Dimensions and Categories of Celticity

Studies in Language
Piotr Stalmaszczykand Maxim Fomin
(editors)

Studia Celto-Slavica 4

STUDIA

Cnr,ro-Sr,vrc 4

Dimensions and Categories of Celticity:

Studies in Language
Piotr Stalmaszczyk and Maxim Fomin
(editors)

Proceedings of the Fourth International Colloquium of

Societas Celto-Slavtca held t the UniversiQ of d,

Poland,

13-15 September 20A9.

Part

CONTENTS

lntroduction

Piotr Stalmszczyk and Maxim Fomin

'

Welcoming

Remarks

Samus Mac Mathna

Source

Slavic *komonja and Its Probable Celtic

I'cIm,Blaek
DEIS

11

The Divin Twins in Asturia

R', s:ard Danka and Krzysztof Tomasz Witczak

EQLTL\LBO -

-'g.ri,'

\-ocalic 'lternations in the Historv of

Irish

I7
27

';1's:tof .Iaskta
The Old Irish Evidence for the Reconstruction
of the Indo-European Acrostatic Presents

43

Natalia O'Shea
Sy1labic Consonants in Slavic and Cltic
The Mechanism of Element Extension

Languages:

53

Anna Bloch-Rozmej
Semantic Constraints on Light Vrb
in Modrn Irish

Constructions

67

Maria Bloch-Trojnar

Obligatory Control in Irish and Polish

Anna Bondaruk

Reappraisal

89

kish

103

The Loss of the Impersonal in Bilingual Speakers of

idn Doyle

'S" and 'Heavens'

in Breton

,lnna Mtn'adova

oralTradition

109

115

From 'Ambassador'to 'Whisky': A Note on Celtic

Elements in Contemporary Polish Vocabulary

125

Syntactic Patterns in We1sh and English Nicknams

A Comparison

Ka t ar zyna Jdrz ei ew s ka-Py

Piotr Stalmaszc4k

sz cz

ak

DEIS EQUEUNUBI - THB Drvnvn TwnTs nq

AsruRIA

I ct lecy RYSZARD Dltt<'

Knzvszror

Tou,E sz

Wrcrux

Votive Inscription from La Vid @ola de Gordn, Len)

In his excellent article F. Marco Simn (1999) analyses afresh the votiv
inscription found in La Vid (Pola de Gordn, Len) in the ancient Asturia.
According to the first editor Jos Avelino Gutirrez Gonz|ez (1984: 117120; 1985: I02-I04), the text of th inscription reads as follows:
1. The

DEIS E

QUEUNUR(is)

IILIUS

REBI.IRRUS

V.S,L.M

In line 2 the last letter is preserved partially. It begins with the hasta and it
resmbles R or B. Th arlier ditors and scholars reconstruct the dative

plural DEIS EQUEUNUR(is) 'to the Gods called EQUETINURI' (Sanz

Villa 1996: 114). AfteranautopsyinAugust |996,F. Marco Simn (1999)
proposed a new reading DEIS EQUEUNU(BO) against of an earlier
imperfect reading: DEIS EQUETNUR(IS). In his opinion, the votive
inscription from La Vid contains the following text:
DEIS E

QrrEuNU(BO)
IITT,iUS

REBIJRRUS
V.S.L.M

DEIS EQUEUNUBO_THE DIVINE TWINS IN ASTURIA

ffi &-

&'#*
i'Yx ''

*t

**{&

a,

*.W

#* -g'n
% %**
*
&, \*'

..

14 #.,,
'. j

v*

*l x,t
y
-t!
*-.

'

.:b

.''"
,

w.wwffi&b's

tr&

tu

b,;y

Fig. 1: The votive inscription by Iulius Rebumrs.

Ar1istic reproduction basd on Marco Simn (1999: a83)

Form EQUETNUBO: Discussion

According to F. Marco Simn, the form EQUEI_]NUBo contains tlre
Hispano-Celtic dative plural ending *-bo(s), which is well attested in the
votive inscriptions from Celtiberia and the North-West Hispanic area. After
Prsper (00: 8'7 ,312) we may quote her the following examples:
2. The

l. ARABO COROBECICOBO TALUSICOBO (Aroyomolinos de la vera,

Cceres).

LUCUBo ARQUIENOBo (Sta Maria de Liiiarn, Sober, Lugo). It is a

*Lugoves in plural (but
ddication to the Hispano-Celtic deities calld
*Lugus
*Lugus
popular in Ancient
was
in singular). The god
usually
2.

Hispania (cf. T ovar \982).

18

IGNACY R. DANKA & KRZYSZTOF T. WITCZAK

3. LUcoI'BUtS] ARQIIENIS (San Vincnt de Castillones, otero del

Rey, Lugo). The forms in question are th Latin rendering of the abovmntioned local phrases (cf olivars Pdreflo 2002: 88-89)' Th
declensional endings of the Latin formula guarante the interpretation
Bo as the Hispano-Celtic or Lusitanian ending of th dative plural.
4.

of

MATRLIBOS (Agreda).

The ending of the dative pL -bo (< IE. dial. *-bhos vs' *-bhyos) appears
also in some Gaulish inscriptions, e.g.
5. Gaulish ATREBO AGANNTOBO (dat. p1.) 'to the Holy Fathers' (<
Common Celtic *patribos \agantobos < IE. *pa2ts-bhos \lafipto'bhos).It

is highly probable that the dative plural form AGANNTOBO derives from
Common Ce7tic \,agantos < IE. \,a!gts adj. 'worth of worship' adorable,
holy', cf. Sanskrit yajat- adj. 'worth of worship, adorable' holy, sublime',
also m. 'moon' and 'name of the god iva' (lex.); Avestan yazata- adj.
'verehrungswtirdig, anbetungswiirdig' (Bar1holomae 1904: 1279), MPrs.
yazat, NPers. Tzad 'god' , Ossetic (Digoron) ized, (kon) zcd 'deity1, angel'
(Abaev 1989:290-291).

6. Gaulish MATPEBO NEMAYTIKABO (dat. p1.) 'to the Mothers of

Nemausis'.

As regards the theonym EQLIELTNUBO, we may agree with F' Marco

Simn (1999) and J' M. Blzquez Martinez (2001) that it represents a
compound form containing the Celtic and Indo-European nam for 'horse'
(Common Celtic *ek'os <IE. *ehuos). The theonym in question represent
a divine plurality or duality, as it is suggested by the Latin form

DEIS and

the Palaeo-Hispanic dative ending -Bo. The commentators (Marco Simn

1999; Blnquez Martine z 001) suggested convincingly that we have to do
with th divine twin brthren.
It is obvious that the gods documented in the inscriptional sources as
DEIS EQUELINLIBO must be relatd to the horses, cf. Cltic *ek'os
'horse', hence OIr. ech 'horse', OBret. eb id., GauL *epo- (: Lat. equus m.
'horse') in many personal names' Celtiberian equeisuiqte (see Matasovi
2009: 114 Witczak 2009: 1,57-159). The diminutive forms in Bryttonic
(Welsh epdwl, Conrish ebl 'foal') derive from Celtic *el{dlos 'small or
young horse' (<W' *elfu,los).
The strong connection with the horses is a typical feature of th
lndo-European divine twin brothers, who are named Avinau in Vedic
(their name drives evidently from olnd. ya- m.'horse' and IE. *eluos).
Apart from the Horse-Goddess *El6uond (f.), who is presented in the
19

DEIS EQUEUNUBO- THE DTVINE TWINS IN ASTURIA

Gaulish and Lusitanian pantheon (Gallo-Latin Epona, Ltsit. Iccona, cf.

also Myc. Gk. po-ti-ni-ja i-qi-ja 'the Lady of Horses', see especially
Robbins Dexter 1990; Gangutia 2002; Kalygin 2006: 79-80), different

Indo-European gods are related to the horses in weaker way than the divine
twins. It seems to suggest that the Asturian gods are related to Vedic
Avins and Greek Dioscuri.
The first part of the compound must derive from IE. *ehuos, most
probably from the locative sg. form *e]6,ei'on th hors'' The second pa
of the compound -{-INU- is treated as unclear. In our opinion, it derives
evidently from IE. *silns m. 'Son'.
The derivation of dat. pl. EQUETINUBO from the archetype (Late
IE.) *ekwei-sfinu-bhos (literally 'to the sons [riding] on the horse') is
perfect from the phonological point of viw. The diphthong *-ei- yields
long *e- both in Common Celtic and Lusitanian. Also intervocalic -sbecomes -h- and furthr it disappears regularly in the lnsular Celtic
languages (Thurneysen 1909: 130' id. 1946:132; Lewis & Pedrsn 1937:
17), as well as in Gaulish, e.g.
7. IE. *swesr f. 'sister' (cf. olnd. svsar-, Latin soror, Lith. sesu id.)>
Common Celtic *swehr f' 'sister', cf old Irish siar f. 'sister'; Welsh
chwaer, old Cornish huir, Mtdd\ Cornish hoer, Breton c'hor f. id'
(Pokorny 1959: 1051); Gaulish (instr.-soc. pI.) suiorebe'with th sisters'
(Lambert 1997: 105-106; Matasovi 009:364)' The Gaulish form drives
from Common Celtic *swehor-e-bi(s) a IE. dial. *swesor-e-bhi(s) or
*swesfbhi(s).

8. Early Cltic *esoks'Salmon' (cf Latin esox'a kind of fish') > olr. e
(gen. sg. iach) m.'salmon', MW. ehawc, Welsh eog, OCom. ehoc,MBret.
eheuc,Btet. eoc id. (Lewis & Pedrsen 1937: I7; Matasovi 2009: 119).

9. IE. *mesald f. 'blackbird' (cf. Lat. merula f. id.) > Brittonic Celtic
*mehlkd f. 'blackbird'; MWelsh mwyalch f.' oCorn. moelh (g1. merula),
Brt. moulc ' id. (Lewis & Pdrsn 1937: 171' Matasovi 2009:268).

It is highly probable that the intervocal spirant *-s- was aiso lost in
Celtiberian, as suggested by the following instance:

10. The genitive singular ending of the o-stem nouns in Celtibrian is

*-oho andlE. *represented by -o. In our opinion, it can drive from Cltic
*-osyo,
cf. OInd. -asya; Faliscan and OLat. dial. -osio; Venetic oso vs.

oiso, IJmbrian -es, -eis (< *-oiso < IE. *-osyo); Gk. Mycenaean -o-jo,

Homeric -oio and -oo, Doric -ot, Attic -ou. It is possible that the Celtiberian
ending -o fevidentiy the long vowel ] originated from the contraction of
two short vowls [+]. The contracted vowel had to be different from the
20

IGNACY R. DANKA & KRZYSZTOF T. WITCZAK

reflx of IE. *o, which appars as Celtiberian -u in th final position, as we1l

*a initially and medially).
as in Common Cltic (* in th fina1 position, but

Intervocal *-s- is lost also

following comparisons

in Lusitanian, as it is

documented

by

the

dat. pl. ('to the Lahes: Lares') < IE. dial'

cf Lat. Ldribus, OLat. Lasibus dat. pl. ('to the Lares'). This
interpretation was first suggested by Witczak (1999: 69;2005: 87 ,262).
11. Lusit.

LAEBO or LAEPO

*Lds-e-bhos,

12. Th Lusitanian adjectival suffixes *'icos ys. *-aios (cf. the divine bynams ToIRAECO and TUERAEO attestd in the parallel contexts) seem
to be analogous to the Greek suffixs -crircg and -o,ioq' cf. @r1Bo1rq and
adj. 'Theban'. They derive from IE. *-Asikos and *-asios,

@qBoioq

respectively (Witczak 2005: 267 -268).

Th term *sfins m' 'Son' (cf. olnd. siln-, Avestan hilnu,Gothic SunLlS,
Old Nordic sunr, OE. sunu; Lith. silnils, OChSl. synu and so on) is not
attested in lnsular Celtic, though some related forms appeared both in

Goidelic (cf. olr. suth 'fruit, offspring' < Common Cltic *sutu- id';
Pokorny 1959: 913; Wodtko, Irslinger, Schneider 2008: 617; Matasovi
2009: 359-360) and Bryttonic (cf. Welsh hogen 'Midchen l girl' <
Common Cltic *suk; Pokorny 1959: 9131' Wodtko' Irslinger, Schneider
2008:617).
It is well known fact that th lndo-European names for 'son' and
'daughter' have ben replaced in numerous West Indo-European (i.e' ItaloCeltic) languages (see Lejeune 1968; Hamp 1973). The words for'boy' and
'girl' are also naturally used from the parents'point of view. Buck (1949:
105-106) demonstrate the change on the basis of the following examples:
13.Lat.ftliusm. 'Son' (orig. 'their own', cf. Lydian iiu 'his own');
14.Lat. (g)ndtts m. 'Son' (liter. 'born in').
15. OIr. macc (o-stem m.)'son', Ogamic MAQQI (gen. sg.)'of the son',
Irish mac, Wlsh mab, Breton mb'son' (Matasovi 008: 253 -254), orig'
'boy, youth'.
1'6. Lat. fi'lia, Yenetic vhilia, Messapic
'daughter' (orig. 'their own').
17

bilia (dtmin. biliuva), AIb. bij

.Lat. (g)nata f. 'daughter' (liter. 'bom in').

21

DEIS

EQUEWUBO- THE DTVINE TWINS

IN

ASTURIA

18. ogam INIGENA; olr. ingen, Ish ingheann'daughter' (orig' 'born in,
native', cf.Lat. indigena f' 'native'; Matasovi 2009: 157-158).
19. Welsh merch, Breton merc'h 'daughter' (orig. 'maiden, girl', cf. Lith.
mergd f.' girl' ; Matasovi 2009: 267).

Jordn Clera (2004: |70-I7I) discusss the innovative character of

Cltiberian family vocabulary' quoting:

20. C1b. kentis m. 'son', cf. Olcel. kind'family, kind', German Kind

'child'.

n.

However, the primitive Indo-European term for 'daughter' appears in the

Continental Celtic languages (with residual traces also in Goidelic), as well
as in some Italic dialects:
21. Celtiberian tuateres (nom. p1.) 'daughters', tuateros (gen. sg.) 'of the

daughter' (Hamp 1996; Jordn Clra 2004: 171), Gaulish dtatTr

'daughter', old Irish Der- in som archaic forms (o'Brien 1956; Hamp
1975; Rubio orcilla 1999-2000; Matasovi 2009: 109-110); oscanfzitir
'daughter' (< IE. *dhuga2ftr f. 'daughter', cf' Greek Ooyt1p, olnd.

duhitr-,

ochsl.

d'oti f. id. and so on).

Also the original term for 'son' has been preserved for a time in the ancient
Indo-European languages of the Hispanic Peninsula' Blanca Prsper (2005:
182) discusses the personal name EBURSLINOS' attestd in nom. sg. in a
Celtiberian tablet from Botorrita (K.1.3), saying that it can be treated as a
compound meaning 'son of the yew / hijo del tejo' or 'son of the boar / hijo
del jabali' (< *eburo-silnos with an early syncope of the frst -o- and the
regular preservation of -s- after the liquid *r). She abandoned this
interpretatation, emphasizittgthat there is no evidence for the preservation
of the primitive Indo-European name of 'son' in the Ancient Hispania
(Celtiberian introducd an innovative trm kentis m. 'son')' even if the
personal name STINUA is registered fifteen times in the western part of the
Hispanic Peninsula (cf. Vallejo Ruiz 2005: 400-402). However, it is worth
noting that the old name for 'son' could be preserved in some archaic
names such as EQTIELINUBOS or EBIIRSLINOS, see especially Old kish
Der-.
It is therefore probable that the original Indo-European term for 'son'
*suns)
(IE.
was pfeserved in the Hispano-Celtic or Lusitanian linguistic
atea, at least at the tetory of the ancint Asturians. The attestd non-Latin
form EQUEUNUB(O) (dat. pl.) may be securily interpreted as 'to the sons
(riding) on the horse'.

22

IGNACY R. DANKA & KRZYSZTOF T. WITCZAK

3. Conclusion

It should be concluded that the inscriptional phrase DEIS EQLTEUNUBO

had to refr

to the Celtic (or Lusitania twin gods' The

term

EQUE(h)LINU sems a descriptive by-name of th Celtic divine twins, like

Vedic Avinau (liter. 'two horseike [deities]'), Greek Arorcoupor (liter.
'Ze|ts' boys') or Etruscan Tinascliniiaras (liter.'to the sons of [the sgodl Tin').
We believe that the peculiar name of the divine twin brthren in the
Continental Cltic languages should be rconstructed as *Alkoi (see
Witczak 1997). This name is perfectly attested in Tacitus' description of
Germania (Germ.43: "Among the Nahanarvali is shown a grove, the seat
of a prehistoric ritual: a priest presides in fmale dress; but according to the
Roman interpretation the gods recorded in this fashion are Castor and
Pollux: that at least is the spirit of the godhead here recognised, whose
name is the Alci (nomen Alcis). No images are in use; there is no sign of
foreign superstition: nevertheless they worship these dities as brothers and
as youths'' - translation by Maurice Hutton [Tacitus 191411963: 35D.It
appars also in the Lepontic and Gaulish personal names (cf Lepontic
Alkouinos, GauL Alcovindos,liter. 'fwho is] white like the Alci'), as well as
in the Hispanic toponyny (cf. Alcobendas, a place name near Madrid, orig.
*Atko-benda[sJ'hillockfs] of the Alci'). The Old Celtic name of the divine
twins (Celtic *Alkoi,Lat. Alc is undoubtedly related to that of the Siculian
fwin gods (Gk. llo}"rrcoi Lat. Palic, whose origin was discussed
separately (Witczak, Za:wiasa 2004; 2006). Both these theonyms deriv
from the Indo-European archetype *Palikoi (p1.) or *Palik (du.), cf' also a
divine pair of Pales tt Latin. Th s}lcop of the short vowel -i- seems a
quite common process' wheras the loss of the initial *p- is such a
phonological feature, which appears exclusively in the Celtic languages.
Thus the Celtic origin of the Alci is securily confirmed by the etymology of
their own name.

High School of the International Studies in d

University of d, Poland

z)

DEIS EQUE(TNUBO _THE DTVINE TWINS IN ASTURIA

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26

im

rgt

..

.;

:r.

,-ii:,.,{'':

Studia Celto-slavica
General editors: Samus Mac Mathna, Tatyana Mikhailova & Maxim Fomin
Volume t.
Samus Mac Mathna & Maxim Fomin:
Prallels befilseen Celtic and' Slauic.
P r o ce e ding s of the Fir st International C ollo quium o/ Societas Celto- Slavica
held at the Uniuersity of Ulster (Coleraine, t9-zt June zoo;)
Volume z.
Tatyana Mikhailova' Samus Mac Mathna, Maxim Fomin & Grigory Bondarenko:
Proceedings of the Second Interntional Colloquium o;f Societas Celto-S]avica
(Moscot-u, t4-t7 September zoo6)
Dunja Brozovi Ronevi, Maxim Fomin & Ranko Matasovi:
Celts and S/aus in Central and South-estern Europe.

Proceedings of the Third International Colloquium o/Societas Ce]to-Slaca

(D.ubrounik, 1 B - i g September z o o B)