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A
Short, Ironic History
of
American
National Bureaucracy
MICHAEL
NELSON
HE HISTORY OF AMERICAN
NATIONAL
BUREAUCRACY,
if not untold,
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44, 1982
contemporary form. ' Historian Morton Keller notes that his profession has not done much better.2 Nor have American sociologists,
who, unlike European colleagues as early as Mosca, Michels, and
Weber, have left their own country's bureaucratic development
largely unexplored.3
The assumption about the relative historical importance of preNew Deal bureaucracy that underlies this neglect seems, at first
blush, to be a plausible one: what point is there in comparing a
federal government that will spend some three-quarters of a trillion
dollars and directly or indirectly pay the salaries of almost ten
million workers in fiscal year 1983 with its three-billion-dollar, halfmillion-person counterpart of just fifty years ago? As for the United
States of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, is there not
justification for accepting the judgment of de Tocqueville and Hegel
that it was essentially a stateless society, devoid of an occupationally
distinct administrative class or even a noticeable institutional
separation between government and society?4
Recently, however, the argument has been made that, for
American bureaucracy, the present really is the sum of the past.
Stephen Skowronek contends that one must return to the 1877-1920
period to find the "systemic changes in long-established political and
institutional arrangements which first had to be negotiated in order
to begin to accommodate an expansion of national administrative
capacities in American government."5 Matthew Crenson goes further, suggesting that the roots of modern bureaucracy are to be
'Herbert Kaufman, "Fear of Bureaucracy: A Raging Pandemic," Public Administration Review, XLI (January/February 1981), 1. For two important exceptions, see Woodrow Wilson, "The Study of Administration," Political Science Quarterly, II (une 1887), 197-222; and Frank Goodnow, Politics and Administration: A
Study in Government (New York: Macmillan, 1900).
2 Morton A. Keller, Affairs of State: Public Life in Late Nineteenth Century
America (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977), 318. For an excellent review
of the extensive literature on British bureaucratic development, see Roy M. MacLeod,
"Statesmen Undisguised," American Historical Review, LXXVIII (December 1973),
1386-1405.
3A notable exception is Sidney H. Aronson, Status and Kinship Ties in the Higher
Civil Service: Standards of Selection in the Administrations of John Adams, Thomas
Jefferson, and Andrew Jackson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964).
4Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (New York: Vintage, 1945), 72-75;
Georg Friedrich Hegel, The Philosophy of History (New York: Dover, 1956), 84-87.
Stephen Skowronek, Building a New American State: The Expansion of National
Administrative Capacities, 1877-1920 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982),
x.
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749
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1775-1828
Lawrence Henry Gibson, The Triumphant Empire: British Sails Into the Storm
1770-1776 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1965); A.F. Pollard, Factors in American
History (New York: Macmillan, 1925).
11James Q. Wilson, "The Rise of the Bureaucratic State," in The American Commonwealth, eds. Nathan Glazer and Irving Kristol (New York: Basic Books, 1976),
101.
12 Francis Wharton, The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United
States (1889), I, 252. For a fuller discussion of the creation of the departments, see
Lloyd M. Short, The Development of National Administrative Organization in the
United States (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1923), ch. 2; and Jennings
B. Sanders, Evolution of Executive Departments of the Continental Congress (Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1935).
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751
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from the first with patronage (John Adams admitted that he had to
clear his appointments with the Senate prior to their nomination if
he hoped to see them approved) and pork (e.g., the laying of post
roads), Presidents Washington, Adams, and Jefferson were not far
from being the "undisputed master" of their house.24
Jefferson's successors served in a period in which "the administrative duties and authority of the President remained substantially unchallenged,"25 but Congresses in this period had some ideas
and practices of their own that brought out all the Constitution's
ambiguities. Party philosophy explains part of this. The Jeffersonians, who dominated government from 1801-1829, were much
more congressionally minded than the pro-exeuctive Federalists who
preceded them. But institutional history explains more. In particular, the birth in 1800 of the congressional caucus method of
nominating candidates for president started a vicious cycle in
presidential politics that sometimes made department heads as
responsive to Congress, which could advance their own presidential ambitions, as to the president who could not. James Monroe,
for example, spent much of his time as President James Madison's
Secretary of State currying favor on Capitol Hill. (Madison often
had to find sympathetic legislators to introduce bills his department
heads refused to press.) After the caucus made Monroe president,
he, of course, was obliged to reward his leading supporters with
cabinet posts. The new department heads, John Quincy Adams
(State), John C. Calhoun (War), and William Crawford (Treasury),
soon began to conduct their own campaigns in Congress, turning
their backs on Monroe in the process. They also plotted against
each other. Crawford, for example, spread rumors that Adams had
appeared barefoot in church and forged changes in the original copy
of the Constitution, which was in State's custody. Crawford, in
turn, was accused of mental incompetence and of using his office to
pry into the financial affairs of his cabinet colleagues.26 Adams,
White, Federalists.
White, Jeffersonians, 59. The discussion that follows owes much to James Sterling Young's The Washington Community, 1800-1828 (New York: Harcourt Brace &
World, 1966).
26 John Quincy Adams, Memoirs, ed. Charles F. Adams (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1874-75), IV, 54-63, 124-27. For a fuller discussion of this subject, see Michael
Nelson, "The Presidential Nominating System: Problems and Prescriptions," in What
Role for Government?, ed. Richard Zeckhauser and Derek Leebaert (Durham: Duke
University Press, 1982).
24
25
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Ibid., 242.
Thomas Hamilton, Men and Manners in America (London: T. Cadell, 1833), II,
68-69.
29
Young, Washington, ch. 8; White, Jeffersonians, 366.
27
28
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755
Monroe expressed reservations about some of Crawford's nominations for customs officers, the secretary raised his cane and called
him a "damned infernal old scoundrel," causing Monroe to grab the
fireplace tongs in self-defense and order him out, the last time the
two men met.30 When Monroe invoked his constitutional power to
"require the opinion, in writing" of his department heads and asked
a cabinet meeting not to send departmental messages to Capitol Hill
before clearing them with him, he was greeted with general silence,
then told by a secretary that the practice had existed "ever since the
establisment of Government" and presumably would continue.3'
Secretary of War Calhoun, for one, continued to urge internal improvements legislation that Monroe opposed.
Yet Henry Clay, whose "American System" would explicitly have
strengthened national administration under congressional control,
ultimately was as unsuccessful as Hamilton, who would have done
so under the direction of the president. Agencies, forced to live
with the ambiguities of control from both elected branches, set
about developing power resources of their own. The "secretarial
salons" were born-lavish entertainments (in an entertainmentstarved city) at which the host cabinet member would woo congressmen with good wine, attractive if decorous women, and fine
music. In all this, there was a Second Irony: the system of dual control of administration became one of limited control. The Constitutional Convention, in loosing the agencies from their old legislative
moorings (politically necessary if the support of executive power
adherents was to be won) without tying them securely to the
presidency (equally politic if anti-federalist support was to be kept)32
forced agencies to find and exercise relatively independent power.
Agencies began to learn to play one branch off against the other; if
neither president nor Congress was supreme, then law was, and the
agencies interpreted and implemented the law.
The status of administration as a locus of political power in national government was, of course, still nascent in the early nineteenth century. Though the government of this period was responsive to the limited demands placed upon it-as Skowronek notes, it
30
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184-95; White,
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DEMOCRACY:
1829-1860
Privilege
Toward the end of his volume on The Jeffersonians, White accurately describes the civil service of the pre-Jackson period as "a
solid and unchanged official substructure" whose members
tended to come from an identifiable section of the population; they
were not infrequently succeeded by their sons, . . and they grew old
in office."37 Certainly, this had been no one's intention. The
United States, in fact, was the envy of Great Britain because it had
an opportunity to staff its administration on the basis of competence
rather than peerage and tenure.38 Washington clearly regarded
good appointments as a fundamental task of his presidency. "Perfectly convinced I am," he wrote Samuel Vaughan just before leaving Mt. Vernon to be sworn into office, "that, if injudicious or unpopular measures should be taken by the Executive under the New
Government with regards to appointments, the Government itself
would be in the utmost danger of being utterly subverted." His
"primary object" was to appoint men imbued with "fitness of
character."39
"Of course," writes Kaufman, Washington's "standards of fitness,
his measures of ability and criteria of competence, were not precisely what ours are today."40 "Expertise" counted for little (not a
White, Jeffersonians, 548, 555-56.
Skowronek, Building, 31.
39 Franklin P. Kilpatrick, et al., The Image of the Federal Executive (Washington:
Brookings Institution, 1964), 28; George Washington, The Writings of George
Washington, ed. John Fitzpatrick (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1931),
XXX, 469.
40 Herbert Kaufman, "The Growth of the Federal Personnel System," in The
Federal Government Service: Its Character, Prestige, and Problems, ed. Wallace S.
Sayre (New York: American Assembly, 1954), 22.
37
38
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tions ripen into a claim on the government."45 Decades of administrative stalemate between president and Congress meant that
few appointees ever were removed.
None of these sources of administrative privilege-the narrow
definition of character rooted in an electorate that was property
based until the 1820s, the sympathetic attitude toward patrician office holders and their orphaned sons, or the inter-branch stalemate
over appointments and removals (such that almost a third of the
cabinet members serving the Jeffersonian era were holdovers from
previous administrations)-were
very persuasive to the socially,
geographically, and economically diverse voters of 1828.46 If the
answer of disgruntled and newly enfranchised western farmers,
eastern workers, and rising entrepreneurs of both regions was
Jackson's election, Jackson's own answer was equally blunt. In his
first annual message to Congress, the president attacked the "corruption," "perversion," and "indifference" of an administrative
system in which ". . . office is considered a species of property, and
government . . . a means of promoting individual interests," then
made his fabled argument that, "The duties of all public officers
are, or at least admit of being made, so plain and simple that men of
intelligence may readily qualify themselves for their performance;
and I cannot but believe that much more is lost by the long continuance of men in office than is generally to be gained by their experience."4
Rotation in office was the elevated description of this philosophy,
one which Jeremy Bentham told Jackson that he subscribed to as
"To the victor belong the spoils of the enemy" was
well.48
Democratic Senator William Marcy's blunt corollary.49 In eight
years, Jackson removed 252 "presidential officers," more than his six
predecessors combined had in forty years, even though the pool of
Quoted in White, Jeffersonians, 357.
Young, Washington, 242; Kaufman, "Growth," 24-27.
47 Quoted in Rosenbloom, Federal, 49.
As Aronson points-out (Status, 243), there
is a striking similarity between the last sentence of Jackson as quoted above, and the
following one by Lenin: "The majority of functions of the old 'state power' have
become so simplified and can be reduced to such simple operations of registration, filing, and checking that they will be quite within the reach of every literate person."
48 Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Age of Jackson (Boston: Little, Brown, 1946),
46.
49 William Safire, Safire's Political Dictionary (New York: Random House, 1978),
679.
45
46
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56
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762
1982
60
Crenson,Federal,80-84.
Ibid., 136-39.
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763
Ibid.
White, Jacksonians, 551.
63
Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick, "The Founding Fathers: Young Men of the
Revolution," Political Science Quarterly, LXXVI (June 1961), 181.
64 Crenson, Federal, x.
65
"Regard to reputation has a less active influence when the infamy of a bad action
is to be divided among a number than when it is to fall singly on one." The Federalist
Papers, No. 15, ed. Clinton Rossiter (New York: New American Library, 1961), 111.
Louis Fisher suggests that efficient administration was a primary goal of the framers.
See Fisher, President, ch. 1 and appendix.
62
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764
AN IRONY OF REFORM:
44, 1982
1861-1932
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More serious was the argument that blood was on the hands of the
spoilsmen. Meritless employees, reformers argued, had so prolonged the Civil War by their incompetence that thousands of
soldiers had died needlessly.
In hindsight, the case for spoils is a powerful one. By
democratizing the public service, it helped to legitimate the national
government among the new classes of Jacksonian America and
assimilate those that emerged later. "There was value," as White
puts it, "in the sense of union between common folk on the one hand
and their public officers on the other."69 The actual proportion of
swindlers probably was not much higher than it had been before
spoils, however conspicuous the exceptions. For very sound electoral reasons, "neither party welcomed scoundrels or irresponsibles
in public office;" President John Tyler, for example, reported as he
left office that during the preceding four years only two cases of
embezzlement had been found.70 As for the Civil War, spoils had
no greater triumph. Without patronage to bargain with, Abraham
Lincoln-no president ever used spoils more extensively than hewould have been hard-pressed to keep sullen northern congressmen
on board through the military setbacks of 1861 and 1862. And had
federal agencies been staffed by tenure-protected employees before
secession, the government might have had to prosecute the war halffull of southern sympathizers, a house divided in the most literal
sense.71
But whatever its retrospective value, spoils' fate was sealed during
67
White, Jacksonians, 328, 339. U.S. Civil Service Commission, Biography of an
Ideal: A History of the Federal Civil Service (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1975), 20.
68 Quoted in Kaufman, "Growth," 32.
69 White, Jacksonians, 344.
70
71
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73
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power to beat their efforts back. Soon after, the unions were able to
play the power of President Woodrow Wilson off against Congress
when that institution sought to bind the civil service more closely to
it; "the federal employees and the American Federation of Labor
were two groups that Wilson could not afford to antagonize in
undertaking war preparations."75 These and future efforts by one
or the other political branches left the civil service more
autonomous, prosperous, and unionized than it had been before.
The result, according to Nicholas Lemann, was that ". . . as it grew,
the purpose of the civil service system changed somewhat . . . Reforms such as pay raises, improved working conditions, and insurance protection didn't directly make the government more honest
or efficient, but they did make working for it more rewarding. "76
Compounding the Fifth Irony is the manner in which the merit
civil service grew. The Pendleton Act itself placed only 13,900
federal jobs, some ten percent under the merit system, but
presidents were empowered to extend its coverage by executive
order. This they did-almost every nineteenth-century executive
order subsequent to passage of the Act dealt with coverage extension77 and for the purest of partisan motives. When Grover
Cleveland took office in 1885, he vigorously fired Republicans and
appointed Democrats to "redress the balance" of twenty-four years
of Republican rule, then blanketed in 11,757 of their jobs to prevent
them from being fired.78 Republican Benjamin Harrison, who
defeated Cleveland in 1888, added the jobs of 10,535 of his copartisans to the merit-protected list shortly before Cleveland returned to the White House in 1893, then watched as Cleveland
upped the ante by blanketing in 49,179 jobs prior to turning the office over to another newly elected Republican, William McKinley.
All this raised the number of merit-selected jobs to 87,044, nearly 50
percent of the federal work force. By the time of Franklin
Roosevelt's election in 1932, that figure had risen to 80 percentTaft, a lame-duck in 1912, alone accounted for 52,236 blanketed-in
jobs. Not surprisingly, many of the laws that Roosevelt proposed
for the creation of New Deal programs also called for new agencies,
temporarily free from civil service domination, to carry them out.
75
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1861-1932
Though the size of the federal government grew through the early
and middle decades of the nineteenth century, its functions really
did not. The only new department created in this period was Interior in 1849, and it consisted almost entirely of already-existing
agencies such as the Patent Office and the Office of Indian Affairs
that were grouped together because their previous departmental
custodians "had grown tired of them."79 Of the almost eight-fold
increase in federal employment between 1816 and 1861, 86 percent
were in the Post Office, which simply had a larger country to
serve. 80
The next seventy years were different. New agencies proliferated, seemingly without pattern. By 1887, Woodrow Wilson
reasonably could compare American adminstration to a "lusty
child" that "has expanded in nature and grown great in stature, but
has also become awkward in movement. The vigor and increase of
its life has been altogether out of proportion to its skill in living. "81
The President's Committee on Administrative Management, the oftcited Brownlow Commission, concluded a half-century later that
bureaucracy in this period grew like a farm: a wing added to the
house now, a barn put up later, a shed built at some other time, a
silo at one stage, a corn crib at another, until it was spread over the
landscape in a haphazard and thoroughly confusing way.
But as with most farms, there was an underlying order to
bureaucracy's apparent chaos. The United States had been changing rapidly, from a rural society, individualist in its values yet rather
homogeneous in composition, to one that was urban, industrial, and
highly diverse. The rise of a national market economy produced
new demands on government for "clientele" agencies that would
represent and support society's increasingly distinct economic
groups. It also generated a second set of demands for regulation, in
part to protect weak, albeit large, groups from more powerful ones.
None of this came easily, not in a political system invested with all
the qualities of Newton's First Law of Motion. American government at rest tends to stay at rest; except in unusual times, its inertial
resistance is overcome only when a powerful group is able to press
the kind of claim on government that other powerful groups do not
79Dodd
80 J.
81 W.
Wilson, "Rise,"81-82.
Wilson, "Study," 203.
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regional commerce but its very foundation, also were the first objects of federal regulation. The politics of the Interstate Commerce
Act of 1887 and of the Interstate Commerce Commission it
established set the pattern .for the regulatory explosion that followed.
The railroad system that emerged in the post-Civil War period
operated on two planes. The five great trunk lines, the Grand
Trunk, New York Central, Erie, Pennsylvania, and Baltimore and
Ohio, competed on longhaul runs, but they and their affiliates each
enjoyed monopoly control within some region or state. The
railroads' correspondingly two-pronged economic strategy, first,
was to charge high rates at the local level to make up for the lowerrates competition occasionally forced them to charge on the
longhaul runs; and, second, to try to keep longhaul rates high by
means of cartel-style "pooling," that is, by informally agreeing
among themselves not to compete on the basis of price.
Both these practices enraged the Grange-represented dirt farmers,
western merchants, Pennsylvania independent oil producers and
refiners, New York businessmen, and others who shipped their products by rail.87 Each group's protests have been singled out by one
scholar or another as the reason Congress eventually passed
regulatory legislation. In truth, writes Edward Purcell, ". . . It was
neither "the people," nor "the farmers," nor even "the businessmen"
who were responsible for the government's regulation of the
railroads. Rather it was many diverse economic groups in combination throughout the nation who felt threatened by the new national
economy and sought to protect their interests through the federal
government. "88
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IRONY,
UNINTENDED
THE "HIDDEN
CONSEQUENCES,
AND
RELATIONSHIP"
Sorting out the relative importance of historical influences on contemporary bureaucracy from newer ones is no easy task. Clearly,
modern American bureaucracy has taken shape in ways that were
indicated in the pre-New Deal period. To say this, however, is not
89 Wilson, "Rise" 96-97; Murray Edelman, "Symbols and Political Quiescence,"
American Political Science Review, LIV (September 1960), 695-704.
90 Skowronek, Building, 159.
"I Edelman, "Symbols," 72. But cf. Robert A. Katzman, Regulatory Bureaucracy:
The Federal Trade Commission and Antitrust Policy (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1980).
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93
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and direct their activities to popular ends. One of the reasons that
European political parties developed as programmatic, disciplined
organizations was to provide the kind of clear, sustained external
direction that bureaucratic agencies need if their organizational
goals are to be overcome. The strict internal hierarchy of these
agencies, a carry-over from pre-democratic days, facilitated this effort: to appoint or control the agency heads was a giant step toward
controlling the agency.
In the United States, however, the establishment of democratic
political institutions preceded the establishment of administrative
ones. The latter, which were resisted strenuously in the Continental Congress and scarcely mentioned in the Constitution, have remained somewhat illegitimate in American political culture ever
since.94 From the start, this has forced bureaucratic agencies to
build independent political bases to provide sustenance to their pursuit of organizational goals, an endeavor encouraged by the constitutional system of divided political control. "The development of
political skills," writes Rourke, "was part of the process by which executive agencies adapted to their environment in order to survive in
the egalitarian democratic society in which they found
themselves."95
The order of American political development (democracy before
bureaucracy) also affected the country's political parties (which, in
turn, affected the later development of national bureaucracy which,
in turn, affected the parties, and so on). Early American parties,
quite understandably, had little of the European concern for curbing and directing bureaucratic power. To them, administrative
agencies were sources of bounty (pork and patronage), not loci of
power in need of control; indeed, Jackson's Democrats fostered the
process of bureaucratization in order to reap the harvest of spoils
such organizational changes allowed. In part, because bureaucracy
was looked at this way, parties also had no incentive to develop as
programmatic organizations. This meant, for example, that unlike
Great Britain where civil service reform followed the establishment
of central party leadership and really did turn British bureaucracy
into a "hammer and saw" for the elected government, the American
94 Nelson, "Holding Bureaucracy Accountable"; "Power to the People: The
Crusade for Direct Democracy," Saturday Review (November 24, 1979), 12-17.
I" Francis E. Rourke, Bureaucracy, Politics, and Public Policy, 2nd ed. (Boston:
Little, Brown, 1976), 73.
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civil service took shape with no vision at all from the parties as to
what policy purposes it should serve. This made it a good deal
easier for it to foster purposes of its own.
In recent years, as the size and complexity of governmental tasks
have increased, the technical expertise to handle them has become
an added source of power for bureaucratic agencies. The challenge
to party control thus has become more formidable even if a) the
party organizations were strong, and b) the will was there. Actually, neither of these conditions obtain. Parties are unprecedentedly weak, in no small measure because bureaucracy now
distributes the jobs and welfare that once were the parties' main appeals to their members. Legislators, interested as never before in
Congress as a vocation, pay less attention to the politically
unrewarding task of writing clear, careful legislation and more to its
symbolic and distributive aspects.96 Presidents, observes Erwin
Hargrove, also neglect program implementation because their desire
for re-election and a place in history leads them to emphasize the
"dramatic achievement" of "dramatic goals."97 Without clear
policy direction from the parties or their elected officials, organizational self-interest has been able to thrive. And so have unintended
consequences.
CONCLUSION
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hardly is ordained that the form chosen must be one designed not to
promote efficiency or sensitivity, but to prevent fraud.'02
Despair, then, is not justified, at least not by this account. To
paraphrase Santayana, history repeats itself not when we understand it, but rather when we do not.
102
Michael Nelson, "Evaluative Journalism: A New Synthesis?," The Virginia
Quarterly Review, LVIII (Summer 1982).
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