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Studyingmenandmasculinity.(Articles).

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Studyingmenandmasculinity.(Articles).

Subject:

Feminism(Studyandteaching)
Masculinity(Analysis)
Sexrole(Socialaspects)
Men(Psychologicalaspects)
Author:
Connell,R.W.
PubDate: 09/22/2001
Publication: Name:ResourcesforFeministResearchPublisher:O.I.S.E.Audience:AcademicFormat:Magazine/Journal
Subject:Women'sissues/genderstudiesCopyright:COPYRIGHT2001O.I.S.E.ISSN:07078412
Issue:
Date:FallWinter,2001

Accession
Number:
FullText:

90445822
Feminismhaschallengedexistinggenderarrangementsandintellectualorthodoxies.However,thereisastrong
tendencytoassumethat"gender"issuesareissuesaboutwomen.Feministthoughthassometimesreinforcedthis
tendency,becausefeministresearchhasfocussedonthelivesofwomen.Wemustalsoexaminemen'sgender
practices,andthewaysthegenderorderdefines,positions,empowersandconstrainsmen.
Lefeminismearemisenquestionlesconfigurationsactuellesdugenreainsiquelesorthodoxiesintellectuelles.Il
yexiste,cependant,unetendanceaprendrepouracquisquelesquestionstouchantau"genre"constituentdes
questionstouchantuniquementauxfemmes.Lapratiquefeministeaparfoisrenforcecettetendance,parcequ'elle
metl'emphasesurlesviesdesfemmes.Ilesttoutaussiimportantd'examinerlespratiquesgenreesdeshommes,
etlesfaconsdontl'ordredugenrelesdefinit,lespositionne,lescontraintetyinvestitdupouvoir.
Meningenderrelations

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Forageneration,thenewfeminismhaschallengedexistinggenderarrangementsandintellectualorthodoxies.
Thechallengehasled,inevitably,toquestionsaboutmeningenderrelations.
Theinevitablehasnotalwaysbeenobvious.Indeed,thereisastrongtendencyinmanydiscussionstoassume
that"gender"issuesareissuesaboutwomen.Mostpoliticians,bureaucratsandjournalistsassumethatmenare
thenorm,andthat"gender"isaboutthewaywomendifferfromthisnorm.Thusgenderissuesinthepublic
realmofteninpracticeboildowntoquestionsaboutthespecialneedsofwomen.Feministthoughthas
sometimesreinforcedthisdrift,becausefeministresearchhas,byandlarge,focussedonthelivesofwomen.
Therehavebeengoodreasonsforthis,giventhehistoricexclusionofwomen'sexperiencefrompatriarchal
culture.
Yetgenderisinherentlyrelational.Evenifourunderstandingofgenderisnomorethan"sexdifferences,"there
arealwaystwotermsinadifference.Andacloserlookatgendershowsmuchmorecomplexpatternsthan
simpledifference.Genderisalsoaboutrelationshipsofdesireandpower,andthesemustbeexaminedfromboth
sides.Inunderstandinggenderinequalitiesitisessentialtoresearchthemoreprivilegedgroupaswellastheless
privileged.Thisrequiresmorethansimplyanexaminationofmenasastatisticalcategory(thoughitisusefulto
dothat,too).Wemustexaminemen'sgenderpractices,andthewaysthegenderorderdefines,positions,
empowersandconstrainsmen.
Thegenderpositionsthatsocietyconstructsformenmaynotcorrespondexactlywithwhatmenactuallyare,or
desiretobe,orwhattheyactuallydo.Itisthereforenecessarytostudymasculinityaswellasmen.By
"masculinity"Imeanthepatternorconfigurationofsocialpracticeslinkedtothepositionofmeninthegender
order,andsociallydistinguishedfrompracticeslinkedtothepositionofwomen.(Fordiscussionsofthisconcept,
seeClatterbaugh,1998Connell,2000.)
Masculinity,understoodasaconfigurationofpracticesineverydaylife,issubstantiallyasocialconstruction.
Masculinityreferstomalebodies(sometimessymbolicallyandindirectly),butisnotdeterminedbymale
biology.Itis,thus,perfectlylogicaltotalkabout"masculine"women,whenwomenbehaveorpresent
themselvesinawaytheirsocietyregardsasdistinctiveofmen(Halberstam,1998).
Conceptionsofgender
Masculinitiesarenecessarilydefinedwithinaconceptionofgender.Approachestogenderintermsofsexroles,
sexcategories,andgenderrelations,yielddifferentviewsofmasculinity,whichIwillnowbrieflyexamine.(For
furtherdiscussionoftheseframeworks,seeConnell,2002.)

Roletheoryisanapproachtosocialanalysisbasedonthepowerofcustomandsocialconformity.Peoplelearn
theirroles,likeactors,andthenperformthemundersocialpressure."Sexrole"theoryexplainsgenderpatterns
byappealingtothesocialcustomsthatdefineproperbehaviourforwomenandformen.Appliedtomen,sexrole
theoryemphasizesthewayexpectationsaboutpropermasculinebehaviourareconveyedtoboysastheygrow
up,byparents,schools,massmedia,andpeergroups.Thistheoryemphasizesthe"rolemodels"providedby
sportsmen,militaryheroes,etcandthesocialsanctions(frommilddisapprovaltoviolence)thatareappliedto
boysandmenwhodonotliveuptotherolenorms.
Thisisaplausibleapproachtosomeissuesaboutmasculinity.But"sexrole"theoryhasseriousintellectual
weaknesses.Itgivesnograsponissuesofpower,violence,ormaterialinequality.Itmissesthecomplexities
withinfemininityandmasculinity,anditoffersverylimitedstrategiesofchange.Eveninafieldlikeeducation,it
offersnoprotectionagainstthebacklashnowemergingagainstgenderequity,andgiveslittleunderstandingof
thediversityofdesiresandresponsesamongboysinschools.
Asecondmodelofgender,whichIcall"categoricaltheory,"treatswomenandmenaspreformedcategories.
Thisapproachoftenappeals,explicitlyorimplicitly,tothebiologicaldifferenceofthesexesasthecatchall
explanationofsocialbehaviour.Incategoricalthinkingaboutgender,thefocusisonsomerelationbetweenthe
categorieswhichisexternaltotheirconstitutionascategories.Thisis,forinstance,thelogicalstructure
underlyingmostdiscussionofequalemploymentopportunity(basedonstatisticscontrastingmen'semployment
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withwomen'semployment).Itisalsofoundinmuchofthediscussionofsexualharassmentandgenderviolence.
Comparedwithsexroletheory,thisapproachmorereadilyaddressesissuesofpower.Butcategoricaltheorytoo
hasdifficultygraspinganyofthecomplexitiesofgender,suchasgenderedviolencewithineitherofthetwomain
categories,menandwomen(e.g.,violencebystraightmenagainstgaymen).Thecategoricalapproachleaves
littlespacefortheinterplayofgenderwithclassandrace,andmissessuchissuesastheimportanceofunionism
forworkingclasswomen,orcommunityorganizingforaboriginalwomen.Itreadilyleadstoethnocentric
generalizationsaboutwomenandmen,whichmisstheimportanceoftheglobalstructuresofexploitationand
underdevelopment.
Theseproblemshaveledanumberoftheorists(Burton,1985Lorber,1994)towardsrelationalaccountsof
gender.Thisapproachemphasizesthatgenderissuesalwaysconcernastructureofsocialrelations.Iconsider
thatthisapproachistheonlyadequatebasisforanunderstandingofmenandmasculinity,sowilloutlinesome
keypointsofitsmodelofgender.
Genderisawayinwhichsocialpracticeisordered.Ingenderprocesses,theeverydayconductoflifeis
organizedinrelationtoareproductivearena,definedbythebodilystructuresandprocessesofhuman
reproduction.Thisarenaincludessexualarousalandintercourse,childbirthandinfantcare,bodilysexdifference
andsimilarity.Icallthisa"reproductivearena"ratherthana"biologicalbasis"becausebiologydoesnot
determinewhathappens.Rather,bodiesareparticipantsinahistoricalprocess,theyarebothagentsandobjects
ofpractice.Forinstance,whenateenagegirllearnstousecosmeticstomakeherselfheterosexuallyattractive,or
ateenageboyworksoutinagymtodevelopamasculinephysique,bodilypleasuresareinvolvedandthe
learningisaveryactiveprocessbutthelearningisatthesametimeshapedbysocialsymbolismandthesocial
divisionoflabour.
Suchbodyreflexivepracticesarenotinternaltotheindividual.Theyinvolvesocialrelationsandshared
symbolismtheymaywellinvolvelargescalesocialinstitutions.Withinthishistoricalprocess,particular
versionsoffemininityandmasculinityarematerializedasmeaningfulbodiesandembodiedmeanings.Through
bodyreflexivepractices,morethanindividuallivesareformed:asocialworldisformed.
Thebroaddivisionofhumanbodiesintomaleandfemale(plusafewotherminorgroups)isconstantlyapointof
referenceingenderdivisionsbutitisvitaltorecognizethatgenderisasocialarrangementwhichunderdifferent
historicalcircumstancestakesvastlydifferentforms.Biologicalreproductiondoesnotcause,orevenprovidea
templatefor,genderaspractice.Lesbianandgaysexualities,forinstance,aregenderedpracticesquiteasmuch
asheterosexualityistheyaresexualitiesorganizedwithreferencetofemalebodies(andmalebodies,
respectively)aspartners.Genderdifferentiationsoccurwhichhavenottheslightestlogicalconnectionwith
reproductionforinstancethecrudegendercodingincomputergames.
Socialpracticeiscreativeandinventive,butnotinchoate.Associalbeings,weactinresponsetoparticular
situations,withindefinitestructuresofsocialrelations.Genderrelations,therelationsamongpeopleandgroups
organizedthroughthereproductivearena,formoneofthemajorstructuresofalldocumentedsocieties.Practice
thatrelatestothisstructure,generatedaspeopleandgroupsgrapplewiththeirhistoricalsituations,doesnot
consistofisolatedacts.Actionsareconfiguredinlargerunits,andwhenwespeakof"masculinity"and
"femininity"wearenamingconfigurationsofgenderpractice."Configuration"isperhapstoostaticaterm.The
importantthingistheprocessofconfiguringpractice.Masculinitiesandfemininitiesarebestunderstoodas
genderprojects,dynamicarrangementsofsocialpracticethroughtime,inwhichwemakeourselvesandare
madeasparticularkindsofhumanbeings.
Wefindthisgendershapingofpracticeateverylevelofsocialreality.Thereisnoseparatesphereinwhich
genderexists,isolatedfromotherkindsofsocialrelations.Genderisanaspectofallsocialsituations(thoughin
someitismoreprominentthaninothers).Genderconfigurationsareveryclearlyseenintheindividuallife
course,thebasisofthecommonsensenotionsofmasculinityandfemininity.Theconfigurationofpracticehere
iswhatpsychologistshavetraditionallycalled"personality"or"character."Psychoanalyticdiscussionsofgender
focusalmostexclusivelyonthissite.
Thisfocuscan,however,exaggeratethecoherenceofpractice.Poststructuralistcriticshaveemphasizedthat
genderidentitiesarenotfixed,becausemultiplediscoursesintersectinanyindividuallife.Theirargument
highlightsanothersite,thatofdiscourse,ideologyorculture.Heregendertakestheformofsymbolicpractices,
madefamiliarbyfeministcritiquesofsexistlanguage,sexistimagesofwomeninmassmedia,inschool
textbooks,etc.Asimilarcritiqueofpatriarchalimagesofmasculinityhasnowemerged.Socialsciencehas
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increasinglyrecognizedathirdsiteofthegenderconfigurationofpractice:institutionssuchasthestate,the
workplaceandtheschool.Educationalinstitutions,forinstance,aregenderedinseveralways.Malestaff
predominateinhighereducationandinschooladministration,womenstaffpredominateinkindergartenand
elementaryteaching.Thecurriculumtendstodivideinto"masculine"subjects(physics,mathematics,
technology)and"feminine"subjects(languages,humanrelations),andsomepartsofit(technicaleducationfor
instance)virtuallysegregateyouthongenderlines.Educationalauthorityismasculinized,andsoarepartsofthe
nonacademiccurriculum,suchascompetitiveteamsports.Genderrelationsamongthechildrenareaconstant
preoccupationofpeergrouplife,rangingfromtermsofcasualplaygroundabuse("fag,""wimp")toelaborate
datingrituals.Theserelationsareconstantlyrenegotiatedinthechangingarenasprovidedbytheschoolandthe
schoolsystem(Thorne,1993Arnotetal.,1999).
Thepatternthatalltheserelationstakewithinaninstitution(suchasaschooloracorporation)maybecalledits
"genderregime."Thepatternofgenderregimes,togetherwiththegenderpatternincultureandpersonallife,
maybecalledthe"genderorder"ofasociety.Itisimplicitintheseconceptsthatgenderregimesandgender
ordersarehistoricalproducts,andsubjecttochangeinhistory.
Itfollowsthatgenderisconnectedwiththemostimportanthistoricalchangeinmodernworldhistory,the
processofcolonialexpansion,conquest,resistance,andalsoneocolonialismandpostcolonialglobalization.Itis
increasinglyrecognizedthatthesearecrucialcontextsforthemakingofmasculinities,bothinthecolonizing
powersandamongthecolonized.RecentresearchonsouthernAfrica,forinstance(Morrell,1998),hasprovided
averycleardemonstrationoftheimportanceofcolonialismandpostcolonialstrugglesinshapinggender
relationsandmasculinities.
Debatesanmenandmasculinity
Gendertheoryprovidespossiblewaysofthinkingaboutthepositionofmenandboysbutitisanotherthingfor
thatpossibilitytobetakenup.Forthefirst15yearsorsoaftertheadventoftheWomen'sLiberationmovement,
onlyaverysmallminorityofmeninWesterncountriesdidtakeuptheissue.Withinthepast15years,however,
thenumbershavegrownasthesenseofdisturbanceingenderrelationshasgrown.
Therehasconsequentlybeenanupsurgeofconcernwithissuesaboutmenandboys.Inthepublicrealmthere
havebeensocialmovementsfocussedonthereformorrestorationofmasculinity(Messner,1997).Therehave
beenextensivemediadebatesaboutthe"newfatherhood"andsupposedchangesinmen'sinvolvementin
families(McMahon,1999).Ineducationtherehasbeenmuchtalkofboys'"failure"inschoolandtheneedfor
specialprogramsforboys(GilbertandGilbert,1998).Thereispracticalinterventionandresearchonsuch
intractableissuesasmen'sviolencetowardswomen(Hearn,1998).Therehasbeenincreasingdebateaboutmen's
healthandillness(SaboandGordon,1995).Apopulartherapeuticmovementaddressesmen'sproblemsin
relationships,sexualityandidentity.
ConcernwiththeseissueshasdevelopedbeyondNorthAmericaandWesternEurope.Scandinaviaand
Australasiahavebeenfertileinideasandresearchonmasculinity(HolterandAarseth,1993Lawetal.,1999).
Debatesonmen,patriarchy,violence,andwaysofchangingmen'sconduct,havebuiltupinSouthAfrica
followingtheendofapartheid(Morrell,2001).Critiquesoftraditionalpatternsofmasculinityhavedevelopedin
Japan,whereamen'scentrewithareformagendahasrecentlybeenestablishedandannualconferenceshave
beenheld(Nakamura,1997).Issuesaboutmen,sexualityandfatherhoodhavebeendebatedandresearchedin
Brazil(Arilhaetal.,1998).
Discussionsofthesequestionshavealsomovedintointernationalforums.Forinstance,in1997UNESCO
sponsoredaconferenceonmasculinity,violenceandpeacemaking,whichdrewparticipantsfromRussiaand
easternEuropeaswellasotherpartsoftheworld(Breinesetal.,2000).In1998FLACSOconvenedaconference
onresearchandactivismaboutmasculinitiesacrossLatinAmericaandtheCaribbean(ValdesandOlavarria,
1998).
Questionsaboutmenwereinevitable,oncethechallengefromthenewfeminismbegan,becausegenderisa
livingsystemofsocialinteractions,notastackofwatertightboxes.Whataffectsthesocialpositionofwomen
andgirlsmustalsoaffectthesocialpositionofmenandboys.Largenumbersofmennowacknowledgethattheir
positionisunderchallenge,thatwhattheyoncetookforgrantedaboutmustberethought.
Socialresearchonmenandmasculinities

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Thisculturaldisturbanceaboutgenderandthepositionofmenhasgivenimpetustothesocialscientificworkon
masculinitiesthathasbeenacceleratingsincethemid1980s.
Realizationthatmasculinitiesaresociallyconstructedgoesbacktoearlypsychoanalysis,andinthesocial
sciencesfirsttooktheshapeofasocialpsychologicalconcept,the"malesexrole."Recentresearchonmenand
masculinitieshasmovedbeyondtheabstractionsofthesexroleapproachtoamoreconcreteexaminationofhow
genderpatternsareconstructedandpracticed.
Constructionistresearchhasusedarangeofsocialscientificmethodstoexplorethesituationallyformedgender
identities,practicesandrepresentationsofmenandboys.Thestudiesrangefromquantitativesurveys(Zulehner
andVolz,1999)toclosefocusethnographies(Klein,1993),lifehistorystudies(Messner,1992),studiesof
organizations(Collinsonetal.,1990)andculturalformssuchasfilms,novelsandplays(Buchbinder,1998).A
picturehasbeenemergingfromthisresearchthatdifferssignificantlyfromolderideasofthemalesexrole,and
evenmorefromconceptionsof"natural"masculinity.
Thefirstimportantconclusionisthatmasculinitiesaremultiple.Historiansandanthropologistshaveshownthat
thereisnoonepatternofmasculinitythatisfoundeverywhere.Differentcultures,anddifferentperiodsof
history,constructmasculinitydifferently(CornwallandLindisfarne,1994).
Forinstance,someculturesmakeheroesofsoldiers,andregardviolenceastheultimatetestofmasculinity
otherslookatsoldieringwithdisdainandregardviolenceascontemptible.Someculturesregardhomosexualsex
asincompatiblewithtruemasculinityothersthinknoonecanbearealmanwithouthavinghadhomosexual
relationships.
Itfollowsthatinlargescalemulticulturalsocietiestherearelikelytobemultipledefinitionsofmasculinity.
Sociologicalresearchshowsthistobetrue.Thereare,forinstance,differencesintheexpressionofmasculinity
betweenLatinoandAnglomenintheUnitedStates,andbetweenGreekorLebaneseandAngloboysin
Australia.Themeaningofmasculinityinworkingclasslifeisdifferentfromthemeaninginmiddleclasslife,
nottomentionamongtheveryrichandtheverypoor(seethestudiesinDonaldsonandTomsen,1998).
Equallyimportant,morethanonekindofmasculinitycanbefoundwithinagivenculturalsetting.Withinany
workplace,neighbourhoodorpeergroup,therearelikelytobedifferentunderstandingsofmasculinityand
differentwaysof"doing"masculinity.Intheurbanmiddleclass,forinstance,thereisaversionofmasculinity
organizedarounddominance,emphasizing"leadership"inmanagement,andanotherversionorganizedaround
expertise,emphasizing"professionalism"andtechnicalknowledge(foracasestudy,seeMesserschmidt,1997).
RecentGermandiscussionshavespokenof"multioptionalmasculinities"toemphasizethepotentialdiversity
(Widerspruche,1998).
Differentmasculinitiesdonotsitsidebysidelikedishesinasmorgasbordtherearedefiniterelationsbetween
them.Typically,somemasculinitiesaremorehonoredthanothers.Somemaybeactivelydishonored,for
examplehomosexualmasculinitiesinmodemWesternculture.Somearesociallymarginalized,forexamplethe
masculinitiesofdisempoweredethnicminorities.Someareexemplary,takenassymbolizingadmiredtraits,for
examplethemasculinitiesofsportingheroes.
Theformofmasculinitywhichisculturallydominantinagivensettingiscalled"hegemonicmasculinity"(for
debateonthisconcept,seeDonaldson1993,1998WetherellandEdley,1999)."Hegemonic"signifiesaposition
ofculturalauthorityandleadership,nottotaldominanceotherformsofmasculinitypersistalongside.The
hegemonicformneednotbethemostcommonformofmasculinity.(Thisisfamiliarinschoolpeergroups,for
instance,whereasmallnumberofhighlyinfluentialboysmaybeadmiredbymanyotherswhocannotreproduce
theirperformance.)Hegemonicmasculinityis,however,highlyvisible.Itislikelytobewhatcasual
commentatorshavenoticedwhentheyspeakof"themalerole."
Hegemonicmasculinityishegemonicnotjustinrelationtoothermasculinities,butinrelationtothegenderorder
asawhole.Itisanexpressionoftheprivilegemencollectivelyhaveoverwomeninapatriarchalsociety.The
hierarchyofmasculinitiesisanexpressionoftheunequalsharesinthatprivilegeheldbydifferentgroupsofmen.
Thegenderstructuresofasocietydefineparticularpatternsofconductas"masculine"andothersas"feminine."
Atonelevel,thesepatternscharacterizeindividuals.Thuswesaythataparticularman(orwoman)ismasculine,
orbehavesinamasculineway.Butthesepatternsalsoexistatthecollectivelevel.Masculinitiesaredefinedand
sustainedininstitutions,suchascorporations,armies,governmentsorschools(forastrikingexamplein
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educationalresearch,seeMacanGhaill,1994).Masculinitiesaredefinedcollectivelyintheworkplace,asshown
inindustrialresearchandininformalgroupslikestreetgangs,asshownincriminologicalresearch.
Masculinityalsoexistsimpersonallyinculture.Sociologicalresearchonsporthasshownhowanaggressive
masculinityiscreatedorganizationallybythestructureoforganizedsport,byitspatternofcompetition,its
systemoftraininganditssteephierarchyoflevelsandrewards(Messner,1992).Imagesofthismasculinityare
circulatedonanenormousscalebysportsmedia.
Masculinitiesdonotexistpriortosocialbehavior,eitherasbodilystatesorfixedpersonalities.Rather,
masculinitiescomeintoexistenceaspeopleact.Theyareaccomplishedineverydayconductororganizational
life,aspatternsofsocialpractice.Closefocusresearchhasshownhowwe"dogender"ineverydaylife,for
instanceinthewayweconductconversations(WestandZimmerman,1987).Asimilarinsighthasthrownnew
lightonthelinkbetweenmasculinityandcrime.Thisisnotaproductofafixedmasculinecharacterbeing
expressedthroughcrime.Rather,thelinkresultsfromavarietyofmenfromimpoverishedyouthgangsonthe
streettowhitecollarcriminalsatthecomputerusingcrimeasaresourcetoconstructparticularmasculinities
(Messerschmidt,1993).
Masculinities,itappears,arefarfromsettled.Frombodybuildersinthegym,tomanagersintheboardroom,to
boysintheelementaryschoolplayground,agreatdealofeffortgoesintothemakingofconventional
masculinities.Andthisistruealsoofnonconventionalmasculinities.Recentresearchwithhomosexualmen
showsthatforthesemen,too,identityandrelationshipsinvolveacomplexandsustainedeffortofconstruction
(Dowsett,1996).
Oneofthekeyreasonswhymasculinitiesarenotsettledisthattheyarenotsimple,homogeneouspatterns.
Closefocusresearchongender,bothinpsychoanalysisandethnography,oftenrevealscontradictorydesiresand
logics.Aman'sactiveheterosexualitymayexistasathinemotionallayerconcealingadeeperhomosexualdesire.
Aboy'sidentificationwithmenmaycoexistorstrugglewithidentificationswithwomen.Thepublicenactment
ofanexemplarymasculinitymaycovertlyrequireactionsthatundermineit.Masculinitiesmayhavemultiple
possibilitiesconcealedwithinthem.Thecomplexityofdesires,emotionsorpossibilitiesmaynotbeobviousat
firstglance.Buttheissueisimportant,becausethesecomplexitiesaresourcesoftensionandchangeingender
patterns.
Fromthefactthatdifferentmasculinitiesexistindifferentculturesandhistoricalepochs,wecandeducethat
masculinitiesareabletochange.Inthelayeringofmasculinitiesweseeoneofthesourcesofchangeandinthe
hierarchyofmasculinitiesweseeoneofthemotives.Historianshavetracedchangesinmasculinityasstruggles
forhegemony:forinstance,redefiningpatternsofmanagerialmasculinityinBritishmanufacturingindustryas
economicandtechnologicalchangerearrangedthebalanceofpower(Roper,1994).Newarenasforthe
constructionofmasculinitiesemerge.Undercontemporaryconditionsofglobalization,theworldwidearenasof
multinationalcorporations,markets,andmediaseemincreasinglyimportantinthisregard(Connell,2000).
Particularmasculinitiesarecomposedhistorically,andmayalsobedecomposed,contestedandreplaced.Thereis
anactivepoliticsofgenderineverydaylife.Sometimesitfindsspectacularpublicexpression,inlargescale
ralliesordemonstrations.Moreoftenitislocalandlimited.Butthereisalwaysaprocessofcontestationand
change,andinsomecasesthisbecomesconsciousanddeliberate.
Masculinitypolitics
Thepoliticsthataddressesthesepossibilitiesofchangeisapoliticsofinstitutionsaswellasapoliticsof
consciousnessandpersonallife.Masculinitypoliticsincludestheconflictsofinterest,andpossibilitiesofchange,
inorganizationsandinstitutionssuchascorporations,unions,schoolsystems,courts,andcommercialsports.
Thisdimensionoftengoesunrecognizedasgenderpolitics,exceptwhenitischallengedusuallybywomen.
Themasculinitypoliticsofcommercialsportisanotablecaseinpoint(RoweandMcKay,1998).
Therearedifferingagendasofchangeinmasculinity.Someyearsago(Connell,1995)Isuggestedfourbasic
patternsinmasculinitypolitics:masculinitytherapy,concernedwiththeemotionaltensionsofcontemporary
men'slivesthe"gunlobby,"broadlyconceived,intentonthedefenceofhegemonicmasculinitygayliberation
anditsoffshoots,basedonWesternsociety'sprincipalformofsubordinatedmasculinityand"exitpolitics,"
transformativepoliticsforheterosexualmen.Messner's(1997)surveyofmasculinitypoliticsinNorthAmerica
complicatesthispicture,mappingnolessthaneightmovementswithdifferentagendasforchange.

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Whatisatstakeinstrugglestochangeorrestoregenderpatternsamongmen?Contemporarymasculinitiesare
implicatedinarangeoftoxiceffects.Wellknownexamplesincluderapeanddomesticviolenceagainstwomen,
homophobicviolence,andracism(Hearn,1998Tomsen,1998Tillner,2000).Itisanimportantfactthattoxic
effectsofmasculinitiesincludeeffectsinthelivesofmenaswellaswomen.Examplesare:highlevelsofinjury,
suchasthosecausedbyroadcrashes(fourtimesashighamongyoungmenasamongyoungwomen,in
AustraliaseeWalkeretal.,2000)patternsofillhealthandmortalityresultingfrompoordiet,drugabuse,
inadequateuseofhealthservices(Schofieldetal.,2000)highlevelsofvictimization(menarethemajorityof
victimsofreportedviolence)andimprisonment(about90percentofprisoninmatesaremenincountrieslike
AustraliaandtheUSA)andpatternsofpublicconflictamongmenthateasilyleadtoviolence(Tomsen,1997).
Thepursuitofnarrowmodelsofmasculinitymayleadtoclosedhorizonsineducation,asseenintherejection
bymanyboysofhumanitiesasareasofstudy,andpersonalissuesastopicsofreflection(Martino,1994).
Indealingwiththeseproblemsatapracticallevel,oneisconstantlyledbeyondtheimmediatesituation.For
instance,acampaignagainstmen'ssviolenceagainstwomenisledtowardsissuesofpreventionaswellas
immediateresponse(HagemannWhite,1992).Researchonmasculinitiesmayalsobeimportantinopeningnew
possibilitiesingenderrelations(Segal,1997).
Menasagroupgainrealandlargeadvantagesfromthecurrentsystemofgenderrelations.Thescaleofthis
"patriarchaldividend"isindicatedbythefactthatmen'searnedincomes,worldwide,areabout180percentof
women's.Butsomemenpayaheavypriceforlivinginthecurrentsystem,astheobservationsjustmadeon
toxicitygotoshow.Particularmen,orparticulargroupsofmen,sharewithwomenaninterestinsocialsafety,in
preventionofdiscrimination,inmoreinclusiveandlesshierarchicaleconomies.Commoninterestsariseoutof
sharedrelationshipsbetweenmenandwomenaskin,coworkers,neighbours,etc.Itisaroundsuchintereststhat
aprogressivepoliticsofgenderamongmenmaybebuilt.
Manypeoplethinkthatmen'sactivismongendermustfollowthemodeloffeminismthatitrequiresageneral
"men'smovement"mobilizingforgenderreform.AsIhavearguedinmoredetailelsewhere(Connell,1995),
therearereasonswhythismodelmightnotbeappropriate.Givenboththematerialinterestsofmen,andthe
hierarchyofmasculinities,thedemocraticreconstructionofthegenderorderismorelikelytodividementhanto
unitethem(ingenderterms).Yettherearemanyarenaswherereformofmen'sgenderpracticescanbe
undertakenwithsomechancesofsuccess.Healthisanimportantcase.Itispossibletopursuemen'shealth
programsaspartofa"backlash"antifeministpolitics,competingforfundingwithwomen'shealthinitiatives.
Butitisalsopossibletopursuehealthissuesformenincooperationwithwomen'shealthinitiatives,creating
coalitionsaroundsharedinterestsinreducingviolence,alcoholism,roadtrauma,andothertoxicconsequencesof
contemporarymasculinities.
Thingscangetworse.Inthegrowinggenderdisparitiesoftheformercommunistcountries,andthedeclineofthe
welfarestateintheWest,weseeexamplesofdecline,notadvance,ingenderequity.Butamoredemocratic
genderorderispossible,andsomegroupsofmenareworkingtowardsit(Segal,1997Pease,1997).Ibelieve
therecentsocialscientificworkonmasculinitiesmaybeimportantinthistask,helpingtoilluminatethe
obstaclestochangeandalsoshowingthepossibilitiesofchange.
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