This article was downloaded by: [Universidad Del Rosario]

On: 20 January 2015, At: 17:39

Publisher: Routledge
Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office:
Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

Globalizations
Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription
information:
http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rglo20

Religion and Globalisation: Bringing

Anthropology and International Relations
Together in the Study of Religious-Political
Transnational Movements
Tamsin Bradley

London Metropolitan University

Published online: 26 Jun 2009.

To cite this article: Tamsin Bradley (2009) Religion and Globalisation: Bringing Anthropology and
International Relations Together in the Study of Religious-Political Transnational Movements, Globalizations,
6:2, 265-279, DOI: 10.1080/14747730902854208
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747730902854208

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the Content)
contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our
licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or
suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication
are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor &
Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently
verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any
losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities
whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or
arising out of the use of the Content.
This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial
or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or
distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use
can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions

Globalizations
June 2009, Vol. 6, No. 2, pp. 265 279

Downloaded by [Universidad Del Rosario] at 17:39 20 January 2015

Religion and Globalisation: Bringing Anthropology and

International Relations Together in the Study
of Religious-Political Transnational Movements

TAMSIN BRADLEY
London Metropolitan University

ABSTRACT This article considers how anthropology could stake more of a contribution to the
field of religion and globalisation. Anthropology presents itself as a critique of power
highlighting how it operates through globalisation to marginalise groups at the local level.
Anthropologists consider religion to be a source of identify. Rituals are given importance in
anthropological research as vehicles through which adherents express feelings of exclusion
and make sense of the world around them. Also, it is within ritual spaces that adherents
decide how to respond to or/and act in the world. Both anthropology and international
relations view transnational religious-political movements as one way in which adherents
resist and challenge aspects of globalisation. Combining these disciplines could provide a
more comprehensive analysis into what motivates individuals to join a movement. In turn this
research could provide more evidence and explanation for religions rootedness in the world.
Este artculo considera como la antropologa podra tomar una mayor contribucion en el campo
de la religion y la globalizacion. La antropologa se presenta como una crtica de poder,
destacando como opera a traves de la globalizacion para marginar a los grupos a un nivel
local. Los antropologos consideran la religion como una fuente de identificacion. En la
investigacion antropologica se les da importancia a los ritos como vehculos por los cuales
los seguidores expresan sus sentimientos o la exclusion y les da sentido del mundo alrededor
de ellos. Es tambien, en donde los seguidores dentro de los espacios rituales deciden como
responder y actuar en el mundo. Tanto la antropologa como las relaciones internacionales
ven a los movimientos trasnacionales religiosos-polticos como una manera en la que los
seguidores se resisten a los aspectos de desafo de la globalizacion. Una combinacion de
estas disciplinas podra proporcionar un analisis mas exhaustivo dentro de lo que motiva a
los individuos para participar en un movimiento. A su vez, esta investigacion podra dar
mayor evidencia y explicacion sobre el arraigo de las religiones en el mundo.

Correspondence Address: Tamsin Bradley, Department of Applied Social Sciences, London Metropolitan University,
Calcutta House, Old Castle St., E1 7TP, UK. Email: t.bradley@londonmet.ac.uk
ISSN 1474-7731 Print/ISSN 1474-774X Online/09/02026515 # 2009 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/14747730902854208

266 T. Bradley

Downloaded by [Universidad Del Rosario] at 17:39 20 January 2015

Keywords: Religion, anthropology, international relations, trans-national political movements,

ethnography, rituals

Introduction
The central aim of this article is to show that inclusion of the anthropological perspective
alongside other micro approaches has more of a contribution, than currently realised, to bring
to international relations global analysis of religious-political transnational movements. This
article acknowledges from the outset the enormous contributions made to micro analysis of
globalisation from within other social science disciplines. Most notably sociology and the
study of religion have been engaging with globalisation for some time. Beyers (1994) work
is much cited in discussions on religion and globalisation. Sociologists seek to understand the
intersections between globalisation and religion. How each has impacted on the creation of
new boundaries that in turn impact on new patterns of social formation and relationships
(Beyer & Beaman, 2007; Hopkins, Lorentzen & Mendieta, 2002; Tehranian & Lum, 2006).
Scholars from within the study of religion often take a comparative approach examining the
impact of globalisation on religious traditions. Cross-culturally this research includes consideration of religions role in peacekeeping efforts (Hopkins, Lorentzen & Mendieta, 2002). Alternatively scholars will focus on a particular tradition often combing history, sociology, and
religion to document the rise of social, political movements within that religion (Coleman,
2000; Warburg, Hvithamar & Wasmind, 2005). Sociologists of religion have also paid close
attention to the impact of globalisation on issues of gender and religion (Elliott, 2007).
By contrast anthropology has been relatively slow to stake ground in this important contemporary area of research. This article aims to illustrate the contribution the anthropological lens
can bring to work on religion and globalisation. The article will focus on developing a partnership between the macro discipline of international relations and anthropology. Anthropologists
make a valuable contribution to research on religion and globalisation because they commonly
study communities and cultures that display a strong religious identity. This focus contrasts
against international relations (IR) scholars whose focus is at the level of macro relations.
The inclusion of religion into the frame of IR research is limited largely to the study of religion
as a global force founding political-religious transnational movements. Anthropologists present
religion not as exceptional phenomena but as one deeply embedded in the lives of the people
they study. Religion as a category in ethnographic research is used to understand the way in
which religion is lived and experienced daily by people. This article closely examines how
religion is studied by anthropologists and shows the value of this work for IR scholars.
I believe a dialogue between anthropologists and IR scholars could forge an interesting and
useful analytical frame because micro analysis conducted by anthropologists could fill some

Downloaded by [Universidad Del Rosario] at 17:39 20 January 2015

Religion and Globalisation

267

of the gaps left by the macro focused work of IR scholars. Firstly, IR scholars who engage with
religion recognise it as a permanent global force but find it hard to say why this might be.
Macro focused work is insightful in mapping and commentating on global patterns and
relations but answering why these patterns/relations form needs micro research. Ethnographic research conducted by anthropologists of religion could contribute more to the
venture of other social sciences that seeks to produce answers to global questions from
within the micro areas of peoples lives. Anthropologists argue that religion is fundamental
in shaping how adherents relate to and understand the world. It is this link between belief
and behaviour that is the primary focus for anthropologists. Anthropology is essentially the
study of human behaviour. Ethnographic research looks to document how people relate to
their world and how they respond to internal and external changes. Religion has been a
popular category of analysis for anthropologists because it is within sacred, ritual spaces that
adherents often seek answers to their problems and concerns. Furthermore, for those who
possess a strong faith, religion is a vital aspect of their identity, one they seek to project in
all spheres of their lives. The embeddedness of religion in the lives of adherents explains its
endurance as a global force. If IR scholars were to look into anthropology of religion their
macro analysis could produce more answers to the question: why has religion not been replaced
by secularism?
The second question a dual IR/anthropological perspective could provide more answers to is:
why is religion so prominent in the construction and rise of political transnational movements?
The personal, emotional dimension of religious actions and spaces allow those that study them to
identify feelings and experiences that may turn into clear defiant actions. Those who study transnational movements recognise that the motivation for individual membership is likely to relate to
their religious identity and life experiences. Religion functions in two ways; firstly the growth of
a movement is linked to the construction of a religious identity that reflects and empathises with
the experiences of its members. This identity may involve the manipulation of history and/or
reinterpretation of religious discourses in order to package itself in a manner that resonates
with adherents. Secondly, religion operates at a private personal level. Sacred spaces create a
safe environment within which an adherent can communicate with the divine. Personal feelings
are expressed here that may not be articulated in any other sphere of life and actions determined.
Pratt (2003) takes an anthropological approach showing how political movements begin with the
formation of a specific discourse that becomes emotionally charged drawing in a bigger membership. Religion provides emotional and spiritual dimensions to adherents lives. The use of
religious narratives to tap into these personal experiences provides a strong base from which
political identities and movements can be built. However, this process of building authoritative
narratives about the world also acts to exclude groups. For example, anthropologists who
employ a gendered perspective show how women are particularly vulnerable to marginalisation
within political and social movements (Alvarez, Dagnino & Escobar, 1998; Leach & Scoones,
2007; Meyer & Staggenborg, 1996). This process of exclusion as well as inclusion is central
to how religion is enacted, interpreted and lived. It highlights the need to view religion and
power as inextricably linked. Narratives change as the world they try and make sense of
alters. Since transnational movements are founded on narratives about how the world is and
how it should be, it is likely that religion will unite those who share the narrative but will
exclude those who do not or only partially see their experiences in it. Anthropological material
on the liberation theology and Hindu nationalist movements shows that this process of marginalisation also occurs within movements isolating those members that may at the start support the
narrative but later find their needs are not being met.

Downloaded by [Universidad Del Rosario] at 17:39 20 January 2015

268 T. Bradley
Anthropology has a further contribution to make to IR. According to Bentham (1991) and
Edelman and Haugerud (2005) the anthropological critique of power should be incorporated
more widely into discussion on globalisation. Anthropologists, as shown in the literature cited
above on gender and transnational movements, use their micro focus to seek out voices that
are usually hidden from view and audibility by macro focused studies. This perspective highlights how global processes produce marginalising effects at the local level. It also reveals
how people display resourcefulness in how they respond to repressive situations. For adherents,
religion is an important part of the process by which they make sense of change and decide on
the best course of action.
In short, this article will argue that IR scholars should embrace the critique anthropologists
apply in analysing global power relations raising the profile of marginalised voices. A dialogue
between IR scholars and anthropologists could also produce a dual application of the category
religion, one that recognises the collective and personal ways non-Western adherents turn to
religion to make sense of their world.
This article begins by reviewing IR literature on religious-political transnational movements.
The critical analysis of this material acknowledges the important contribution it makes whilst
also highlighting the understandable gaps/questions left unanswered by it. The second section
offers a more detailed review of the work of anthropologists of religion, looking at their treatment of the sacred and divine spheres. The last section will give examples of transnational political movements that help to highlight what can be gained by bringing the anthropological
perspective into IR debates on religion and globalisation. The liberation theology and Hindu
nationalist movements will be given as examples.

International Relations and Political-Religious Transnational Movements

IR scholars study the macro level operational structures of political-religious transnational
movements. Research shows how religion firmly embeds itself into the structures of the movement. However, a movements growth is determined largely by how well it taps into processes
of globalisation. Haynes (1993, 1998, 1999, 2006) believes globalisation has made the rise of
transnational religious-political organisations and movements possible. He highlights that transnational terror groups such as al-Qaeda are able to take advantage of the global communications
network. Haynes (1993, 1998, 1999, 2006) stresses that religion should remain a lens through
which to view shifts in global relations specifically power relations. He argues that religion
manifests itself globally in a variety of ways each of which carries influence in shaping the
world. For example, religious fundamentalism has become a means of exercising power; furthermore religious power is now a means for conflict resolution and peace-building. The benefit of
religion in peace building efforts was recognised by the World Bank through funding the world
faith dialogues programme (http://www.wfdd.org.uk). In effect globalisation has drawn more
and more of us into extensive networks and new layers of regional/global governance.
Through joining these networks individuals are able to express their feelings about aspects of
globalisation. The collective weight of these views creates a global civil society capable of
challenging hegemonic discourses on a number of issues ranging from human rights to
poverty alleviation (Howell & Pearce, 2002). Religion provides a unifying platform out from
which adherents can project their worldview. Fox (2001) argues that the inclusion of religion
in IR research is long overdue, but he sees it as just one more dimension alongside politics
and economics that leads to the formation of transnational movements. Fox misses the extent

Downloaded by [Universidad Del Rosario] at 17:39 20 January 2015

Religion and Globalisation

269

to which religion encompasses and enacts political and economic processes and influences
peoples reactions to globalisation.
This is acknowledged in the work of Thomas who calls for greater interdisciplinary engagement over the role of religion in shaping the world. His analysis of the rise of religious movements acknowledges that religion often helps to constitute the very content of a social
movements identity, and religious values, practices, traditions, and institutions really do
shape their struggles, encourage mobilization, and influence their type of social or political
action (2005, p. 23). Thomass interdisciplinary vision combines international relations, economics, religious studies, sociology of religion, and theology. His work asks for deeper debate
within IR over what it means to be religious and what implications the beliefs of each individual
have for global processes of development. As already argued in this article the anthropological
perspective has much to offer this venture as it seeks to get to the core of how religion shapes
human responses to the world. Anthropology could contribute further working alongside other
micro disciplines working to build an analytical bridge. This bridge links the macro impact of
religion in shaping the identity of transnational movements and the experiential aspect of
religion which motivates the actions of individuals. Anthropologists could help provide more
answers to the question: what are the specific experiences that provoke adherents to take their
feelings to a global stage? Anthropology could also further the understanding of the dual
function religion plays as both the site for the personal expression of marginalisation and
powerlessness whilst also functioning as the counter platform for the pursuit of power.
This frame could make a useful contribution not least because what is intentionally absent
from macro focused literature is an appreciation of how resistance is experienced and enacted
by individuals, often by those marginalised by structures of power. Juergensmeyer (2005)
argues that radical ideologies have become the vehicles of rebellions against authority linked
to social, cultural, and political grievances. However, these ideologies are shaped by peoples
everyday experiences of living with marginalisation and injustice. Individual accounts of injustice and exclusion are vividly documented by anthropologists of religion. For example, the
themes of witchcraft, spirit possession, and shamanism are commonly studied in anthropology
and often involve recording feelings of anxiety and concern over unwanted occurrences or traumatic experiences (Bowie, 2000). These themes are categories of ethnographic analysis used by
anthropologists to record how communities and individuals explain shifts in the status quo.
Religious figures such as shamans are turned to for help in taming forces of change that
disturb the desired rhythm of life (Brain, 1993; Gessler, 1995; Kamat, 2004; Kendall, 1985;
Kramer, 1993). Work on spirit possession shows that distress and resistance are often articulated
through the act of being possessed by a spirit (Csordas, 1994; Lambek, 1993; Legerwerf, 1987;
Masquelier, 1994; Rekdal, 1999). Radical ideas are expressed and explored during the assumed
safety of a trance state as the ideas voiced can be blamed on external forces rather than the individual they embody (Geschiere & Cyprian, 1994; Janzen, 1992; Manji, 2003; Marwick, 1982;
Pool, 1994; Rekdal, 1999; Swantz, 1995). Similarly religious transnational movements represent
spaces within which individuals are encouraged to vent their anger and frustrations at the forces
that oppress them. At the micro level adherents create physical spaces for the expression of their
faith. Global and national movements must offer the individual opportunities to affirm their religious identities through the expression of the core values that shape their perceptions of the
world. Transnational movements magnify beliefs and grievances expressed at a local level. A
combined micro/macro approach highlights how religion acts as the vehicle through which
these feelings find themselves embedded into the structures of transnational movements.

270 T. Bradley
Haynes states: there is a growing awareness in international research of the importance of
religion as a trans-national actor in the context of globalisation(2006, p. 11). This viewpoint
has a growing body of evidence behind it. Studies of international movements conducted
within IR and anthropological accounts of the role of religion in shaping individual and community identities provide convincing evidence that religion is a permanent force in the world today.
However, these two discourses are as yet unlinked by a single analytical thread.

Downloaded by [Universidad Del Rosario] at 17:39 20 January 2015

Anthropology of Religion
So where/how does religion interface with globalisation? Religion entails dialogue with a
sacred image or images or with a notion of the divine. This dialogue then directs and motives
peoples actions and perceptions of the world around them. According to theorists of globalisation it is penetrating virtually all areas of the globe, pushing change in even the most remote
areas. It is likely that those with religious beliefs will respond to and make sense of this
change through their religion. At a macro level this is clear in the rise of global religious movements such as Pentecostalism and fundamentalist religions. At a local level too, individuals will
privately and collectively articulate and understand change working through their responses to it
within a religious domain. Religion has been studied at a local level in the sub discipline of
anthropology of religion. Anthropologists such as Aigbe (1993), Akinnasi (1995), Angro
(2004), Barber (1981), Bennett (1996), Gold (1989), Gottlieb (1992), Hirschkind (2001),
James (1988, 1995), Knauft (1996), Lambek (1993), and Swantz (1990, 1995) highlight religion
as a source of beliefs and values that structure everyday life. Literature within the anthropology
of religion shows religion to encompass more than faith in a God. Religion is also a space that
people turn to for an understanding of the world and their place within it. Anthropologists of
religion look at how religious beliefs, specifically a notion of the sacred, inform and determine
the shape of everyday life.
There has been a notable recent output of edited volumes focusing on the link between anthropology and religion (Angro, 2004; Bowen, 2000, 2002; Crapo, 2003; Glaizer, 2003; Hicks, 2002;
Lambek, 2002; Scupin, 1999; Whitehouse & Laiulaw, 2004). These texts stress the fluidity of the
category religion and urge scholars to move away from viewing religion purely through a
Western Judaeo-Christian lens. The amount of time devoted in these texts to exploring what religion means reveals an absence in IR literature on religion. IR scholars do not spend much time
critically engaging with the term religion. Mandir (2007) is directly critical of Juergensmeyer
(2005) whose usage of both the terms religion and power reflect a narrow view of religion.
Religion is viewed by Juergensmeyer simply as a reactionary force setting itself in opposition to
secular global process of change. Mandir, writing specifically about Indian religions, wants
to see religion reclaimed from its colonial roots. If this does not happen, Mandir warns, nonWestern adherents will consistently be forced to articulate and express their epistemological
perspectives through a limited Western-derived concept of religion. A fluid understanding of
religiosity more accurately portrays the freer more responsive way in which Indians use religious
spaces to negotiate with the rest of the world on their terms.
In the introductory statements of the key anthropology of religion texts cited above, religion is
placed at the heart of life not only in terms of its impact on human relations, politics, economics,
and cultural identity, but also in regard to its role in shaping worldviews and beliefs. Religion is
understood as providing beliefs relating to a spiritual or supernatural sphere. The source of these
beliefs is a concept of the sacred. The sacred origins of ideas and values ensure that they possess
an authority that restricts the degree to which they are challenged. The sacred is experienced by

Downloaded by [Universidad Del Rosario] at 17:39 20 January 2015

Religion and Globalisation

271

the believer and is often described in terms of a relationship with a divine being or spirit. Claims
to understand the sacred give a religious group and/or leader legitimacy; it therefore follows that
the leadership of a transnational movement must show their members they have a close relationship with the divine by proving that the sacred has directly inspired their actions. The role of
religious leadership in the formation of the Hindu nationalist movement is seen in McKeans
(1996) ethnographic research reviewed in the next section.
Anthropologists regard religion as fundamentally an experiential concept, rather than one that
can be understood through mapping out a series of behaviours. Bowie (2000) defines religion in
her overview text on religion and anthropology in terms of a supernatural realm to which people
look for explanations for why and how human life came to be. Bowie describes religion as the
arena through which spiritual and practical guidance is offered to people.
Asad (1993) links the personal dimension of religion to the formation of national power bases.
He is concerned with how power and discipline impact on peoples everyday lives. Asad
highlights the links between religion and power. He argues that religious symbols are not
only intimately linked to social life but also support or oppose the dominant political power.
His views resonate with those scholars positioned at a macro level. For example, Reychler
and Paffenholz (2000) argue that faith often presents itself as a soft power shaping discourses
that describe how the world should be, driving people to act according to that vision. Anthropologists such as Asad support this view claiming that religion shapes how people perceive their
role in life thus influencing actions. Although Asad does not write specifically about transnational movements his work offers explanations as to how and why religion is such a pervasive
element in the formation of transnational movements. Religion becomes the authoritative platform on which transnational movements are built. Asad acknowledges that religious beliefs and
practices are not static but change with history. The authority of religion is ensured through the
adaptation of beliefs and practices, in order to suit the needs of a new emerging order. His work
offers ethnographic historical evidence to support scholars from IR who argue that religion has
not and is not likely to subside as globalisation persists. But also pinpoints a concept of authority
at the heart of religion which allows for the assertion of counter hegemonies. Adherents give
authority to those religious worldviews that reflect their cultural identity whilst also offer explanations and direction at times of crisis. In other words adherents seek out authoritative voices
from within their own tradition that seem to empathise with their experiences. Religious movements must adapt their beliefs to reflect the concerns and anxieties of their target membership.
It is this ability to adapt that determines a movements pervasiveness.
This article will now consider more closely what anthropology can offer our understanding of
how religion impacts on the formation of transnational movements. Anthropologists who work
on religion as a collective body seek to understand how people view their world, how they
respond to changes from outside, and the changes individuals and communities push for from
within. Primary evidence can be found in ethnographic literature to support macro level
views that marginalisation and exclusion are common experiences that result in a person
joining a movement. Movements offer the powerless the opportunity to challenge the authority
of others. For example anthropological literature on the theme of politics and religious identity
focuses on the emergence of militant or radical religious identities. Most of the literature argues
that these identities are formed as political and emotional reactions to globalisation, which is
blamed for causing marginalisation (Hefner, 1998; Ranger, 1993; Shaharaw & Canfield,
1984; Van der Veer, 1996). These scholars, like Asad, argue that a historical approach should
be adopted in ethnographic research in order to give a sense of how communities are responding
to the impact of globalisation. Other (Contusrs, 1989; Cunningham, 2000; James, 1995)

272 T. Bradley
anthropologists of religion show that religious subjectivities often form the platform for political
mobilisation and result in the prominence of certain national and ethnic identities as they
reaction to change.

Two Examples

Downloaded by [Universidad Del Rosario] at 17:39 20 January 2015

Liberation Theology Movement

Liberation theology is a good example of how this analytical link between IR and anthropology
could operate. Liberation theology enabled Roman Catholics to bring their personal agendas for
change to the attention of transnational religious actors demanding religious institutions represent and campaign for social justice. This is documented in Bruneaus (1980) article, which
looks at the impact of local, poor Catholic communities in Latin America on Catholic teachings
of social justice for the poor. In other words the poor of Latin America demanded that their
religious leaders took up their cause.1 Clearly the movement itself was shaped by feelings
experienced at a local level (Beyer, 1994). A concept of social justice magnified these experiences onto the national and then global stage. IR scholars and sociologists tend to focus in on
the success of the movement in creating an international platform from which to propound its
message of social justice. A network of Catholic activists and organisations sprang up, all determined to achieve greater equality for the poor. Sociologists such as Beyer (1994), Hopkins,
Lorentzen, and Mendieta (2002) and IR scholars such as Haynes (1998) combine history, politics, and sociology in their accounts of how Roman Catholicism was forced to create the
platform for this now transnational movement. Unlike many IR scholars Haynes acknowledges
that religion operates publicly and privately in the lives of adherents. He goes on to argue that the
success of a movement depends in part on its ability to preserve the private, spiritual space
within its public institutional structures. It is here that anthropological studies can make more
of a contribution to IR. As already argued in the previous section anthropologists who study
religion are concerned to link these two aspects of religion by understanding how it is lived.
In the context of liberation theology anthropologists can offer a critical picture of how well
the institutional aspect of the movement responds to the needs and experiences of local Catholic
communities. In doing this anthropology can contribute to the work of IR scholars such as
Haynes who allude to the importance of the micro, private sphere of religion but whose discipline base does not stretch this far.
Norget (1999) presents her extensive ethnographic fieldwork in Oaxaca, Mexico showing on
the one hand how socio-economic class distinctions affect religious practice. She also shows
how resilient and adaptable Catholicism has been in reflecting the competing needs and experiences brought about by these divisions. Catholicism has helped people negotiate modernity and
marginalisation. As Bentham urges anthropologists to do, Norget also applies an anthropological
critique questioning how effective the movement is in bringing the transformations it promises.
Catholic activism has increasingly been drawn into a neoliberal approach cooperating with
multinationals, which release funds for micro projects in poor Catholic communities but then
command influence implanting a secular agenda. The impact of this macro power relation
makes Catholic organisations less able to respond to local needs (Morse & McNamara,
2006). This anthropological perspective highlights the tensions between the macro and micro
in the formation and growth of this transnational movement. Religion on the one hand operates
effectively at the local level, providing a personal space for reflection and also in forming a
platform for people to share their collective experiences of marginalisation. However, religious

Downloaded by [Universidad Del Rosario] at 17:39 20 January 2015

Religion and Globalisation

273

movements have to exist alongside powerful secular global forces that hold the financial
resources needed to realise the demands of the poor (Edelman & Haugerud, 2005). In return
multinationals expect loyal commitment to neoliberalism, which many community level
Catholic activists hold responsible for the inequalities suffered by rural people.
The benefits of taking a critical ethnographic approach can be seen in the work of Burdick
(1991) and could be of use to Haynes in further appreciating the importance of the personal
aspect of religion he acknowledges. Burdicks micro study of a Brazilian town questions the
success of liberation theology in addressing local needs. He makes audible the voices of
those groups marginalised by the movements agenda, low class women, youths, and ethnic
minorities. Instead the movement aligns itself with more affluent groupings. Religion remains
a vital part of the lives of marginalised groups Burdick studies, but instead traditional concepts
of the sacred are used to express their continued frustrations at being excluded from any political
platform.
Anthropological material highlights that as religious movements rise and fall religion remains
a vital part of the lives of marginalised groups. Despite the growth of modernity and globalisation traditional concepts of the sacred are still used to express frustrations at being denied a
political voice. Other ethnographies also look at how struggles over differences (class and
gender) acknowledged in religious spaces give way to politically driven identities (Bloch,
1986; Scott, 1990). Contusrs (1989), Hale (1994), and Imam (1994) have produced research
that locates new radical religious identities that are emerging as a result of social marginalisation
on the basis of class and gender. These identities do not mark a move away from traditional
concepts of the sacred but show the inability of existing transnational movements to respond
to local needs which forces people to create their own platforms. These anthropological
studies reinforce Asads claim that if a movement is to be successful it must adapt to the
changing needs and demands of its members. Clearly the Roman Catholic Churchs failure to
respond to the needs of some marginalised groups has resulted in them turning away from the
church and also a Catholic identity.
Macro and micro studies of the liberation theology movement show how religion provides an
active platform and energy that drives social, political, and economic change. The global endurance of this religious movement is due to the way in which religion has been harnesses as a
resource for activism. But the anthropological accounts that offer personal, face-to-face accounts
of the lives of poor Catholic communities reveal a stark contradiction. The movement was
created to respond to the marginalised, yet the global growth of the movement seems to have
reduced it ability to maintain close responsive local relationships with the very people it
sought to support. In these critical ethnographic studies the negative, damaging effects of
globalisation can be seen.
Hindu Nationalism
IR scholars focus on religion and Hindu nationalism at the level of public discourse. Van der
Veer (1994) in his ethnographic research looks at the historical construction of Hindu and
Muslim identities in India and the transformation of these identities in the colonial and
postcolonial periods, in the context of nationalism. His central focus recognises religions
dual function in peoples lives. His analysis shows the link between private, more intimate
religious spaces and the public religious discourse. Here is the main point of departure with
IR. IR scholars tend to do one of two things either they focus on defining nationalism and
use religion as a dimension of it (Chiriyankandanth, 1994; Ferguson & Jones, 2002; Jaffrelot

Downloaded by [Universidad Del Rosario] at 17:39 20 January 2015

274 T. Bradley
& Blom Hansen, 2004; Mitra & Rothermund, 1997). Or, as in the case of Kinnvall (2006), they
combine religion and nationalism to produce an analytical frame that focuses on understanding a
particular aspect of the movement. Kinnvall focuses on understanding the insecurities people
feel at the pace of global change. In other words, find a reason for the rise of the transnational
movement. In short, IR scholars place emphasis on the movement and how it uses religion.
Anthropologists have a contribution to make to this work by revealing the complexities and
diversity of religion and how it impacts on peoples lives.
Van der Veers argument is that religious identity is constructed through ritual discourse and
practice that begins at the level of individual worship. Nationalist discourse must step into these
spaces if it is to utilise the insecurities experienced by adherents that can then be used to build an
ideology attractive to them. Anthropologists seek to emphasise this internal diversity and the
impact it has on the social and political life of India (Biardeau, 1994; Gellner, 2001; Nirad,
2003). A focus on ritual respects this diversity whilst enabling religion to be appreciated as a
central dimension in the rise of nationalism.
The IR material cited above views nationalism largely as the vehicle through which people
gain security and control over their lives. Hindu nationalism manipulates religious discourses
to achieve this. Religion is often presented as a means to gain control and capture peoples
minds for the purpose of achieving a political goal. However religion is also a space within
which people respond to their world. Van der Veer, sharing Haynes view discussed in the
previous section, shows how essential it is for any movement to reach into these spaces if it
is to have a lasting presence.
A nationalist community is founded through a common religious identity. The public discourse stresses unity between all members, which, it is claimed, is achieved despite caste and
class differences. As material in relation to liberation theology revealed, an anthropological
perspective is able to contest this impression of unity by uncovering the experiences of those
excluded by the community (Burdick, 1991; Norget, 1999). The critical anthropological
view states that the creation of discourse requires an authoritative voice that normalises a particular identity. Those who do not fit will find themselves excluded by the internal hierarchy
this process of identity making results in.
At the level of public discourse Van der Veers work supports and reiterates much of what IR
scholars record. Van der Veers work, as with many IR scholars working on this topic, concentrates on a case study of conflict over the mosque burning at Ayodhya in 1992. The mosque was
largely rebuilt with labour and money from Hindus outside India. The focus provided by the
mosque reconstruction allowed Hindus around the globe to unify behind a strong national identity and reconnect with their traditional culture. This in turn led to a reimagining of that past.
The point of departure in Van der Veers work comes in his inclusion of a micro focus, which
he believes must be used to appreciate how religion has interfaced in the construction of Hindu
nationalism. In bringing into view the impact of micro religious spaces he shows how religion
can and should form a more central part of the analysis IR scholars give to the rise of religiouspolitical transnational movements. Van der Veer shows how the roots of the movement lie in the
personal ritual spaces of individual Hindus. Within Hindu practice rituals are central in communicating concepts of personhood. The sacred spaces within which rituals are enacted make them
emotive and deeply personal. The physical bodily involvement of a persons whole self in the
expression of ritual devotion makes these religious spaces hugely important in the lives of adherents. Ritual actions do not change but the social spaces within which they are performed do.
Different meanings and experiences will be brought to an adherents ritual performance. In
other words the adherent will bring into the ritual space the problems and concerns of the

Downloaded by [Universidad Del Rosario] at 17:39 20 January 2015

Religion and Globalisation

275

time. As the outside world changes rituals maintain a reassuring pattern through which these
external events and new ideas can be processed. When conflicts erupt and adherents feel their
world threatened political groups can influence the interpretations people make of these
changes. As Van der Veer states: by engaging peoples consciousness of their world and
their personhood, nationalist ideology attains motivating power . . . Ritual can thus be seen as
a form of communication through which a person discovers his identity and the significance
of his actions. It works largely by defining not only the self but also the other (1994,
p. 84). Both Muslim and Hindu religions incorporate narratives of hostility in which evil is
violently defeated so that cosmological order can be restored. Nationalist discourses use ritual
communication to direct the adherent towards the belief that violent actions are needed to
defeat the oppressive actions of the other.
Ethnographic research conducted by McKean (1996) identifies a religious form of patriarchal
power as integral to the successful manipulation of religious discourse by Hindu nationalists.
Her gendered perspective could help IR research that points to how such movements marginalise
as well as support agency. She shows how the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) utilise the soft
power of gurus to gain supporters. The ethnographic approach of McKean highlights the
entrenched patriarchal view of these gurus, which has helped to embed gendered notions of
the feminine in the nationalist discourse. Indian nationalism relies on patriarchal symbols of
the female body. Submissive images of femininity represent the honour of the Indian nation
symbolically projected through the concept of Mother India. Disharmony is often blamed
on destructive feminine forces like Kali and Durga (see Kinsley, 1987). Male authority is
deemed necessary to restore balance and harmony to society. Her gendered analysis of religion
points to the marginalisation of women from the process of creating the discourse which in turn
indicates that women within the movement may find it hard for their specific interests/needs to
be meet. This view parallels with the findings of Burdick (1991) in relation to the liberation
theology movement. McKean conducted extensive ethnographic interviews with gurus and
sadhus (religious and spiritual leaders and teachers) whose religious teachings reflected the
orthodox narrative projected by the VHP. Members of the VHP recognised the useful role
gurus and sadhus could fulfil, utilising their hold over adherents to assert a social power directing
and influencing how people perceive of and act in the world around them. Sadhus and gurus
acquire their status by claiming a close relationship with the divine. This relationship is often
displayed by sadhus through the performance of physical feats of endurance, which adherents
take as signs of a divine connection. As a result these religious figures are awarded religious
authority and their teachings are heard and endorsed by those who accept their sacred identity.
The political significance of such figures cannot be seen in McKeans work, what she shows is
the need to view religion as culturally relative and multifaceted. Religion will appear and be used
by political movements in different ways to varying effect. Her work also shows how personal
religious identities and experiences become translated into political actions but not without a
process through which religious beliefs become rein interpreted through a political frame.
Somewhere in the process religious beliefs and convictions conflate with political objectives
and are magnified and encapsulate within a global, transnational movement.
For Van der Veer (1994) and Pratt (2003) the growth of a religious-political movement is its
ability to bring together a political discourse with the emotive dimension of religion to construct
a strong identity among its members. In this micro focused literature links are made between
local level experiences of global processes of change and the emergence of national and transnational platforms through which these experiences become magnified. Religion is the space that
allows people to acknowledge their views and feelings about what is going on in their lives. It

276 T. Bradley

Downloaded by [Universidad Del Rosario] at 17:39 20 January 2015

then becomes the mechanism through which these individuals act to control processes of change.
A common worldview secures a connection between members of an organisation. Global technologies allow these networks to practically operate to achieve shared goals.
As the anthropological material on the liberation theology and Hindu nationalist movements
reveals, it is unlikely that transnational religious movements succeed in fully addressing feelings
of marginalisation. In other words, transnational movements are likely to possess internal hierarchies and divisions hidden from sight at a macro level. The intersection of international
relations and anthropology could bring to vision the complete journey from grass roots experiences of marginalisation to membership of transnational movements to the possibility of the
individual experiencing further exclusion once faced with a new set of power relations from
within the very organisation that claims to represent his/her interests.
Conclusion
The objective of this article was to highlight the contributions to the debate on religion and
globalisation made by two different bodies of literature and to argue for these approaches to
intersect. Multidisciplinary research already offers a comprehensive picture of how globalisation
and religion interface in the formation of transnational movements. However, anthropology has
not made a prominent contribution to this debate.
The anthropological perspective could further enhance the micro work of scholars from sociology and the study of religion developing the dialogue between researchers who position themselves at the macro or micro level. I have identified two key questions ethnographic research
could help to answer. Firstly, why has religion remained such a prominent force in the world
today? Secondly, why is religion such a central element in the formation of so many transnational
political movements? Scholars within IR could use anthropological studies to highlight how local
people react to processes of change that challenge their status quo. These studies show how religion impacts at a personal, emotional level and also operates as a vehicle through which resistance can be mounted. IR scholars could use this material in their analysis producing an even more
dynamic picture of globalisation as a negotiated set of processes, one in which all actors, to
varying degrees, have a stake in determining its cause and direction. As I have shown in my
two examples of the liberation theology and Hindu nationalist movements, power and religion
interface at all levels of a political movement. Religious narratives and even rituals are manipulated and reinterpreted by movement leaders in order to create a common, popular identity that
supports their agenda. However, those who feel marginalised by this discourse may turn to religion to express these feelings and consider what strategies of resistance they can employ. Combining anthropology with IR leaves no doubt that concepts of power and authority are central to
the formation of a successful movement but rely heavily on a claim to know the sacred. In other
words, religious insight must be claimed if the political cause of a movement is to achieve a
growing membership. Additionally, because religion is experienced at a personal level, leaders
must influence the intimate spaces within which adherents express their spirituality. Van der
Veers work shows how this has been achieved by Hindu nationalists by reaching into the
spaces where private rituals are performed. IR scholars show how movements can use global
technologies to extend their claim to knowledge beyond their community and cultural of
origin. A chain of processes and events are more clearly revealed through the intersection of
IR and anthropology. The strengthening of the relationship between these two disciplines combined with other micro disciplines could make even more important links between global hegemonic processes and structures and peoples lives. Making audible individual responses to

Religion and Globalisation

277

globalisation and highlighting platforms that people create for themselves to articulate dissent.
Furthermore, activists could use this work to shape their responses to these voices by supporting
the direction of change demanded by them. Finally ethnographic research shows that religion is a
vital part of many peoples lives which is not likely to diminish, not least because it is from religion that many people gain a sense of their world and place within it.
Note
1

Other research on liberation theology includes Birkeflet (1991), Solle (1993), Carlos (1994), Tombs (2002).

Downloaded by [Universidad Del Rosario] at 17:39 20 January 2015

References
Aigbe, S. (1993) Theory of Social Involvement. A Case Study in the Anthropology of Religion, State and Society
(Lanham, NY: University of America Press).
Akinnasi, N. (1995) Bourdieu and the diviner knowledge and symbolic power in Yoruba Divination I, in W. James (ed.),
The Pursuit of Certainty: Religious and Cultural Formation, ASA Conference Series (London: Routledge), pp. 5466.
Alvarez, S., Dagnino, E. & Escobar, A. (1998) in S. Alverez, E. Dagnino & A. Escobar (eds) Cultures of Politics/Politics
of Cultures: Revisioning Latin American Social Movements (Boulder, CO: Westview Press).
Angro, M. (2004) The Culture of the Sacred: Exploring the Anthropology of Religion (Prospect Heights: Waveland
Press).
Asad, T. (1993) Genealogies of Religion: Discipline and Reasons of Power in Christianity and Islam (Baltimore and
London: Johns Hopkins University Press).
Barber, K. (1981) How man makes God in West Africa: Yoruba attitudes towards Orisa, Africa, 51(2), pp. 164180.
Bennett, C. (1996) In Search of the Sacred: Anthropology and the Study of Religions (London: Cassell).
Bennett, L. (1983) Dangerous Wives and Sacred Sisters: Social and Symbolic Roles of High Caste Women in Nepal
(New York: Columbia University Press).
Bentham, J. (1991) The Middle East, Anthropology Today, 7(2), pp. 1115.
Beyer, P. (1994) Religion and Globalization (London: Sage).
Beyer, P. & Beaman, C. (eds) (2007) Religion, Globalization and Culture (Leiden: Brill).
Biardeau, M. (1994) Hinduism: The Anthropology of a Civilization (New Delhi: Oxford University Press).
Birkeflet, S. (1991) Latin American Liberation Theology: A Bibliography on Essential Writing (Oslo: Faculty of
Theology).
Bloch, M. (1986) From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merina of Madagascar (Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press).
Bowen, J. (2002) Religions in Practice. An Approach to the Anthropology of Religion (Boston, London: Allyn and
Bacon).
Bowie, F. (2000) The Anthropology of Religion: an introduction (Oxford: Blackwell).
Brain, J. (1983) Witchcraft and development, African Affairs, 82(2), pp. 88 102.
Bruneau, T. (1980) The Catholic Church and development in Latin America: The role of the basic Christian communities,
World Development, 8(7/11), pp. 113126.
Burdick, J. (1991) Looking for God in Brazil: The Progressive Catholic Church in Urban Brazils Religious Arena
(Berkeley: University of California Press).
Carlos, P. (1994) Jesus and Liberation: A Critical Analysis of the Christology of Latin American Liberation Theology
(New York: P. Lang).
Chiriyankandanth, J. (1996) Hindu nationalism and regional political culture in India, Nationalism and Ethnic Politics,
2(1), pp. 98113.
Coleman, S. (2000) The Globalisation of Charismatic Christianity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
Contusrs, J. (1989) Militant Hinduism and the Buddhist Dalits, American Ethnologist, 2(3), pp. 234251.
Crapo, R. (2003) Anthropology of Religion: The Unity and Diversity of Religions (Boston, London: McGraw Hill).
Csordas, T. (1994) The Sacred Self: A Cultural Phenomenology of Charismatic Healing (Berkeley: University of
California Press).
Cunningham, T. (2000) The ethnography of transnational social activism, Anthropological Enquiry, 26(1), pp. 3448.
Edelman, M. & Haugerud, A. (eds) (2005) The Anthropology of Development and Globalization: from Classical Political
Economy to Contemporary Neoliberalism (Oxford: Blackwell).

Downloaded by [Universidad Del Rosario] at 17:39 20 January 2015

278 T. Bradley
Elliott, C. (ed.) (2007) Global Empowerment of Women: Responses to Globalization and Politicised Religions (London:
Routledge).
Feiderman, S. (1985) Struggles for control: The roots of health and healing in modern Africa, The African Studies
Review, 28(2/3), pp. 43 57.
Ferguson, Y. & Jones, B. (eds) (2002) Political Space: Frontiers of Change (Albany: State University of New York
Press).
Fox, J. (2001) Religion as an overlooked element of international relations, International Studies Review, 3(3), pp. 1329.
Gellner, D. (2001) The Anthropology of Buddhism and Hinduism (New Delhi, New York: Oxford University Press).
Gessler, M. (1995) Traditional healers in Tanzania: The treatment of malaria with plant remedies, Journal of Ethnopharmacology, 48(1), pp. 2036.
Glaizer, S. (2003) Selective Readings in the Anthropology of Religion Theoretical and Methodological Essays (Westport,
CT: Praeger).
Geschiere, P. & Cyprian, F. (1994) Domesticating personal violence: Witchcraft, courts and confessions in Cameroon,
Africa, 64(3), pp. 66 80.
Gold, A. (1989) Fruitful Journeys the Ways of Rajasthani Pilgrims (Delhi: Open University Press).
Gottlieb, A. (1992) Under the Kapok Tree: Identity and Difference in Beng Thought (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press).
Hale, S. (1994) Gender religious identity and political mobilisation in Sudan, in V. Moghadam (ed.) Identity Politics and
Women: Cultural Reassertions and Feminisms in International Perspective (Boulder, CO: Westview Press).
Haynes, J. (1993) Religion in Third World Politics (Buckingham: Open University Press).
Haynes, J. (1998) Religion in Global Politics (Harlow: Longman).
Haynes, J. (ed.) (1999) Religion Globalization and Political Culture in the Third World (Basingstoke: Macmillan).
Haynes, J. (ed.) (2006) The Politics of Religion: A Survey (London: Routledge).
Hefner, R. (1998) Multiple modernities: Christianity, Islam and Hinduism in a globalising age, Annual Review of
Anthropology, 27(3), pp. 211 220.
Hicks, D. (ed.) (2002) Ritual and Belief: Readings in the Anthropology of Religion (Boston, London: McGraw Hill).
Hirschkind, C. (2001) Civic virtue and religious reason: An Islamic counter-public, Cultural Anthropology, 16(1),
pp. 3348.
Hopkins, D., Lorentzen, L., & Mendieta, E. (2002) Religions/Globalizations: Theories and Cases (Durham, NC: Duke
University Press).
Howell, J. & Pearce, J. (2002) Civil Society and Development: A Critical Exploration (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner
Publishers).
Imam, A. (1994) Politics, Islam and women in Kano, Northern Nigeria, in V. Moghadam (ed.) Identity, Politics and Women:
Cultural Reassertions and Feminisms in International Perspective (Boulder, CO: Westview Press), pp. 123144.
Jaffrelot, C. & Blom Hansen, T. (2004) Hindu Nationalism and Hindu Politics (Delhi: Oxford University Press).
James, W. (1988) The Listening Ebony: Moral Knowledge, Religion and Power and the Uduk of Sudan (Oxford: Oxford
University Press).
James, W. (ed.) (1995) The Pursuit of Certainty: Religious and Cultural Formations (London: Routledge).
Janzen, J. (1992) Discourses of Healing in Central and Southern Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press).
Juergensmeyer, M. (2005) Religion in the new global order, http://www.maxwell.syr.edu/Moynihan/programs/sac/
paper%20pdfs/marks%20paper.
Kamat, V. (2004) Negotiating Illness and Misfortune in Post Socialist Tanazania: an Ethnographic study in Temeke
District Dar es Salaam. PhD Emory University Department of Anthropology, University Microfilms International.
Kendall, L. (1985) Shamans, Housewives and Other Restless Spirits: Women in Ritual Life (Honolulu: University of
Hawaii Press).
Kinnvall, C. (2006) Globalization and religious Nationalism in India (London and New York: Routledge).
Kinsley, D. (1987) Hindu Goddesses (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass).
Knauft, B. (1996) Genealogies for the Present in Cultural Anthropology (London: Routledge).
Kramer, F. (1993) The Red Fez: Art and Spirit Possession in Africa (London: Verso).
Lambek, M. (1993) Knowledge and Practice in Mayotte: Local Discourses of Islam, Sorcery and Spirit Possession
(Toronto: University of Toronto Press).
Lambek, M. (ed.) (2002) A Reader in the Anthropology of Religion (Oxford: Blackwell).
Leach, M. & Scoones, I. (2007) Mobilising citizens: Social movements and the politics of knowledge, IDS Working
Paper Series.
Legerwerf, L. (1987) Witchcraft, Sorcery and Spirit Possession: Pastoral Responses in Africa (Gweru: Mambo Press).

Downloaded by [Universidad Del Rosario] at 17:39 20 January 2015

Religion and Globalisation

279

Mandir, A. (2007) The global fiduciary: Mediating the violence of religion, in J. R. Hinnells & R. King (eds) Religion and
Violence in South Asia: Theory and Practice (London and New York: Routledge), pp. 55 68.
Manji, A. (2003) Magic Faith and Healing: Mysteries of Africa (Pittsburgh: Sterling House).
Marwick, M. (ed.) (1982) Witchcraft and Sorcery (Harmondsworth: Penguin).
Masquelier, A. (1994) Lightning, death and the avenging spirits: Bori values in a Muslim world, Journal of Religion in
Africa, 24(1), pp. 99115.
McKean, L. (1996) Divine Enterprise: Gurus and the Hindu Nationalist Movement (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press).
Meyer, D. & Staggenborg, S. (1996) Movements, countermovements and the structure of political opportunity, American
Journal of Sociology, 101(6), pp. 23 36.
Mitra, S. & Rothermund, D. (eds) (1997) Legitimacy and Conflict in South Asia (New Delhi: Manohar).
Morse, S. & McNamara, N. (2006) Analysing institutional partnerships in development: a contract between equals or a
loaded process? Progress in Development Studies, 6(4), pp. 321336.
Nirad, C. (2003) The Hinduism Omnibus (New Delhi: Oxford University Press).
Norget, K. (1999) Progressive theology and popular religiosity in Oaxaca, in C. Smith & J. Prokoopy (eds) Latin America
in Motion (New York: Routledge).
Pool, R. (1994) Dialogue and the Interpretation of Illness: Conversations in a Cameroon Village (Oxford: Berg).
Pratt, J. (2003) Class, Nation, identity: The Anthropology of Political Movements (London: Pluto Press).
Ranger, T. (1993) Religious movements and politics in Sub-Saharan Africa, African Studies Review, 29(2), pp. 109118.
Rekdal, O. (1999) Cross-cultural healing in East African ethnography, Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 13(4),
pp. 458482.
Reychler, L. & Paffenholz, T. (2000) Peace Building: A Field Guide (Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner).
Scott, J. (1990) Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (Delhi: Oxford University Press).
Scupin, R. (1999) Religion and Culture and Anthropological Focus (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall).
Shaharaw, M. & Cranfield, R. (1984) Revolutions and Rebellions in Afghanistan: Anthropological Perspectives
(Berkeley: University of California Press).
Solle, D. (1993) Celebrating Resistance: The way of the cross in Latin America (London: Mowbray).
Swantz, M. (1990) Modernity, wealth and witchcraft in Tanzania, Research in Economic Anthropology, 20(2), pp. 7390.
Swantz, M. (1995) Blood, Milk and Death: Body Symbols and Power of Regeneration among the Zaramo of Tanzania
(Westport: Bergin and Garrey).
Tehranian, M. & Lum, J. B. (2006) Globalization and Identity: Cultural Diversity, Religion and Citizenship (Piscatawy,
NJ: Transaction Publishers).
Thomas, S. (2005) The Global Resurgence of Religion and the Transformation of International Relation (New York:
Palgrave Macmillan).
Tombs, D. (2002) Latin America Liberation Theology (Boston: Brill).
Van der Veer, P. (1988) Gods on Earth: The Management of Religious experience and Identity in a North Indian Pilgrimage
Centre (London: Berg).
Van der Veer, P. (1994) Religious Nationalism: Hindus and Muslims in India (Berkeley: University of California Press).
Van der Veer, P. (1996) Conversion to Modernities: The Globalization of Christianity (New York: Routledge).
Warburg, M., Hvithamar, A. & Wasmind, A. (eds) (2005) Bahai and Globalisation (Aarhus: Aarhus University Press).
Werbner, R. (ed.) (1998) Memory and the Postcolony: African Anthropology and the Critique of Power (London: Zed
Books).
Whitehouse, H. & Laiulaw, J. (2004) Ritual and Memory: Toward a Comparative Anthropology of Religion (Walnut
Creek, CA: Alta Mira Press).

Tamsin Bradley is Senior Lecturer in Social Anthropology, Department of Applied Social

Sciences, London Metropolitan University. She completed her PhD at the School of Oriental
and African Studies (SOAS) and was awarded an Economic and Social Research Council
(ESRC) postdoctoral fellowship. She is also a researcher attached to the UK Department for
International Development (DFID) funded Religion and Development Research Programme
and co-coordinator of The Dowry Project.