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RONALD DWORKIN
Luckand Hierarchy
Equality,
In a recentarticlein thisjournal,ProfessorSamuelScheffier
criticizes
whathe takesto be an importantnew movementin politicalphilosoHe identifies
me as a luckegalitarian,
and I
phy:"luckegalitarianism."'
I
here.
have
a
But
moregeneralworry
challengethatcharacterization
abouthisthesis.He complainsthatluckegalitarianssubordinatesocial
and politicalequalityto economicequality: he says thatmyown acforexample,is "administrative"
and presupcountofeconomicequality,
the
a
on
takes
social
and politiposes hierarchical
society.He,
contrary,
and supposesthateconomicinequality
cal equalityto be fundamental,
is objectionableonlyifand to theextentthatitunderminesthatsocial
The impulseto see one or anotherdimensionof
and politicalequality.2
is misconceived,
however.A genuinesocietyof
equalityas fundamental
equals mustaim at equal stakeas wellas equal voice and equal status
foritscitizens.Wemustbuildconceptionsofthesedifferent
dimensions
of equalitythatfitwithand drawupon one another,not suppose that
than
eithereconomicorpoliticalor socialequalityis morefundamental
theothers.
I
his definition
of
identifies
me as a luckegalitarian,
AlthoughScheffler
thatmovementin factexcludesme. I do believethatluckshouldplay
1. SamuelScheffler,
"Whatis Egalitarianism?"
& PublicAffairs
Philosophy
31(2003):5-39.
Scheffler's
articleappearedtoolateforme tobe able to respondtoitin a generalresponse
I recently
ofcommentson mybookSovereign
Virtue.
See "Sovereign
publishedto a variety
VirtueRevisited,"Ethics113(2002): 106-43. That articletreatsin more detail some of the is-
takestheterm"luckegalitarian"
fromProfessor
ElizsuesI mentionbriefly
here.Scheffler
I discussAnderson's
inmy "Sovereign
Virtue
Revisited."
arguments
2. See Scheffler,
p. 23.
191
Equality,Luckand Hierarchy
3. Scheffler,
p. 5.
and PracticeofEquality(Cambridge,
Mass.: Harvard
4. Sovereign
Virtue:The Theory
Press,2000),hereinafter
University
SV.
5. SV,p. 140.
6. See particularly
SV,chap.2,8,and 9.
7. See thediscussioninSV,pp.340-46.
8. Scheffler,
p. 6.
9. SV,chap.2 and 9.
to. Ibid.
& PublicAffairs
Philosophy
192
discussionoftheissueis in SV,chap.7.
15. Thefullest
193
& PublicAffairs
Philosophy
194
19. Scheffler,
p. 20.
20. Ibid.
21. Scheffler
alsoendorsesProfessor
remark
thatitis difficult
toreconAnthony
Appiah's
cilemyviewthathandicapsaregroundsforcompensation
witha claimI makein a differVirtue(see SV,chap.6) whichis thatpeopleshouldtaketheirgeneral
entpartofSovereign
circumstances
intoaccountas "parameters"
in decidinghowto live.(See Scheffler,
n. 40,
toK.Anthony
ofWhat?"TheNewYorkReviewofBooks,
26April
Appiah,"Equality
referring
he saw;andneitherdoes Scheffler.
There
2001, 63-68.)Appiahdidnotexplainthedifficulty
is no obviousinconsistency:
I emphasized,in mydiscussionofethicalparameters,
that
"[w]ecannotdescribethechallengeoflivingwell,thatis,withoutmakingsomeassumptionsabouttheresourcesa good lifeshouldhave availableto it.We musttherefore
find
some suitableaccountof thewayin whichresourcesenterethicsas parameters
of the
no alternative
buttobringjusticeintothatstorybystipulatgoodlife,andwe have,I think,
thatjusticerequires"(SV,p. 264).
ingthata goodlifeis a lifesuitedtothecircumstances
Equality,Luckand Hierarchy
195
He generouslysaysthatI am "one
generalsocial and politicalvirtue.22
writerwho can be interpreted
as attempting
to anchorluck-egalitarian
principles in an ideal of equality . . . the ideal of treatingpeople as
that"[Dworkin's]
ideal ofequalityis
equals."23Buthe adds immediately
not the same as the social and politicalideal I have described."24My
administrative
ideal.Myclaimthat"equal
ideal,he says,is a hierarchical
shows a preoccupation
concern"is a sovereignvirtueof government
withthe questionofhow powerfulofficialsshoulddistribute
the comwealth
to
their
and
the
more
basic
social
and
ignores
munity's
subjects
of
dimensions
political
equality.
Scheffler's
Virtueis explicable,I believe,onlyon
readingof Sovereign
thedangerousassumptionI describedearlier,whichis thatthedimensionsofequalityaresomehowcompetitive,
so thatmyemphasison economicequalityin twoearlychaptersofthatbook signalsan indifference
in
to social and politicalequalityand therefore
a toleranceofhierarchy,
spiteoftherestofmybook.In facthe supportshis claimwithonlytwo
I think,thatwhen,in his
He says,first,
that"itis noteworthy,
arguments.
famoustwo-partarticle,'Whatis Equality?,'Dworkinfirstbroachesthe
questionofhowtheideal oftreating
people as equals mightbestbe aphe does so withreference
to theexample
pliedto issuesofdistribution,
ofa wealthyman who is decidinghow,in drawingup hiswill,to divide
hiswealthamonghischildren,
each ofwhomhas different
needs,ambideconstructive
tions,and tastes."25
Although
literary
theorymakesmuch
use of criticalmaneuversofthiskind-callingattentionto an author's
imagesand examplesand arguingthatthesebetraya hiddenagenda-I
In anycase,
thoughtphilosophyhappilyfreeofthatparticularstrategy.
thetestatorexampleis hardlyan important
one. The chaptersofSoverhas inmindaredominatedbya verydifferent
Scheffler
image:
eignVirtue
thatofa groupofsettlersagreeingamongthemselveshowbestto divide
withno hintofautocracy.
commonresources,
second argumentnotesthatI rejectwhatI call equalityof
Scheffler's
as a goal,and thenadds,"Theupshotis thatDworkin's
politicalinfluence
idealofequalitydoes notrequireorevenpermitan equal distribution
of
22.
Scheffler,
pp. 13-15.
23. Scheffler,
p. 34.
24. Ibid.
25. Scheffler,
p. 35.
& PublicAffairs
Philosophy
196
of resourcesthatit does
power; and the kind of equal distribution
with
is
not
social
or even,as he himself
require
incompatible
hierarchy
ButI define"influence"
as a technical
says,with'benevolenttyranny."'26
is hispowertoaffect
howotherpeople
term:someone'spoliticalinfluence
vote.27Bill Gates and KennethLay both have had much greaterthan
Butso didThomasJefferson,
WalterLippmann
averagepoliticalinfluence.
tothedegreewe can,extra
and MartinLutherKing.Wewanttoeliminate,
influencethatcomes frommoney.28But we certainlydo not want to
mindorinfectious
eliminateextrainfluencethatcomesfroma powerful
and
that
is
I
influence
as a goal.29Itcould
of
idealism,
why rejectequality
be realized,in anycase,onlythrough
an extravagant
totalitarianism
that
forbidsany politicaldiscussionat all. In fact,I emphasizeratherthan
denigratetheimportanceofpoliticalequalityunderstoodin a moresattwicerefersto my statementthatdistributive
isfactory
way.Scheffler
butthenacknowlequalitymightbe producedbya "benevolenttyrant,"
"forother
edges in a footnotethatI wouldrejecta benevolenttyranny
reasons."30In fact,myreasonsare exactlythosehe denies I have: I say
that"no tyranny
could advance theparticipatory
goals anyegalitarian
wouldalso aim to secure."31
community
Scheffler
citesJohnRawlsas a theoristwho differs
fromme because
Rawls's"questionis whichprinciplesofjusticeare most consistent,
in
withthefreedom
and equalityofpersons."32Scheffler
modernconditions,
that
saysthatmyownproject"contrasts
sharplywithan egalitarianism
beginsfromthe questionof whatrelationships
among equals are like
and goes on fromthereto considerwhatkindsof social and political
are appropriateto a societyof equals.""33I musttherefore
institutions
to saythatI did mean to addressthosequestions,
takethisopportunity
one political
valueas fundamental
so thatothers
not,itis true,byselecting
are subordinate-notby designating
a particularvalue as the one with
an interpretive
whichone "begins"-butthrough
methodthatemphasizes
26. Scheffler,
pp.36-37.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
SV,chap. 4.
pp. 194-98.
SV,
Scheffler,
p. 37,n. 76.
SV,p. 187.
32. Scheffler,
p. 31.
33. Scheffler,
p. 37.
197
Equality,Luckand Hierarchy
and interdependencies
interrelations
among all the politicalvalues,
in
an
overallaccountof a societyof
to
come
them
together
supposing
Virtuedoes tryto developegalitariantheoryin some
equals." Sovereign
does suggest
and institutional
concretelegislative
detail,and ittherefore
shouldand shouldnotbehave.Butit steadilyophowpoliticalofficials
poses hierarchy.
deScheffler
emphasizestheimportanceofthecontemporary
rightly
bate about racial,genderand otherformsof discrimination?.3But he
I think,thedegreeto whicheconomicinequalityboth
underestimates,
flowsfromand exacerbatestheseotherchallengesto equal citizenship.
In anycase,itis unclearwhyeconomicequalityshouldnotbe supposed
thathe seems to denyit.The distrito have the independentauthority
ofitslawsand policies,not
butionthatanysocietyachievesis a function
ambition:itdeclares,
definesthatinterpretive
to Sovereign
Virtue
34. TheIntroduction
as a fundamental
p. 5) and it
principle,thathumanlivesare of "equal importance"(SV,
lookstoward"a plausibletheoryofall thecentralpoliticalvalues-of democracy,
liberty
and civilsocietyas wellas ofequality-thatshowseach ofthesegrowingout ofand reaboutthevalueofa huflectedinall theothers... and [in]evenmorebasiccommitments
to realizethatvalue in his own life"(SV,
man lifeand about each person'sresponsibility
equalityandtherestofthebooktries
p. 4).Chapters
1and2 setoutan accountofdistributive
to showhowthisaccountis supportedbyand supportsotherdimensionsofequalityand
othervalues.Chapter3 exploreshow"thefreedomand equalityofpersons"is bestunderone another:thatchapterargues"thatlibertyand equalityare not
stoodas supporting
independentvirtues,but aspectsofthe same ideal of politicalassociation"(SV,p. 182).
defendsa conceptionofdemocracythat"blursthedisChapter4,on "PoliticalEquality,"
tinctionbetweeninputand output,betweenpoliticalequalityand the otheraspectsof
justice(SV,p. 188);thatchapterarguesthatfree
theory"includingdistributive
egalitarian
mandarinsand insiston inand equal citizensmustrejectgovernment
byadministrative
dependentmoralagencyone byone:"Wedo notengagein politicsas moralagentsunless
and an adequatepoliticalprocessmust
we sensethatwhatwe do can makea difference,
obstacles,to preservethatpotentialpowerforeveryone"(SV,
strive,againstformidable
according
conceptionofdemocracy,
p. 202).Chapterto definesanddefendsa "partnership"
towhich"government
byall thepeople,actingtogether
by'thepeople'meansgovernment
ofself-government"
in a collectiveenterprise
as fulland equal partners
(SV,p. 358).Chaptersii and 12defendraciallysensitiveadmissionsand hiringpoliciesnot on traditional
theconditionsofgenuinesocialequality
justice,butbyidentifying
groundsofrestorative
actionplansbe judgedon theirpracticalpowerto helprealthataffirmative
and insisting
ize thoseconditions.Chapter5, on "LiberalCommunity,"
arguesthat"politicalcommucommunallifeis
nitieshavea communallife,and thesuccessorfailureofa community's
whetherits members'livesare good or bad" (SV,p. 223),and
partofwhatdetermines
is an appropriate
Chapter6, on "Equalityand theGood Life,"that"ethicalindividualism"
formembersofa genuinely
community.
egalitarian
personalphilosophy
35. Scheffler,
p. 38.
198
& PublicAffairs
Philosophy