Malangan: Art and Memory in a Melanesian Society

Author(s): Susanne Kuchler

Source: Man, New Series, Vol. 22, No. 2 (Jun., 1987), pp. 238-255
Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
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MALANGAN:
ART AND MEMORY
A MELANESIAN
SOCIETY

IN

SUSANNEKUCHLER

Johns
Hopkins
University
The articlecontributes
to theanthropological
studyof artwiththeanalysisof an ethnographic
examplewellknownto thoseworkingwithmuseumcollectionsand to anthropologists
working
on Melanesiansocieties.The artis knownundertheindigenoustermas Malangan.It is a collective
termforsculpturesand dancesas well as forthemortuaryceremonyand ceremonialexchange.
is ephemeral,leftto rot,burnedorsold to Europeanvisitorsafterthesculptureshave
Malangan-art
as primaryitemsofvaluein theexchanges.
been displayedon thegraveand havebeentransacted
of the imagery
This articleinvestigatestheimplicationsof impermanenceforthe transmission
is invisibleformostofthetime,recalledfrom
embodiedin theart.The imageryofMalangan-art
memory for production,display and transactionin the concludingphase of the mortuary
of memorisedimagery,a factwhichis both
are reembodiments
ceremony.Malangan-sculptures
and anthropologically
ethnographically
interesting.

Approachesto non-westernartand materialcultureare numerousand follow

mainstreamanthropological
theoryin theirdevelopment.The subjecthas been
treatedby Laytonin a recentwork on theanthropologyof art(Layton I98I).
Two main trendsin the analysisof non-westernart,however,deserveto be
mentionedsince theyhave inspiredthe presentanalysisof Melanesian art.
Following the concernin earlywritingswith techniqueand formon the one
handand social and culturalcontenton theother(Boas I955; FirthI952), most
recentstudiesaimto revealthedynamicrelationbetweenthesetwo (ForgeI 970;

Bateson I973; Biebuyck I973; Munn I966; I973; I977; Strathern& Strathern
I972; Gell I975; Levi-StraussI983). Withina numberof these studiesis a

concernwith the relationbetweensocial and culturalreproductionwhich is

work(ForgeI970; Munn I973; Gell
especiallycentralto recentandforthcoming
I975 n.d.; MorphyI984; n.d.).
This articledevelopsa methodologicaland theoretical
approachwhichtakesa
novel perspectiveon the dynamicand mutualrelationof culturaland social
reproduction
by questioningtherelationbetweentheformgivento artand the
process of its transmission.This perspectiveis the conclusion of my own
materialcollectedin a Melanesian
attemptto come to termswithethnographic
societyand followsa line of enquirywhichmostrecentlyhas been arguedby
Sperber(SperberI985). Like Sperber,I shall ask how it is possible thatthe
imageryembodied in the art has a continuityirrespectiveof the temporary
existenceof particularworks (cf. SperberI985: 80). The question,however,is
Man (N.S.) 22, 23 8-55

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SUSANNE KUCHLER

239

notwhyand how imagerycontinues,butwhatdifference

itsmode oftransmission createsin the appearanceof the art. It is also suggestedthata particular
is historically
mode oftransmission
specificandcentraltoprocessesofsocialand
culturaldevelopment.
is centralto thearttradition
The questionoftransmission
knownas Malangan
is ephemeral,its objects
which servesas example in thispaper. Malangan-art
beingdestroyedor sold to westernartcollectorssoon aftertheirpublicdisplay.
is nottransmitted
The imageryoftheart,therefore,
fromone generationto the
of materialculture.Ratherthanbeingsubjected
otherthroughthepreservation
to permanenceor persistent
innovation,objectsare reproducedso thateach is
of an objectseenin thepast.The imagerywhichcharacterises
reminiscent
these
and stereotypic,
butnevertheless
objectsis recurrent
varyingto such an extent
thatno one object is the exact replicaof the other.This tensionbetweenthe
since
redundancyand variabilityof imageryis anthropologically
interesting,
such culturalobjectsare a productof themnemonicprocessesof retentionand
recall. The generationof variabilityis embedded in performanceand in a
mnemonictechniquewhoseapplicationinvolvesculturally
elaboratedcognitive
operations.This techniqueis centralto thecapacityto reproduceworksthatare
convincingand compellingin theirvisualappearance(cf.Gell I985; n.d.).
itselfto iconographicand contextual
An approachto such artcannotrestrict
analysis,but has to ask forthepropertiesof objectsthatare rememberedand
reproducedand fortherelationof thesepropertiesto the mnemonicprocess.
willbe analysedwithrespectto the
Constancyandvariationintheart,therefore,
elaboratedcognitiveoperations.The concern
mnemonicprocessand culturally
withtheinterpretation
ofmeaningadheringto theimagerywillthusbe replaced
by an inquiryintothepossibilityofitsreproduction.
The practicessurrounding
thetransmission
ofimageryintegrate
linguistically
and ecologicallydiverseareasintoa region.It will be arguedthattheoperation
is centralto the
of thevisual mnemonicsystemas articulatedin Malangan-art
developmentofsucha regionalsocialsystem.
The ethnographicmaterialreferredto in this articlewas collectedduring
fieldworkin northernNew Ireland, one of the islands in the Bismarck
Archipelagoin North-EastNew Guinea. NorthernNew Ireland is a subgroupingof the New Ireland-Tolailanguages and comprisesseven Austronesianlanguagesspokenin geographically
and ecologicallydistinctive
areason
the island.1These areas are cross-cutby matrilinealclans that are scattered
throughoutthe northernpartof the island and are integratedinto a regional
2 The
formofsocialorganisationthroughtheoperationoftheMalangan-system.
has been discussedelsewhereand will thus
complexityof theMalangan-system
onlybe mentionedwhennecessaryin thisarticle.3

andcultural
Socialhistory
reproduction
Kinshipand artaremutuallyrelatedat all levelsofcomplexity.One levelwhere
thismutualitycan be recognisedis language,anotheris theformgiven to art
is sculptural,
itsproductionbeingdescribedas tetakor 'the
objects.Malangan-art

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240

SUSANNE

KUCHLER

dissectingand joining of skins'.4The sculpturesare conceptualisedas 'skins'

which replacethe decomposedbody of a deceasedpersonand thusprovidea
containerfor the life-force(noma).5 Absorbed into the artisticsystem,this
life-forceis rechannelledto the living in the form of power. This power
constitutespoliticalauthorityand is derived fromthe controlover the reembodimentofthememorisedimageryintonew sculptures.The rightoverthe
reproductionof the imageryof a sculptureis transactedin the ceremonial
exchangeswhichaccompanythedisplayofthesculpture.
is thusin thewidestsensea model of social immortality.
This
Malangan-art
model evokes the independenceof social reproductionfrom uncertainties
embeddedin marriage,birthand death.It does thisby meansofabsorbingthese
eventsinto theprocessof culturalreproduction.This processredefinesas the
sourceof thecontinuoussituationsthatare experiencedas introducingdiscontinuitiesinto social relations.As model and medium of social reproduction,
Malangan-artplays an active part in the manipulationand legitimationof
and inter-group
relationships.
inter-generational
The destruction
ofsculpturesimmediately
followingtheirceremonialdisplay
and transaction
canbe accountedforwiththisculturalsimulationofprocessesof
social reproduction.Like thehumanbody afterdeath,so thesculptureafterit
hasbeen'killed'in ceremonialexchangehas to decomposeto setfreetheforceso
thatit can be rechannelledinto people and sculptures.A modernversionof
is thesale of objectsto Europeans.The currencyreceivedfromthe
destruction
of thesculptureand is thusreturnedto
sale is utilisedfora further
reproduction
theceremonialsystem.As a resultofthisintegration
ofinterests
generatedin the
artmarketinto theindigenoussystem,European collectionsof theseartefacts
areratherlarge,datingfromtheearliestexpeditionsin thei 840's to thepresent
day and comprisingapproximately
4,000 objects.
What is valued in this societyis not the real sculpture,but the memory
thereof.This memoryis used in disputesover land and resourcesand in the
Value is thusnotattributed
to theobjects,but
legitimation
ofpoliticalauthority.
whichis
to thememoryoftheirimageryandto therightovertheirreproduction
transactedin the exchanges. The greatestvalue is attributedto a form of
ownershipwhich is called wun in e Malanganor 'the source of Malangan',
numberof sculptures.The termfor
allowingtheownerto producean infinite
'source' can also be translatedas 'womb' and as 'smoke', all translations
to thereproductivecapacitysurroundingthisownership.The acquireferring
sitionofthisreproductive
capacityis embeddedin an exchangecalledsorolisthat
clanof different
residence.Otherrestricted
relatespartsof thesame matrilineal
are transactedin exchangescalled aradem,which is a
formsof reproductivity
sphere of exchange linkingaffinalmatrilinealclans who have a historyof
and co-residence.
inter-marriage
is reproducedafterintervalsoftwentyto
The imageryembodiedin sculptures
thirty
years.The imageryofa sculpture,seenandacquiredduringthechildhood
of a deceased person,is reproducedforthe finalmortuaryceremonyof that
how to designtheobjectby anotherelderwho
person.The artistis instructed
sharedwiththedeceasedtherightover thereproductionof theimagery.This
claim over therightto reproduceimageryis provenby theknowledgeof the

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SUSANNE KUCHLER

241

namescarriedby everysculptureand by theknowledgeofhow thesenamesare

relatedto theimageryofthesculpture.As inEskimosocietywherethemodelof
masksis derivedfromthetransformation
of theshaman'sdreaminto thefirst
maskofitskind,theartistin northern
New Irelandis hiredand does notknow
anythingabout theimageryhe is askedto carve(Ray & Blaker I975: SI). He is
whicharemeant
toldaboutitin theformofnamesandis givenplantingredients
to stimulatetheappearanceoftheimageryinhisdream.The commonsourceof
newly innovatedand transmitted
imageryin dream-workwith its known
mechanisms(condensation,displacement,
accountsforthe
overdetermination)
generalaffinity
betweenartworksofthiskind(cf.LaytonI98I: I79).
Changes in what will be referredto in this articleas motifcomposition,
however,are notjust by-productsof therepetitionessentialto dream-work.
These changesaregovernedby therelationbetweenrecalland thegroundingof
itsperformance
in thecontext.Thereis a relationbetweentherecallofan image
for transactionin a certainsphereof exchange and the shape given to the
sculpture.
The interpretation
of a sculptureis based on a recognitionof what has been
alteredin its reproduction.A sculpturethus informsabout the relationship
between those currentlytransactingthe rightsover its reproduction.The
productionof historyand the transmissionand transformation
of art in the
mnemonicprocessaremutuallyrelatedand itis on thebasisof thisrelationship
thatMalangan-art
attainsitspoliticaland socialsignificance.
Artanditsmode oftransmission
arecentralto thesocialsystemas canbe seen
in thepresentexpansionof theceremonialexchangesystemover theregionof
northernNew Irelandand beyond.One of thepreconditions
forthespreading
of theMalangan-system
is thesharingofa commonconceptualframeworkthat
and
enablespeopleofdifferent
languagesand socialsettingsto receive,interpret
transmitthe imageryembodied in sculptures.This common frameworkfor
is visiblethematically
in Malangan-art.
interpretation
Sculpturesare composed
of motifstakenfromthe animateenvironmentand rangingfromrepresentationsof birdsto shells. Motifsand motifcombinationsare recurrentand are
named. Both motifsand namesare standardisedand do not varyconsiderably
throughouttheregionin whichtheartis produced,norhave theysignificantly
changedsincesculpturesfirstreachedwesterninstitutions.

Representation
It is important,
however,to realisethatthenon-randomcharacterofa sculpture
does not deriveits significancefromits stereotypicrepresentation
of images
takenfromthelived-inenvironment.
In thecase ofMalangan-art,
representation
has to be analysedin relationto thetransmission
of theimagery.Centralto the
abilityto receiveandtransmit
imageryin transactions
ofregionalcharacter
is the
sharingof a techniqueof culturalreproductionthatallows sculpturesto be
interpretedin an informedand interestedmanner. The organisationand
arrangement
ofmotifsin sculpturesvaryin thehistoryoftheirtransmission
and
itis thisvariability
ofpossiblemotifcombinationsthatis subjectto constraints.

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242

SUSANNE KUCHLER

Itwillbe arguedthattheseconstraints
cannotbe accountedforwitha contextual
analysisof the art alone.6 They are embedded in the operationof a visual
mnemonicsystem.
Malangan-arthas been the focus of numerous studies throughoutthis
century.7
By concentrating
on particular
sculpturesproducedat certaintimesan
impressionof infinitevariabilityof the imagerywas created,each sculpture
and existence.For a sculptureto be
beingapparentlysingularin itssignificance
recognised,acceptedand thusto continueitsexistencein futurereproductions,
however,it has to complywithanticipations
based on pastexperiencesand on
implicitmodes of understanding.
In need of further
explorationis how combinationsof motifscan be anticipatedand interpreted
in sociallyinformative
ways.
Visually,sculpturesofthekinddiscussedin thisarticlepaytributeto thethrill
derivedfromdiscoveringand playingwithproblemsof combination(see fig.
i). Carved motifsand paintedpatternsoverlapto leave the eye searchingfor
clues which could uncovera hidden organisation.The instantaneousness
of
in theformofnamesbythosefamiliarwiththeartisticsystemcan
interpretation
be explainedby theculturallyelaboratedtechniquethatenablesthegeneration
ofevernew combinationsreminiscent
ofthoseseenin thepast.The emergence
of an artificialmnemonic system,of which Malangan-artis an example,

FIGURE 1.

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SUSANNE KUCHLER

243

facilitatesthe investigationof the dynamicinterplaybetween cognitiveand

social processes in the interpretationand production of cultural

representations.8

The existenceand social significanceof mnemonicsystemsis not only a

featureof New Irelandsociety,but has been documentedin the now classic
studyoftheIatmulby GregoryBateson.9 Names amongtheIatmulin theSepik
riverregionof mainlandNew Guinea are rememberedin theirthousandsand
are recitedin a particularorderwhichled Batesonto suggestthattheirrecallis
based on highermentalprocessesratherthanrotememory.10The recitationof
namesinvolvesmnemonictechniquesthatare thebasis of social differentiation
and identification:
aremadeto increasethememoryendowmentofindividuals,by
efforts
Amongthelatmuldefinite
meansof magicaltechniques.Soon afterbirth,a male childis made to inhalesmokefroma fire
whichhasbeenbespelled,in orderthattheboy shallgrowup to be eruditein thetotemicnamesof
his clan (1958: 221).

The significance
of thenamingsystemis recognisedby Batesonnot to lie in
the factsremembered.Its significancelies in the developmentof artificial
mnemonics,in the culturallyspecificstimulationof the cognitivemachinery
(Bateson I958: 22I). The order of recitingnames is reproducedin every
anditis thisorder,ratherthanthenames,whichis subjectto persistent
recitation
and yetconsistenttransformation
(Bateson 1958: 223). This orderis shown by
Bateson to correspondto theorganisationof social relationshipsand of ritual
activities.
Bateson's analysisof namingamong the latmulas mnemonicsystemdoes
makesenseandexplainswhyitwould be fruitless
to attemptan interpretation
of
each name takenin isolation.When turningto artobjects,however,such an
sinceitcontradicts
theassumption
approachcanonlybe acceptedwithdifficulty
of theparticularity
and value of theobjecton whichwesternartappreciationis
is generatedlikea string
based. It will be proposed,however,thatMalangan-art
of namesrecitedby latmulmen. It is a tool thatenablestheretention
and recall
of sociallyrelevantinformation,
in the sense of
but it is not representational
depictingthe informationto be remembered.The culturalelaborationof a
visualmnemonicsystemis unusualin Melanesiaand mustbe situatedwithinthe
historicaldevelopmentof theregionalsocial systemcharacterising
present-day
1
New Ireland.
andvariation
Constancy
Mnemonic techniquesare informedby cognitivetools thatare specificto a
cultureand its social history(Neisser 1976: 134). The statementthat'higher
mentalprocessesare primarily
social phenomena'has onlyrecentlybeen given
recognitionin psychologicallyorientedstudies (Neisser 1976: 134). It is,
however, firmlyembedded in the conclusion drawn by Bartlettbased on
describedin hisworkon 'remembering'(Bartlett1932). Bateson's
experiments
studyoflatmulsocietyis heavilyinfluenced
by thiswork,andhe reportshaving
takenthevolume withhim to the field(Bateson 1958: 222). Bateson's book,

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244

SUSANNE

KUCHLER

moreover,appeareda fewyearsafterthefirsteditionof a work by theFrench

scholarMauriceHalbwachs,who becameknownmainlythroughthisstudyof

memory'(Halbwachs[1950]
'thecollective

I980).

Thisis nottheplaceto trace

thatbothauthors'insights
on Bateson'swork,butitis interesting
theinfluences
intotheculturalelaborationofmemoryhavebeenlargelyignoredin anthropolsome of theseinsights
ogy to thepresentday. This articleattemptsto resurrect
itself
and to apply themto the analysisof a culturalsystemthatdistinguishes
fromthenamingsystemof the latmulin being explicitlyconcernedwith the
processingofvisualimagery.
Like theorderwhichBatesonisolatesinspells,songsandspeeches,motifsand
theircombinationin Malangan-artundergo a slight,but continualvariation
everytimea sculptureis reproduced(Bateson 1958: 223). Both forthelatmul
and forthepeople ofNew Ireland,thetotalityofnamesand motifscomprisesa
stock of knowledgethatis the basis of social integrationand differentiation.
Whileall aspiringyoungmenknow,onlytheelderscan recitenamesand talkin
an informedmannerabout motifsadheringto sculptures(Bateson 1958: 227).
Contraryto oral traditionssuchas thenamingsystemof thelatmul,however,
unfoldsdiachronicallyand can be
the orderto be uncoveredin Malangan-art
studiedon the basis of the ethnographiccollectionswhich extend over one
whichcan be elucidatedfrom
hundredyears.The orderand itstransformation,
theanalysisofsuchcollections,thusadds a historicaldimensionto thesynchronicstudyofnamingas undertaken
by Batesonamongthelatmul.Like Bateson,
however, I shall follow Bartlett'srecognitionthat the order or 'scheme'
ofvisualinformation
is 'an important
underlyinga successionofreproductions

inwhatmakesremembering
factor
possible'(Bartlett
1932:

8i).

Of thethousandsofsculpturesstoredin museums,notone canbe said to be a

so muchfromthe
replicaof anotherone. Not one sculpture,however,differs
thesculptures,experienced
othersthatit would prohibittheease ofidentifying
collection.Wheretheoutsider
even by theinnocentvisitorto an ethnographic
seesjust a generallikeness,theinformedcan recognisedistinctivesetsamong
Malangan-sculptures.
of these
To definewhat constitutesthe generallikenessand distinctiveness
of a westernartistin a work of
sculpturesI wantto draw on theinterpretation
art
modernart.The comparisonbetweena workofmodernand ofnon-western
structural
aims to highlightwhat appearto be therecurrent
featuresof Malanbetweenthe'modern'and the'tribal'.The
gan-artand does notimplyan affinity
work chosen forthistaskis a sculpturemade by the surrealistartistAlberto
Giacometti,calledtheCage. The Cage was producedby Giacomettiin I932 and
It is possiblethat
mighthave beeninformedby hisknowledgeofMalangan-art.
he was familiarwiththeartfromcollectionsofhissurrealist
colleaguesandfrom
Mueller.12
thecollectionofhispatronJoseph
Both
a
Visually,one can discern relationbetweentheCage and Malangan-art.
are spatiallycomplexand areintricatein theirdesign.In both,thiscomplexity
is achieved by surroundingthe figurativeelementswith thin,parallelrods
which are connected by short bridges. In Giacometti's work, unrelated
shapes are seemingly arbitrarily
juxtaposed. This juxtaposition is found
in Malangan-artin the relationbetween motifsand painted patterns.The

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SUSANNE KUCHLER

245

juxtapositionin bothhas theeffectof denyingthethree-dimensionality

of the
sculpture.
Both works,moreover,give theimpressionofbeingdisjointed,theirshapes
seeminglybeing detachableand being thematically
independentof the main
thisvisualimpressionis achievedby the
body of thesculpture.In Malangan-art
techniqueof makingsculptures.Wooden sculpturesarecomposedofa number
of motifsthatare carvedin separatepieces of wood and laterjoined, together
with items taken fromthe floraand fauna. Moulded or woven sculptures,
conversely,have wooden motifsattachedto the main body of a work. This
compositionalcharacterof Malangan-artis crucial to its embeddednessin
ceremonialexchange.Severalsocialunitscan haverightsoverthereproduction
of different
componentsof a memorisedsculptureas a resultof theircoin
the
operation
mortuaryexchangesthatsurroundtheproductionand exhibitionof sculptures.The knowledgeof therelationbetweenthecomponentsto a
more encompassingimage is used in disputesover inter-personal
and interThe correspondence
betweenformalpropertiesand social
grouprelationships.
in thesocietyproducingMalanganprocessesof integration
and fragmentation
art is representedin an abstractsense in the Cage, whose shapes could be
removedand replacedby otherswithoutchangingtheoverallappearanceofthe
sculpture.
isolates two formalproperties
Giacometti'sinterpretation
of Malangan-art
in thesculpturesto thepresentday. The namegivenby Giacomettito
persisting
his work, the Cage, is a pointed characterisation
of the tensionpersisting
thatgovernthereprobetweenthepropertiesof constraint
and fragmentation
duction of Malangan-art.Malangan-artcan be describedas a puzzle whose
componentscan be removedor new ones added withintheconfinesof an allencompassingimage.
The tensionbetweenconstancyand variationin Malangan-art
can be understoodas a propertyofthemnemonicprocessto whichsculpturesaresubjectedin
thecourseofsuccessivereproductions:
In a chainof reproductionsobtainedfroma singleindividualthe generalform,the outline,is
once thefirstversionhas beengiven. . . At thesame time,style,rhythm,
remarkably
persistent,
. . . areveryrarelyfaithfully
precisemode of construction
reproduced(Bartlett1932: 93).

The relationbetweenartand memoryspecificto thismaterialis, however,not

merelyretrievable
throughanalysis.The tensionbetweenconstancyand variain Giacometti'sinterpretation
tionwhichis articulated
in thesculpturetheCage
is articulatedby thosewho produceMalangan-art.
The polysemictermforthe
generativecapacityof Malangan-artsituatesimages of reproductionwithin
diversesocial experiencesand thuscreatesa notionalrelationbetweenthem.
These experiencescombinevisual and cognitiveelementssuch as pregnancy,
smokeand flowingwater(cf.KiichlerI985). Malangan-art
has thusa cognitive
efficacyin selecting,orderingand organisingexperiencesin a sociallyrelevant
manner.
Everysculpture,eithermemorisedor presently
seen,is thoughtto have been
produced out of wune,a polysemicterm which is translatableas 'source',
'womb' or 'smoke'. ThroughoutthisarticleI will use the term'template'to

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246

SUSANNE

KUCHLER

capturethedouble characterof theindigenousconcept,thatof generationand

structure
(cf. MorphyI977;

I984;

see also foralternative

terms:'family'

WilkinsonI978; 'genera'Gunn n.d.). The conceptof templatewas developed

by Morphyin his studyof Yolngu artwherehe refersto it 'as a structureof
possiblerelationships
betweensetsof things,whichgeneratesboth alternative
ofthem'(cf.Morphyn.d.).
paintingsand alternative
interpretations
The imagery,which relatessuccessivereproductionsof sculptures,is inventedin dreamsandis talkedaboutin theformofmyths.Nine namedtypesof
known throughouttheregion,but many
imageryor 'templates'are currently
more are restrictedto particularlocalities.These nine known over an ever
increasingareahavespreadas a resultoftheceremonialtransactions
oftheright
to reproducetheirimageryin sculptures.The mythicalthemesassociatedwith
and reproduction.
thetemplatesarearticulating
issuesofsocialcontinuity
These
themes are: 'the relationbetween fire and culture', 'the relationbetween
brothersand sisters','ecology and social differentiation',
'warfareand social
ofland', 'therelationbetweenpeople and
migration','rainand theproductivity
of theclan', 'the manifestation
place', 'mortalityand thecontinuity
of power'
and 'the process of growth'. Myths pertainingto these themesare not told
and to the imageryof the art.
except with referenceto Malangan-templates
Every'template',moreover,is knownundera nameassociatedwitha particular
intosculptural
locationwheretheimageryis believedto have beentransformed
formforthefirsttime.Those who claim therightover thereproductionof a
sculpturehave to be able to relatetheimageryto a mythicalthemeand to tracea
relationship between the location of its innovation and its present
13
reproduction.
theease of fitting
new variationsinto
of thethemesfacilitates
The generality
thecontinuingboom in the
an existingconceptualscheme.Itenables,therefore,
productionof sculpturesforceremonialexchange.The generality,however,
also leavesitsmarkin theformalpropertiesoftheart.Not onlythemotifs,but
in sculpturescollectedover the
in a sculptureare recurrent
theirarrangements
is one oftheeffects
ofthemnemonicprocess
pastcentury.This standardisation
as recognisedby Bartlett:
With frequentreproductionthe formand items of remembereddetail very quickly become
littlechange(1932: 93).
suffer
and thereafter
stereotyped

Everytemplateis knownto havea numberofmotifsreappearingin stereotypic formand combination.The templateWalikis themostwidespreadand most
easilyrecognisablein its sculpturalforms.Its sculptureshave eitherone of the
followingtwo motifs:one calledmedanehede,or the'eye of thefire',theother
mamaze,
or 'Palolo worm'. Each of thesemotifsis composed of a numberof
partsthatareeithercarvedintowood or paintedovera carvedsurface.'The eye
ofthefire'is a rounddottedareawiththepartofa shell(Turbo petholaurus)inits
centre.It also has a raisedsectioncomprisingtwo further
components,a half
moon anda waterstopper.The 'Palolo worm'is depictedwithminuteincisions,
withtheresultingplanesbeingpaintedin thecoloursred,black and white(see
fig.2).
and is extinguished
The fireis a metaphorof thelife-force
immediatelyafter

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SUSANNE KUCHLER

247

FIGURE 2.

thedeathofa person.Each stagein themortuarycycle,whichculminatesin the

is namedaftera stagein theprocessof
oftheMalangan-ceremony,
performance
buildingup a firefromashes (mat)to glowingheat(malang).These stagestrace
thegrowthof thelife-force
untilit is absorbedintoa sculptureand channelled
intothereproductive
The Palolo-wormis associatedwiththe
Malangan-system.
in livingbeings.ThroughouttheSouthPacificregion,
growthof thelife-force
thePalolo-wormappearsformatingduringone nightin theyearin thelagoon
and is fetchedin containers.In theearlymorningafterthisevent,childrenare
takento thesea and bathedin thewaterin whichthemamazehad been mating.
The eatingof thePalolo-wormand thebathingin thewaterfromwhichit has
beenfetchedis thoughtto produce'heat',whichis likethe'heat'generatedin the
mortuaryceremonies,an expressionofa vibrantlife-force.
The embeddenessof
the motifsin common experienceenablesthemto appear togetherin a single
sculptureand to referto a singletemplate.
For a motifto persistthroughoutsuccessivereproductions
it has to fitthese
requirements
of both generalityand simplicity.There are about twentysuch
named motifs,some of whom are associatedwitha particulartemplatewhile
otherscan be shiftedfromtemplateto template.Witheveryreproductionof a
sculptureand itsrecallfrommemory,theselectionand combinationvariesin a
mannerthat is conscious and articulatedwith referenceto the practiceof
ceremonialexchange.Irrespective
ofwhethera motifis replacedbyanotherone
or omitted,however,thearrangement
ofmotifsina sculptureremainsconstant.
The hornbill,forexample,is always carvedon top of the head of a*wooden
sculpture,thedrongoalongitssidesand theowl atthebottom.The owl can be
replacedby a cornshell,theheadofa fishor thehead ofa pig, whilethehornbill

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KUCHLER

can be replacedby an eagle, a fishhawkor a chicken.The use of certainmotifs

suchas birds,snakesandfishis locality-specific
so thatthetransference
ofrights
of a sculpturebetweenplacesleads to an alterationof the
over thereproduction
motifswithoutchangingtheircombinationand arrangementin subsequent
reproductions.
intheprocessofreproduction
Alterations
andomissionsofmotifsundertaken
expressparticularkinds of relationshipsbetween the presentand the future
beholderof thesculpture.Omission atteststo a relationshipof dependencyin
relationto theuse of land, while alterationreflectsa dependencybetweenthe
transacting
partieswhichpertainsto theorganisationof mortuaryceremonies.
The mutualrelationshipbetweenthosesharingthe memoryof a sculptureis
articulatedalso in the patternpaintedover the carvedor woven surfaceof a
sculpture.This patterncanonlybe alteredwhentherightoverthereproduction
of a sculptureis transacted
betweenpartieswho do not cultivatethesame land
and who do notco-operatein each other'smortuaryceremonies.
The relationbetweenthepotentialrangeofmotifssuggestedin a templateand
in a sculptureis describedas a song
theirspecificselectionand arrangement
fromplace to place, but remainsrecognisablein its rhythm
whose textdiffers
and melody.Each localisedcommunityof two or moresub-clanswho sharea
singlecemeteryhas rightsover thereproductionof severalnamed sculptures.
Only a few,however,have rightsover the generationof variationsupon the
imagerysuggestedin a template.In theorysuch a controlover thecapacityto
producevariationsis vestedin certainmatrilinealclans. In practice,however,
such rightschangehandseveryothergeneration.The extinctionof a sub-clan
claiming such rightsleads to the immediateabsorptionof the knowledge
of the
surroundingtheimageryby a co-residentsub-clanand to theforgetting
relationship
betweentemplateand clanas itobtainedin thepast.This processof
and shifting
therightsover templatesfromclan to clan and place to
forgetting
place is an ongoing one. Since the controlover a templateimplies also the
controlover the cemeteryand over the ceremonialactivitiesdirectedto this
place, thescatteringof therightsover thetemplateplays a vitalpartin social
processeswhichimposetheircharacteron inter-clan
relationships.
connectedwith
The productionand processingofmemoryis thusintimately
The pastis encapsulatedin
and maintenance
ofpowerand authority.
attainment
and constructed
sculptures,butitis an interpreted
past,becauseof thetemporary and reproducedcharacterof sculptures.The mnemonicprocess and the
productionof historyare thusmutuallyrelatedprocesses.Mnemonics,howand recallof
ever,is notmerelya mentalphenomenonthatenablestheretention
ofitsoperationsis conditionedin a
The organisationand structure
information.
learningprocessand thusopen to socialand historicalinfluence.
Memoryas artifice

Given the social relevanceof the productionand processingof memory,it

shouldbe no surprisethatthemethodof memorisingin New Irelandhas gone
well beyond the untrainedcapacity to remember.The techniqueused in
rememberingvisual imageryappearsnot to be culturallyspecific,since it is

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SUSANNE KUCHLER

249

ofthistechniqueseems
documentedfora numberofsocieties.The effectiveness
and
to lie at leastpartiallyin its correspondenceto thecognitiverequirements
operationsof themnemonicprocess.14
This techniqueis the'methodofloci', whichis knownto havebeenpractised
by GreekandRomanoratorsforthememorisingofspeeches(Yates I978: 20-i).
It is describedin a classicaltextknown as 'ad Herennium',compiled by an
unknownteacherof rhetoricin Rome between86-82 B.C. (Yates I978: 20).
The 'methodofloci' involvesa numberof cognitiveoperations,whichrelatea
word withan imageand theimagewitha particularspatiallocation:
of whichis
is established
fromplacesandimages,thestockdefinition
memory
The artificial
suchasa house,an
downtheages.A 'locus'isa placeeasilygrasped
bymemory,
repeated
forever
of
marksorsimulacra
intercolumnar
an archor thelike. . Imagesareforms,
space,a corner,
Thosewhoknowthe
. .. Theartofmemory
islikeaninnerwriting.
whatwewishtoremember
ofthealphabet
to themandreadout whattheyhave
letters
canwritedownwhatis dictated
cansetinplaceswhattheyhaveheardand
thosewhohavelearned
mnemonics
written.
Likewise,
itfrom
deliver
memory
(YatesI978: 22).

The 'method of loci' requiresthe learningof a cognitivemap with enough

distinct'loci' (Neisser 1976: I37). It is a mnemonicsystemwhose universal
is explainedby Neisserwithitscapacityto anticipateinformation
effectiveness
not thenavailable:
topickupinformation
Ourimageofanobjectina particular
a readiness
specifying
placeissimply
environment
has a
theobjectwhenwe getto theplace.Anyonefamiliar
witha particular
lociareembedded
andcananticipate
ofmanyindividual
cognitive
mapinwhichtheschemata
maponthebasis
whathewouldseeateachoftheseplacesinturn.Anyonecanchangea cognitive
ofverbalinformation
andlatergiveverbaldescriptions
ofwhathe is readyto see,canusethe
MethodofLocitoorganise
andrecallarbitrary
lists(Neisser1976: 137-8).

propertyof
The use ofspatialpatterns
in mentalprocessingis thusa particular
mnemonics.The choice of what Neisser calls thecognitivemap, however,is
I contendthatthismap
culturallyspecific.Using theexampleof Malangan-art,
is developed in a dynamicrelationwith social processes and practicesthat
surroundtheorganisationofspace and time(cf.Gell I985: 273).
The concernwiththemouldingofspaceand theconfoundingoftimein New
pattern.Both are
Irelandcultureis visiblein thesculpturesand in thesettlement
in termsofthelayoutand
at once ofgreatcomplexityand yethighlystereotypic
ofpartswithina largercomplex.The significance
ofspace appears
arrangement
also in the structuring
of inter-generational
relationships.The relationship
betweenlocalisedunitsof a matrilinealclan is apprehendedin termsof places
and movementsof people between places so that genealogies take on the
characterofa map ofthelandscapeas knownto theNew Irelandperson.
The cognitivemap pertainingto intra-and inter-clanrelationshipsand to
utilisestheframeworkof thehouse and the treeas 'loci' forthe
Malangan-art
placing of imagery. This common choice of 'loci' reflectsthe kinshipbased organisationof the Malangan-system.
It enables sculpturesto be about
anyparticularsocial unit.
relationships
withoutactuallyrepresenting
Tree and house aretwo possible'loci' fortheplacingofimageryand areused
withvaryingemphasisin geographically
distinctareasof New Ireland,namely

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250

SUSANNE KUCHLER

the mainlandand the Tabar island to the north-east.Myths claim the innovation of Malangan-art
on the Tabar islandsfromwhere the imageryspread
throughexchangeto themainlandof New Ireland.To thepresentday, Tabar
islandusespredominantly
thestructure
ofa housefor'loci' in mnemonics,while
themainlandpopulationemploysthestructure
ofa tree.
Houses arebuiltout ofwood, bamboo and sago leaves. Whiletheyappearto
be fixedand staticin character,a studyof settlementpatternsshows thatthe
movementofhouse-sitesis relatedto socialprocessesthatareinitiatedwiththe
death of a person. When a persondies, the house he or she had occupied is
destroyed,replaced by cooking houses duringthe Malangan-ceremony
and
thereafter
transformed
into a partof thesecondaryforestwhichedges around
Years later,a new house is builtat thespot wheretheold one
each settlement.
had been by someone who can claim a relationshipwith those who are
rememberedin connexionwiththislocation.The house itselfis centralto the
mnemonicprocesswhichtransmits
information
about relationships
fromone
generationto theother.It lendsitself,therefore,
to theactiveprocessof fitting
ofsculptures
inmemory.
whichaccompaniestherecognition
andtheirretention
Imagery,whichis carvedinto sculptures,is both visuallyand conceptually
placedintothestructural
componentsof a house. Whena dreamtimage is first
given shape in a sculptureafterits innovation,it is given a verticalformand
called 'post' (eikwar).As a resultof the transactionof the imageryin the
exchangesand the spreadingof rightsover the reproductionof memorised
sculptures,latermanifestations
takeon a horizontalshapeand arecalled'beam'
fora considerabletimeis likely
(kobokobor).
Imagerywhichhas beentransacted
to takeon mostfreqeuntly
theshape of a figure,and is identified
as 'support'.
of shapes and transference
The transformation
fromone 'locus' to the other
resultsfrom the reproductionof imageryfor transactionin the sphere of
residence.
exchangethatlinksunitsof thesame matrilineal
clan,butdifferent
When the finishedsculpturesare exhibitedthey are placed in the raw
frameworkof a house erectedforthispurposein the cemetery.The shape of
thesehouses can varybetweena pig's shelter,caves and treesand house-like
structuresof extremeheight.The placing of the sculpturein such a house
accompaniesthe mentalprocessof fittingwhichleads to the recognitionof a
sculptureand to itscontinuingprocessingin memory.
The use of the tree as the basis for 'loci' on the mainland is a logical
that
developmentof this technique,inspiredby the social transformations
across geographicaland
accompany the spreadingof the Malangan-system
linguisticboundaries. The dispersionof the imageryin the course of its
in theexchangesfollowsthe 'roads of marriage'
reproductionand transaction
and thus integratesdistinctivelinguisticgroups into a region. Every clan is
capable of recallinga list of place names irrespectiveof theirdistanceand of
recitinghow membersof theclancame to move froma mythicalbirthplace to
all the places inhabitedby the clan today. The scatteringof the clan is a
mainlandphenomenonand itis also onlyherethatpoliticalunitsand
distinctive
of a tree.Contraryto
sculpturesare classifiedin accordancewiththestructure
the house, theimage of a treesuggeststheprocessof continuinggrowthand
reflects
upon theexperienceof theprogressively
expandingnetworkofa clan.

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SUSANNE KUCHLER

25I

Both the clan, in its today merelyimaginaryunity,and the sculpture,in

its completeembodimentof the template,are referredto as 'stem' (wai). It
is not possible, however, to find on the mainlandsculpturesof a vertical
shape, a factattestingto the relationbetweensocial processesand the transmission of imageryin ceremonialexchange. When a sculptureis recalled
fortransaction
betweensocial unitswho have a historyof ritualco-operation,
but are not co-resident,its reproductionis given a horizontal shape
and is called 'branch' (iaiaran). Afterits transactionand destruction,the
imageryis retainedin memoryas part of a 'branch' and recalledeitheras a
sculpturecorrespondingto the same 'loci' or to the subordinate'loci' called
'leaf' (bai). Rights over the reproductionof sculpturesof figurativeshape
integrateless encompassingunits which usually do not extend beyond the
village.
It is significant
thatonlywooden sculpturesarecapableofbeingtransformed
in themannerjustdescribed.Templates,whichspecifytheuse ofbushmaterial
and clay,areusedfortheproductionofsculpturesonlywhenitis certainthatthe
places. Their
image will not be transactedbetweenunitsresidentin different
imageryis remembered
by meansofbeingplacedintoa map composedofspirit
places (masalai)that are representedin the landscape by tall trees,rocks or
springs.Spiritplaces have in common thattheiroutstandingfeaturesare not
createdbypeople,contrary
to settlement-places
thataremarkedbyplantedtrees
and otherremnantsof human productivity.The 'loci' accommodatingsuch
imageryarethusunrelatedto thesocialandpoliticalorganisationoftheregional
social system.
of
The complexityofthemnemonictechniquesurrounding
thereproduction
wooden sculpturesis crucialto theescalationof ceremonialexchangeand the
15 Both are governedby a shift
developmentof regionalformsof organisation.
oftheprimarily
oraltransmission
ofmythto a visualmediumwhichhistorically
by the break-upof communitiesthrough
is situatedin a period characterised
warfare.The interestof tradersarrivingin thelateseventeenth
centuryin land
contributed
to theincreasein thefrequency
andvehemenceofwarfare.
certainly
theproduction
Traders,however,also introducedirontoolsand thusfurthered
of sculpturesforpeace-makingtransactions.
In northernNew Ireland,thereis
of thecolonial
no indicationthatwarfarehad to be stoppedby theintervention
administration.
Relationsbetweenlocalities,once createdthroughthetheftof
women in war, were thenand are stilltoday retracedin the transactionsof
sculpturesin thecontextof ceremonialexchange.
Whilethisrelationbetweenartand memoryis distinctive
to theethnography
ofnorthern
New Ireland,itnevertheless
shareswithotherMelanesiansocietiesa
namingsystem.It is not thecase thatone has replacedtheother,but thatboth
the visual and the namingsystemhave mergedin a mannerpeculiarto New
Irelandculture.It is possibleto supposethatthevanishingof theclan as a social
unitinitiatedthe changeand led to the developmentof strategieswhich lend
themselvesmorereadilyto alternative
By comingto
ways ofsocialintegration.
sharethememoryof a wooden sculpture,thepeople of New Irelandperceive
theirrelatednessin termsof, and yetindependentfrom,theclan based kinship
organisation.Sculptures,unlikenames,are 'real' at leastforthetimein which

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252

SUSANNE KUCHLER

they are produced and seen displayedin the cemeteryand thus enable the
interests.
and manipulationof current
legitimation

Namingandserialreproduction
A singlesculptureis associatedwiththreenames,one denotingitstemplateand
theplace of itsinnovation,thesecondits mnemonicpositionor itsstagein the
while thethirddenotestheselectionand combinahistoryof its transmission,
of imagery,namesgiven
tionof motifs.Throughoutsuccessivereproductions
to itsmanifestations
accumulateand vary.The thirdname,thenameindicating
the particularcombinationof motifsspecificto individualsculptures,varies
everytime a sculptureis reproduced.The second name, associatedwith the
shapegivento thesculptureanditsmnemonicposition,is onlyalteredwhenthe
ofrightsfromone localisedunitto another
transmission
involvesa transference
clan.The nameindicatingtherelationbetweena
withintheextendedmatrilineal
sculptureand a template,however,remainsconstantthroughoutthehistoryof
itstransmission.
in termsof the
The names carriedby a sculpturecan thusbe distinguished
I
to
am
thus
to
talkaboutfirst,
refer.
going
oftheimagery whichthey
variability
articulated
visuallyin
and
order
names
and
indicate
how
this
order,
second
third
a
social
differentiation.
to
of
theart,corresponds pattern
The thirdordername given to a sculpturedefinesthe motifcombination
and selectionpeculiarto the individualobject and is the only name which a
sculptureshares with a person. All personalnames are names which once
had been attachedto sculpturesand which aid theirrecallfrommemory.In
theory,a personis capable of makinga sculpturewhich correspondsto the
name the person received at birth. In practice,however, only those who
receive the name of a sculptureat the time of its ceremonialdisplay and
have therightto reproduceand transmittheimageryaddressedin
transaction
thename.
There are variousnamed combinationsof motifsthatevoke a relationship
witha certainnamedtemplate.Imageryinnovatedin dreamson Tabar islandis
associatedwith motif-namesof a distinctiveTabar kind. Names sharedby
on Tabar islandsare different
comparedwith those
people and Malangan-art
foundin thenorthernpartof themainlandof New Ireland.Both Tabar island
fromnames foundin the
and northernmainlandnames,in turn,are different
centraland southernareaoftheisland.
The thirdordernamesarethusgroupedtogetherunderthenameofa template
such as theone knownas Mendiswhichis thoughtto have been dreamton the
This clanis todayscatteredovertheregion
Tabar islandcalledSimberi.
northern
of northernNew Ireland.Individualnames associatedwith thisimageryare
coastofNew Ireland,carriedbothbypeople
foundat presenton thenorth-west
and by memorisedsculptures.The sharingof the same imageryand name
a relatednessthatis periodiamong people of thesedistantlocationsinstitutes
into kinshipties throughmarriages.Relationshipsof this
cally transformed
kind are analogous to clan-basedrelationships,
but can be turnedinto affinal

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SUSANNE KUCHLER

253

relationships and thus potentially serve to expand the network of

ceremonialactivityavailableto a localisedcommunity.
The secondordername givento a sculpturerefersto itsmnemonicposition.
a particularsecond
The sharingof the rightto reproduceimageryreflecting
order name atteststo a politicallyeffectiveunit based on existingties of
ceremonialcooperation.There are different
namesforvertical,horizontaland
figurativesculpturesproduced out of the templateMendis. One of these
one of severalnames given to a horizontal
positionalnames is Mandassonga,
to as Mandasof the template.The sharingof imageryreferred
manifestation
songaobligatespeople of distinctivelinguisticand geographicallocalitiesto
co-operatein each other'sceremonialoccasionsand exchanges.
localisedcommunities
Whilethesecondordernameunitespeopleofdifferent
on thebasisofco-operationin ceremonialwork,thirdordernamesaresharedby
a territorially
andpoliticallyrestricted
unit.Both,however,evoke a relatedness
analogous to, yetindependentof, relationshipsestablishedthroughmarriage
and birth.
and relationestablishedbetweennames allows for the
The differentiation
integrationof a personand communityin ever more expandingnetworksof
ceremonialactivity.The boom in theproductionof sculpturesforceremonial
exchangeduringthisandthepastcenturyis visiblein themuseumcollections.It
is also evidentin the numberof thirdordernames associatedwith particular
motifcombinationsthatareutilisedatpresentforthereproduction
ofsculptures
ofspecificmnemonicpositionand template.The capacityforrecombination
of
has developedin the contextof the
imageryin the course of its transmission
dissolutionof the clan as an entitywhose unitycan be experienced.The
in thenamingand visual systemconstimnemonictechniqueand articulation
modeofsocialintegration,
tutesan alternative
whichenablesthetransformation
of theprocessof fragmentation
and dissemination
intoa processofprogressive
incorporation.
Patternsof social organisationarenotjust articulatedin art,but constructed
throughit. The alterationof names,forexample,effects
significant
changesin
the reproductionof visual imageryfrom memory which, in turn,evokes
complementary
changesin social relationships
(BartlettI932: I85). Because of
theembeddednessof artin thememoryprocess,explorationsof thisdynamic
relationbetweennaming,imageryand social relationsarepossible.

NOTES

This articleis based on fieldworkcarriedout betweenFebruaryI982 andJanuaryI984 on the

north-westcoast of New Ireland.The researchwas supportedby theVolkswagenwerkResearch
Foundation.The periodof writingthe Ph.D. thesiswas supportedby the MalinowskiResearch
Fund at theLondon School of Economics. My thanksaredirectedto Dr AlfredGell and Catherine
Good fortheircommentson thevariousdraftsofthisarticle.
1 BeaumontI972.
2
New Irelandhas been the subject of a numberof ethnographicstudies. Malangan-artand
ceremonialexchange is recognisedby all studiesto be a social institutionof great centrality.
in thelastceremonyofthemortuarycycleand is producedspecifically
is transacted
Malangan-art
for
thepurposeof beingdisplayedon thegraveof a deceasedperson.The transactions
ofMalangan-art

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254

SUSANNE

KUCHLER

are carriedout predominantly

by thepopulationof thenorthern
part,yetresearchesin centraland
southernNew Irelandindicatethegradualexpansionoftheceremonialexchangesystem(Brouwer
distinctculturally,
I980). The threeareasof theislandarenevertheless
ecologicallyand in termsof
social organisation.
is analysedby Lewis in 'the
3 The relationbetweenexchangeand theproductionof sculptures
social contextof artin northernNew Ireland'(I969). The relationbetweenspheresof exchange,
of sculpturesis the themeof my Ph.D. thesisbased on material
kinshipand the classification
collectedduringfieldworkin north-west
New Ireland.
4 All indigenous
termsusedinthisarticlearetakenfromtheKara languagespokeninthecentreof
northernNew Ireland.The conceptsarticulatedin thesetermsdo not varywithinthe regionin
is producedin themannerdescribedin thisarticle.
whichMalangan-art
as replacements
forthebody appearsto
5 GerbrandsI967; LeenhardtI979. The use ofsculptures
be a phenomenonof Austronesianspeakingpopulations,while the decorationof the body and
notionsconcerningskinseem to be moredominantin non-Austronesian
speakingareas(Strathern
I972).

This argumentis developedby SperberI985.

KramerI925; Groves I933; Lewis I969; BillingsI972; Lomas I973. These areonlysome ofthe
mainworksproducedoverthelastsixtyyearson northern
New Ireland.In all one canfindreference
to a numberofsculptures
whicharereportedto havebeenproducedatthetimeoftheresearch.How
sculpturesarerelatedto socialunitsbecamean issuein thelate I970's whenenoughevidenceexisted
fortheuse of sculpturesin land disputesand politicalprocesses(BillingsI972; Lomas I973; I979;
WilkinsonI978).
8 See Neisser: 'The highermentalprocessesare primarily
social phenomena,made possibleby
situationsthathaveevolvedin thecourseof history'(I976: I37).
cognitivetoolsand characteristic
9 Bateson I958.
10 Bateson I958: 223.
11 See also Bateson:'processesofrecalland processesofthoughtseem to have contributed
to the
maintenanceand developmentofcomplexityin thelatmulculture'(1958: 222).
12 Rubin I984:
5I6. For insightsinto the relationbetween this work by Giacomettiand
I have to thankDr A. GrieveoftheUniversityofEast Anglia.
Malangan-art
13 The use of imageryin politicaldiscoursehas beendiscussedrecently
byWagnerfortheBarok
in the ceremonialexchangeof
of southernNew Ireland(I986). The Barok are not participating
whichis a maskinganddancetradition
butpractiseTumbuan
Malangan-art,
genericto southernNew
Irelandand New Britain.In I983, however,it cameto mynoticethatone villagehad acquiredrights
over the reproductionof a Malangan-imageas a resultof a marriagebetweena woman fromthe
Northand a manfromSlar.
14 For therequirement
oforderin mnemonicprocessingsce Neisser I967.
1 The escalationof ceremonialexchangesystemsappearsto have been a widespreadphenomenon in post-colonialPapua New Guinea (GregoryI982). Not in all areaswhichhave experienced
of traditional
such an efflorescence
economy,however,can one tracethedevelopmentof formsof
social organisationwhicharedistinctively
regional.
6

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