
Swalm, 2010) and emphasising pleasure, cooperation and participation in sport (Dudley et al., 2006; Hills & Croston, 2012; McCaughtry, 2006; Smyth, Hattam, & Lawson,
1998; Tinning, 1997). Finally, increasing PE teachers' awareness of gendered discourses and practices through pre-service teacher training courses, workshops and
professional development days has been identified as an effective step in the process of gender reform in PE (Azzarito et al., 2006; Brown & Rich, 2002; Keay, 2007;
McCaughtry, 2006; Rich, 2004; Wright, 1999; 2001). Our study describes the pedagogical and management strategies that a group of Australian regional PE teachers report
using to determine (a) if they are using any of these recommended strategies, and (b) if traditional notions of gender, femininity and masculinity are being challenged and/or
reproduced through their perspectives and accounts of daily practices. Knowing teachers' perspectives and strategies, and how these social practices break down and/or
reinforce gendered stereotypes, is significant because in order to achieve gender inclusivity in PE it is necessary to raise awareness of areas still in need of improvement
(Brown & Rich, 2002). If gender issues persist in schools, they can have a negative impact on students' experiences of PE.
Methods

This qualitative case study focused on the perspectives and experiences of five PE teachers from a regional high school (Meadow High)
(Note 1.). It uses a single-case study research design, specifically referred to by Yin (2009) as a 'type one' case study. Although the
findings from this case study cannot be generalised to the entire NSW PE teacher population, they highlight the particularities of the PE
staff at one school, which may have implications and provide learning opportunities for other PE teachers in regional areas of Australia
(Stake, 1995). Stake defines an intrinsic case study as "the study of the particularity and complexity of a single case" (1995, p. xi). He

further explains that with such a case study, the intention is not to generalise, but rather to examine in depth the intrinsic uniqueness of
the individual case for its own sake. Consistently, Burns (2002, p. 477) noted that, "the aim [of a case study] has been to understand in
depth one case and not what is generally true for most".
The school and teachers were purposively sampled. Purposive sampling allowed us to meet our research aims via "gaining insight and understanding into a particularly
chosen phenomenon" (Burns, 2002, p. 465). Therefore, the school had to be located in regional NSW, Australia and the participant sample was based on the following
'typical-case-sampling' criteria (Patton, 2002): they were required to be a current teacher of at least one PE class from Years Seven to Ten at Meadow High. There was an
average of 10.2 years of service in the sample.
The case
The school setting
The PE teachers who participated in this study were employed at Meadow High, a Years Seven-Ten catholic co-educational secondary
school in a diocese of regional NSW. The PE department is funded by the Catholic Education Office, which receives additional funding by
the State Government. Meadow High consists of 88 teaching staff, with ten Key Learning Area (KLA) coordinators. The PE department is
managed by a (male) KLA course coordinator who primarily oversees the Personal Development, Health and Physical Education (PDHPE)
subjects and staff.
The school's PE department consists of nine staff members, with five females and four males aged between 26 and 42 years. Within the department there is a (male, Dale)
sports coordinator who is generally responsible for all sporting teams and events. Other staff typically adopted coaching roles for one of the several sporting teams offered
by the school. Within the community where the school is located, physical activity is identified as being important. The town enjoys more than 82.55 hectares of public open
space set aside for active recreation and it has more than 20 sporting fields that are well maintained (Note 2.).
The participants
The participants were one male and four female PE teachers (aged 26 years to 42 years; mean = 34 years) from Meadow High. Three participants had completed their
teacher education degree at a regional university in NSW while two were trained in metropolitan areas. The number of years of teaching experience across the sample
ranged from five to 19. One participant had taught only in Catholic schools, three had taught within both Catholic and Public schools and one had experience with Catholic,
Public and Distance Education schooling. All participants were employed full-time in their current teaching position. Refer to Table 1 for details.
Table 1: Overview of participants
Pseudonym
Dale

Gender
Male

Age
33 years

Teacher
training
Regional NSW

Teaching
experience
11 years

Schooling
systems
Catholic

Natalie

Female

27 years

Regional NSW

Kellie

Female

35 years

Metropolitan NSW

Emma

Female

26 years

Regional NSW

Kimberly

Female

42 years

Metropolitan NSW

5 years
11 years

Catholic and public

Catholic, public and distance education

5 years

Catholic and public

19 years

Catholic and public

Data collection
A semi-structured interview guide approach (Patton, 2002) was used to collect data on teacher demographics, teaching experience,
perceived factors affecting female participation in PE and their pedagogical and management strategies. Follow-up interviews clarified
any uncertainties from the first interview. The interviews averaged 30 minutes, were audio recorded and subsequently transcribed.
Documents which detailed Meadow High school policies, specifically 'No Hat. No Play', 'Uniform Policy' and 'Non-Participation Awards', were collected and reviewed.
These documents were useful in providing a context for the study and verifying any school procedures and policies that were mentioned by participants. Therefore, these
policies provided additional information or contextual details that accompanied interview data (Yin, 2009), as will be discussed in the findings section.
Data analysis
The interview data were analysed through the use of coding and comparison procedures that resulted in the development of themes
(Berg & Latin, 2008; van Manen, 1998). This type of thematic analysis is appropriate for identifying patterns, similarities and differences
emerging from the data (Burns, 2002). The emphasis is on illuminating and representing the multiple perspectives of participants and
developing common themes across participants (Patton, 2002; van Manen, 1998).
Initially we used open coding (also known as inter-coding), "in which the researcher decides on tentative conceptual categories into which the data will be coded" (Berg &
Latin, 2008, p. 253). The initial codes were: school context (SC); factors affecting female participation (FA); and teaching strategies (TS). Next, the data were tabulated
using audit coding which involved "linking the data identified in open coding with the source and context" (Berg & Latin, 2008, p. 253). An example of this coding is shown
in Table 2.
Table 2: Demographic information, perceived FA and TS of participants
Participant

Age

Gender

Years teaching
experience

Employment
and training

Factors
affecting (FA)

Teaching
strategies (TS)

Kellie

35

Female

11 years

Full-time and
metropolitan NSW

Peers;
body image;
self-esteem.

Netball academy;
disciplinary action;
modified scoring.

Finally, axial coding was conducted, which meant "the complete picture, in which events pertaining to the research topic, related topics, implications from research and
description of a proposed conceptual model are tied together" (Berg & Latin, 2008, p. 253). Participant responses and themes were linked to existing literature on social
constructions of gender, peer or parent influence, teaching/classroom environment, the dominance of boys in class and girls' feelings of embarrassment, low perceived ability
and concerns over body image. In doing so, we drew out conceptual relationships across the data, such as the relationship between the teachers' perceptions on factors
affecting female participation and their chosen pedagogical strategies. We also applied theories on the gendered nature of PE and the view that gender is socially constructed
(e.g., Wright, 1995; 1999; 2001) to show how traditional notions of gender, femininity and masculinity were being challenged or reproduced through the teachers'
perspectives and accounts of their everyday practices. In support of this approach to analysis, Burns (2002) noted that there are three stages to coding, and that coding often
requires reviewing data in light of the literature in order to identify and interpret emerging themes.
There were a number of themes developed from data analysis. Firstly, four common perceived factors affecting female participation in PE were: the peer group; body image;
role modelling; and the competitive nature of PE classes. Secondly, four key teaching strategies aimed to engage females in PE were: modified scoring in mixed gender
activities, single gender classes, school policies and extra-curricular activities. Individual teachers also described allowing for student choice and taking the focus away from
competition, but not all teachers used these latter approaches.
Findings and discussion

The discussion of findings will initially provide a brief overview of the teachers' perspectives on the key factors affecting female
participation in PE. Next we will describe the teaching strategies they reported using to address female participation in their classes and
show how these teachers' accounts of their practices were shaped by their (primarily gendered) perspectives on this issue.
Teachers' perceived factors affecting female student participation in PE
The peer group
Three teachers said the peer group was the most influential factor affecting female participation in PE. Kellie explained that some female
students divert other females away from participation:
I think there is a group of girls in every year group that believe it's too uncool to participate. They've got other interests outside of school,
and they pursue those and encourage others that it's not good to participate in PE. (11 years teaching experience)
Emma felt that the way females tend to act with their peers contributes to their limited interest in PE: "the socialising nature of girls,
they'll stand in the back of a court or a field or they'll just stand in a group and talk if you allow them to do that," (5 years teaching

experience). In addition, Natalie explained that many female students feel uncomfortable participating in front of their peer group or
friends:
I think the main factor is being embarrassed to put themselves out there in front of their friends. I think a lot of girls at school just follow
what their friends are doing. If their friends don't have a go, I think a lot of girls are shy, and don't participate ... (5 years teaching
experience)
Casey et al. (2009) noted that feelings of embarrassment are often heightened for students in rural and regional areas because they are
typically required to participate in new activities in front of peers they socialise with on a regular basis.
More specifically, Dale, the only male in the sample, noted the impact of mixed-gender learning environments when he said, "you have got the male-female ideals... they
[female students] don't want to be shamed in front of males". Dale further explained that sport is often described as a masculine activity that male students typically want to
be involved in, while some female students may feel that their femininity is challenged when placed in a physically competitive context. On the other hand, Kimberly (19
years teaching experience) acknowledged that there are some girls who are "sporty" and "get in and have a go". However, she explained that there are also many "girls on
the sideline who socially are more chatty... [and who] will just sit there and cheer on the boyfriend rather than be involved".
In summary, the teachers tended to view most females as 'naturally' passive, more social, easily influenced by their friends and less interested in PE than males. In other
words, they seem to make sense of their students by only applying narrow notions of femininity and masculinity (Wright, 2001).
Body image
Teachers acknowledged that female students' perception of their body image, including their physical self and self-esteem, affected their participation in PE. Kellie
explained:
I think body image has a lot to do with it... you always get more participation amongst younger female students, like especially Year 7,
Year 8, they love getting out there and getting active. But once they sort of hit puberty, that enthusiasm sort of tapers. (11 years
teaching experience)
Natalie identified body issues that affect a minority of female students, such as being overweight, "bigger girls would be more selfconscious of their body image, feeling embarrassed" (5 years teaching experience). Emma highlighted that these feelings of
embarrassment or uncertainty can be heightened in specific curriculum requirements such as aquatics: "I think for the girls, particularly
swimming and those sorts of sports, where they're self-conscious [it negatively affects female participation]". Here, the teachers are
acknowledging the issues young women face when living in a society and time which constructs the ideal female body in terms of
slimness and fitness (Wright, 1999). Studies have shown that girls' feelings of embarrassment, low perceived ability and concerns over

body image are associated with cultural expectations of femininity and ultimately affect their involvement in PE (Flintoff & Scraton, 2006;
Wright 1995; Wright & Macdonald, 2010).
Role modelling
Role modelling, from both the PE teacher and students' parents, was seen by the teachers as a factor affecting female participation in PE and physical activity in general. For
example, Kellie said, "Family. Some are to do with family values. That's going to influence whether or not their child is going to be active or inactive, I think," (11 years
teaching experience). Kellie explained:
... parents need to try and encourage girls to be more active and less concerned about their overall body image, and try and encourage
them to be more positive within themselves, and in doing that, exercise and being active is probably one tool they can go and improve
their feelings for themselves. (11 years teaching experience)
In contrast to the findings in the previous theme on body image, if female students have positive perceptions of themselves, and if this
perception is reinforced by their parents, then they may be more likely to actively participate in PE. Bauer et al. (2008) noted that, to an
extent, participation levels in PE are based on parental encouragement and support. If parents are creating a positive environment where
physical activity is encouraged, then female students may be more likely to continue those patterns within PE (Coakley, 2006; Dowda et
al., 2007; Hall, 2008; Wright, 1999).
In addition, Kimberly placed a large amount of responsibility with the PE teacher in regard to affecting female participation:
I think it's the role model of your teacher too ... if you're encouraging them, that they don't have to be the best, but to get in and have a
go ... So I think if you've got a teacher that's encouraging that... then they [females] will involve themselves a lot more. (19 years
teaching experience)
Kimberly explained the importance of the teacher creating an environment for female students to focus on 'doing your best' rather than
competing against others. This strategy of taking the focus away from competition has been identified in the literature as an effective
strategy for disrupting the gendered nature of PE and encouraging pleasure, cooperation and participation among females in PE
(McCaughtry, 2006; Smyth et al., 1998; Tinning, 1997).
The competitive nature of PE
Teachers viewed the emphasis on competitive sport and performance-based activities in PE and the competitiveness of boys in co-educational contexts as negatively
affecting female student participation. Natalie explained her experience of this situation:
The competitive nature of the mixed classes, having boys and girls in the class, the boys are really competitive, I guess, and that puts the
girls off participating. And the boys being quite rough too. (5 years teaching experience)

Emma added, "I think the boys limit [female participation] that would be my number one factor, the boys are very overbearing... [the
boys] overtake because they're very skilled and they tend to hog [the games/balls/play]". Both Emma and Natalie believed that the boys
were naturally more skilful, stronger and more competent than females.
Like the teachers in research by Larsson et al., the teachers of Meadow High were clearly aware of the dominance of some boys in mixed-gender PE classes, but they
regarded this dominance "as something normal or natural, and ... something to be managed rather than challenged" (2009, p. 14). The two most prominent strategies that
Meadow High teachers said they used to 'manage' issues of male dominance and females' lack of engagement in PE were modified scoring in mixed gender activities and
single gender classes, as described below. Other common strategies included the use of school policies to gain parental support and extra-curricular activities to address the
peer group factor identified above.
Teaching strategies to address female participation in PE
Modified scoring in mixed gender activities
All of the teachers claimed that they modified the scoring values and participation rules for female students when playing games with
male students. This usually involved increasing the value of the goal/try for female students and requiring them to either score or be
involved in the pre-scoring play. Dale explained how this approach worked in a game of touch football:
...boys score first, girls have to score next, or for girls it's worth five points per try, for boys one point. So the idea is they're [the girls are]
to participate, all girls have to touch the ball in the lead up to scoring. So it gets them involved that way. The boys have to involve them.
(11 years teaching experience)
This particular strategy aimed to ensure that the assumed skilfulness and competitiveness of male students was (somewhat) controlled
(Casey et al., 2009). At the same time, this strategy reinforces the notion that females are 'naturally' inferior to males on the sporting
field and does little to challenge gender stereotypes (Wright, 1999). However, Emma, the youngest teacher in the sample, with the least
amount of experience, showed some resistance to this dominant practice:
... it's a touchy subject because I don't necessarily agree with making rules like two points for a girl's try. A lot of people use that to
encourage but I think that's very demeaning and I think if we're going to make females and males equal on the sporting field I don't think
... it sort of defeats the purpose, saying, "Okay we're going to make girls worth double". So I don't tend to use that strategy very much. (5
years teaching experience)
Emma felt that having different activities within the PE lesson, specifically having skill-based activities for female students, allowed them
a choice in different types of non-competitive activities. Research has shown that female students may be more willing to participate in
PE if they are involved in co-creating the curriculum because they will select activities that they enjoy (Azzarito et al., 2006; Enright &
O'Sullivan, 2010; Fisette, 2008; Flintoff & Scraton, 2001; Hills, 2007; McMahon, 2007; Oliver et al., 2009; Prusak et al., 2004).

Single gender classes

All the teachers agreed that the use of single gender classes for certain activities was the most effective strategy when trying to encourage female students to actively
participate in PE. For example, Kellie suggested that "definitely the segregation, yeah, between classes, so having all boys groups and all girls groups. I think that really
works effectively" (11 years teaching experience). Kimberly explained that she believes this strategy is useful because female students are not subjected to the pressure of
performing in front of their male peers:
Most of the time I have only got females so there's no pressure I guess with the guys. They're not feeling as though the guys are
watching them, so they want to be involved. (19 years teaching experience)
This strategy seems to address the body image factor identified by the teachers in this study. This finding has heightened significance in
a regional context given that Casey et al. (2009) found that students in regional towns feel embarrassed performing in front of people
they see in the community on a daily basis. Van Daalen (2005) and Wright (1999) explained that single gender classrooms often
counteract the identified factors of females' embarrassment and unwillingness to participate, because they no longer feel self-conscious
in front of their male peers.
On the other hand, Kimberly highlighted that single gender classes are not always possible: "... but there are times when we try to cross it so that they get used to mixing
with the other gender as well" (19 years teaching experience). Kimberly also discussed the influence of peers on female participation and the benefits of allowing positive
interactions to develop between students in co-educational PE classes. She believed, "If you allow them to be in friendship groups for most things, they'll have a go" (19
years teaching experience). Wright (1999), and more recently, Hills and Croston (2012), examined opportunities for facilitating positive interactions between male and
female students in mixed gender PE settings. Specifically, if students feel comfortable with and supported by their male and female peers then they may be more likely to
participate in PE activities and have an enjoyable experience (Casey et al., 2009; Dudley et al., 2006; Hills & Croston, 2012; Wright, 1999).
School policies
Teachers also reported using school-wide policies to manage female participation in PE. Kellie explained the use of the 'Non-Participation Award' policy:
If they [the student] are always sitting out, they'll get the faculty detention, they'll get a formal letter sent home, which describes how
their child or children are being [inactive] active at school, especially in PE. And then a non-participation award if that continued ... which
I have not seen yet being implemented, so it hasn't gotten to that extent. Usually your letter sent home pretty much pulls them into line
and they try to participate more. (11 years teaching experience)
This strategy is essentially a form of punishment, which has been introduced by the NSW Board of Studies (2003), in an effort to ensure
students are actively participating in required school activities. This strategy is attempting to get the parents on board, which can play a
large role in addressing female participation in both PE and physical activity (Bauer et al., 2004; Dowda et al., 2007; Wallhead &
Buckworth, 2004). Such policies also present issues, as described below.

The other two policies enacted at Meadow High have to do with uniform, including 'No Hat. No Play' and the 'Uniform Policy'. These policies require students to have
correct footwear, sports uniform and hat (during summer) before they can participate in PE. While teachers noted the importance of these policies, teachers raised a number
of specific issues in relation to their effectiveness, particularly Emma:
I'm totally for the uniform policy ... it's really good in theory. When it doesn't work is when females come to school in the wrong uniform
because they don't want to participate. So basically it feeds that behaviour ... we don't have a teacher to take care of them so they get to
sit around the hall with their mobile phones and their friends. If they don't bring a hat, which they rarely do because of their hair issue,
they get to sit under the veranda on a very hot day and not participate. So I don't know how effective those strategies are. (5 years
teaching experience)
Although attempting to address students' non-participation in PE, these types of school policies do not tackle the underlying factors
affecting female participation (Wright, 1999). Also, the uniform policies can potentially reinforce non-participation because students who
do not want to participate simply do not wear a hat or correct uniform. Furthermore, when teachers were asked if they were aware of any
Department of Education and Training/Communities or NSW Institute of Teaching documents that were available to assist them in
identifying possible strategies to enhance female participation all of them said that they did not use these or were not aware of such
policies.
Extra-curricular activities
A final strategy that seemed unique to regional areas was the use of extra-curricular activities to engage females in physical activity both inside and outside the school
environment. Kimberly explained:
Extra-curricular activities where you're trying to encourage a lot more girls to start a soccer team next year. Triathlons we're encouraging
the girls in the triathlons a lot more. The participation level is really high with girls. Has been this year ... volleyball, we've got an all girls'
volleyball team, which is started to grow again and now the girls to encourage health and fitness, they've started a cheerleading team.
(19 years experience)
This context appears to hold potential for breaking down stereotypes about the types of sports females participate in because soccer and
triathlon are not traditional female sports. Although cheerleading (above) and netball (below) are associated with narrow notions of
femininity, in this case, female students are choosing to take part in these activities to be with their friends and for health reasons.
The school's netball program was another option for girls:

We have this netball academy which is available to all students, even if they don't make the school's team, just to come along on
Wednesday afternoon. And we usually get quite a few, especially in the opening weeks of it. And that works really well. (Kellie, 11 years
teaching experience)
Not only does the netball academy increase the opportunities for female participation, it provides female students space to be with their
friends, and in some instances, without males. If students in regional and rural areas have positive relationships in extra-curricular
physical activities with their peers, then they may be more likely to participate in PE (Casey et al., 2009). More research is needed to
determine whether female students in regional areas are affected by outside social influences and extra-curricular activities more so than
students in urban areas and how these activities may work to break down stereotypes of gender-appropriate sports for girls.
Conclusions and recommendations

The discussion of findings showed how the strategies teachers reported using were primarily embedded in (and reproduced) stereotypes
of gender; however potential areas for challenging these stereotypes were identified by a couple of the teachers. Overall, teachers did
not discuss involving girls in curriculum design, the use of alternative practices, such as adventure PE, nor involvement in any
professional development activities asking them to reflect on their practices, despite these strategies being identified in the literature as
effective in engaging females in PE and breaking down gender stereotypes (Azzarito et al., 2006; Brown & Rich, 2002; Enright &
O'Sullivan, 2010; Gehris et al., 2010; Keay, 2007; McCaughtry, 2006; Rich, 2004; Wright, 1999; 2001). Therefore, the findings of our study
support the view that gender issues in PE remain in some schools, despite advances in PE research and curriculum design. Our findings
highlight the need for policies and programs aimed at supporting PE teachers to implement gender-sensitive strategies in their daily
practice.
The most common strategies the teachers reported using were shaped by their individual views on the factors affecting female participation. For example, single gender
classes were used to address the 'body image' factor, modified scoring was practised to address 'the competitive nature of PE' and extra-curricular activities were used in
response to the identified influence of 'the peer group'. However, in general, the teachers' perspectives on the factors affecting female participation were 'gendered', which
was also reflected in the strategies they reported using. In particular, the teachers' perspective of boys as naturally physically powerful and dominant in PE and girls as
naturally physically inferior and submissive resulted in accounts of teaching strategies that reproduce narrow social constructions of gender, such as modified scoring.
Therefore, as was found in research by Larsson et al. (2009, p. 14), "the problem is not the awareness [of gender issues] among the teachers, but the way the teachers are
inclined to interpret the dominance [of some students] and what strategies they use (and do not use) to deal with it."
How teachers organise their classes and their choices of activities has the potential to construct, reproduce or challenge assumptions based on gender (Wright, 1995; 2001).
In our study, Emma was the only teacher to question the modified scoring approach, which highlights that local sites of resistance are possible. Two teachers also described
allowing for student choice and taking the focus away from competition through skilled-based activities, but these approaches (which challenged the gendered nature of PE)
were not reported by all teachers. In general, the strategies teachers said they adopted were primarily about managing, rather than challenging, gendered constructions in PE.

Whilst it is acknowledged that the teachers in this study were attempting to implement strategies, management procedures and policies to encourage female participation,
they were not effectively addressing the underlying gender issues embedded in their practice, which can have a negative impact on students' experiences of PE. Although
these findings are not a representation of all NSW regional PE teachers, the findings highlight that gender issues, which were identified by Wright (1999) over a decade ago,
remain unchallenged in some schools. Notably, the reasons given for the lack of engagement in PE among females in this study may not be as relevant to those students
living in metropolitan areas. Therefore, it is necessary for rural or regional PE teachers, schools and government departments to develop appropriate pedagogical strategies
to counteract identified location-specific issues (Casey et al., 2009).
Given the limited sample size in the current study, more research is needed with larger, more diverse samples. Having a limited breadth within the sample can result in the
under or over representation of specific views or opinions (Patton, 2002). For example, there was only one male participant in our study. Nevertheless, it was found that
much of what he said was consistent with the females in this study. Another limitation was that we did not have direct access to the teachers' everyday practices. Further
research could involve observations of teaching practices and interviews with observed teachers so that comparisons can be made between what teachers say about their
teaching approaches and what they do when teaching. Having said that, such an approach would need to be handled with care, particularly in regional contexts with small
populations, because some teachers may feel that they are under surveillance. For instance, in our study a couple of participants raised questions about potential
consequences. One asked what would happen if they were found not to be doing anything to increase female participation. Another participant expressed concern that they
may not know the correct answer to a question. Although our institution ethically approved our study and we followed ethical procedures with all participants, such as
explaining notions of confidentiality, freedom to withdraw without consequence, that there were no 'right or wrong' answers and informed consent to be audio recorded,
these occurrences highlight that female participation in PE is a sensitive issue for some teachers. Some of these participants may have refrained from expressing their ideas
or opinions for fear of being scrutinised. If observations were also conducted, further concerns may have been raised. Researchers need to negotiate these potential ethical
and methodological dilemmas when attempting to observe and interview PE teachers.
It is also important to recognise that teachers work in a context of competing demands on their time, established practices and conflicting priorities (Green, 1998; Wright,
2001). Implementing inclusive and gender sensitive classes is challenging, particularly if there is a resistance to change at the department and school levels (McCaughtry,
2006; Webb & Macdonald, 2007; Wright, 1999). In the context of gender issues, both Wright (1999) and McCaughtry (2006) have drawn our attention to the struggles
teachers face when trying to implement alternative practices in PE that resist the dominant culture. While not focussing on gender issues per se, Green's work on PE teacher
biographies, philosophies and practice in the United Kingdom (note 4) highlights the disconnect between 'PE theory' and the practical constraints, contextual pressures and
day-to-day realities of teaching PE in schools, such as curriculum requirements, timetabling issues and behavioural management.
Green (1998; 2000; 2002) uses the sociology of knowledge to examine the relationship between what PE teachers claim and the contextual, relational and dispositional
circumstances of the teacher making these claims. If this approach is applied to understand PE teachers' perspectives on female students' engagement in PE, the focus is on
how and why particular ideas about gender and PE come to be dominant at a particular point in time and how and why these ideas may change. For instance, the content of
teacher education programs and the professional development of PE teachers in Australia privileges certain ways of knowing and doing, such as those related to dominant
masculinities and femininities, and marginalises others (Tinning, 2004). Tinning (2002) acknowledges the inherent complexities and difficulties when expecting teachers to

enact a curriculum that is embedded in a socially critical perspective. Therefore, we recommend that future studies apply the work of Green and Tinning to help explain the
gender issues and everyday practical constraints on PE teachers that were raised in our study.
Finally, keeping the above challenges in mind, teachers require professional support and changes in policy and school practices if they are to achieve gender reform in PE.
The kinds of support, practices and policies we believe might be useful in this regard include the implementation of a community development approach on gender
inclusivity for all PE teachers to help cultural change at the individual school level. The NSW Syllabus for Years 7-10 Personal Development, Health and Physical Education
held "a great deal of potential for a gender-inclusive approach which challenges narrow constructions of gender differences" (Wright, 1999, p. 192) and the development of
an Australian Health and PE curriculum offers new opportunities for revisions regarding gender diversity, social justice and inclusivity in sport and PE, as well as health.
Therefore, we argue that funding for critical sociological research and professional development activities aimed at gender sensitivity in PE need to be put back on the
agenda of the NSW DEC to support teachers, particularly in regional areas.
Endnotes

1. Pseudonyms have been used for the school and the teachers.
2. Information was gathered from the town's Information Centre website and from speaking with local individuals. Citing these sources
would impact on the anonymity of the teachers and the school.
3. Pill (2011, p. 4) explains that the Games Sense model is more commonly identified as 'Teaching Games for Understanding' (TGfU) in
the northern hemisphere.
4. In the United Kingdom physical education is separated from health education, whereas in Australia they are not (Tinning, 2004).
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Authors: Brooke Murphy is a high school physical education teacher. She completed her honours degree in Health and Physical Education at Charles Sturt University,
Bathurst.
Dr Rylee A. Dionigi is a senior lecturer in the School of Human Movement Studies at Charles Sturt University. She has published widely in sport sociology, leisure
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Education.
Email: rdionigi@csu.edu.au
Dr Chelsea Litchfield is a lecturer with the School of Human Movement Studies at Charles Sturt University. Chelsea's research interests lie in sport and gender, sport
and sexuality and the relationship between sport and media. Her doctoral thesis explored the culture of safe and affirming spaces in women's team sports in
Melbourne.
Email: clitchfield@csu.edu.au
Please cite as: Murphy, B., Dionigi, R. A. & Litchfield, C. (2014). Physical education and female participation: A case study of teachers' perspectives and
strategies. Issues in Educational Research, 24(3), 241-259. http://www.iier.org.au/iier24/murphy.html

http://www.iier.org.au/iier24/murphy.html

SCOTT BULL'S
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GENDER ISSUES IN PHYSICAL EDUCATION

"GIRLS JUST CANNOT COMPETE HERE": HEGEMONIC MASCULINITY AND
EMPHASIZED FEMININITY IN SPORT EDUCATION
Abstract
90% of females in secondary school prefer to participate in single sex sports education if given the opportunity, which is on a large part a result of hegemonic masculinity and
emphasized femininity influencing the accepted behaviors or traits for your gender.
Even more surprising is the idea that through the medium of sports education, educators are
re-enforcing this inequality, where as the core underpinning of this model is to promote participation in physical activity regardless of gender or ability. However by
splitting
both genders, at least most of the barriers to participation can be removed and even increase the learning efficiency of the participants without causing an internal conflict of values;
for if girls are choosing not to be active in co-education classes because
of the environment, are we then truly able to meet the goals of educating physically active young adults?
Rationale

The rationale behind this study is to build on existing studies of gender stereotyping in traditional physical education and progress the theories into the more modern model of sport
education, with the major focus surrounding the question of How does hegemonic masculinity and emphasized femininity influence participation in sports education? However during
the research process and discussion with colleagues, little evidence of any work can be attributed to viewing the effectiveness of sport education in tackling hegemonic masculinity and
emphasized femininity on a community level.
Literature review
Hegemonic masculinity and the contrasting emphasized femininity, which is more commonly known as gender stereotypes (i.e. the macho man and the compliant woman) permeate the
much of western society, from vocational pursuits and leisure practices which dictate socially accepted practices (Donaldson, 1993, Connell & Messerschmitt, 2005 & Kelly, Pomerantz
& Currie, 2005) Connecting with this is a study on middle childhood physical activities by Evaldsson (2003) found that although children were being physically active, each gender
prefers to engage in play (that being semi-structured without a defined end product or goal) though different means; with boys conducting overly physical and competitive activities,
such as football or play fighting and girls engaging in more controlled turn taking body movements.
Evaldsson (2003) then progresses to suggest the play of two or four square as a cross gender medium for physical activity, consisting of both the competitive and turn taking attributes.
However the games tended to breakdown down because the girls started challenging and parodying gender stereotypes; and they assumed varied stances such as girls slamming and
boys failing (Evaldsson, 2003: pp. 477) This breakdown is evident that hegemonic masculinity and emphasized femininity is established very early in a child life as the boys were the
ones who discontinued participation on the grounds of the girls playing.
Progressing to the second aspect, the sports education model was first coined by Siedentop over 30 years ago, as a counter model to the traditional physical education models of the
day with the main ideal to increase participation rates and to effectively create physically literate citizens by focusing in depth on one or two sports (Siedentop 2002). The structure
being that:
Sport Education strives to contribute to a sport culture that maximizes opportunities for participation in a "sane," "sound," and "humane" manner; to ensure that all levels of sport
involvement are designed to benefit the participants involved; and to ensure that opportunities for sport participation are not limited by race, gender, socioeconomic status, age, or
disability (Siedentop 1994, pp. 5 as cited in Brock & Hastie 2007, pp.11 Siedentop 2002)
This is in contrast to physical education, where the main objective was to expose students to a multitude of sports at a surface level in an attempt to spark interest for students to
engage in out of school hours physical activity, however this approach tends to be inefficient(Siedentop 2002; Luke & Sinclair 1991); as physical activity participation rates drop off in
middle adolescence perhaps due to students lacking class time self exploration and meaning making through movement (Brown, 2008)
In retrospect the sports education has been hailed by many researchers as a more effective model to address the multiple issues which plague traditional physical education, due to the
emphasis on students focusing on group learning and performing functional roles such as coaching/officiating & analyzing etc. Researchers such as Brown, 2008; Brock & Hastie 2007;
Kirk 2006; Siedentop 2002 & Kinchin 2001 all advocate for physical education to be overhauled, replaced instead with a more learner central curricula such as the sport education
model to address growing social problems, however disparity would still exist between the educational goals and educational outcomes as long as gender roles are emphasised by
society.
Unfortunately more research is in order to bring together the concept of hegemonic masculinity and the emphasised femininity with modern forms of the Sport Education model as

ethnographic studies are yet to be published in the academic community.

The study approach
A total of 120 students individually completed the questionnaire, 90 in single-sex physical education classes and 30 in coeducation classes. Students in this study were limited to grade
9 through 10, and ranged in ages from 14 to 16 years. Each volunteer student was asked a series of likert scales, multiple choice and semi-structured, open-ended questions about
their personal experiences in physical education classes through a questionnaire(see Appendices, attachment two). This double sided questionnaire was conducted prior and after
exposure to the opposing grouping in physical education. Also observations were taken during the sessions by both the researcher and the supervising teacher as to ascertain
underlying key themes with inhabit the learning environment. Two single sex sport education classes were trialed as Co-ed and one Co-ed sports education class was trialed as single
sex for a period of Five days, with 3 schools being used in this study, as to try to gain comparison data.
School Comparisons
All three schools are situated in leafy surrounds of the south-eastern suburbs of Melbourne within a radius of approximately 15 km, drawing on a relative proportion of girls/boys in their
student populations.

Fairview high, a large non-government co-educational secondary school which offers single sex sports education classes, with over 1100 students currently enrolled (486
Girls/646 Boys)

Eden Secondary is a large co-educational government school with over 2000 students currently enrolled (922 girls/1024 boys) which offers single sex sports education classes

Navaro College is a large co-educational government school consisting of 1291 students (619 girls/ 672 boys) which offers Co-ed sports education.

For the purposes of analysis, all questionnaires were coded after collection with their gender (Male/Female), original gender grouping (Single/Mixed) with the questionnaire number (i.e.
FS12 means female, single sex, number 12). At no time were names collected in order to identify individual students.
Results & Discussion
After analyzing all the questionnaires and observations, three key themes emerge:
1.

Girls prefer single sex sport education classes

Firstly female students in all schools showed increased preference for single sex classes (see appendices, attachment 1), which can be attributed to these concepts of effects of
hegemonic masculinity and emphasized femininity. This is based around results gathered from returned questionnaires, with the greatest indication being that males dominate to

lesson. For example SF15 comments that boys tend to pass to boys, as they think girls arent good at sport and stuff also MM13 comments that if you pass to a girl and they stuff up,
it looks bad on you because its your fault and the guys go off at you! Both suggest that the dominant culture expressed during sports education is remarkably similar to traditional
physical education.
Various respondents comment on females and fat kids being intimidated by the more athletic boys physical size and strength, paired with a competitive and aggressive playing style in
both mixed and single sex groupings. A key response from MF5, where she comments that The boys just dominate the ball, they are too aggressive when playing with their friends,
they just need to back off a bit, you know?
Another key reason why females have a preference for single sex sport education is the impact of "looking good". Numerous girls reported that they do not like being looked at by boys
during physical activity and consequentially in their sports attire, with the main complaint being of feeling hot and sweaty, I just feel disgusting because sometimes my face is a total
mess! Upon conferring with the supervising educators, all three agreed there is far too much emphasis on girls to look neat and presented, as in to avoid embarrassment for the
opposite sex. The education staff also suggested that a major contributor to this is the rapid psychological and physiological changes during this stage of life, with the most significant
being the onset of menstruation.
After presenting the follow up questionnaire, with the added short answer question asking participants to provide the number one reason for not participating, 53% of females stated that
they would withdraw from co-ed sport education for the above reason if given the choice. Many girls mentioned that co-ed physical education was fine in primary school, as both the
boys and girls developed the same but now that they are older and their bodies are developing, many would prefer a more comfortable environment to learn and engage in physical
activity.
It is necessary to address again the variables that students are facing during their middle school years and because of these factors, most girls would rather be in classes that do not
include boys. Teachers also mentioned they were able to teach more to students when their classes were separated and that girls' levels of participation were higher. Comments
concerning single-sex environments made by female students stressed the importance of an environment that was more conducive to their immediate learning styles and needs. The
students and teachers alluded to an environment where female students felt safe, in terms of their physicality and body image
Impact of single sex sport education
Many girls commented that they were engaged in game play more when just playing with girls rather than with the boys. The girls were able to challenge themselves both physically and
mentally, as the lesson became less competitive and more about learning the game play skills. This may be attributed to the females increased self reporting of enjoyment and self
esteem by playing to their ability rather than merely keeping up. Also by utilising the sport education model, girls were able to take leadership roles which were normally dominated by
the boys, also the girls were able to utilise their existing supportive networks to provide support rather than criticism; which also adds to their perceived sporting competence (Schippers,
2007),
However the same could not be reported with the boys, as the previous dominant players were pooled with dominant players from the other class, recreating a similar environment of
the athletic ethic but the target of criticism shifted towards the expanded pool of less athletic opponents, suggesting that the problem in this use of the sport education model was the
competitive ethic rather than the overall ability levels of the group.
Impact of co-educational sport education

The impact of this use of gender grouping was immediate and swift, within the first hour of the lesson, the females had already limited their participation in roles and the direct game
plays if a male was there, even though boys did not intentionally attempt to intimidate girls within the sport education classes, they actually did, through their interaction and play styles
as well as their open displays of strength and power. These displays caused many girls to gradually withdraw from the activities complaining of injury or a special reasons, which in
both the female supervisors and the researcher minds to be highly questionable due to 65% of female participants to withdraw during the first 75 minute class, in fact, some girls chose
not to participate fully in the four sequential lessons.
Perhaps this could be attributed to on average girls do not engage in out of school hours physical activity and therefore need time to learn and experience physical activity to match the
males. Many commented on the playing styles of boys, mentioning that boys play a "different type of game." Girls seemed to be interested in learning the correct way to play, including
skill development and game strategy, whereas boys did not want to practice skills or lead-up activities prior to playing games.
2.

Gender roles influence student participation

Hegemonic Masculinity and emphasised femininity double edged sword, the idea of playing like a girl stems from gender exclusion by the institution in early childhood which is
perpetuated by the social conditioning of teachers, parents and peers. (Evaldsson, 2003) which is only perpetuated in middle schooling physical education (Kelly Pomerantz & Currie
2005 & Gabbei, 2004) This was observed even during single sex sports education, where a group of more athletic boys discriminated against a potential teammate by commenting that
he is better playing with the girls, hes slow and fat; he doesnt even play like a girl, hes worse
Slow fat hes worse indicate a key failure in what the sports education model aimed to achieve, that being and to ensure that opportunities for sport participation are not limited by
race, gender, socioeconomic status, age, or disability (Siedentop 2002, Siedentop, 1994, pp. 5 as cited in Brock & Hastie 2007, pp.11) This is based around the concept
of disability meaning A disadvantage or deficiency, especially a physical or mental impairment that interferes with or prevents normal achievement in a particular area .(American
Heritage Dictionary, 2011) However vital insights into comments made to the other female participants were constant through both mixed and single sex classes, including critical
remarks made by boys. SF3 expressed her displeasure with boys' verbal comments during her sports education class: "I hate P.E, a lot of times we are running around doing sports, we
are not as strong or fast as them but its the put downs that really get to me, like the boys letting us have free shots because they know we would miss.
However approximately ten percent of female students opted towards co-education in sports education, with the boys seen as more of a challenge for their level of aggression and
athleticism. Coincidently the majority of these females also rated self perceptions of their athletic ability, expressing confidence in their abilities. Strangely not one of these students
returned any mention of being discriminated or teased about their playing ability, but one did mention the comment from a male participant why dont you play like a girl? to which she
responded I am! This coincides with Brock & Hastie (2007) and Kinchin (2001) whom all highlight the importance of females challenging egotistical preconceptions in sport in order to
enact social change.
3.

The teachers approach to an activity influences participation

Thirdly and most surprising is that through observations and respondent results is that the educator also perpetuates hegemonic masculinity by giving free passes to girls if a male
was contesting the ball, introducing special rules such as double points for girls or boys cant challenge girls for possession, but girls can challenge guys. This approach is
problematic to female participation, undermining their self perceptions by creating a self fulfilling prophesy (Schippers, 2007 & Kelly, Pomerantz & Currie 2005). This in itself proposes
another avenue for the concept of males being too good for girls!

Conclusion
In conclusion it is apparent from this study, that many girls do not find co-educational sport education classes appealing to their learning styles or immediate needs. Many, in fact, find it
to be a very unpleasant experience, which prompts the need for further research into teacher effectiveness and the promotion of unisex sporting ethics and values.
References
Brock, S. and Hastie, P.A. (2007) Student conceptions of fair play in sport education,

ACHPER Healthy Lifestyles Journal, Vol.54, No.1, pp.11-16

Brown, T. D.(2008), Movement and meaning making in physical education, ACHPER Healthy
Connell, R. W. & Messerschmidt J.W. (2005) Hegemonic Masculinity: Rethinking the

Lifestyles Journal Vol.55, No.3, pp. 5 -8

Concept, Journal of Gender and Society, Vol. 19, No. 6, pp. 829-859

Donaldson, M, (1993), What Is Hegemonic Masculinity?, Theory and Society, Special Issue:

Masculinities, Vol.22, No.5, pp.643-657.

Evaldsson A.C (2003). Throwing Like A Girl: Situating gender differences in physicality across game contexts, Childhood, Vol. 10, No.4, pp. 475497
Gabbei, R. (2004), Achieving Balance: Secondary Physical Education Gender-Grouping Options Journal of Physical Education, Recreation & Dance, Vol.75, No.3, pg. 33-39
Hannon, J. C. & Ratliffe, T. (2005) Physical Activity Levels in Coeducational and Single Gender
Education,
Vol.24, pp.149-164

High School Physical Education Settings, Journal of Teaching in Physical

Hannon, J. C. & Williams, S. M. (2008) Should Secondary Physical Education Be Coeducational or Single-Sex?, Journal of Physical Education, Recreation & Dance, Vol. 79, No. 2,
pp. 6 - 55
Kelly, D. M. Pomerantz, S. & Currie, D. (2005) Skater girlhood and emphasized femininity:
pp.129148

you cant land an Ollie properly in heels Gender and Education, Vol. 17, No. 3,

Kinchin, G.D. (2001) A High Skilled Pupils Experiences with Sport Education. The ACHPER

Healthy Lifestyles Journal, Vol. 48 No.3, pp.5-9.

Kirk, D. (2006) Sport Education, Critical Pedagogy and Learning Theory: Toward an Intrinsic

Justification for Physical Education and Youth Sport, Quest, Vol. 58, pp. 255-264

Luke M. D. & Sinclair G D. (1991) Gender Differences in Adolescents' Attitudes Toward School

Physical Education, Journal Of Teaching In Physical Education, Vol.11, pp.31-46

Schippers, M (2007), Recovering the feminine other: masculinity, femininity and gender hegemony, Journal of Theory and Society, Vol. 36, pp.85102
Siedentop, D. (2002), Sport Education: A Retrospective, Journal of teaching in Physical Education, Vol. 21, pp. 409-419

Appendices
Attachment 1 Individual Survey
(The following is a summarised version of the survey conducted during the research process)
Thank you for participating, the information contained in this document is vital into the studying of participation trends in secondary education. The data is to be used in formulating a
minor research study for my 3rd year level inquiry topic for EDF3008-Educational Research at Monash University; focusing on the question of How does hegemonic masculinity and
emphasised femininity influence participation in sports education?
At no time are you to record your name or any details in which you can be identified and you are welcome to view the completed research document before submission. Also the
collected questionnaires will be destroyed after submission of the research. Have a nice day!
Gender M/F

Survey No.___

The following is a set of likert scales (Key: 1-strongly disagree, 2- Disagree, 3-Im in the middle, 4-Agree & 5 Strongly agree)
I enjoy P.E
1
2

I feel good when participating in P.E

1

P.E is important in keeping fit

1
2
3
4

I want to play sport or do physical activity outside of class

1

I want to participate in P.E when asked

1
2
3
4
5

Extension question- Why do you feel this way?

Co-education classes are important for P.E
1

I treat the opposite sex fairly in P.E

1

Extension question- Why do you feel this way?

I feel valued in P.E
1

The teacher encourages my participation in class

1

Extension question- Why do you feel this way?

The teacher treats everyone equally (such as rules, game play, and class time)
1

Extension question- Why do you feel this way?

Thank you for completing this survey
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Gender Bias in Teaching

By Kathryn Scantlebury
Updated on Dec 23, 2009

GENDER BIAS IN TEACHERS

Download Article
PEDAGOGICAL CHOICES AND ASSESSMENT PRACTICES
EFFECTS OF GENDER BIAS
REDUCING GENDER BIAS
A common response from teachers when asked about gender inequity in classrooms is that they treat all their students the same. There are two problems with this statement. First, students are
diverse and have different learning issues, thus treating all students in the same way means that some students will have a better learning experience than their peers. Second, teachers may be
ignoring their unconscious gender biases towards their students, their schools and themselves. If ignored, these gender biases, which may have developed from cultural norms, may lead to bias in
the classroom.
Gender bias occurs when people make assumptions regarding behaviors, abilities or preferences of others based upon their gender. Because there are strong gender role stereotypes for
masculinity and femininity, students who do not match them can encounter problems with teachers and with their peers. For example, the expectation is that boys naturally exhibit boisterous,
unruly behavior, are academically able, rational, and socially uncommunicative, whereas girls are quiet, polite, and studious. Girls are also expected to possess better social skills than boys and to
excel at reading and the language arts. So girls who present discipline problems for teachers, or quiet, studious boys, may encounter a lack of understanding from peers and teachers. Within the
classroom, these biases unfold in students' practices and teachers' acceptance of certain behaviors from one student or another based upon the students' gender. Also, bias due to a person's gender
is not mutually exclusive of other social categories such as race, ethnicity, class, religion, and language. For example, some teachers may perceive African American or other Black girls as loud
and uncontrollable because the girls do not exhibit the feminine behaviors associated with White women, such as quiet, self-effacing and malleable.

Gender bias can occur within subject areas and school activities. For example, in subjects such as mathematics and the sciences, there are different participation patterns for girls and boys.
Gender bias promulgates a myth that boys are naturally better at mathematics and science than girls. The implications are that if girls succeed in these subjects it is due to their hard work, not
their intelligence, whereas boys' success is credited to their natural talent. There are some signs that gender bias in schools may be decreasing in some areas. The percentage of girls participating
in science has increased and achieved parity with boys in biology, chemistry and algebra. However, subjects that are prerequisites for college majors such as engineering or physics remain
dominated by men. Only 25% of high school students enrolled in physics are female. Moreover, there has been little increase in the percentage of women in engineering programs.
Males are also more likely than females to be in remedial programs, and students' race also impacts these patterns. For example, African American males are more likely than White or female
peers to enroll in remedial reading and mathematics courses. And non-White students have a higher representation in vocational and noncollege preparatory courses than their White peers.
Teachers are critical components in challenging gender bias in schooling, but they also can be major contributors to it as well, through their pedagogical practices, curriculum choices, and
assessment strategies.

GENDER BIAS IN TEACHERS

Teachers' unconscious gender biases can produce stereo-typic expectations for students' success and participation in the classroom. Teachers view male students' domination of the classroom and
their time as typical masculine behavior. However, these biases have consequences for the students and the classroom climate. More than two decades ago, researchers identified and named
groups of students who dominated the teacher's time and the classroom resources as target students (Tobin & Gallagher, 1987). Target students were typically white and male. They answered
most of the teacher's questions and also asked most of the questions. This behavior pattern was particularly insidious in mathematics and science classrooms because teachers did not expect girls
to have competent knowledge in these subject areas. Classroom observations documented that target students typically called out answers to the teacher's questions, thus denying other students
the opportunity to engage in dialogue with the teacher or get to grips with the subject matter. Furthermore, because boys are perceived as having natural talent in science, teachers asked boys
harder and more complicated questions than girls. If girls attempted to answer more difficult questions than boys and faltered, teachers often repeated the question and asked that another student,
typically a boy, provide the answer. However, if a boy failed to answer correctly, teachers reframed the question or broke it into a series of simpler questions that could help the student find the
answer. Teachers' unconscious stereotyped gender bias that boys are smarter than girls, especially in mathematics and the sciences, meant they were willing to work with boys to reach the answer
because they perceived boys were capable of achieving that goal but girls were not. Conversely, teachers of subjects perceived as feminine will spend more time engaged with girls.
Teachers' gendered perceptions of students' ability is also reflected in the type of praise and expectations they have of their students. Teachers often give girls less meaningful and less critical
praise than boys. Boys' work is described as unique or brilliant, while girls' work is often undervalued, critically ignored, and praised for its appearance. This aspect of teachers' behavior is
particularly detrimental to girls because it means they do not receive feedback on their work that could help them develop deeper understandings of concepts (Liu, 2006).
Teachers also use target students to maintain the tempo and pace of classroom instruction. For example, in a lecture or whole class discussion when a teacher is posing questions to the class, he or
she may encourage target students to call out answers in order to keep the lesson moving, rather than wait for the other students to process the question and provide an answer. This short wait
time may be detrimental to learning. More than three decades ago, researchers found that if teachers waited three to five seconds before accepting a student's answer, more students became
engaged in the classroom and also improved their understanding of the content. Moreover, the longer wait time meant that teachers began to ask more cognitively challenging questions.
However, the existence of target students in classes who often call out answers without direction from teachers meant that fewer students, especially girls, engaged in the lessons. In the absence
of proactive teacher intervention, these patterns in which males dominate classroom interactions also occur in mixed-gender, small groups.

Target students dominate classroom interactions and exchanges at all education levels. In the early 2000s, researchers identified these same patterns of engagement in a professional development
program for science teachers. When alerted to the invasive behaviors of the male teachers in the cohort, faculty began using overt breaching strategies to stop the target students calling out
answers, dominating the human and materials resources of the classroom, and showing disrespect to their peers (Martin, Milne & Scantlebury, 2006).
Teachers' gender bias towards students can also extend to their response to students who challenge their authority. Such risk-taking behavior in boys is expected and at times praised, but
assertiveness in girls is viewed negatively and labeled unfeminine. Similarly, boys who do not exhibit stereotypic masculine behaviors may be ridiculed (Renold, 2006).
Teachers use gender expectations as a means of maintaining classroom control. For example, teachers will seat undisciplined boys next to girls as a classroom management strategy. Further,
teachers use the gendered expectation that girls' nurturing characteristics will lead them to place others' needs before their own. In other words, teachers often ask girls to assume mothering roles
towards students who have fallen behind with learning because of inattentiveness, absenteeism through truancy, or in-school disciplinary procedures, and often those students are male.

PEDAGOGICAL CHOICES AND ASSESSMENT PRACTICES

Girls and boys have different educative experiences in classrooms. Target students can dominate lecture-style classes, and most students prefer to learn in groups, using hands-on activities. Group
work can engage more students, but teachers must monitor the interactions between students in those groups to ensure all students are participating and that one student is not dominating the
group. Students, especially girls, dislike lectures, worksheets and busy work assignments, preferring to study subjects and topics that they perceive as relevant to their lives. However, girls are
often relegated to passive roles in the class and in performance-based assessments. Whereas boys use equipment and complete the tasks, girls read the instructions and record results (Scantlebury
& Baker, 2007).
Although publishers have reduced gender bias in textbooks, girls are often depicted in passive roles with boys as active participants. Teachers can help to counteract this bias by reviewing
classroom texts from a gender perspective and analyzing the hidden curriculum promulgated by these books. Moreover, they can also counteract this message about girls' passivity by
highlighting girls' and women's achievements. They can also asking students to critically examine texts for these subtle gender stereotypic messages.
Teachers often use girls as a civilizing influence on male students. Disruptive boys are reassigned to sit near or with girls. Yet little thought is given to the impact that this strategy has on girls'
learning or students' attitudes towards the classroom environment. Rather than expecting boys to exhibit self-control and regulation, when teachers use this practice it reinforces the stereotype
that boys are undisciplined, whereas girls are cooperative and orderly. It also implies that boys need looking after, and the girls are cast in a maternal role to do just that.
Gender bias can also occur with the style and type of assessments teachers use. For example, teachers often use multiple-choice questions as the primary format in assessments. Girls are not
encouraged to explore risk-taking behaviors and often do not venture a guess on a multiple choice test, even if they are not penalized for incorrect answers. Girls are therefore less likely to
complete multiple-choice exams than their male peers because if boys are uncertain or do not know, they will guess an answer. However, when high-stakes tests use a variety of question types,
for example, short answer, problem solving, and multiple choice, often gender differences in student achievement disappear (Kahle, 2004).

EFFECTS OF GENDER BIAS

Gender bias can impact students' attitudes towards learning and their engagement with the subject. If affected by gender bias, girls will tend to believe that any success they have is due to hard
work rather than any innate talent or intelligence. Boys may be encouraged to believe that success in science and mathematics should come easily to them because of their gender. Some males
report dropping out of college science and mathematics programs because they no longer perceive these subjects as easy. Overall, teachers have lower expectations for girls' academic success
compared to boys, and their attitudes are shown through the type and quality of the student-teacher interaction. The type and quality of critique teachers give their students can also have an
impact. Teachers' comments on girls' work focuses on its appearance but with boys' work teachers focus on the content. Girls often do not receive substantive comments or criticism from teachers
from which they could improve their ability to learn. During the many hours spent in classrooms, girls receive less time and attention from teachers than their male peers. Teachers usually ask
girls easier questions than they ask boys. Typically, girls receive fewer opportunities to engage in classroom discourse, use equipment and assert their knowledge in classrooms.

REDUCING GENDER BIAS

Gender bias in education is a series of microinequities whose impact is cumulative and often ignored. Girls are rewarded and praised for compliant behavior. Teachers do not challenge girls with
questions and rarely offer criticisms of their work. Teachers can reduce and challenge gender bias through an examination of their pedagogical practices and by posing simple questions about
their practices. For example, which students do they frequently interact with? Are target students evident in their classroom? If so, how does the teacher deal with those students? What
questioning techniques does the teacher use to engage students? Does the teacher ask complicated questions to girls as well as boys? Does the teacher use a variety of pedagogical and assessment
practices? Which students are engaged with the curriculum?
Another way of reducing gender bias would be for teachers to videotape their classes and review their interactions with the students. Or they could invite a colleague to watch their teaching and
record which students are being asked questions and what type of questions. However, teachers must also prepare for the consequences of changing their practices. Girls are conditioned to
receiving less of the teacher's attention, and they do not usually cause discipline problems if they are not receiving their fair share, but boys can react negatively to losing the teacher's attention,
causing disruption to lessons and becoming discipline problems. Moreover, research has also shown that boys avoid written work and often have poor communication skills when asked to work
in singlesex groups.
However, the gains in reducing gender bias in education may disappear with the requirements of high-stakes testing required by No Child Left Behind (NCLB). NCLB requires that states report
academic achievement data in most social categories, except gender (Kahle, 2004). This may result in less attention being placed on gender bias and less data that might reveal it. Continued
monitoring of gender bias is necessary to minimize its impact on students' opportunities for learning and achievement.
See also:Cultural Bias in Teaching

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Kahle, J. B. (2004). Will girls be left behind? Gender differences and accountability. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 41(10), 961969.

Liu, F. (2006). School culture and gender. In C. Skelton, B. Francis, & L. Smulyan (Eds.), The SAGE Handbook of Gender and Education (pp. 425438). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Martin, S., Milne C. E., & Scantlebury, K. (2006). Eyerollers, jokers, risk-takers and turn sharks: Target students in a professional science education program. Journal of Research in Science
Teaching, 43(8), 819851.
Renold, R. (2006). Gendered classroom experiences. In C. Skelton, B. Francis, & L. Smulyan (Eds.),The SAGE Handbook of Gender and Education (pp. 439452). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Gender Identity Tobin, K., & Gallagher, J. J. (1987). The role of target students in the science classroom. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 24(1), 6175.
Copyright 2003-2009 The Gale Group, Inc. All rights reserved.
http://www.education.com/reference/article/gender-bias-in-teaching/

Title IX
Another issue concerns gender discrimination in physical education. Title IX is a federal law that was enacted in 1972. It prohibits gender discrimination in educational programs that receive federal
funding. This includes most public schools and many private schools.
Title IX affects P.E. programming in many ways. Instructors need to be aware of what is, and what is not, permitted under Title IX. Here are some common examples:

P.E. classes cannot be conducted separately based on gender. There cannot be one class for boys and another for girls.

Students can be separated by gender within classes only when participating in sports that require large amounts of bodily contact, such as wrestling and boxing but not baseball.

Different standards can be used for skill measurement only if using the same standards causes bias toward one gender. For example, instead of measuring the distance of each student's long
jump, which might show bias toward males, the instructor might measure using the percentage of their students' own

http://study.com/academy/lesson/issues-trends-laws-affecting-physical-education-activities.html

By Graeme Paton, Education Editor

6:00AM GMT 22 Dec 2013

Teachers should stop segregating boys and girls in PE lessons because school sport is fuelling gender prejudice in later life, an academic has warned.
Pupils should be given equal access to all sports and take part in mixed competitions to stop girls being pigeonholed as weak, it was claimed.
>> School sports: ingraining the subtle art of segregation
Sian Lawson, senior lecturer in sports coaching at Northumbria University, suggested that segregated PE lessons were an historic hangover from Victorian values that see boys and girls as having
different needs.
She insisted there was no physical reason to view female bones as more breakable or girls more fragile when given the same level of exercise.
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Many teachers justify pushing girls into netball and boys towards football to avoid sexual harassment or discrimination.
But Dr Lawson said the controlled environment of the school playing field was the best opportunity these potential adults have to learn to respect each other.
The comments come amid a continuing debate over standards of childhood exercise and physical activity, particularly among girls.
Research published earlier this month by the University of Pennsylvania found that the brains of men and women were wired up differently which could explain some stereotypical male and female
behaviour.
But Dr Lawson said many differences were down to cultural reasons, with school sport acting as one of the key barriers to equality.
If everyone trains and competes on equal terms, the biologically slower can up their game, and if the fast naturally rise to the top no one should object, she said. If we aspire to believe in individual
variation over stereotyping, and equality of opportunity, then why not let our children start with that?
Research from the Department for Culture, Media and Sport in the summer found a quarter of girls aged five to 10 had not taken part in any sport over in the previous month a rise of almost 50 per
cent in five years.
Separate research by the Women's Sport and Fitness Foundation revealed that just over half of girls 51 per cent are put off physical activity by their experiences of school sport and PE lessons.
But Dr Lawson insisted that the subject could be used to actually break down barriers between the sexes.
Writing for Telegraph.co.uk, Dr Lawson quoted a Northumbria University study that found no physical distinction in the coaching required for elite male and female athletes.
She said: Theres no physiological reason why boys should play football and girls rounders, indeed in the USA soccer is a girls sport and baseball is for boys.
Even within the traditionally male sports women are now showing that they can compete on equal terms, despite typically receiving less training.
Dr Lawson added: As an anatomist I haven't yet found a reason to see young female bones as more breakable or girls more fragile when given the same level of exercise.

In schools weve already created a fairly even group by dividing children into age-based classes. More to the point we dont segregate the class on the basis of height or strength, we segregate for
gender.
The idea of women as unambiguously weaker is so deeply ingrained that sometimes we dont notice that weve made that assumption. Here we are teaching that idea to children, without questioning it
ourselves.
But the comments were branded absurd by traditionalists who insisted parents would be horrified by the idea of joint lessons.
Chris McGovern, a former independent school headmaster and chairman of the Campaign for Real Education, said: Its just political correctness. There are clear physiological differences between boys
and girls.
Its possible to mix them in the early primary years but its just commonsense to split them when they get older and youve having full blown tackles in rugby and football because boys are stronger. Its
an absurd idea and it will horrify parents.

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/education/educationnews/10528867/Splitting-school-PE-lessons-by-gender-damages-girls.html