Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
diplomacy &
humanities
N082015
English version
pages 145 to 208.
Instituto
Rio Branco
JUCA
JUCA
DIPLOMACIA E HUMANIDADES
2015
juca.irbr.itamaraty.gov.br
www.facebook.com/revistajuca
O QUE JUCA?
IRBr
ANOS
WHAT IS JUCA?
Expediente
JUCA
Edio 08 / 2015
Instituto Rio Branco
Impressa em Braslia
Brasil
Diretor Honorrio
Embaixador Gonalo de Barros Carvalho e
Mello Mouro
Editor-chefe
Felipe Neves Caetano Ribeiro
Editor-executivo
Joo Marcelo Costa Melo
Editores de Arte
Fernanda Carvalho dal Piaz e Vismar
Ravagnani Duarte Silva
Editores de Dossi
Vincius Fox Drummond Canado Trindade
e Pedro Mariano Martins Pontes
Editores de Entrevistas
Guilherme Rafael Raicoski, Joo Lucas Ijino
Santana e Jean Pierre Bianchi.
Editor de Diplomacia e Poltica
Internacional
Tain Leite Novaes
Editor de Cultura e Arte
Pedro Meirelles Reis Sotero de Menezes
Editor de Memria Diplomtica
Felipe Eduardo Liebl
Editor de Ensaios e Resenhas
Alexandre Piana Lemos
Editor de Tradues
Pedro Meirelles Reis Sotero de Menezes
Diretor de Comunicao e Distribuio
Vitor Augusto Carvalho Salgado da Cruz
Diagramao
CT Comunicao
Capa
Estudo para o Painel Paz (1954), de
Candido Portinari
Agradecimentos
Embaixador Mauro Luiz Iecker Vieira, Embaixador Srgio Frana Danese, Embaixador Celso Luiz Nunes Amorim, Embaixador Antonio de Aguiar Patriota, Embaixador Lus Fernando de Andrade Serra, Embaixador Gonalo de Barros Carvalho e
Mello Mouro, Embaixadora Maria Luiza Ribeiro Viotti, Embaixador Paulo Cordeiro de Andrade Pinto, Embaixador Marcel Fortuna Biato, Embaixador Nelson Antonio Tabajara de Oliveira, Embaixadora Vera Cntia lvarez, Embaixador Flvio
Soares Damico, Embaixador Fernando Lus Lemos Igreja
Ministro Roberto Colin, Ministro Norberto Moretti, Ministro Maurcio Carvalho
Lyrio, Ministro Antonio Carlos de Salles Menezes, Ministro Marcelo Marotta Viegas, Ministro Felipe Costi Santarosa
Conselheiro Alrio de Oliveira Ramos, Conselheiro Francisco Moacyr Fontenelle
Filho, Conselheiro Alexandre de Azevedo Silveira, Conselheira Maria Deize Camilo Jorge, Conselheiro Paulo Andr Moraes de Lima, Conselheiro Eduardo Uziel,
Conselheiro Mrio Gustavo Mottin, Conselheiro Andr Dunham Maciel Siaines
de Castro
Secretrio Mrcio Oliveira Dornelles, Secretrio Marco Tlio Scarpelli Cabral, Secretrio Bruno Nunes Brant, Secretrio Herbert de Magalhes Drummond Neto,
Secretria Mait de Souza Schmitz, Secretrio Joo Augusto Costa Vargas, Secretrio Leonardo de Oliveira Jannuzzi, Secretrio Joo Francisco Campos da Silva Pereira, Secretrio Octvio Moreira Guimares Lopes, Secretrio Rodrigo de Carvalho
Dias Papa, Secretria Maria Clara de Paula Tusco, Secretrio Alisson Souza Gasparete, Secretrio Paulo de Melo Ming de Azevedo, Secretrio Thomaz Alexandre
Mayer Napoleo, Secretria Mrcia Canrio de Oliveira, Secretrio Patrick Luna,
Secretrio Cristiano Carneiro Ebner, Secretrio Thiago Tavares Vidal, Secretrio
Joo Carlos Falzeta Zanini, Secretrio Wellington Muller Bujokas, Secretrio Joo
Eduardo Gomide de Paula, Secretrio Rubens Dionsio de Camargo Campana, Secretrio Luiz Feldman, Secretrio Fbio Cunha Pinto Coelho, Secretrio Rafael da Soler, Secretria Lara Lobo Monteiro, Secretrio Bruno Pereira Rezende, Secretria
Renata Negrelly Oliveira, Secretrio Thiago Antonio de Melo Oliveira, Secretrio
Felipe Pinchemel Cotrim dos Santos, Secretrio Guilherme Ferreira Sorgine, Secretria Mariana Yokoya Simoni, Secretrio Luiz de Andrade Filho
Professora Susan Casement Moreira, Professor Antonio Augusto Canado Trindade, Professor George Rodrigo Bandeira Galindo, Professor Matias Spektor, Professor Martti Koskenniemi, Senhor Adriano Cesar Santos Ribeiro, Senhor Clayton
Gonalves do Carmo, Senhora Dolores Manzano, Senhor Gilberto Francisco Renato
Allard Chateaubriand Bandeira de Mello, Senhor Inaldo Cavalcante de Albuquerque,
Senhora Jaeden NG, Senhor Jefferson Assumpo, Senhor Joo Candido Portinari,
Senhor John Neschling, Senhora Marlene Gomes de Vellasco, Senhor Marcos Gorinstein, Senhora Moema Salgado, Senhora Neuza Maria Ribeiro Ferreira, Senhor
Pedro Henrique Chaves Reis, Senhora Vera Silvia Camargo Guarnieri, Senhora Vicncia Bretas Tahan
Acervo Murilo Mendes, Agncia Literria Riff, Marina Artes Grficas e Editora
LTDA, Museu Casa de Cora Coralina, Orquestra Sinfnica do Estado de So Paulo
Sumrio
dossi
Cultura e arte
memria diplomtica
Gilberto Chateaubriand:
aluno da primeira turma do Instituto
Rio Branco 124
Vismar Ravagnani
Duarte Silva
Do frevo ao jazz 96
Diplomacia e Poltica
Internacional
O Brasil no centro do mundo: os grandes
eventos de julho de 2014 e a atuao do
Itamaraty 56
Felipe Neves Caetano Ribeiro e Fernanda
Carvalho Dal Piaz
Bastidores do discurso
diplomtico: Ghostwriters
no Itamaraty 130
Joo Lucas Ijino Santana
ENSAIOS E RESENHAS
Albert Camus
no Brasil 134
Alexandre Piana Lemos
O que Kissinger
no diz (resenha) 139
EntrevistaS
Sonmbulos da destruio
(resenha) 144
Dossi
FOTO: UN Photo/McLain
ANOS
Dossi
Dossi
melhores do que em 1945, mas a relevncia das Naes Unidas para essa
melhoria est longe ser consensual.
Por um lado, o ECOSOC foi esvaziado
de seu propsito original pelas grandes
potncias que nele no tm prerrogativas especiais , e suas recomendaes
seriam, com frequncia, desrespeitadas. Ademais, o crescimento exponencial de pases como Japo, Alemanha e
China, pouco ou nada teve a ver com a
ONU. No entanto, os xitos das Naes
Unidas no so negligenciveis. Alm
de auxiliar o processo de descolonizao ao redor do mundo, a ONU prestou
apoio tcnico imprescindvel a pases
recm-independentes e serviu de plataforma para a elevao do debate sobre
desenvolvimento e sustentabilidade ao
topo da agenda diplomtica.
Partindo da constatao de que o
laissez-faire preconizado pelas instituies de Bretton Woods ampliava a
Dossi
A atuao das Naes Unidas nessa seara tornar-se-ia ainda mais visvel
com as grandes conferncias da dcada
de 1990 ex. Cairo, Pequim, Copenhagen - que estimularam a articulao entre governos e sociedade civil e chamaram a ateno para diversos problemas
transnacionais que exigiam maior cooperao. Particularmente importante foi
a Rio 92, que reuniu mais de 100 Chefes
de Estado e cerca de 2000 ONGs. Alm
de ser um marco para discusses futuras
sobre mudana do clima, desertificao,
biodiversidade, entre outros temas, a
Rio 92 consolidou o conceito de desenvolvimento sustentvel, entrelaando
as discusses sobre meio ambiente e
desenvolvimento e pautando esforos
posteriores.
A Conferncia das Naes Unidas sobre Desenvolvimento Sustentvel
(Rio+20) assinalaria o compromisso da
comunidade internacional com a indissociabilidade das dimenses social, ambiental e econmica do desenvolvimento
sustentvel, cuja promoo depende de
mecanismos de financiamento apropriados. No mesmo contexto, firmou-se o
compromisso com a erradicao da po-
11
As operaes de
manuteno da paz
esto no centro das
deliberaes do
Conselho de Segurana
e so o aspecto mais
visvel e impactante da
ONU.
Dossi
FOTO: UN Photo
13
necessariamente ser tratados conjuntamente. A realizao de trs grandes conferncias em 2015 Adis Abeba, Nova
Iorque e Paris assinala o reconhecimento da importncia do multilateralismo para a soluo dos grandes desafios
contemporneos. Alm disso, a formulao dos ODS demonstra a capacidade da
ONU de gerar resultados de grande impacto e estabelece novo paradigma para
a atuao da Organizao, lastreado na
universalidade e na ampla participao
da sociedade civil.
Direitos Humanos
A agenda de direitos humanos uma
das faces mais visveis da ONU. Partindo da Declarao Universal dos Direitos Humanos, a Organizao foi capaz
de construir, ao longo de 70 anos, um
conjunto significativo ainda que incompleto de padres universais de
proteo, a despeito de diferenas culturais, polticas e econmicas dos Estados Membros. Desse processo resultou
uma ampla gama de convenes, tanto
de natureza geral, como os dois Pactos
Internacionais de 1966, quanto de carter especfico, destinadas a pessoas em
situao de particular vulnerabilidade.
O Brasil participou no apenas desse esforo legislativo, mas tambm do
de aperfeioamento institucional, que
culminou na criao do Conselho de
Dossi
A ONU no
foi criada
para levar a
humanidade
para o paraso,
mas para livrla do inferno.
Dag Hammarskjld,
15
a um jardim de caminhos que se bifurcam. Aqueles representados pelas Naes Unidas e demais instncias multilaterais exigem pacincia, perseverana e,
ainda assim, no conduziro a humanidade a um mundo perfeito. No entanto,
nenhuma trilha alternativa nos conduzir ao futuro que queremos. Apesar dos
desafios identificados, a promoo de
uma ordem internacional mais justa e
equnime, ancorada no respeito aos direitos humanos e na qual os povos possam se desenvolver sem comprometer
as geraes futuras, s possvel dentro
dos regimes multilaterais e do arcabouo normativo e institucional das Naes
Unidas. J
Aprovao do oramento
para o binio 1974-1975.
Naquele ano, aprovou-se
um oramento de US$606
milhes. As negociaes
se encerraram no dia 18 de
dezembro.
17
tivos, o centro dos debates ser a definio de como essa conta ser paga.
A discusso sobre como e quem deve
pagar as atividades das Naes Unidas
nunca foi pacfica. Nunca foi bvio, por
exemplo, como financiar as Misses
de Paz, no previstas na Carta de So
Francisco. Em um primeiro momento,
H uma discrepncia
entre o que os Estados
membros aprovam
substantivamente e o
oramento disponvel
para colocar os
mandatos em prtica.
utilizaram-se recursos do oramento
regular da ONU e contribuies voluntrias, mas a forma de us-los no era
consensual. Em 1960, por exemplo, a
Frana e a URSS suspenderam suas contribuies, por discordarem do mandato da Operao das Naes Unidas no
Congo (ONUC), o que resultou em uma
grave crise financeira. Apenas em 1962,
aps parecer consultivo da Corte Internacional de Justia (CIJ), definiu-se
que a responsabilidade de pagar pelas
Misses de Paz era de todos os Estados
membros. O oramento passou, ento, a
Dossi
Contribuio
Estados Unidos
22%
China
5,14%
10,83%
Itlia
4,44%
Japo
(% do oramento)
Estado-membro
Contribuio
(% do oramento)
Alemanha
7,14%
Canad
2,98%
Frana
5,59%
Espanha
2,97%
Reino Unido
5,17%
Brasil
2,93%
19
Dossi
FOTO: UN photo
O Bombeiro e o Arquiteto:
o Fundo Monetrio
Internacional no ps-crise
Guilherme Rafael Raicoski
No contexto da crise 2008, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, ento Diretor-Gerente do Fundo Monetrio Internacional,
afirmou que a instituio no deveria
ser apenas o bombeiro que apaga
crises internacionais, mas tambm ser o
arquiteto de um sistema internacional
mais coerente e coordenado.
Entre incndios e reconstrues, as aspiraes de DSK esto prova, oito anos
aps o incio da crise internacional. Na
dcada de 1990, os programas de condicionalidades impunham controle indireto
21
Dossi
(BANCO MUNDIAL)
ARBIA SAUDITA
2,80%
BRASIL
1,72%
CHINA
3,81%
ESTADOS UNIDOS
16,75%
PASES BAIXOS
2,08%
23
Dossi
e a Reforma do
Conselho de
Segurana
Conselho de Segurana no
contexto da crise dos Msseis,
em 23 de outubro de 1962.
25
Ao longo da histria da ONU, efemrides como seu 70o aniversrio estimularam estudos e reflexes sobre seu
papel no mundo e articulaes polticas
a favor de reformas significativas. Neste contexto, revela-se oportuna a anlise sobre as perspectivas de reforma do
Conselho de Segurana e a atuao da
diplomacia brasileira em defesa de uma
ordem global centrada no multilateralismo mais inclusiva e representativa,
amparada na difuso de poder observada nas ltimas dcadas.
Dossi
Brasil, Alemanha, ndia e Japo conformariam o G4, que defende a expanso do Conselho em ambas as categorias
assentos permanentes e no permanentes. poca, propuseram a incorporao de 6 novos membros permanentes
(sem especificar quais) e mais 4 assentos
rotativos, sugerindo, ademais, que os novos membros se comprometessem a no
usar o veto e que o tema fosse discutido novamente em 15 anos. O chamado
Uniting for Consensus (UfC), liderado
por Itlia, Paquisto e Argentina e composto por cerca de 14 pases, rejeitou a
criao de novos assentos permanentes, propondo mais assentos rotativos,
com mandatos estendidos e renovveis.
A Unio Africana defendeu proposta
27
menos excludente e mais representativo. No reform-lo seria aceitar a perpetuao de desequilbrios contrrios ao
esprito do multilateralismo, afirmou
em 2005.
As credenciais do Brasil representam outra dimenso fundamental do
pleito. Quinto maior pas do mundo
em extenso e populao, signatrio
original da Carta de So Francisco e
importante contribuinte para as operaes de paz da organizao, o Brasil
, com o Japo, o pas que mais vezes
ocupou assento rotativo no Conselho,
tendo atuao destacada nas negociaes sobre mudana do clima que
alguns tencionam tratar como tema
de segurana e sobre desarmamento
e no proliferao nuclear. Ademais,
sendo portador da tradio regional
de pacifismo e respeito ao direito internacional, o Brasil tem contribudo sobremaneira para a integrao e
para a estabilidade poltica na Amrica Latina e possui amplo apoio entre
os pases da regio, apesar de Mxico e Argentina integrarem o UfC.
Dossi
Evoluo recente
Em consonncia com o relatrio final da
Cpula Mundial de 2005 que reconheceu a importncia da reforma do Conselho , as negociaes sobre o tema no
cessaram. O UfC continuou defendendo
a expanso apenas na categoria no permanente e que as negociaes permanecessem no mbito do grupo de trabalho
onde as decises dependiam do consenso. Contra essa perspectiva, a ndia publicou a proposta L69, com apoio do Brasil
e de vrios pases em desenvolvimento
inclusive 11 africanos , defendendo o
incio das negociaes intergovernamentais, a expanso do Conselho em ambas
as categorias e maior representao para
pases em desenvolvimento inclusive
Pequenos Estados Insulares , sem mencionar a questo do veto. Com o apoio do
G4 e dos signatrios da proposta L69
que passaram a se articular como grupo
, a Assembleia Geral adotou em 2008
a deciso 62/557, determinando o incio
das negociaes intergovernamentais no
plenrio informal (dispensando o consenso) e definindo os cinco temas-cha-
Perspectivas
O 70o aniversrio da ONU estimula a reflexo sobre seu papel no mundo, fortalecendo o mpeto reformista. Em 1995, BoutrosGhali reformulou sua Agenda para a Paz,
repensando o modus operandi da ONU
aps as tragdias em Ruanda e Srebrenica.
Em 2005, incorporando recomendaes
do painel criado em 2003, Annan publicou
o relatrio In Larger Freedom, no qual
sugeriu, entre outras medidas, a reformulao da Comisso de Direitos Humanos e
a criao da Comisso de Consolidao da
Paz. Em ambas as ocasies, houve considervel apoio reforma do Conselho, mas
o processo continua a enfrentar importantes obstculos.
O Secretrio-Geral deve catalisar os
esforos em prol da reforma. Liderando a
ONU aps eventos que minaram sua credibilidade, Boutros-Ghali e Annan empenharam-se pessoalmente no processo
reformador. Aps algumas reformas administrativas, Ban Ki Moon tem concentrado seus esforos na Agenda Ps-2015
e estimulado mudanas pontuais. Apesar
da paralisia do Conselho na questo sria
29
Dossi
PERSPECTIVAS ACADMICAS
SOBRE A NATUREZA E O
FUTURO DAS NAES UNIDAS
dois renomados juristas apresentam vises divergentes sobre
a evoluo do multilateralismo e sobre o papel do direito
31
Entrevista
Dossi
33
frica do Sul, tema foi retomado sucessivamente at que, com seu tambm clebre Parecer de 1970 sobre a Nambia,
houve uma transformao, por meio do
Direito, da ordem internacional. Tive a
ocasio de abordar este tema em minha
conferncia de abertura no Seminrio
Internacional organizado pela CIJ na
Haia, em setembro do ano passado, para
comemorar o centenrio do Palcio da
Paz. Os tribunais internacionais contemporneos fornecem tambm outros
exemplos de transformaes no mundo
contemporneo. A Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos e o Tribunal
Penal Internacional para a ex-Iugoslvia
contriburam bastante para a ampliao
do contedo material do jus cogens, mudando o entendimento que prevalecia
nos anos 60, segundo o qual as normas
imperativas de direito internacional geral se limitavam ao direito dos tratados.
Eu e Antonio, cada um em seu tribunal,
impulsionamos essa construo jurisprudencial. Hoje em dia, j se aceita que
o jus cogens no se limita ao direito dos
tratados, mas tambm marca presena
em outros domnios do direito internacional. Outro exemplo que cabe ser
mencionado o da sucesso de Estados.
A Comisso de Direito Internacional das
Naes Unidas s elegeu esse tema para
codificao quando os problemas de sucesso j pareciam quase terminados.
No obstante, a ordem internacional,
em constante transformao, vivenciou
a imploso da URSS e da Iugoslvia, o
que culminou na emergncia de diver-
Dossi
35
Entrevista
Martti Koskenniemi
Nenhuma das
reformas teve
sucesso de fato. A
insignificncia dos
resultados alcanados
algo muito
desapontador.
Dossi
JUCA: No seu livro, The Politics of International Law, o senhor afirma que
a comunidade internacional somente
poder ser posta em prtica por meio
da ONU. Como a organizao pode fomentar a ideia de comunidade internacional?
MK: Eu creio que a ONU a representante mais importante da ideia de uma
No somos regidos
pela Carta da ONU.
Somos regidos pelo
dinheiro. No vejo
como mudar essa
realidade.
37
Dossi
39
Representante Permanente
do Brasil junto ONU, o
Embaixador Antonio de
Aguiar Patriota desempenhou,
em diferentes momentos,
funes de relevo na
Organizao, tendo presidido,
em 2014, a Comisso de
Consolidao da Paz. Em seu
perodo como Chanceler, o
Brasil teve atuao destacada
e propositiva nas Naes
Unidas, conseguindo, ademais,
eleger dois de seus nacionais
para as chefias da FAO e da
OMC. A Revista JUCA teve o
privilgio de conversar com
o Embaixador Patriota sobre
alguns dos principais temas
tratados neste dossi.
Dossi
41
Dossi
43
Dossi
A mudana do
perfil do Brasil na
ONU deve-se em
grande parte ao
capital poltico
acumulado ao
longo de tantos
anos.
Humanitrio, iniciativa que resultou
da ampliao sem precedentes de nossa
assistncia humanitria, por intermdio
da ONU, a pases afetados por desastres
naturais ou por situaes de conflito.
cante na atuao em prol do desenvolvimento econmico e da proteo e promoo dos direitos humanos.
45
JUCA: O Brasil candidato a um assento permanente no CSNU. Considerando essa ambio, a senhora acredita que o Brasil deve expandir sua
atuao internacional e posicionar-se
sobre questes de paz e segurana
globais?
Dossi
As Naes
Unidas, o Brasil
e a Transferncia
de Pessoas
Condenadas
Rafael Braga Veloso Pacheco
Os Estados no se encontram isolados na comunidade internacional, havendo os progressos cientficos e tecnolgicos aplicados s ferramentas de
comunicao e de transporte permitido
intensificar tratativas interestatais, bem
como facilitado o deslocamento de cidados ao redor do mundo. Alm do aumento dos fluxos migratrios, outra situao
merece ateno crescente na atualidade:
o aumento da criminalidade organizada
transnacional. Hoje cada vez mais comum que criminosos cometam infraes
penais alhures, sendo, consequentemente, condenados pela Justia de Estados
estrangeiros. No Brasil, h atualmente
cerca de 3.000 estrangeiros em estabelecimentos prisionais espalhados pelo territrio nacional, seja respondendo a processos penais ou cumprindo penas. Desse
total, cerca de 90% possuem envolvimento com o trfico internacional de drogas.
47
Dossi
Como reintegrar
sociedade um
estrangeiro que
no domina o
idioma local e que
se encontra longe
de seus familiares?
49
foto: UN photo
possuem muitos de seus nacionais cumprindo pena no Brasil (Nigria, Colmbia, Romnia, Bulgria, Tailndia).
At fins de 2014, o Brasil logrou trazer para o territrio nacional 140 brasileiros que cumpriam pena no exterior,
bem como permitiu o retorno aos pases
de origem de 99 presos estrangeiros que
cumpriam sentenas penais no Pas. Por
meio de adoo de medidas internas, o
nmero de transferncias efetivadas poderia crescer exponencialmente. o caso,
por exemplo, de proposta legislativa em
trmite no Congresso Nacional que visa
a atualizar o Estatuto do Estrangeiro, incluindo disciplina legal especfica sobre
a Transferncia de Pessoas Condenadas,
Leia mais
Dossi
Governo das
Naes Unidas?
A administrao internacional de territrios se intensifica, suscita apreenses pela expanso indevida de seus mandatos, mas deve
permanecer como opo comunidade internacional em casos
mais graves de conflito armado e de dissoluo do aparato estatal
51
Posteriormente, a Carta das Naes Unidas manteve essa lgica, por meio do sistema de tutela. No entanto, tambm fenmeno novo, porquanto organizaes
internacionais vm ocupando esse papel
outrora conferido a Estados dando
continuidade s breves experincias da
Liga das Naes nas questes de Letcia,
do Sarre e da Cidade de Danzig.
Foi no ps-Guerra Fria que se intensificaram as experincias de administrao pela ONU, com a incluso de
componentes civis em misses de manuteno da paz, imbudos da noo de
peacebuilding, o que exigia a resoluo
das causas mais profundas dos conflitos. Dessa forma, foi possvel dissociar
a administrao internacional da gesto
por Estados estrangeiros, o que foi recebido de maneira positiva pela comunidade internacional, graas percepo
de maior neutralidade na atuao das
organizaes internacionais. Ainda assim, a administrao por organizaes
internacionais no deixou de causar
certa apreenso com a possibilidade de
expanso indevida dos mandatos e de
violaes de soberania.
Dossi
53
gionais e municipais, estabelecer o Banco Central e regular os setores de telecomunicaes e de venda internacional de
bens. Em suma, a UNMIK estabeleceu
um novo arcabouo jurdico-institucional no Kosovo, que culminou na adoo
pelo Representante do SGNU de um
marco constitucional. Paulatinamente,
as funes de governo foram transferidas para as autoridades locais, at o
momento em que a declarao de independncia interrompeu a administrao
internacional do territrio.
Embora tenha exercido funes tradicionalmente associadas a Estados, a
UNMIK no estabeleceu mecanismos
de prestao de contas populao ou
de controle de legalidade de seus atos.
O problema da responsabilizao agravou-se com a deciso que excluiu os atos
da UNMIK da jurisdio dos tribunais
nacionais (Regulamento 47/2000), firmando o entendimento de que seus funcionrios tinham imunidade absoluta a
qualquer processo jurdico.
A UNTAET tomou rumo distinto,
mais pragmtico e de maior contato com a
populao local. Diferentemente da UNMIK, no que concerne a seu mandado, a
UNTAET tinha objetivo expresso de criar
Dossi
55
Leia mais
FONTOURA, Paulo Roberto Campos Tarrise da. O Brasil e as Operaes de Manuteno da Paz das Naes Unidas. Braslia: FUNAG,
1999.
PATRIOTA, Antonio de Aguiar. O Conselho de Segurana aps a
Guerra do Golfo: a articulao de um novo paradigma de segurana coletiva. Braslia: FUNAG, 1998.
UZIEL, Eduardo. O Conselho de Segurana, as misses de paz e
o Brasil no mecanismo de segurana coletiva das Naes Unidas.
Braslia: FUNAG, 2015.
BHLKE, Marcelo. A proibio do uso da fora no direito internacional contemporneo. Rio de Janeiro: Renovar, 2011.
TRINDADE, Otvio Augusto Drummond Canado. A Carta das
Naes Unidas: uma leitura constitucional. Belo Horizonte: Del
Rey, 2012.
OS GRANDES
EVENTOS DE JULHO
DE 2014 E A ATUAO
DO ITAMARATY
Felipe Neves Caetano Ribeiro
e Fernanda Carvalho Dal Piaz
57
A COPA DO MUNDO
No dia 18 de agosto de 2004, poucas
horas antes de entrarem no pequeno
estdio Sylvio Cator, em Porto Prncipe,
os jogadores da seleo brasileira desfilaram em carros das Naes Unidas pelas ruas da capital haitiana. No jogo que
se seguiu, o Brasil venceu o Haiti por
6x0, mas a derrota no abalou a euforia
da populao local com a presena dos
brasileiros.
O Jogo da Paz, como ficou conhecida a partida, marcou o incio da liderana militar brasileira na Misso das
Naes Unidas para a Estabilizao
no Haiti (MINUSTAH). O sucesso do
evento foi um dos fatores que estimulou o ento chanceler brasileiro, o Embaixador Celso Amorim, a usar o esporte como estratgia de poltica externa.
Como consequncia, no tardou
para que fosse criada, na Secretaria de
Estado das Relaes Exteriores (SERE),
a Coordenadoria-Geral de Intercmbio
e Cooperao Esportiva (GCCE), carinhosamente conhecida, nos corredores
do Itamaraty, como CGBola. A unidade
surgiu da constatao de que o esporte um instrumento de diplomacia e
deve, portanto, ser concebido como um
tema de poltica externa.
Foto: MRE/divulgao
A contribuio do
cerimonial consiste em
montar o palco para
que o show acontea.
A invisibilidade a
grande contribuio do
cerimonial para a poltica
externa brasileira.
Embaixador Fernando Igreja,
Chefe do Cerimonial
59
A dcada esportiva
Foto: Planalto/divulgao
Foto: Planalto/divulgao
VI Cpula BRICS
Simultaneamente Copa do Mundo,
ocorriam os preparativos para a VI Cpula BRICS, marco da presidncia brasileira
desse agrupamento e do incio do segundo ciclo do grupo, aps cada pas ter sediado uma reunio de lderes.
A Cpula, que teve sua agenda dividida entre as cidades de Braslia e Fortaleza, recebeu grande ateno da imprensa e da comunidade internacional,
contribuindo para colocar o Brasil no
centro do mundo, em um momento em
que se avaliavam tanto a capacidade brasileira de organizar um megaevento esportivo quanto a capacidade do BRICS
de produzir iniciativas concretas. O su-
61
A Cpula contribuiu
para colocar o Brasil no
centro do mundo, em
um momento em que
se avaliavam tanto a
capacidade brasileira
de organizar um
megaevento esportivo
quanto a capacidade
do BRICS de produzir
iniciativas concretas.
Interbancria. A Declarao de Fortaleza, em que os lderes expressam consensos acerca de diversos tpicos da agenda
internacional, aborda ainda temas como
os 70 anos das Organizao das Naes
Unidas e a necessidade de reforma de
suas instituies; a situao na Ucrnia;
reformas no FMI e a relao entre segurana e desenvolvimento.
Muitas das decises tomadas em
Fortaleza devero produzir maiores
efeitos a longo prazo. O funcionamento
do Banco de Desenvolvimento do BRICS
e do Arranjo Contingencial de Reservas,
por exemplo, depende, conforme ressaltado pelo Embaixador Damico, de dois
processos distintos: um processo jurdico-legislativo, que tem a ver com o
encaminhamento da aprovao desses
tratados pelos respectivos parlamentos
e, por outro lado, um processo organizacional de estruturao dessas instituies que vem correndo em paralelo. Deve-se definir desde polticas de pessoal
at a prpria poltica de emprstimo que
o Banco deve seguir....
Nas trincheiras
da diplomacia
As condies de vida e trabalho dos funcionrios do Servio
Exterior Brasileiro nos chamados postos de sacrifcio passam
longe da imagem da diplomacia de punhos de renda
63
H alguns anos, estava bastante popular propaganda de marca de chocolates
que, ao querer identificar seu produto
com ambientes de requinte e sofisticao, apresentava-o sendo servido nas
recepes do Embaixador.
A propaganda, veiculada em diversos pases, traz, em seu mago, a imagem
amplamente difundida da diplomacia
de punhos de renda o esteretipo
do diplomata como um bon vivant, cuja
principal atividade frequentar festas
regadas a champanhe e caviar.
Embora o luxo e o glamour povoem
o imaginrio relativo ao universo diplomtico, a realidade dos funcionrios do
Servio Exterior no somente brasileiro, como da maioria dos pases algo
mais complexa.
A fim de tentar desmistificar a imagem muitas vezes contraproducente
que, no raro, se tem da carreira diplomtica, e buscar exaltar o trabalho realizado por servidores do Estado brasileiro alocados em alguns dos mais ermos
rinces do planeta, a JUCA foi atrs de
65
Para um jovem
diplomata, alm da
experincia de campo,
Postos D trazem,
ainda, a possibilidade
de compreender o
funcionamento completo
de uma Embaixada.
Joo Zanini,
Terceiro-Secretrio
67
69
dades materiais extremas na administrao da Embaixada em Cotonou, conta: J teve Embaixada em que cheguei
e a bandeira do Brasil estava rasgada! Se
a engrenagem no funciona, a representao do Brasil fica com imagem ruim,
sem material, com servio consular parado, imagem desgastada.
Em seu discurso de posse, o Ministro de Estado das Relaes Exteriores,
Embaixador Mauro Vieira, aproveitou
para transmitir uma palavra especial
aos colegas do Servio Exterior que se
encontram por todo o mundo, nas trincheiras da nossa diplomacia. Embora o
Chanceler tenha-se referido a todos os
Postos do Servio Exterior brasileiro, a
Foto: CPLP/divulgao
Democracia em
bom Portugus
As misses de observao eleitoral da Comunidade
dos Pases de Lngua Portuguesa assumem papel
cada vez mais relevante nos esforos para a
consolidao de democracias jovens e em gestao
Foto: CPLP/divulgao
71
Histrico de Misses de
Observao Eleitoral da CPLP
Referendo sobre Autodeterminao de
Timor-Leste (ago/1999);
Foto: CPLP/divulgao
de Timor-Leste (ago/2001);
Eleies Presidenciais em Timor-Leste
(abr/2002);
Eleies Autrquicas em Moambique
(nov/2003);
Eleies Legislativas na Guin-Bissau
(mar/2004);
Eleies Presidenciais e Legislativas em
Moambique (dez/2004);
Eleies Presidenciais na Guin-Bissau
(jul/2005);
Prncipe (mar-abr/2006);
Eleies Presidenciais em So Tom e
Prncipe (jul/2006);
Eleies Presidenciais em Timor-Leste
(abr e mai/2007);
Eleies Parlamentares em Timor-Leste
(jun/2007);
Eleies Legislativas em Angola
(set/2008);
Eleies Legislativas na Guin-Bissau
(nov/2008);
Eleies Presidenciais na Guin-Bissau
(jun e jul/2009);
Eleies Gerais em Moambique
(out/2009);
Eleies Gerais em So Tom e Prncipe
(ago/2010);
Eleies Presidenciais em So Tom e
Prncipe (jul/2011);
Primeiro Turno das Eleies Presiden-
(abr/2012);
Eleies Parlamentares em Timor-Leste
(jul/2012);
(abr e mai/2014);
Eleies Gerais em So Tom e Prncipe
(out/2014);
Eleies Gerais em Moambique
(out/2014).
73
A participao brasileira
O Brasil participou de todas as Misses de Observao Eleitoral da CPLP,
desde a primeira, em agosto de 1999,
no Referendo sobre Autodeterminao
de Timor-Leste. Alm de ser, junto com
Portugal, o maior contribuinte da organizao, o Brasil sempre envia observadores e tcnicos, indispensveis para a
realizao dos pleitos.
Embora o Itamaraty no descarte,
desde que demandado, a participao
em processos de observao eleitoral
com misso prpria o que j fez no
Haiti, na Repblica Democrtica do
Congo e no Zimbbue, para ficar apenas com alguns exemplos mais recentes
, a opo tem sido, cada vez mais, por
participar enquanto membro da CPLP, o
que no s confere um elemento a mais
de legitimidade decorrente da prpria
ideia de multilateralismo, como tambm
ajuda a fortalecer a Comunidade, que j
desponta como instituio modelo na
conduo de MOEs.
De acordo com o Embaixador Paulo
Cordeiro, que atuou como observador
brasileiro na ltima MOE da CPLP em
Guin-Bissau, as modalidades bilateral e multilateral de participao em
processos de observao eleitoral no
so excludentes, mas complementares.
Ademais, ele concorda com a ideia de
que o engajamento brasileiro nas MOEs
da CPLP um meio de dar maior visibilidade Comunidade e, consequentemente, ajudar no seu processo de consolidao.
Foto: CPLP/divulgao
Jiu-Jitsu com
B de Brasil
Como o apoio ao ensino e prtica do Brazilian Jiu Jitsu pode
contribuir para fortalecer o soft power nacional
Foto: divulgao
75
Hlio Gracie
Foto
: divu
lga
o
Carlos Gracie
Foto: divulgao
lio Gracie , cujo auge da carreira deu-se na dcada de 1990, at nomes contemporneos como
Jose Aldo, Pezo e Toquinho, todos apresentam
ligao umbilical com a Arte Suave.
O reconhecimento da eficincia dessa arte
marcial vai alm do mero desporto para servir,
tambm, de espinha dorsal de treinamentos
militares e policiais, mundo afora. As foras de
segurana precisam ser treinadas para situaes
reais de combate com tcnicas eficientes e muitas lanam mo da arte marcial brasileira. o
caso, por exemplo, do Exrcito Norte Americano, do Exrcito da Jordnia, das foras da UNIFIL (Fora Interina das Naes
Unidas no Lbano) e tantos outros que incluem em seus mtodos combativos o Jiu-Jitsu
Brasileiro.
Ainda, o Jiu-Jitsu tem um
direcionamento muito forte
para a defesa pessoal. Nesse
sentido, a cada dia ganha mais
popularidade entre agentes de
segurana e pessoas que desejam aliar condicionamento fsico disciplina e defesa pessoal. Por ter esse vis, o Jiu-Jitsu
tambm vem tendo um papel
importante no empoderamento das mulheres atravs do esporte. comum encontrar, no
Brasil e no mundo, turmas e
campeonatos de Jiu-Jitsu exclusivamente femininos, que
somente contribuem para a
pluralidade, a popularidade e o
desenvolvimento da arte.
Para alm da caracterstica mais combativa, o Jiu-Jitsu
Brasileiro oferece tambm um
contedo educativo e inclusivo.
Caso emblemtico o programa levado a cabo nos Emirados
rabes Unidos onde o Jiu-Jitsu
77
Foto: MRE/divulgao
Histria em quadrinhos na
exposio de 100 anos do
Baro do Rio Branco, em
2012, no Palcio Itamaraty.
A Poltica Internacional
Traduzida pela Nona Arte
No de hoje que as histrias em quadrinhos servem projeo do soft power,
79
A expresso poltica por meio dos quadrinhos na Argentina um fenmeno bastante comum e j atraiu a reao violenta
de setores criticados. O roteirista Hectr
Germn Oesterheld, criador de El Eternauta, colocou-se como personagem em
uma histria que retrata um conflito entre
invasores e foras de resistncia, em aluso
polarizao sociopoltica e aos golpes de
Estado por que passou a Argentina. Partidrio dos Montoneros, Oesterheld foi sequestrado e desapareceu, assim como suas
quatro filhas, durante o Processo de Reorganizao do Pas.
O soft power
estadunidense
envolve um dos
gneros mais
conhecidos dos
quadrinhos:
as histrias de
super-heris.
81
(as referncias indicam ser o Ir) que estaria prestes a deter armamento nuclear,
respondida por um ataque aos Estados
Unidos feito por uma coalizo formada
por China, Rssia, Sria e Coreia do Norte. Em outros ttulos, o atual presidente
do pas, Barack Obama, tambm j foi
transformado em personagem, principalmente para homenagear um lder declaradamente f dos quadrinhos.
Como os exemplos anteriores j evidenciam, as guerras so um contedo
rico para a nona arte, havendo todo um
gnero dedicados a conflitos de grande magnitude. O sofrimento nas trincheiras da Primeira Guerra Mundial
a inspirao para C`tait la guerre des
tranches, obra de no fico do artista
francs Jacques Tardi. Combates na Segunda Guerra Mundial so o mote das
histrias da DC Comics com o personagem Sgt. Rock. Em The Nam, nos anos
1980, a editora Marvel Comics procurou
retratar as batalhas da Guerra do Vietn
sob a perspectiva de experincias reais
de soldados estadunidenses.
Abarcando muito mais do que guerras, outro gnero interessante emergiu
durante o sculo passado: o jornalismo
Cultura e arte
Cultura e arte
Foto: MRE/divulgao
83
Recebi os seus discursos e felicito-os por todos (...). bom, indispensvel reclamar para a nossa lngua o lugar que lhe cabe, e para isso os servios polticos internacionais que se prestarem no sero
menos importantes que os puramente literrios. (...) Voc ser assim mais uma vez o embaixador do
nosso esprito. Um abrao pelas distines que a tem recebido e que so para o nosso Brasil inteiro.
O trecho acima de carta enviada por Machado de Assis, em 1 de agosto de 1908, a Joaquim
Nabuco, ento Embaixador brasileiro em Washington. Ao longo de sua permanncia no Posto, Nabuco realizou palestras em universidades, associaes e clubes americanos, nos quais abordou temas
como O Esprito de Nacionalidade na Histria
do Brasil e O Lugar de Cames na Literatura.
Nabuco empenhou-se em representar interesses
polticos e comerciais do Brasil e em apresentar
e promover a cultura nacional. Mesmo as palestras sobre Cames serviram a esse propsito, pois,
como explicou sua plateia em Yale, parece natural sequncia falar do Brasil, depois de ter falado
dos Lusadas, uma vez que o Brasil e os Lusadas
so as grandes obras de Portugal.
Esse esforo de ser um embaixador do nosso
esprito constitui um dos aspectos essenciais do
trabalho diplomtico: a diplomacia cultural. Uma
de suas vertentes mais importantes a divulgao
literria, que objeto deste artigo e se encontra
em interessante processo de revitalizao.
Por que divulg-la?
Segundo a Cmara Brasileira do Livro (CBL),
venderam-se US$ 750 mil em direitos autorais apenas por ocasio da participao do Brasil na Feira
Bolsas de apoio
Bolsas de
publicao
residncia de
de autores
tradutores
na
estrangeiros brasileiros
CPLP
Bolsas de
apoio
traduo e
publicao
Bolsas de
intercmbio
de autores
brasileiros
2011
37
2012
132
12
2013
209
2014
TOTAL
Editais/ano
do Livro de Frankfurt em 2013 (maior feira do gnero no mundo), quando o pas foi homenageado
um ganho de 82% em relao ao ano anterior.
Dolores Manzano gerente executiva do projeto
Brazilian Publishers, uma parceria entre a CBL e a
APEX-Brasil (Agncia Brasileira de Promoo de
Exportaes e Investimentos), que visa a promover exportaes do contedo editorial brasileiro,
na forma de direitos autorais ou de livros impressos. Ela observa que a internacionalizao do livro
brasileiro vem crescendo, principalmente nos ltimos cinco anos. Em 2010, o valor dos negcios
foi de US$ 1,65 milho; em 2011, US$ 1,85 milho;
em 2012, chegamos a US$ 2,7 milhes em vendas
de livros impressos e rights e em 2013 atingimos
US$ 3 milhes. So poucos os setores que podem
apresentar um aumento de mais de 60% no valor
das exportaes em trs anos.
Fica, assim, claro um dos principais motivos
para divulgar a literatura brasileira: alm de todas as suas outras dimenses, a cultura um
mercado complexo, extremamente dinmico e
cujos lucros potenciais so significativos. Nesse
contexto, os objetivos da promoo da literatura
brasileira so comparveis promoo comercial
de qualquer outro produto nacional, dos nibus
Marcopolo s sandlias Havaianas. Uma distin-
Nmero
total de
bolsas/ano
Total
executado por
ano (R$)
37
314.568,18
14
10
168
1.239.373,91
52
261
2.190.100,00
169
29
204
1.863.066,14
547
93
20
10
670
5.607.108,23
Cultura e arte
85
Cultura e arte
87
Jefferson Assumpo, diretor da DLLLB, observa que o Brasil passou por um perodo de homenagens e de grande visibilidade. Ao mesmo
tempo, fomos aprendendo a melhor maneira de
participar. Agora a ideia ter delegaes mais enxutas e viso mais estratgica de curadoria. Em
Paris, foi muito importante selecionar somente
autores j traduzidos para a lngua do pas. Eles
tm algo para mostrar ao pblico e acabam puxando a venda de outros.
Por fim, cabe mencionar o setor privado, que
envolve atores essenciais divulgao literria.
Alm de autores, editores e agentes literrios, h
entidades importantes, que fazem desde a capacitao de mo de obra realizao de contatos no
exterior, passando pelo apoio em feiras internacionais, edio de revistas e elaborao de bancos
de dados. A j mencionada Brazilian Publishers,
por exemplo, fomenta a exportao de contedo
editorial brasileiro, trabalhando diretamente com
as editoras brasileiras e suas contrapartes estrangeiras. Dolores Manzano, que est frente do projeto, afirma que a empreitada vem modificando o
papel das editoras brasileiras no exterior: esto
deixando de ser apenas compradoras para serem
tambm fornecedoras de contedo.
Este artigo apresentou as linhas gerais da divulgao literria no Brasil com o intuito de promover
o conhecimento, o debate e o aprimoramento destas polticas. Seu objetivo central foi de argumentar espera-se que de forma convincente que a
divulgao literria , hoje, um imperativo para o
Brasil, e que hoje, mais do que nunca, precisamos
de eficientes embaixadores do nosso esprito. J
Cultura e arte
CORA CORALINA,
QUEM VOC?
A vida e a obra da poetisa goiana como espelhos de um
processo ainda inacabado de interiorizao no Brasil
89
Cora vivia em uma residncia s margens do Rio Vermelho, onde era educada
e regrada por oito mulheres, sendo ela
mais jovem que as irms. Frequentou a
escola primria durante apenas dois ou
trs anos, devido ao empobrecimento da
famlia. Era mal vista por interessar-se
pelas letras e sentia-se feia, rejeitada e
inadequada em uma poca em que a mulher era criada para o casamento.
A introspeco e a sensao de no se
amoldar aos padres de sua poca conferiram a Cora Coralina uma sensibilidade
perfeita para perceber os problemas, os
preconceitos e as transformaes de seu
tempo. Essa sensibilidade, aliada falta
de uma instruo educacional frequentemente limitadora da espontaneidade,
permitiu autora desenvolver uma poesia simples, autntica, regional e universal ao mesmo tempo, revelando aspectos
do passado e do presente de Gois e sentimentos inerentes natureza humana.
Em 1908, Cora Coralina conhece Cantdio Tolentino de Figueiredo Brtas, ento nomeado chefe de polcia na cidade
de Gois e tambm frequentador do Gabinete Literrio Goiano. Mesmo em se
tratando de um homem formalmente ca-
Cultura e arte
Caetano Ribeiro
91
Nunca os algarismos me
entraram no entendimento.
De certo pela pobreza que marcaria
Para sempre minha vida.
Precisei pouco dos nmeros.
Cultura e arte
para Exportao
Por que e como diversificar a pauta musical nacional
Foto: KazNUI/divulgao
93
Na terra do samba, investir em difuso de msica erudita pode soar estranho. Diferentemente do que ocorre com
a msica popular brasileira, amplamente divulgada, a simples existncia de um
importante repertrio erudito nacional
est longe de ser uma obviedade. No
exterior, a disparidade ainda maior. A
identificao de alguns ritmos e estilos
populares como produtos tpicos do Brasil , naturalmente, uma vantagem desse
tipo de msica. Igualmente, no h dvidas de que a qualidade teve e ainda tem
um papel importante na difuso da msica popular brasileira em outros pases
basta lembrar os nomes de vrios compositores e de intrpretes de destaque. A
msica erudita menos divulgada, em
grande parte, porque no comercial,
depende de polticas proativas de estmulo e difuso. H, claro, um pblico
menor, mas mesmo entre esse pblico o
repertrio nacional pouco conhecido.
Se assim no Brasil, difcil esperar que
no exterior seja diferente. Mas h, realmente, motivos para tentar mudar essa
realidade? E como fazer isso?
Antes de tratar da difuso da msica
brasileira no exterior, preciso discutir
um pouco qual a sua identidade, quais
so as marcas que a definem. A caracterizao da msica erudita produzida no
Brasil como verdadeiramente nacional
foi uma questo recorrente, pelo menos
a partir do Modernismo, quando se defendeu dogmaticamente a incorporao
de elementos folclricos com esse fim.
Chegou-se a uma msica tipo exportao com selo de origem made in Brazil, cujo maior exemplo seja talvez o
sucesso de Villa-Lobos na Frana. Ainda
Cultura e arte
para que [essa msica] seja ouvida. Depois, o pblico que vai decidir. Segundo o colega Wellington Bujokas, toda a
graa da divulgao da arte justamente
a de fugir do lugar comum: divulgar o
que nos toca, mas nos toca no por ser
mdio, seja tipicamente europeu, seja
tipicamente brasileiro, mas por ter um
algo a mais, incomensurvel. Divulgar
a msica nacional de concerto , antes
de mais nada, coloc-la na vitrine. No
garantia de compra, mas uma exposio que, ao levar essa msica ao conhecimento do pblico, da crtica e dos
msicos, pode conquistar novos apreciadores. Esses esforos, quando bem
sucedidos, tendem a replicar-se de maneira mais ou menos espontnea, pois os
msicos que interpretaram peas brasi-
Wellington Bujokas
Terceiro-Secretrio
95
Cultura e arte
DO FREVO AO JAZZ
Orquestra pernambucana leva a tradio da msica instrumental
brasileira por novos caminhos, apropria-se do jazz como lngua franca
e conquista ateno internacional. Sob a liderana do Maestro Spok,
e com as razes firmes no frevo, comprova que a cultura popular um
manancial infindvel para experimentaes sonoras universais
97
Cultura e arte
99
Frevo has its own characteristic rhythm and melodic formula that includes influences from maxixe, capoeira and polka, and it is accompanied by a very fast and acrobatic dance that spices up
elastic Afro-syncopated moves with the kicking squats and flips of the Cossacks from the Russian
circus. The dancers dress in colorful clothing inspired by regional folk costumes and use yellow,
blue, green and red umbrellas (just like New Orleans), while performing their neck-breaking dance steps at a heart stopping pace. Some say the word frevo comes from the Portuguese word
ferver (to boil) and the tropical heat, loud prestissimo music and frenetic dance will definitely
bring any public revelry to a frothy boil. And when you add the tight Olinda streets, mind-numbing beverages, all types of exquisite visual stimulation and a couple of million people, you get a
feeling for the type of Bacchanalia Im talking about.
Wynton Marsalis,
Cultura e arte
Vietn:
Cores
De Norte a Sul, chamou-me ateno uma identidade visual: o vermelho e o amarelo so predominantes e servem como ponto de contato entre o regime
atual e as tradies antigas ambas as cores so
associadas realeza e aos imperadores; o vermelho
tambm significa boa sorte e, combinado com detalhes amarelos ou dourados, frequente em templos
budistas e em celebraes festivas como o Tt (Ano
Novo lunar). A arquitetura das escolas pblicas,
embora pagas semelhante, e seu estilo ocidental
deriva da colonizao francesa. Os prdios pblicos
so, em geral, amarelos, e os letreiros que os identificam tm fundo geralmente vermelho ou azul, com
texto amarelo ou branco, em fontes similares.
Colors
From North through South, a visual identity caught my attention:
red and yellow are predominant and serve as an intersection between the present regime and ancient Vietnamese traditions
both colors are associated to royalty and the emperors of old; red
also means good luck and, combined with yellow or golden details,
is frequent in Buddhist temples and in festivities such as the Tt
(lunar New Year). The architecture of the schools public, even if
taxes are due is similar, and their western style goes back to the
French colonization. Public buildings are, in general, yellow, and
the placards that identify them have almost always a red or blue
background and a yellow or white text, written in a similar font.
Estado
Mercado flutuante de
Cai Rang, em Can Tho.
Cai Rang floating Market,
in Can Tho.
Jovem Dao Vermelha jogando peteca, um dos esportes de rua mais populares do Vietn. Ta Phin.
A Red Dao young woman playing indiaca, one of the most popular sports in Vietnam. Ta Phin.
Nas reas rurais, chama ateno a forte participao das mulheres na agricultura de subsistncia, ao passo que os homens parecem dedicarse cada vez mais ao setor de servios. So as mulheres as guardis das vestimentas tpicas (inclusive o famoso chapu cnico), praticamente
abandonadas pelos homens.
Os meios de transporte mais comuns so os de duas rodas. Em bicicletas ou motos neste ltimo caso, com auxlio frequente de buzinas , os
vietnamitas se movimentam fcil e perigosamente pelo trnsito catico das grandes cidades.
Population and lifestyle
In rural areas, the strong participation of women in subsistence
agriculture is striking, while the men seem to dedicate themselves more and more to the services sector. Women are the guardians of the typical clothing and style (including the famous
conic hat), practically abandoned by the men.
The most common means of transportation are the two-wheeled ones. On bikes or motorbikes in the last case, with the frequent help of honking , the Vietnamese move easily and
dangerously through the chaotic traffic of big cities.
105
Braslia Em P&B
brasilia in B&W
Esplanada dos Ministrios, com dois deles esquerda e a Catedral Metropolitana direita. A linearidade inclui as retas formadas pelas faixas de rolamento
do Eixo Monumental (ou pelos faris dos carros) e somente quebrada por pouqussimas curvas, como o caso do desenho exterior da Catedral.
Esplanada dos Ministrios, portraying the buildings of two Ministries on the left and the Metropolitan Cathedral on the right. The linearity includes the straight lines formed by the lanes
of the Eixo Monumental (or by the car lights) and is broken only by very few curves, such as the Cathedrals exterior.
Popularmente conhecido
como Buraco do Tatu,
a passagem subterrnea
do
Eixo
Rodovirio
(Eixo) fica exatamente
no centro do Plano Piloto,
no cruzamento entre as
duas principais vias da
cidade, ligando a Asa Sul
Asa Norte por baixo do
Eixo Monumental e da
Rodoviria. A simetria
da construo humana
quebrada apenas pelo
elemento natural uma
pequena poa que restou
de uma chuva de vero.
Popularly known as Armadillo
Hole,
the
underground
passage of the Eixo Rodovirio
(Eixo) is located exactly
on the center of the Plano
Piloto, at the crossing between
the citys two main avenues,
connecting the Asa Sul (South
Wing) to the Asa Norte
(North Wing) under the Eixo
Monumental and the Central
Bus Station. The symmetry of
human construction is broken
only by the natural element
a little puddle that remained
from a Summer rain.
Cultura e arte
Concurso Cultural
Voc e o Itamaraty
109
eu queria
Irina Feisthauer Silveira
Foto: Internet
Bem que
Me traz de volta
pra vida
pra tua
me leva contigo
Entrevistas
EntrevistaS
Foto: MRE/divulgao
111
O Chanceler Mauro
Vieira conversou com a
JUCA sobre a formao
dos jovens diplomatas
brasileiros, sobre os
atributos da diplomacia
de resultados mencionada
em seu discurso de posse,
bem como sobre desafios
enfrentados pelo Itamaraty.
Diplomata de carreira,
formado pelo Instituto
Rio Branco, o Embaixador
Mauro Vieira se destacou
ao chefiar postos cruciais
para a poltica externa
nacional, como Buenos
Aires (2004 a 2010) e
Washington (2010 a 2014).
Entrevistas
outro mundo. Foi uma medida de coragem trazer o Rio Branco para Braslia, e
isso forou transformaes construtivas.
113
Entrevistas
115
JUCA No incio dos anos 1970, o exchanceler Mrio Gibson Barboza realizou um exitoso priplo pela frica.
O senhor esperava refazer esse caminho quarenta anos depois?
ME Isso demonstra que o movimento que ele fez estava certo. Aquela foi
uma deciso de Estado, inclusive, com
o reconhecimento imediato das ex-colnias portuguesas que conseguiram se
tornar independentes. Fiz essa primeira
viagem com muito prazer e pude ver a
receptividade dos africanos para com
o Brasil. uma grande satisfao ver a
demanda que existe pela presena brasileira na frica. Isso se verifica em vrios
campos: poltico, diplomtico, comercial
e cultural. No incio dos anos 1970, a poltica externa brasileira para a frica foi
passo fundamental, dado no momento
certo no auge do processo de descolonizao. Felizmente essa orientao foi
mantida e priorizada, sobretudo, nos ltimos doze anos. J
Entrevistas
fotos: MRE/Divulgao
117
No se v um
pas de alto nvel
tecnolgico sem uma
indstria de defesa
avanada.
JUCA O Ministrio da Defesa publicou o Livro Branco da Defesa Nacional em 2012. Atualmente, o MRE
elabora o Livro Branco da Poltica
Externa. No primeiro, h uma meno complementariedade e indissociabilidade das polticas externa e
de defesa. Para o senhor, como se d
essa complementariedade e qual a
importncia de cada um desses Livros
Brancos para a sociedade brasileira?
CA So duas coisas diferentes. Mesmo
que no houvesse transparncia, haveria
essa complementao. Com relao
complementao, em vrias das palestras que eu tenho dado, eu tenho enfatizado a noo de Grande Estratgia.
Grande Estratgia, inicialmente, era
uma noo muito militar, que era como
voc aplicar os recursos dos quais dispe
uma sociedade, um Estado, para a obteno de determinado fim militar, ou de
defesa. Eu tenho procurado usar o conceito de Grande Estratgia justamente
na conjugao dos esforos de poltica
externa e de poltica de defesa, em torno
de objetivos maiores do pas. Um caso
bvio o da integrao da Amrica do
Sul, ou o da nossa relao com a frica,
com o Atlntico Sul. Eu vejo essas coisas
muito prximas, e a explicao para essa
proximidade que, de alguma forma, a
poltica de defesa e a poltica externa
tm como objetivo principal manter a
paz. Pode parecer contraditrio, mas
verdade: manter a paz ao mesmo tempo em que defendemos nosso interesse.
E eu acho que voc manter a paz na sua
prpria regio, ainda mais no caso do
Entrevistas
119
JUCA Em 2015, o sistema multilateral centrado na ONU e nas instituies de Bretton Woods completa 70
anos. No mbito da segurana coletiva, muitos tm defendido o uso da
fora mesmo margem do Conselho.
No mbito econmico, o Banco dos
BRICS desponta como uma alternativa para pases em desenvolvimento. Para o senhor, so iniciativas que
enfraquecem a ordem multilateral ou
que pressionam por sua reforma?
CA Quanto ao Banco dos BRICS, sempre houve iniciativas similares, em sua
maioria regionais. Conferem maior li-
Entrevistas
Economia e
Integrao regional
Embaixador Lus Fernando de Andrade Serra
e Secretrio Octvio Moreira Guimares Lopes
121
Como hispanoamericano,
impressionam-me
profundamente
o sentido de
continuidade
histrica e a
moderao prprios
ao Brasil.
sentir um poder maior de conjunto perante a China, da mesma maneira que
a UNASUL prov uma delimitao geogrfica apropriada para que ns sul-americanos nos expressemos sobre temas
que nos dizem respeito. E assim sucessivamente. Trata-se, no final das contas,
de crculos concntricos que convergem
numa mesma direo.
Entrevistas
Em sntese, tudo isso est em consonncia com o que previu o Prmio Nobel de
Economia Robert W. Fogel, segundo o
qual, em 2040, a economia chinesa ser
sete vezes maior do que a dos Estados
Unidos atualmente e trs vezes maior
do que a daquele momento.
Como vemos, a sia mostra-se, e continuar a mostrar-se, fundamental para a
economia mundial.
123
Em Cingapura,
as abordagens
tradicionais
sustentadas pela
esquerda e pela direita
parecem no ter
contornos precisos.
desaparecer em Cingapura, coexistindo
de maneira muito natural.
Como assinalava Henri Ghesquiere em
seu livro Singapores Success, em Cingapura o Estado conduz o timo do desenvolvimento, orientando o setor privado.
Dessa maneira, a mo invisvel desse ltimo guiada pela mo visvel do Estado.
Ainda que estimule ativamente o investimento privado e d um imenso espao de
manobra a este dentro dos espaos que
lhe foram fixados, o Estado subordina tal
investimento aos seus planos estratgicos, s suas polticas industriais e a seus
marcos regulatrios. O Estado, ao mesmo
tempo, participa diretamente da economia atravs de suas prprias empresas,
para as quais designa um conjunto de
reas fundamentais. Mais significativo
ainda, assumindo a natureza dinmica do
processo econmico, o Estado se aventura numa reinveno peridica de seus objetivos estratgicos, privilegiando a cada
fase um novo grupo de setores. Neste
contexto, no se pode falar propriamente
de capitalismo privado, assim como tampouco pode-se falar de capitalismo estatal. Trata-se de uma simbiose de ambos
os sistemas, guiada pelo pragmatismo caracterstico de Cingapura.
borar sobre os planos que Bolvar acalentava para essa relao bilateral?
ATH A desconfiana de Bolvar em relao ao Brasil no derivava de sua condio monrquica em si, seno da possibilidade de que essa se transformasse
numa ponta de lana das intenes da
Santa Aliana de recuperar, para a Espanha, as repblicas americanas recentemente liberadas. Desde o momento
em que a intercesso britnica tornou
possvel o reconhecimento da independncia do Brasil por Portugal em 1825,
Bolvar entendeu que o Rio de Janeiro
no atuaria como porta-estandarte dos
interesses da Santa Aliana. Pelo contrrio, tal intercesso confirmou que o Reino Unido atuaria como fator natural de
conciliao entre o Imprio do Brasil e
as repblicas hispano-americanas. Dali
em diante, o Brasil deixou de ser visto
como um adversrio potencial para converter-se num vizinho com quem haveria de manter relaes cordiais.
Em 1825, Bolvar detinha a presidncia
da Gran Colombia (hoje Venezuela, Panam, Colmbia e Equador) e do Peru,
enquanto seu lugar-tenente Antnio Jos
de Sucre tinha sob seu comando o Alto
Peru, que logo assumiria o nome de Bolvia, em sua homenagem. Nessa posio,
Bolvar praticou trs aes que deixaram
evidente sua boa vontade frente ao Brasil.
A primeira foi impor moderao e exigir
cuidadosa avaliao das circunstncias,
por ocasio da invaso de Chiquitos, no
Alto Peru, pelas tropas do Governo do
Mato Grosso, a mando do Comandante Arajo. Enquanto Sucre e outros de
seus generais recomendavam que fosse
declarada guerra ao Brasil, Bolvar inclinou-se prudncia. Esta atitude foi recompensada quando o Imperador Pedro
I desautorizou a invaso e enviou carta
de desculpas a Bolvar.
A segunda foi negar-se a formar uma coalizo de repblicas hispano-americanas
contra o Brasil, tal como havia proposto
memria diplomtica
GILBERTO CHATEAUBRIAND
ALUNO DA PriMEIRA TURMA DO INSTITUTO RIO BRANCO
Felipe Neves Caetano Ribeiro, Guilherme Rafael Raicoski,
Pedro Mariano Martins Pontes, Tain Leite Novaes e Jean Pierre Bianchi
125
plomata, mas que foi reprovado no concurso. Logo, esticaram as vagas para que
o jovem fosse admitido conosco, e minha
turma acabou tendo 27 alunos. Muitos
foram admitidos dessa forma, e alguns se
mostrariam bons diplomatas, afirma.
No obstante o papel central exercido pelo Rio de Janeiro poca, a primeira turma do Instituto Rio Branco teria
como principal marca segundo Chateaubriand a heterogeneidade. Havia
cariocas, mineiros, baianos, gachos...
havia os alunos brilhantes, os inteligentes, e os esforados, alguns com filhos
e formao acadmica economistas,
historiadores, advogados... , e outros,
como eu, sem curso superior. A maioria
tinha pouco mais de 20 anos, mas dois
tinham j mais de quarenta anos. Entre
os amigos, Chateaubriand destaca dipo Santos Maia, Otvio Berenga e Oscar
Lorenzo Fernandes. Este ltimo acabou se interessando por economia e foi
assessor do Roberto Campos por muitos
anos. Entre os brilhantes, sobressaiu-se
Paulo Amlio do Nascimento Silva. Gramtico, chegou a corrigir o professor de
portugus do Instituto Antenor Nascente, que passou a chamar-lhe colega
e terminou o curso em primeiro lugar.
Chateaubriand discorreu, em seguida, sobre os professores que tivera. O
curso era experimental, lembra. Fomos os cobaias. Tivemos um professor de geografia, um alemo, Hilgard
Steinberg, que nos avaliou como se fossemos gegrafos. Ele aplicou uma prova
sobre a colheita da castanha do Par na
Amaznia, e todos os 27 alunos foram
reprovados. Tnhamos aula de italiano. A professora, Marcella Mortara, era
filha do italiano Giorgio Mortara, um dos
criadores da FGV. Lembrou tambm de
seus professores de direito internacional o renomado jurista Hildebrando
Accioly, primeiro diretor do Instituto
Rio Branco e paraninfo da primeira turma e de histria diplomtica, Lafayette
memria diplomtica
127
Um dos grandes atrativos da carreira diplomtica a possibilidade de experimentar a vida em outros pases, conhecendo novos locais e novas culturas.
Na matria Trincheiras da Diplomacia,
abordamos a realidade atual de servidores em locais difceis, mas, nesta matria,
veremos a curiosa experincia daqueles
que viram a Histria passar a sua frente.
A queda do Comunismo no Leste Europeu aconteceu de maneira to abrupta
quanto inesperada. Para os vrios analistas especializados na regio, a diviso europeia deveria durar por muitas dcadas,
como diz o hoje Conselheiro Alexandre
de Azevedo Silveira. Ainda que reduzido,
o sentimento de tenso da Guerra Fria
estava presente quando esses diplomatas
despacharam suas bagagens rumo ao Velho e dividido Continente.
Foi, ento, que, entre os sobrevoos
rasantes de caas norte-americanos em
Bonn e inmeros entraves para a passagem de estrangeiros pelo Checkpoint
Charlie, o sistema comeou a ruir. Com a
memria diplomtica
129
memria diplomtica
Bastidores do
discurso diplomtico:
ghostwriters
no Itamaraty
131
memria diplomtica
voc no pode achar, de maneira alguma, que vai reivindicar aquilo de alguma forma. Uma vez que voc entregou
o texto, ele no mais te pertence. Por
isso, prossegue, preciso ter um enorme desapego, porque a sua felicidade
no est em aquela frase ou aquela formulao que voc fez ficar no discurso.
Eventualmente, voc vai ser consultado
ou orientado a fazer alguma alterao.
Outras vezes, vo cortar com uma grande impiedade aquilo que voc escreveu
e voc no pode se sentir diminudo por
aquilo. Em outras ocasies, voc criar formulaes muito boas e, s vezes, d
uma pena danada de simplesmente entregar aquilo de mo beijada para outra
pessoa, mas faz parte do trabalho. Voc
tem que saber lidar com isso e a eu acho
que anlise faz muito bem. Nessa mesma linha, o Ministro Norberto Moretti
adverte que no uma boa ideia se casar com o texto.
No Itamaraty, o discurso imprescindvel, pois, como de resto ocorre em
qualquer chancelaria, a palavra o principal instrumento de trabalho. Por isso
mesmo, o Ministro Mauricio Lyrio lembra que, em poltica externa, a palavra
central. Tanto assim, que, muitas vezes, o ato poltico a prpria manifestao verbal e, portanto, fazer diplomacia
e fazer o texto que expressa essa diplomacia so coisas indissociveis.
Ao se discutir as caractersticas do
discurso diplomtico, emergem duas
questes centrais: o papel dos cnones
e o espao (ou a ausncia dele) para a
criatividade e a inovao. Perguntado
sobre como equacionar essa questo, o
Ministro Lyrio afirmou a necessidade
de se ter equilbrio entre criatividade e
realismo. preciso ter equilbrio entre criatividade e realismo com o que
est sendo dito, sob pena de transformar o discurso num passivo. Ou seja,
o discurso tem de estar fundamentado
em bases slidas, seno pode causar um
efeito contrrio do que se pretendia inicialmente. Alis, equilbrio e moderao
parecem ser aspectos que conformam
a prpria essncia da linguagem diplomtica, como um todo, e do discurso diplomtico em particular. Sobre o papel
dos cnones, o Ministro Lyrio acredita
que a existncia de boundaries facilita
(o trabalho do ghostwriter), porque voc
no quer, a cada discurso, fazer tbula
133
Em poltica externa, a
palavra central.
Fazer diplomacia e fazer
o texto que expressa essa
diplomacia so coisas
indissociveis.
Ministro Maurcio Lyrio
ENSAIOS E RESENHAS
135
O pas impressiona
o escritor pela
grandiosidade de sua
paisagem, mas essa
mesma grandiosidade,
somada viso
das ingentes
desigualdades sociais,
sufoca-o.
descendentemente, o Brasil como terra
da cocanha, nao habitada por bons
selvagens. Camus fala com acidez das
enormes desigualdades sociais do pas
e impressiona-se com grandes cidades
como So Paulo, que crescem caoticamente, desrespeitando direitos bsicos
dos cidados.
Vindo do porto de Marselha, de onde
parte no dia 30 de junho, Camus avista,
latitude de Pernambuco, as nuvens trgicas que vm do continente... mensageiras de uma terra assustadora. O tom,
ENSAIOS E RESENHAS
137
Camus dizia
simpatizar a priori
com os negros no
Brasil, que o remetiam,
devido condio
social desfavorecida
em que viviam, aos
rabes de sua Mondovi
natal.
ENSAIOS E RESENHAS
Fotos: Divulgao
139
RESENHA
ENSAIOS E RESENHAS
Samuel Rawet
a foto que ilustra esta pgina da Rua Samuel Rawet, no subrbio carioca de Santa
Cruz. a nica com esse nome em todo o Brasil. Parece insuficiente, quase inapropriado, associar esta rua humilde a um grande nome da literatura nacional. Usando essa foto
como ponto de partida, tenho dois objetivos principais neste artigo: convencer o leitor
de que Samuel Rawet um dos grandes escritores nacionais (ou incitar o leitor a tirar a
prova lendo a sua obra); e mostrar por que ter seu nome emprestado a uma rua suburbana
inexpressiva , coincidentemente, a homenagem perfeita.
141
cao e passou a contribuir para sua grade com pequenas peas e programas. A
partir desse primeiro contato, passou a
conviver com figuras do mundo teatral
e literrio do Rio de Janeiro. Formou-se
engenheiro em 1953, e passou a publicar
seus primeiros contos em pequenas revistas e suplementos literrios, que serviram de base para seu primeiro livro,
Contos do Imigrante, de 1956.
O livro foi bem recebido por parcela importante da crtica, para a surpresa
de seu autor. Assis Brasil, um dos principais crticos literrios em atividade no
perodo, classificou o ano de 1956 como
fundamental na renovao da literatura
brasileira: Grande Serto: Veredas transcendeu os limites lingusticos do romance tradicional; o conto, por sua vez, foi
subvertido por Contos do Imigrante,
que rompeu com a estrutura, a esttica
e a temtica que predominavam desde o
tempo de Machado de Assis
Apesar da admirao de setores da crtica, o sucesso no se reverteu em vendas,
muito menos na possibilidade de subsistir da atividade literria. Rawet seguiu
adiante com a carreira de engenheiro e,
em 1957, o jovem de 24 anos foi recrutado
Foto: Divulgao
ENSAIOS E RESENHAS
so emaranhado formado por religio, cultura, tradio intelectual e por sua infeliz
convivncia familiar. Rejeitou o grosso da
tradio intelectual judaica, mas admirava intensamente Espinoza, Martin Buber
e Kafka, herdeiros dessa mesma tradio,
ainda que divergentes ou hereges. Como
tambm foi, afinal, o prprio Rawet. Uma
dcada mais tarde, em 1977, finalmente
abjurou de forma explcita e desaforada
seu judasmo, no ensaio Kafka e a Mineralidade Judaica ou a Tonga da Mironga
do Kabulet.
Outro aspecto de si que mereceu reflexo intensa em seu perodo de expatriado foi sua homossexualidade. Tocou
no tema em ensaios e contos, de forma
direta ou indireta. No ensaio Homossexualidade e Valor, de 1970, chega a contar
como, durante sua estadia em Israel, foi
andar e pensar sobre o assunto na plancie onde alegadamente foram destrudas
Sodoma e Gomorra. Em seus escritos,
Rawet transpareceu aceitao e certa
tranquilidade em relao a sua sexualidade totalmente ausentes de sua relao
com o judasmo. Essa aceitao foi acompanhada por uma revolta diante de qualquer tentativa de enquadrar ou reprimir
esse aspecto da vida humana: desprezava
igualmente os preconceitos da sociedade,
os mandamentos da religio e as teorias
explicativas de Freud e outros.
Deixou Israel em 1965, frustrado com
suas experincias profissionais e pessoais no pas. Perambulou pela Europa
mediterrnea antes de voltar ao Brasil.
143
reservando antipatia particular religio, ao marxismo e psicanlise. Sente que se h algum princpio que deva
pautar a ao humana, ele deve ser encontrado no prprio homem, e no em
algum esquema ou abstrao.
Justa homenagem
Santa Cruz, onde est a Rua Samuel
Rawet, um bairro histrico: foi sede de
uma importante fazenda colonial, mais
tarde palcio de veraneio da Coroa portuguesa no Brasil. L passaram a infncia dois monarcas: Pedro I do Brasil e
Dom Miguel I de Portugal. Sua geogra-
Foto: Divulgao
No livro de estreia,
publicado em 1956, a
solido principalmente a
de exilados judeus em uma
terra estranha, personagens
cuja existncia anterior foi
abandonada ou consumida
por eventos fora de seu
controle.
ENSAIOS E RESENHAS
RESENHA
Sonmbulos da destruio
historiador explica como as potncias europeias caminharam inconscientemente rumo grande guerra
brief
145
english texts
Letter from the Editors
Letter from
the Editors
Portuguese version page 01
different aspects of Brazilian culture and identity to our international performance. In the
sections Interviews, we have spoken to Minister of Foreign Affairs Mauro Vieira on his
concept of a diplomacy of results, and to the
former Minister of Foreign Affairs and former
Defense Minister Celso Amorim about the relation between diplomacy and defense.
While developing JUCA 8, our major
concern has been to improve the magazine
in terms of visual identity and dissemination
of the Itamaratys work, without neglecting a
critical perspective. We have engaged in producing a magazine which is dense and critical
at the same time, being, moreover, an opportunity to exercise leadership capacities and
group work, which makes JUCA, a tradition
of only 8 years, a significant part of Rio Branco Institute`s activities for the training of diplomats, as it reaches its 70th anniversary. We
have made efforts so that the magazine would
reflect the cooperative spirit of the 2013-2015
Rio Branco Institute class, simultaneously
keeping in mind that institutions with different purposes, such as the United Nations or
Rio Branco Institute, regardless of their good
traditions (that must be kept), can and should
be improved. The efforts of manifold classes of
the Institute to improve JUCA attests the continuity of that thought of renewal and relentless quest for perfection that have inspired the
creation of both the United Nations and IRBr.
We wish, at last, good luck to the next editors of JUCA, reinforcing the idea that this
magazine remain a means of expressing the
purposes that inspired, 70 years ago, the establishment of the Rio Branco Institute: creativity,
renewal, improvement, constructive and propositional actions; characteristics that mark the
Brazilian performance at the United Nations,
as well.
Enjoy the reading! J
BRIEF
The United
Nations at 70
Portuguese version page 05
brief
Maintaining international peace and fostering cooperation have been the main purposes of the United Nations since its creation.
Over the years, however, the UN system has
become so complex that it not only defines parameters for international regimes, but also influences public policies in many realms, as the
main component of a dense system of norms
and institutions that make up the multilateral
dimension of global governance, along with the
WTO and the Bretton Woods institutions.
70 years after World War II, the multilateral system faces several challenges. The Security Council has been unable to deal with the
main threats to international peace. In trade
and finance, the stalemates at the Doha Round
and the IMF reform have fostered initiatives
that bypass the multilateral framework. In the
areas of sustainable development and human
rights, countries seek convergence on parameters that should guide the improvement of
living standards and ensure the enjoyment of
fundamental rights, without ignoring cultural sensitivities and the different institutional
and financial capacities. As for climate change,
mankind faces the dilemma between the urgent reduction of emissions of greenhouse
gases (GHG) and the necessary achievement of
a fair and equitable intergovernmental agreement, with adequate means of implementation.
Concerned with the defeat of Nazism and
fascism around the world, delegates at the
San Francisco conference would be surprised
to note the wide range of subjects dealt with
by the UN today. In this context, the present
article analyses the role of the UN in different realms, identifying some of the main negotiating processes and topics on the international diplomatic agenda and highlighting
challenges to the UN system. J
The Peace and Security Agenda
In order to save succeeding generations from
the scourge of war, countries represented at
the San Francisco Conference established an
international organization to maintain international peace. After 70 years, the role of the UN
in this context reveals a contrast between triumphs and impasses. At the center of the collective security mechanism established by the UN
Charter, the Security Council worked as expected in some clear cases of aggression between
States, as in the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq in
1990. In recent years, however, it has been unable to face the main threats to international
peace. Unilateral military interventions have
fueled Islamic radicalism and greatly increased
international instability. The inaction of the Security Council in the context of the Syrian civil
war and the supplying of weapons to anti-Assad
groups enabled the rise and the strengthening
of the self-styled Islamic State, as well as the
outbreak of the largest refugee crisis since the
end of World War II. In Libya, exceeding the
Councils mandate, the intervention generated
a large flow of weapons to tribal groups that
would soon fight each other, increasing regional
instability. The marginalization of the Security
Council in the deliberations on the use of force
and the violation of its mandates underscore the
urgency of reform, not only of its composition,
but also of its working methods.
After the intervention in Libya and opposing the idea that coercion would generate
stability, Brazil proposed, in 2011, the concept
of Responsibility While Protecting (RWP).
As adopted at the World Summit in 2005, the
original concept (Responsibility to Protect)
calls for the intervention of the international community authorized by the Security
Council when a State is incapable of protecting its population from genocide, war
crimes or crimes against humanity. It states,
however, that force should be used only as a
last resort, when peaceful means of conflict
resolution have been proved ineffective and in
accordance with international law. Apart from
highlighting this exceptional character of the
use of force and the importance of preventive
diplomacy, Brazil argued that the use of force
which can only be authorized by the Security
Council must comply with clearer criteria,
requiring constant monitoring of the implementation of the mandate and the accountability of those responsible for the intervention.
In line with Article 26 of the Charter, the
UN plays a key role in promoting disarmament.
Throughout its history, the United Nations
served as a platform for the adoption of important agreements, such as those dealing with
the prohibition of biological weapons (1972),
excessively injurious conventional weapons
(1980), chemical weapons (1992) and, recently, the Arms Trade Treaty. Despite these milestones, there is much to be done, as the Secretary-General recognized in 2012: the world
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as the ILO. Gradually, the focus of these institutions migrated from post-war reconstruction to
the promotion of their agendas in low-income
countries. Being more democratic forums that
the Bretton Woods institutions or the UN matrix such specialized agencies would assist developing countries in voicing their demands and
articulating common positions.
The role of the United Nations on these issues would become even more visible with the
major conferences of the 1990s, such as those
in Cairo (population, 1994), Beijing (rights of
women, 1995), Copenhagen (social development, 1995), Istanbul (urban habitat, 1996),
among others. These conferences fostered collaboration between governments and civil society and drew attention to several transnational
problems that required further cooperation. Of
particular importance was the United Nations
Conference on Environment and Development
(Rio 92), which brought together more than 100
heads of State and around 2000 NGOs. Apart
from being a milestone for future discussions on
topics such as climate change, desertification
and biodiversity, the UNCED consolidated the
concept of sustainable development, intertwining the debates on environment and development and guiding further efforts in this realm.
Twenty years later, the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio + 20)
would confirm the commitment of the international community with the indivisibility of the
three pillars of sustainable development social, environmental and economic , the promotion of which depends on appropriate funding
mechanisms. In the same context, countries
committed themselves to the eradication of
extreme poverty by 2030. Therefore, it was decided that the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs) a set of goals, targets and indicators
that guided the promotion of development between 2000 and 2015 will be succeeded by the
Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), which
represent the necessary confluence of three distinct processes: the environmental conferences,
the social agenda and the debate on financing
mechanisms for development.
After Rio+20, an Open-ended Working
Group was established in the General Assembly
which came to a proposal that contains 17 goals
and 169 targets on issues such as poverty eradication, food security and agriculture, health,
education, gender equality, energy, water and
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The UN Budget:
who foots the bill?
Portuguese version page 17
151
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Order, emphasizing projects related to development. The emergence of the power of numbers was unacceptable to countries such as
the United States, which contributed 25% of
the UNs regular budget at the time. The biggest donors could not agree to having budget
decisions imposed on them by the numerous
emerging countries. Therefore, the rule of consensus gave a sort of veto power to the developed nations.
Increasing voluntary contributions is another way in which the power of the purse
bypasses debate in the Fifth Committee. Over
the last few years, these resources have represented the biggest share of the regular budget.
For the 2014-2015 biennium, mandatory contributions will total US$5.5 billion, while voluntary ones will double that amount. However,
the Fifth Committee does not define the destination of these resources; donators may direct
them to whichever project they wish to support. In other words, if a great contributor is
interested in financing a specific activity, there
will be money to execute it. Otherwise, financing the project is likely to be much harder.
Consequently, mandatory contributions are
languishing. Developed countries fight to reduce the mandatory share of their contribution,
by defending zero nominal growth, but, at the
same time, they increase their voluntary contributions. There is a resulting lack of transparency regarding the allocation of resources and
selectivity of the projects that are sponsored.
This does not mean that voluntary contributions are not welcome, as they may be directed
to a mandate that has been strongly supported
at the General Assembly. Yet these activities do
not usually correspond to those defined as a priority by the UNs substantive organs.
The financial crisis that the organization
has been facing is a consequence of this type
of financing, where voluntary contributions
outstrip mandatory ones. In spite of the definition of mandates, there is usually no money to
pay for them, nor political will to direct money from the regular budget to some projects.
A significant slice of the contributions goes to
Peace and Security mandates, especially to
Peacekeeping Operations and Special Political
Missions. Development and Human Rights
get a small part of the total contribution. Brazil has always defended a more equal share
between the three pillars of the UN. Brazilian
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foreign policy has always advocated that economic and social development be a condition
for international peace and security.
On the other hand, it is important to point
out that the situation of the big debtors is not
the cause of the UNs financial crisis. Brazil, for
instance, has ended 2014 as the third biggest
debtor to the UN, behind the US and Venezuela. The delay in payments may cause damage
to the Organizations cash flow. Yet, in recent
years, such a problem has never hindered the
execution of any UN activity. In other words,
the budget crisis that the UN is undergoing
results from the way the Organization is financed. There is no lack of money.
One of the solutions the Secretary-General
has been using to overcome the Organizations
financial problems is to support private enterprises. Some projects, such as Every Woman,
Every Child, get private financing. Although
this source of funding makes it possible to execute UN programs, it also lacks transparency.
Moreover, the General Assemblys support for
the projects sponsored by the Secretariat is dubious. Once again, it is important to point out
that this sort of financing is not necessarily
bad. On the contrary, it may contribute to projects in development and human rights, which
are very important to developing countries.
The actual problem is related to something
else: should the SG get enough resources to
implement his own projects through private
financing, he may lead the Organization away
from the states interests. In the long run, excessive private financing may lead to a loss in
UN relevance with regard to the countries that
have built it.
The limit to the contribution of private
enterprises is another problem that emerges
from this debate. On the face of it, receiving
private support for projects related to sustainable development seems reasonable. However,
what are the ethical implications of receiving
resources from private companies to finance
projects related to peace and security? Brazil
holds that this kind of resource should be received cautiously, and affirms that discussions
in the General Assembly have to be wide and
transparent.
Throughout the 70 years of the United Nations, the debate about who should foot the bill
of the organization has always been intense.
Developed countries have always considered
The Firefighter
and the Architect:
the post-crisis
International
Monetary Fund
Portuguese version page 20
153
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demand for prompt implementation of the reform. The relative weight of the BRICS implies
greater bargaining power at the negotiation
table, not only because it brings together more
voices, but also because it displays a willingness
to assume more responsibilities in the post-crisis IMF. At the G20 Summit in Los Cabos, in
2012, the BRICS pledged to contribute with US$
43 billion dollars US$ 10 billion from Brazil -,
for a new anti-crisis fund. The contribution,
however, was conditioned to the full implementation of the 14th General Review.
The failure of the Obama administration
to negotiate the reforms approval by the US
Congress after the 2014 parliamentary elections has led to efforts by Christine Lagarde
to enable the reform even without ratification
by the US. I am disappointed that necessary
steps could not be taken to implement this
important governance reform said the IMF
Managing Director in a press statement in
2014. we are fully committed to helping our
membership finalize what it agreed in 2010,
she added.
and on the outside
Fragmentation and proliferation of
international financial institutions and
arrangements
Whilst internal reforms are progressing at a
slow pace, other initiatives occur beyond the
walls of the two IMF buildings in Washington.
Bilateral currency swaps, regional financial arrangements and financial initiatives of variable
geometry shall certainly be seen as complementary rather than substitute the IMF. However, the proliferation of these arrangements
demonstrates the insufficiency of the IMF, as
it operates today, to account for diverse needs
in terms of crisis-prevention and monetary
governance. On the one hand, the pattern of
IMF conditionalities is criticized by countries
that resent the political deterioration that orthodoxy programs generate in their domestic
contexts. On the other, the lack of multilateral monetary governance, consigned to history
pages since the abandonment of convertibility
of the dollar into gold by the Nixon administration, and the prevalence of the dollar in international transactions generate incentives to
search for alternative currency.
Brazil has actively participated in this process of creating innovative financing mech-
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be the architect of a new order. It will, alternatively, be part of a complex network of arrangements and initiatives that will accommodate
the current reality of multipolar power under
consolidation. A greater or lesser role will depend on its own ability to reform itself. J
The 70th
Anniversary
of the United
Nations and
Security Council
Reform
Portuguese version page 24
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Academic
Perspectives on
the Nature and
Future of the
United Nations:
Interview with
Professors
Canado Trindade
and Martti
Koskenniemi
Two renowned legal scholars present
diverging views on the evolution of
multilateralism and the role of law
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159
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national order. The IACtHR and the ICTY contributed to the expansion of the material scope
of jus cogens, changing the understanding that
prevailed in the 1960s, according to which imperative norms of general international law were
limited to the Law of Treaties. Antonio Cassese
and I, each one from a different tribunal, gave a
boost to the jurisprudential construction. Nowadays, it is widely accepted that jus cogens does
not apply only in questions involving the Law of
Treaties, but also in other realms of International Law. Another example that I should mention
relates to State succession. The ILC only chose
to codify this topic when the problems of succession seemed to be over. Nonetheless, the international order which is continuously changing
saw the implosion of the USSR and Yugoslavia,
resulting in the emergence of many other States.
The UN managed to deal with this issue successfully by applying an evolutive perspective on
State succession, guaranteeing the rights of the
peoples, since some UN treaty organs adopted
the position of automatic succession in relation
to human rights treaties. Thus, obligations of the
predecessor State related to the protection of individuals and populations remain binding to the
new successor States. It could not be otherwise.
Automatic succession of human rights treaties
and humanitarian treaties stem from an evolutive perspective that I have always supported
, in accordance with the principles and purposes of the UN Charter, with a view to free the
people from the scourge of war and the horrors
committed in the recent past. We lawyers work
in the conceptual universe of what ought to be,
in accordance with the evolutive perspective.
Those limited by the reality of the facts and
amazed by power, in a static manner, are at best
political scientists. They are limited by the here
and now, without fully understanding the transformations of the world. I come to the conclusion
that it is really worth studying Law, including as
a tool for transforming the world for the better. I
have always been committed to the construction
of the jus gentium. It is very easy to deconstruct. I
prefer construction. It is much more difficult, but
infinitely more rewarding.
JUCA: Professor, going back to your diplomatic career, have you ever worked with
Brazilian diplomats?
MK: There is one man, Carlos Rodrigues, who
was a member of the International Law Commission. He was also the Brazilian representative in the 6th Commission of the UN General
Assembly. He was truly impressive, very cultured. From the beginning of my career, I was
sent to the UN General Assembly. Often it gets
very boring, but you get to make remarkable
friendships. When he spoke, all of the sudden
there was silence in the room. There was a veneer of respect I had never seen before.
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Interview with
the Permanent
Representative of
Brazil to the UN
Portuguese Version Page 38
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years, what we now see is chaos in the country and widespread instability in the neighborhood.
In consonance with its traditional role as a
constructive actor, Brazil did not simply criticize the measures applied to the Libyan crisis.
We proposed then the concept of responsibility while protecting (RWP) which, in summary, adds method to the application of R2P.
The concept recalls that priority must be given
to conflict prevention, for which cooperation
for development is essential. It also highlights
that coercion by force should be a last resort
and that even when considered necessary
by the Security Council, it should be applied
with respect to the mandate established by the
Council and with the monitoring of the international community, preventing it from being
distorted by unilateral interpretations. Among
various landmarks, the year of 2015 should also
celebrate first decade of R2P, providing a background for a collective and objective assessment of its implementation.
I acknowledge a resurgence of interest
from governments and academia for the ideas
proposed by Brazil on the protection of civilians. In April, for example, the University of
Columbia organized a seminar on RWP in the
light of what happened in Libya. Besides, the
recent article by Alan Kuperman in Foreign
Affairs leaves no room for doubt: the civilian
population is much more vulnerable after the
NATO intervention aimed at regime change
which was, in a way, an example of irresponsibility to protect. In recent debates on the use
of force and protection of civilians, the concept
of RWP has often been used by other delegations to guide their reflections.
JUCA: What is the importance of the Sustainable Development Goals for the future
of multilateralism? Could they strengthen
multilateralism so that, in accordance with
its Charter, the UN may benefit the international community as a whole?
AAP: The Sustainable Development Goals
(SDGs) represent a paradigm shift in the United Nations development agenda, revealing
multilateralisms ability to renew itself in order to address global challenges. By integrating the economic, social and environmental
dimensions of sustainable development, the
SDGs set universal standards for development,
with targets that are also applicable to developed countries. The open and transparent negotiations gave great legitimacy to the process
and contributed to the inclusion of emerging
issues in the SDGs, such as inequalities, sustainable consumption and production, cities,
infrastructure and access to justice. We need
to ensure that this renovation inspire other pillars of the UN, for example, the promotion of
peace and security. This will be an important
contribution of the SDGs to multilateralism.
The whole process of defining a new agenda for international cooperation around the
SDGs was only made possible because of the
Rio + 20 conference and its consensual final
report, named The Future We Want.
Withal, one can affirm that there is no topic in
the agenda of the United Nations in which Brazil does not actively participate with original
and constructive proposals, aimed at strengthening multilateralism in a time of transition
from unipolarity to multipolarity. J
163
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Maria Luiza
Viotti and the
Six Years during
Which Brazil Was
Represented by
a Woman at the
United Nations
Portuguese version page 42
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The United
Nations, Brazil
and the Transfer
of Sentenced
Persons
Portuguese verision page 46
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involvement in the kidnapping of the businessman Ablio Diniz in So Paulo. 11 bilateral agreements (Angola, Argentina, Bolivia, Canada,
Chile, Spain, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, United
Kingdom and the Netherlands) and three multilateral conventions (MERCOSUR, Inter-American Convention and the Convention of the Portuguese Speaking Countries Community) are
in force to Brazil. A number of instruments are
being negotiated with several countries, such as
those with Australia, Bulgaria, France and Switzerland. Texts negotiated with Japan, India, Italy and Turkey, among others, are also awaiting
approval in Brazilian Congress.
One challenge in Brazil is that the only
possible legal basis for a transfer is the entry
into force of an international treaty on the subject, given the lack of a legal provision in Law
6.815/1980 the Foreigners Statute allowing
transfers on a reciprocity basis in contrast
with what it is verified in extradition cases.
Another challenge is the prevailing Brazilian
position on which State has the competence
to grant legal clemency measures to the convicted person. Based on the said principle of
the sovereignty of national jurisdictions, Brazil currently defends that only the sentencing
State should be able to grant amnesty, pardon
or grace to the sentenced offender. This limits
cooperation with other countries, since some
are in favor of both States having the right of
granting such clemency measures. This position has prevented Brazil from acceding to the
Strasbourg Convention and has complicated
the negotiation of bilateral instruments such
as the one with France.
These constraints notwithstanding, the
country has been striving to expand its negotiations on the subject, especially with countries
where there are a large number of Brazilian
prisoners (Italy, France, Germany, South Africa, and Australia) and with countries with a
large number of nationals serving sentences in
Brazil (Nigeria, Colombia, Romania, Bulgaria,
and Thailand).
By the end of 2014, Brazil had managed to
bring back 140 Brazilians who were serving
sentences abroad and allowed the return to
their countries of origin of 99 foreign prisoners.
By means of the adoption of internal measures,
the number of performed transfers could grow
exponentially. This is the case, for example, of
a legislative proposal currently being analyzed
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United Nations
Government?
The international administration of
territories
The international administration of territories
is intensifying, raising concerns about the undue
expansion of UN mandates, but it should remain
an option for the international community in the
gravest cases of armed conflicts and the dissolution of the apparatus of the State
taking on huge responsibilities and facing several new challenges. That is why the Brahimi
Report brought up the question of whether
the United Nations should be in this business
at all.
Throughout its 70 years, the United Nations has managed to reform its agenda, given
the new and evolving challenges around the
world. Although there are still important institutional hurdles to overcome, the UN has
successfully reinvented itself according to the
spirit of the Charter. One of the most visible
aspects of such a reinvention is the changing
nature of peacekeeping operations, which are
an essential instrument in the maintenance of
international peace and security. The acknowledgement that sustainable peace depends on
actions that go well beyond security measures
is a result of that process. The consolidation
of sustainable peace includes not only the
surveillance of cease-fire accords and treaties
between belligerent parties, but also measures
of institution-building, training, protection of
civilians, economic growth and support for
basic public services. It is within such a humanitarian framework that the international
administration of territories by the UN must
be assessed, as an element of peace operations.
The international administration of territories is both an old and a new issue. It is old
because, since the 19th century and especially
since the creation of the League of Nations,
States have been in charge of the direct administration of territories through the mandate system. Subsequently, the UN kept up this
practice for a while, through the trusteeship
system. However, it is also a new issue because
international organizations have been fulfilling this role since the end of the Cold War, as
was the case in Kosovo and East Timor giving continuity to the brief experience of the
League of Nations in the cases of Leticia, Saar,
and the City of Danzig.
The move to a system of international
administration where the UN plays the main
role was due in part to the de-colonization
movement. It was in the post-Cold War that
the UN began its experience with international administration, with the inclusion of civilian components into peacekeeping missions.
The notion of peacebuilding required tackling the root causes of conflicts. Thus, international administration escaped from the old
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Trieste, Namibia and Jerusalem, direct administration can still be considered as a temporary
solution for territories under dispute between
States, as occurred under the League of Nations. Finally, it also remains available to occupied States, especially when the occupying
power has abdicated its responsibility to protect the civilian population and care for local
169
DIPLOMACY AND
INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
interests. J
More at:
FONTOURA, Paulo Roberto Campos Tarrise
da. O Brasil e as Operaes de Manuteno da
Paz das Naes Unidas. Braslia: FUNAG, 1999.
PATRIOTA, Antonio de Aguiar. O Conselho de
Segurana aps a Guerra do Golfo: a articulao
de um novo paradigma de segurana coletiva.
Braslia: FUNAG, 1998.
UZIEL, Eduardo. O Conselho de Segurana, as
operaes de manuteno da paz e a insero do
Brasil no mecanismo de segurana coletiva das
Naes Unidas. Braslia: FUNAG, 2010.
BHLKE, Marcelo. A proibio do uso da fora
no direito internacional contemporneo. Rio de
Janeiro: Renovar, 2011.
TRINDADE, Otvio Augusto Drummond
Canado. A Carta das Naes Unidas: uma leitura constitucional. Belo Horizonte: Del Rey,
2012.
Brazil at the
Center of the
World: the megaevents of 2014
and the work of
Itamaraty
Portuguese version page 56
171
In the Trenches
of Diplomacy: an
overview of the
Brazilian Foreign
Services D Posts
The living conditions of functionaries in
the Brazilian foreign service in hardship
posts are nothing like the image of lace
cuff diplomacy
173
Pyongyang
The everyday life of a Foreign Service officer in
North Korea is quite peculiar. The problem of
urban violence is virtually nonexistent, but the
city has particularities that make the life of an
expatriate very complex.
Regarding infrastructure, though difficulties
are smaller in Pyongyang than in many other D Posts, they exist. Water is rationed, so for
much of the day the supply is cut. With regard
to electricity, in the diplomatic neighborhood, it
is constant, but is intermittent in vast areas of
the North Korean capital. In several areas of the
city, street lighting is non-existent, what hinders
movement at night.
In part due to government restrictions and, in
part due to the sanctions imposed on the country
by the international community, access to some
basic services for the operation of an Embassy,
as internet and banking, is quite limited in North
Korea. Second-Secretary Leonardo Jannuzzi,
who was in the opening mission of our representation in that country in 2008, tells us that
in order to perform any financial transaction,
from paying bills to withdrawing cash for routine purposes of the mission, one has to go to Beijing, where the bank in which the Embassy has
an account is located. Even to buy certain kinds
of food or certain parts for vehicle maintenance
it is sometimes necessary to go to China.
Leonardo tells us that the periodic visits to
Beijing, to meet the financial obligations of the
Embassy were also opportunities to see and do
something different, to get out of a routine that
had very few leisure options in Pyongyang.
The great distance from Brazil is also a difficulty,
and with twelve-hour time difference, it becomes
quite hard to communicate either with the Itamaraty or with ones family .
Still, Leonardo Jannuzzi emphasizes the importance of his experience. Before I went, I knew it
would be difficult, and I do not regret it. I was very
keen to go to North Korea. I think it was a very
good time. For him, the experience was extremely
important not only for his formation as a diplomat,
but also for his growth as a human being.
Lifetime Experience
Despite all difficulties, for those who face the
unknown with an open heart and an open
mind, the experience in the D Posts, in the
unanimous opinion of our interviewees, always seems to be very enriching, both professionally and personally.
Every place has its own culture, and Im
not academic to discuss it difficult Posts have
a distinct cultural aspect, tells us Third-Secretary Joo Zanini, our Charg dAffaires a.i.,
in Cotonou, who has also served in Togo, in
Guinea-Bissau and in Burkina Faso. In Guinea-Bissau, when I returned to the Embassy
after working hours, I saw a line of people at
the gate. Often late at night. I realized that the
night watchman charged 5 cents to let people
charge their phones in the guardhouse. It was
the lowest rate charged by the Embassy guards.
There were few places that had electricity in
the city, he added.
John goes on, reflecting on the importance
of these more difficult Posts in a diplomats
formation: I find it contradictory when I see
colleagues who work with human rights competing for Geneva or other A posts. You cannot
talk about food security only going from Brasilia to Rome (...). I remember Sergio Vieira [de
Mellos] biography. He said to forget the normal path of UN diplomatic career and go to
the front. He went. Mozambique, Bangladesh,
Cambodia, Lebanon.
For a young diplomat, in addition to field
experience, D Posts also give the opportunity
to understand the full functionality of an Embassy. If, in larger stations, each diplomat tends
to take care of a specific topic, in small stations,
the few diplomats if not the only one present
take care of several issues: political, economic, consular, protocol, administrative, cultural,
and so on. All interviewees agree that this is a
unique learning experience.
Furthermore, in D Posts, a Third-Secretary
will have a level of dialogue with local government that would be unthinkable in A or B
Posts. As the TS often stay in charge of the Post
(in the Ambassadors vacations, for example),
they often have contact with high-level local
authorities State Ministers or even Presidents. This month, I talked to the President
of Benin says Secretary Joo Zanini. You will
have access to people who you wouldnt in a
bigger post. People who are prepared, know
175
how to test you. People who experienced starvation, torture, armed struggle, threats, mass
family murders, illness, and a host of other
things that make them very difficult to bend. It
is a daily lesson, he adds.
Moreover, during the visits of high-level
Brazilian authorities, the TS will often be responsible for accompanying them during their
stay in the country. This happened, for example, to Third-Secretary Lara Lobo, who was
able to accompany, in four different occasions,
the then Chancellor Ambassador Antonio Patriota, the former President Lula, the then
President of the Supreme Court Joaquim Barbosa and our current Chancellor, Ambassador
Mauro Vieira during their stays in Accra.
Sacrifice in the Posts
Even with the difficulties and problems reported along the article, all interviewees were
extremely satisfied with their experiences in
the so-called Posts of sacrifice. Neither poor
infrastructure, nor the endemics and epidemics, nor even security issues prevented the
professional and personal development of the
diplomats who spoke to JUCA.
The greatest challenge for D Posts seems to
be the scarcity of material and human resources observed in several of our smaller Embassies. Minister Alrio Ramos, the only employee
of the Brazilian Foreign Service in Conakry,
says its like being a goalkeeper, a defender
and a forward at the same time. I have work
overload, like many other colleagues Embassies in Africa. Despite the routine late working
hours, I have to identify, in the beginning of
each working day, among the many emergency
tasks, those of highest priority (...). Reconciling
attention to State affairs with the meeting of
deadlines of accounting and consular sectors;
choose between attending official invitations,
protocol routines and requests the State Secretariat is not an easy challenge.
Joo Zanini, who has been facing extreme
material difficulties in the management of our
Embassy in Cotonou, says: I once arrived in
an Embassy and the Brazilian flag was torn! If
these basiccogs dont work, Brazils image is
damaged ().
***
In his inaugural address, the Brazilian Minister
External Relations, Ambassador Mauro Vieira,
gave a special word to Foreign Service colleagues
around the world, in the trenches of our diplomacy. Although the Chancellor referred to all Brazilian Foreign Service Posts, the metaphor of the
trenches can be applied especially to D Posts.
By trenches, we understand places which while
requiring huge amount of sacrifice of the fighters
are essential to the success of any military campaign. The same can be said about the most difficult Posts of our Foreign Service: it is there that
we develop our frontline of diplomacy. And as
its there that our presence is often still timid, it
is there that we can get the best results, in relative terms, for our foreign policy. J
Democracy in
Good Portuguese
The Election Observation Missions of the
Community of the Portuguese Language
Speaking Countries have an increasingly
important role in the efforts to consolidate
recent and fledging democracies
cipe ( jul/2006);
Presidential Elections in East Timor (apr and
may/2007);
Parliamentary Elections in East Timor
( jun/2007);
Legislative Elections in Angola (sep/2008);
Legislative Elections in Guinea-Bissau
(nov/2008);
Presidential Elections in Guinea-Bissau ( jun
e jul/2009);
General Elections in Mozambique (oct/2009);
General Elections in So Tom and Prncipe
(aug/2010);
Presidential Elections in So Tom and Prncipe ( jul/2011);
First Round of the Presidential Elections in
Guinea-Bissau (mar/2012);
Presidential Elections in East Timor
(apr/2012);
Parliamentary Elections in East Timor
( jul/2012);
General Elections in Angola (aug/2012);
General Elections in Guinea-Bissau (apr e
may/2014);
General Elections in So Tom and Prncipe
(oct/2014);
General Elections in Mozambique (oct/2014).
177
States. In the context of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries, such cooperation is
even more important because young and newborn
democracies have the opportunity to help each other in the consolidation of their institutions. J
Jiu-Jitsu: the
Gentle Art and
Brazilian Soft
Power
How support for the teaching and practice
of Jiu Jitsu can contribute to intensifying
Brazilian soft power
179
school whose motto is We refuse to be enemies , children learn to live in harmony with
each other and respect others based on close
physical contact, which does not exist in any
other assignment. This direct contact provides a better understanding of the other and
avoids violence, says Marcos.
Nowadays, projects of Brazilian Diplomacy considering the use of the soft power represented by Brazilian Jiu Jitsu abroad are still
incipient. Actions taken by Brazilian Diplomatic Missions are specific and, most of the time,
react to a demand of the country in which they
are based. In Morocco, for example, the Brazilian Embassy supported the 1st Ambassador
Championship of Brazilian Jiu Jitsu, having
achieved great success. Nevertheless, those
are isolated initiatives that indicate that much
more can be done. The Ministry of External
Relations could think of more manners to promote Jiu Jitsu, and consequently, Brazils image. There are more than 300 BJJ academies
only in the United States. And in every one of
them there is a Brazilian flag fluttering. This
connection goes even further, having an impact on consular area: there is a real diaspora of instructors scattered around the world
teaching this martial art in countries as distant
as Kazakhstan, Angola, Croatia, Qatar, Mauritius Islands, Serbia, Iceland, Australia and the
Philippines, amongst others. In each of these
places, it is Brazil and its culture that are being
represented through the sport.
It is worht remembering here the important role played on the fostering of BJJ abroad
by one single person: Counsellor Francisco
Fontenelle, a career diplomat, enthusiast and
practitioner of Jiu Jitsu. Chico, as he prefers
to be addressed, joined the Foreign Service in
January, 1980. By then, before MMA competitions and the internet made BJJ become popular, very few people abroad knew about it. And
among my colleagues at the Chancellery, the
practice of martial arts was very uncommon.
Today, I see that this situation is changing regarding the acknowledgement of this art as
well as its practice he says.
Even though it was an isolated and personal initiative, Chico took and keeps on taking
Jiu Jitsu wherever he goes. From Senegal to
Surinam, from Argentina to Egypt, he always
took time to teach and promote the sport
during his missions abroad. There is much ap-
preciation for Jiu Jitsu among fighters of different schools due to the good reputation and
the efficiency of this Brazilian martial art. In
Cuba, for instance, Chico trained Government
security agents. And in Paraguay, he was paid a
moving tribute: on September, 20th, 2014, took
place the 1 Francisco Fontenelle Tournament,
a Jiu Jitsu Championship in Asuncin, as a
homage to the Counselor.
Currently living in Costa Rica, Chico, 58,
continues to practice and teach those who
have an interest in this martial art. 30 years
ago, people would have barely heard about
BJJ, but when I got here, in 2013, I had the
pleasure to find Jiu Jitsu academies and many
people practicing it. This is very gratifying for
me, says him. This scene is a direct outcome
of the large wave of Brazilian instructors that,
throughout the years, emigrated to teach this
martial art.
It would be an interesting exercise to conduct a census of these professionals in order
to measure the international scope of this soft
power tool and the strength it represents for
the diffusion of Brazilian culture. Further still,
Diplomatic Missions could promote demonstration matches with renowned Brazilian
athletes and support BJJ tournaments. These
actions could contribute to the popularization
of the sport and to foster the opening of new
academies devoted to the practice of BJJ. Another important step would be the attraction
of instructors and practitioners abroad to other
aspects of Brazilian culture such as music and
the Portuguese language. There are countless
possibilities for all of this soft power to be converted into a better image of Brazil and in more
interest towards other aspects of Brazil. When
compared to the benefits, the investment needed to put these actions into practice is very low.
Nothing could be more appropriate in the current context. J
International
Politics Translated
by the Ninth Art
It is not new for comics to be used to
promote national soft power, be it as a
propaganda strategy, means of criticism
or merely in the transposition of
international politics to the artistic domain
There is no consensus about which manifestations are really considered as part of the ninth
art. Although comic strips and books are figurative sequential expressions by excellence, one
can make the classification more flexible to also
include cartoons and editorial cartoons. Both
are more traditional means of expression of political-related themes, such as Henfils editorial
cartoons during Brazilian military regime, the
satires of Mohammed published in Charlie Hebdo or, almost two centuries ago, the caricatures
of Honor Daumier, including the disparagement of King Louis Phillipe, also in France.
For this reason, throughout his career, the artist tried to dodge criticism, incorporating into
the series issues dear to his age, such as slavery
and human trafficking, multinational oil companies and the arms trade.
The influence of international context
in artistic creation can be explicit, as in The
Adventures of Tintin, but normally the reference to politics and to history is so subtle,
although so palpable, that it goes unnoticed
by most readers. This is the case with Calvin
and Hobbes, curiously called Calvin e Haroldo in Brazil. Bill Wattersons characters are
named after John Calvin and Thomas Hobbes,
and some traces of their personalities refer to
the thinkers. While Calvin has a sophisticated vocabulary and an advanced philosophical
thinking for a six-year old boy, the tiger Hobbes
is more rational and skeptic regarding human
nature, serving, many times, as the boys voice
of conscience.
Another example of subtlety and ingenuity
in making historical references and political
satires through comics is Mafalda, a little girl,
inoffensive at first sight, who would apparently have nothing to do with the international
context. In the strips of this extremely contentious character, whose creation celebrated
50 years in 2014, the comic book artist Quino
included comments on the Argentinean military government, democracy, the bipolarity between socialism and capitalism, the peripheral
underdevelopment of Argentina, and cultural
and ideological dependence on the developed
world. Mafaldas very simplistic solutions to
international problems do not spare States or
international organizations. In one comic strip,
the girl says she will work as an UN interpreter when she grows up, modifying delegates
speeches in such a way that they convey kind
opinions to all sides; only to then despair at
the apocalyptic uncertainty of the Cold War,
by saying that that day would only come if the
world survived a few more decades. In another
strip, when her mother scolds her, she reacts
by saying that she is President and does not
need to respect anybody; the mother then retorts that she, in turn, is the World Bank, the
Paris Club and the International Monetary
Fund. The authors critical acidity before the
subservience of many States to financial and
economic organizations stands to the fore.
181
ter was also part of a political message: Argentina, which had not yet declared war to the Axis,
would be isolated. Z Carioca reinforces Brazilian stereotypes, like the malandro, a roguish,
though endearing, wheeler-dealer, and was very
criticized by the Brazilian ideological Left, but
served the purpose of reinforcing public perception of the existing cooperation ties between
Brazil and the United States.
North-American soft power was not restricted to Walt Disneys characters, but also
involved one of the more wide-known comic
genres, superhero stories. Captain America
was created during the Second World War as
a Yankee bastion in the fight against Nazism,
personified by the Red Skull. Adolf Hitler was
depicted in one story on the receiving end of
one of the heros punches. Years later, during
the Cold War, Soviet characters and groups
were continually portrayed as villains, a way
of reproducing bipolarity in comics and to give
them a Manichean and propagandistic outlook.
The influence of the international scenario
has been permanent in dictating the directions
of superhero comics. The constant changes in
Iron Mans origin story were closely bound
to the military conflicts in which the United
States were involved: originally, to the Korean
War; years later, to the Vietnam War; and, in
the movies, to the War on Terror, in a recurrent attempt to bridge gap between the original
story and the political context associated with
each new generation of readers. In the 1980s,
the first tentative steps of a projected American unipolarity served as the background
to classics such as Watchmen and Batman:
Dark Knight Returns. Recently, the decline of
US hegemony and events such as the War on
Terror have been the political themes most
frequently used by superhero comics industry. The rising tide of islamophobia has been
critically discussed in some titles, and the Patriot Act and the controversies concerning
freedom restrictions have been thoroughly debated through the Civil War between Marvel
Comics superheroes. Nonetheless, the most
evident example of the impact of the transformations in the international scenario may
have been the book The Ultimates. The Ultimates, an alternative version of The Avengers in another reality, would be equivalent to
weapons of mass destruction and advanced
military weaponry. This metahumans, the
Mundo vasto
mundo
The promotion of Brazilian literature
abroad
not only defend Brazils political and commercial interests, but also to present and promote
national culture. Even the talks on Cames
served this purpose for, as he told his Yale audience, It seems natural to talk of Brazil having spoken of The Lusiad, since Brazil and The
Lusiad are Portugals greatest works.
This effort to be an ambassador of our
spirit constitutes one of the essential aspects
of diplomatic work: cultural diplomacy. One
of its most important fields is the promotion
of literature, which is the object of this article
and is currently undergoing a process of revitalization in Brazil.
Why Promote Literature?
According to the Brazilian Book Chamber
(BBC), 750 thousand dollars in printing rights
were sold during Brazils participation in the
2013 Frankfurt Book Fair (the largest in the
world), when the country was chosen as guest
of honor an 82% increase in relation to the
previous year. Dolores Manzano is the executive manager of the Brazil Publishers project, a
partnership between the BBC and APEX-Brasil (the Brazilian Export and Investment Promotion Agency), which aims at promoting the
exportation of Brazilian editorial content, be
it in the form of physical books or publishing
rights. She observes that the internationalization of Brazilian books has been growing
steadily, especially during the last five years.
In 2010, international sales brought in 1.65
million dollars, in 2011, 1.85 million, in 2012, we
reached 2.7 million in printed books and rights
and in 2013 we sold more than 3 million. Few
sectors can boast an increase of more than 60%
in exports in just three years.
Thus, one reason for promoting Brazilian
literature is quite clear: Beyond its other dimensions, culture is also a business a complex, dynamic business that holds immense
potential. In this context, the objectives of literary promotion are the same as with any other
national product, from Marcopolo buses to Havaianas flip-flops. A basic distinction, though,
resides in the fact that a large part of the products value (or its total value, in the case of author rights) is intangible. In the absence of universal and objective criteria for determining a
books quality, there is greater need for exposing the product directly to the public, so it can
judge for itself each books merits.
Councilor Andr Maciel, head of the Cultural Diffusion Division at Itamaraty, points
out that beyond purely economic reasons,
there are others of a more subtle and indirect goals to be pursued by literary promotion. These other reasons are not, however,
in any way less important than economic
interests: they are related to the molding of
Brazils international presence. The perception that international actors hold of Brazil
conditions the countrys appeal for tourists,
immigrants and investors, and limits or expands the countrys international perspectives. And increasingly it is the international
dimension that boosts or slows down internal development.
An interesting aspect of the immaterial
facet of literary promotion is its long-term
returns: a small-scale and local effort can
generate positive effects wholly out of proportion with its humble beginnings. An example of this is the case of Monteiro Lobatos
books in Argentina. After the authors childrens books underwent a boom in sales in
Brazil in the thirties, an Argentinian friend
promoted their translation to Spanish, and
attained great success in the following decades. After a period of editorial stagnation
starting in the 1980s, in 2010 a new collection of Lobatos books was launched by initiative of the Brazilian Embassy in Buenos
Aires. The first volume, Las Travesuras de
Naricita, brings an enthusiastic preface by
Christina Kirchner, making it probably the
only childrens book prefaced by a Head of
State. The Argentinian president, like uncountable Brazilians, spent her childhood
immersed in Lobatos world.
Cases such as these illustrate the potential literature has for providing new depth
and diversity to the perception foreigners
have of Brazil. Each reading of a Brazilian
author, be it Guimares Rosas classics or
Thalita Rebouas teen novels, adds a new
layer of complexity, interest and sympathy
for the country in all sectors of foreign society, from executives, investors and media
personalities to the common citizen who, as
a consumer and elector, also helps in shaping
Brazils perspectives. The efforts of cultural
diplomacy, however, encounter persistent
resistance in the form of prejudices and stereotypes.
183
motion.
Cultural Sections showcase national cultural production on a permanent basis. They
act directly in the diffusion of Brazilian literature, editing, promoting or subsidizing
the edition of books, such as the re-edition of
Las Travesuras de Naricita, which occurred
through intermediation of the Brazilian Embassy in Buenos Aires. Cultural Section initiatives are as varied as translating Barren Lives,
by Graciliano Ramos, to Greek or Family Ties,
by Clarice Lispector, to Bulgarian.
Another valuable instrument at the MREs
disposal are the Cultural Institutes, present in
most South American capitals. Their activities
are focused on teaching subjects related to
Brazilian culture, history and society and, especially Portuguese language classes. During
the 2015 presidential inauguration, Chilean
president Michelle Bachelet sang along to the
Brazilian national anthem. Asked about the
gesture, she answered that she acquired her
knowledge of Portuguese and her sympathy
for Brazil at the age of 15, when she studied at
the Brazil-Chile Cultural Institute, in Santiago.
Cultural Sections and Cultural Institutes
can be understood as the eyes and hands of Itamaraty in the cultural field: they can evaluate
the local environment, identify opportunities,
establish contacts and executed planned actions. In its turn, the Cultural Department, in
the Ministrys offices in Braslia, handles more
in-depth and long-term planning, as well as coordinating different lines of action taken worldwide. In some occasions it is also the MRE that
coordinates Brazils participation in literary
fairs, such as the Gothemburg Book Fair.
In the Ministry of Culture (MinC), literary
promotion duties are divided mainly between
the National Library Foundation (FBN) and
the Directorship of Books, Reading, Literature
and Libraries (DLLLB). The FBN, a public law
foundation attached to the MinC, is responsible for the program that is possibly the cornerstone of the current process of internationalization of Brazilian Literature: the Program
for Support of Translation and Publishing of
Brazilian Authors Abroad. The program encourages, through grants, the translation and
publishing of Brazilian authors, the presence
of Brazilian authors at international events
and the residency of foreign translators in Brazil. Moema Salgado, Director of the Center of
Cooperation and Diffusion of the FBN, highlights the importance of translators for literary promotion: many times [translators] play
the part of literary agents, for they fall in love
with their texts and seek out editors to publish
them. That is why its so important to support
and value the foreign translators work.
Another important duty that normally
falls to MinC is organizing the Brazilian participation in literary fairs abroad. Until the approval of Decree 8.287, in 2014, FBN handled
this task, which then passed into the hands
of DLLLB. To be in the spotlight in events of
this magnitude is not a trivial operation, be it
in relation to costs or logistics - it involves designing an attractive, informative and dynamic space, content curatorship, the selection of
participating writers and numerous other details, from lighting to compliance with local
fire prevention laws.
Jefferson Assumpo, director of the
DLLLB, observes that Brazil has been the
guest of honor in many recent international
fairs of great visibility. At the same time, we
have been learning the best way to participate.
Now the idea is to have leaner delegations and
a more strategic curatorship. In Paris, it was
very important to select only authors already
translated into French. They have something
to show to the public and end up boosting other authors sales.
Finally, mention must be made of the private sector, which involves agents essential
to any literary promotion initiative. Besides
authors, editors and literary agents, there are
important entities that perform services that
go from workforce preparation to establishing
contacts abroad, helping out at fairs, editing
magazines and compiling databases. The already mentioned Brazilian Publishers, for example, encourages the export of Brazilian editorial content, working directly with Brazilian
publishers and their foreign counterparts. Dolores Manzano, who leads the project, believes
that the initiative is changing the profile of
Brazilian publishers abroad: they are becoming more than just buyers in the international
market and becoming providers of content.
This article has presented the main features of literary promotion in Brazil, aiming
at furthering knowledge, debate and the improvement of these policies. Its central objective has been to argue hopefully in a convinc-
185
Cora Coralina,
who are you?
The life and work of the poet from
Gois as reflections of a still unfinished
interiorization process in Brazil
Brazilian Classical
Music for Export
Why and how to diversify Brazilian musical
exports
187
If it is so in Brazil, it is difficult to expect anything different abroad. But are there reasons
for trying to change this? And how to do it?
Before examining the promotion of Brazilian music abroad, it is necessary to discuss
its identity, what are the features that define
it. The characterization of classical music
produced in Brazil as truly national was a recurrent issue, at least since Modernism, when
it was dogmatically advocated that it should
integrate folklore elements with this aim. The
result was a music for export bearing a Made
in Brazil stamp, the greatest example of which
may be the success of Villa-Lobos in France.
And even so, Brazilian classical music hasnt
succeeded in exiting the exotic category and
consolidating itself in the international classical repertoire. I talked about this with Brazilian conductor John Neschling, who was head
of the So Paulo State Symphony Orchestra
(Osesp) for years and is the now artistic director of the So Paulo Municipal Theater. Asked
if the inclusion of folklore elements in a great
part of the Brazilian repertoire tends to be an
obstacle to it being considered, say, serious
classical music, he answered no. If you consider Bartk, for instance or even Brahms ,
who was much influenced by Hungarian folklore, his music is not considered to be lesser
because of that. [] What we lack is a Brazilian
cultural lobby, a strong cultural policy. In the
cases of Csar Franck, in Belgium, and Sibelius,
in Finland, there is a lobby, a policy that promotes these composers. And they are in no way
better or worse than Villa-Lobos.
However, when one speaks of cultural
promotion of Brazil abroad, classical music is
rarely remembered. It is difficult to justify to
a great part of the population the convenience
and the merit of investing in this. In a conversation with the diplomat Wellington Bujokas,
an enthusiast of the promotion of Brazilian
classical music abroad and responsible for
projects in this area, he observed that a typical argument used to belittle this line of work
is that it is a style borrowed from Europe, a
musical genre with no roots in Brazil. Now,
how could we ignore the European heritage
ingrained in Brazil? Would anyone think that
our literature does not have deep roots in the
European tradition? Back to music, a classical
repertoire has been systematically produced in
Brazil since the 18th century. Even if it is root-
mean forgetting the image imprinted by Brazilian popular music, but diversifying musical
exports, showing our culture from a perspective other than the usual one and seeking to
increase the Brazilian participation on the international scenario in a musical style that has
much potential for growth and an enormous
potential audience. J
From Frevo to
Jazz
Portuguese version page 96
189
INTERVIEWS
INTERVIEWS
Dimensions of
a Diplomacy of
Results: Interview
with Brazilian
Minister of
Foreign Affairs,
Ambassador
Mauro Vieira
Portuguese version page 110
JUCA: The 8th edition of the JUCA magazine analyses the 70th anniversary of the
United Nations. How do you evaluate the
importance of Brazil in the agenda of the
aforementioned organization?
Minister: Brazil is an actor of utmost importance. Our voice is heard and respected in the
international scene and it has been like that
since the foundation of the UN, when we almost became permanent members of the Security Council. Therefore, 70 years ago, we
already were a country able to act in the first
circle of power. As time went by, our presence
became even more important in every international forum. It is relevant to stress that,
although there may be nuances, the principles
which guide our foreign policy are permanent:
the defense of peace and multilateralism, the
pacific settlement of disputes and non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries. Moreover, we have sought to give our
contribution as an open society, both multiethnic and multicultural.
The foreign policy of President Dilma`s
government is based not only on the principles that I have mentioned, but also on a presence of Brazil in the international multilateral
fora as well as on the opening of new markets
for our products and services. It is a foreign
policy that has an important commercial component, always associated with an intense
diplomatic engagement. In this sense, we are
always going to defend fundamental principles in the United Nations, such as the reform
of some of its organs, especially the Security
Council.
We also defend the reform of the Bretton
Woods system. There is a concentration of the
decision-making power in countries that had
the global power at the end of World War II.
The Monetary Fund, for instance, needs to be
updated, so that emergent countries can have
more power in the decision-making process
and greater participation in the institution`s
process of capitalization. A greater presence of
emergent countries is also important to correct
unbalances, including the distribution of chairs
in the IMF`s executive board. Furthermore,
there are important regional mechanisms,
such as the Interamerican Bank, the BRICS development bank and the Asian Infrastructure
Investment Bank, of which we are founding
members. These institutional arrangements,
which are a new contribution from emerging
countries, do not exist to replace the Bretton
Woods Institutions, they are complementary
initiatives.
191
INTERVIEWS
JUCA: In your inauguration speech in January 2nd 2015, you mentioned a Diplomacy
of Results measured with numbers. Some
press vehicles and analysts interpreted this
phrase in diverse forms, especially associating it with an emphasis on commercial diplomacy. What is a diplomacy of results and
how presidential diplomacy fits it?
Minister: A diplomacy of results is a diplomacy of conquests, of facts. This does not mean
that it is only commercial. Trade diplomacy
is also important, but it is not everything. A
diplomacy of results is a diplomacy in which
conquests are made, in which we can find new
facts: important stances defended by Brazil regarding climate change, for instance. We can
also mention Brazilian initiatives in the area of
regional integration. Here, I refer to UNASUR,
CELAC and the strengthening and deepening
of MERCOSUR. ALADI has an eminently commercial purpose. MERCOSUR, besides trade,
is also a project of infrastructure, political,
customs, social and cultural integration. It is a
broader project. That is what I see as a diplomacy of results. Diplomacy is something patiently built. You build the results through the
overlapping of conquests. None of the mechanisms of integration and coordination which I
have mentioned came out of the blue.
Presidential diplomacy, which is a fact in
modern diplomatic life, is of utmost importance. A great expert in the subject is the Secretary-General [Ambassador Srgio Danese],
who, by the way, wrote a book on that theme.
The importance of presidential diplomacy is
evinced, for instance, by the participation of
President Dilma in diverse international meetings, such as the MERCOSUR, UNASUR, the
WTO meetings and the UN General Assembly. This is fundamental. Currently, Presidents
travel more to bilateral meetings and take part
more frequently in multilateral events,, such
as the recent Summit of the Americas, which
occurred in Panama City. Nonetheless, it is important to notice that presidential diplomacy is
a recent phenomenon. It was only after the late
1970s that the heads of state started to massively attend the sessions of the General Assembly.
JUCA: Results in diplomacy must be assessed in the short and long terms. How
can Itamaraty improve its accountability to
the Brazilian society, as well as promoting
in the press a better understanding of our
foreign policy?
JUCA: When Brazil put forward the concept of responsibility while protecting
(RWP), scholars included Brazil among
the restrict group of normative entrepreneurs. In your opinion, in foreign policy,
creativity and professionalism depend on
material resources?
Minister: For a country such as Brazil, with
multiple interests in every area, creativity is a
very important asset and, to be creative, it is
necessary to have a society as ours: great, diverse and multiethnic. This diversity makes the
Brazilian a creative being. However, evidently,
creativity must be systematized and, for that,
INTERVIEWS
Minister: It is essential. If we did not have recently admitted diplomats, the career would
not survive. I hope that, in 29 or 30 years, you
will be giving a similar interview to the JUCA
magazine, which I hope will continue to exist.
I think that the diplomatic career should be
seen as a vocation. Me, myself, I did the exam
because it was clear to me that it was my vocation. Now, it is a career of sacrifices, with constant changes (which take families from one
place to the other every now and then), what
imposes an enormous necessity of adaption.
People have that vision of glamorous diplomats,
but this does not reflect reality anymore. Only
a minority will live in the big European cities.
Nowadays, the most delicate posts are much
more numerous and much more important.
Generally, life conditions are not always the
best in these very posts. Diplomacy is not the
easiest career neither the most comfortable,
but I do not regret, even for a minute, of having chosen it. It is important to stress that the
renovation that we have had with the recent
groups of diplomats trained in the Rio Branco
Institute. Over the last 70 years, the Institue
trained 70 groups of diplomats, a fact that testifies that we have a system of recruitment stable
and regular. Renovation, indispensable in any
career, is for us essential and, precisely for that,
we must recognize and stress the importance
of the Rio Branco Institute to our diplomacy.
193
INTERVIEWS
In the Ministry
of Defense I had
to be a diplomat.
In the Foreign
Ministry I could
be warrior:
Interview with
Ambassador Celso
Amorim
Portuguese version page 116
South American integration, or that of our relationship with Africa. The explanation for this
closeness is that, somehow, defense policy and
foreign policy are mainly targeted at keeping
peace. We foster peace while defending our interests. We have a great weight in our region,
and by promoting integration we stimulate
peaceful relationships. The same applies, more
broadly, to the west coast of Africa. I always
sought cooperation with Africa while I was
Foreign Minister, but it was not only a foreign
policy goal, but also a defense policy one. If
you have a good relationship with neighboring countries, the need to be prepared for war
does not decrease, but efforts can be harnessed
for real threats. To varying degrees, this also
applies to other situations. The diversification of partnerships has been a foreign policy
goal, because it reduces dependence and creates greater opportunities for Brazil to act,
both politically and economically. But this is
also a purpose of defense policy, for one who
has more sources of technology or of obtaining means for defense can more easily ward
off threats. Moreover, as in any industry, our
defense industry benefits significantly from
the international market. Here diversification
is also very important. Embraer has just delivered the first Super Tucano for the US Air
Force, and at the same time we are looking to
sell things to Azerbaijan and to some African
countries. We can say the same for technology: we will make aircrafts with Sweden; we
will make submarines with France; we want to
build anti-aircraft artillery with Russia, and so
on. Foreign and defense policies are also complementary in this aspect.
On the White Books, I have never reflected
on the White Book on Foreign Policy. During
my time at Itamaraty, we organized several
debates with society, especially academics, at
a time of great increase in the number of International Relations schools in Brazil. All the
Itamaratys high staff was involved. To my
knowledge, I was the first [Brazilian] diplomat
to lead entrepreneurs to an important multilateral meeting at the end of the Uruguay Round
in 1994. Later the business aspect grew a lot,
under the Fernando Henrique. Then, with
Lula, I had a very strong interaction with civil
society organizations. We were not writing a
White Book, but we were giving the elements
of transparency, which is the essence of White
INTERVIEWS
Books. In both cases the White Books of defense and foreign policy , I think there is a
coincidence of objectives, which is transparency for Brazilian society: to know how the government is spending or is not spending, but
should be. And there is also, especially in the
case of defense, a process of confidence building, especially with our neighbors.
JUCA: As the UN turns 70, there are significant initiatives that try to bypass multilateral fora, be it in the realm of peace and
security, of trade or finance (ex. the BRICS
development bank). Do you believe such
initiatives damage multilateralism or push
for global governance reform?
Amorim: Initiatives such as the Bank of the
BRICS are common, particularly in regional areas. They provide greater freedom for
countries, which then have more options, but
they do not transform the international order.
The use of force without a UNSC mandate is,
however, very worrying. Even acknowledging
that military action against the Islamic State
was supported by Iraq and other countries in
the region, the legitimation by the UNSC is indispensable. And possibly a resolution would
be approved, since everyone is against what
is happening. The UNSC not only needs to be
reformed, but also must involve all relevant ac-
195
INTERVIEWS
Economy
and Regional
Integration:
Interview with
Ambassador
Alfredo Toro
Hardy
Portuguese version page 120
INTERVIEWS
UNASUL, the ALADI, the Andean Community of Nations an the ALBA. In your view, how
should the countries of the region ideally orient themselves among so many initiatives?
Alfredo: As a starting point, it is important to
highlight that the institutions and mechanisms
of regional and sub-regional integration are increasingly important, for two reasons. Firstly,
because these raise our level of international dialogue. Together, we have the capacity to combine our force, therefore our global positioning.
Secondly, because, at a moment when the supply chains and intensive labour of Asia are leaving our economies bereft of capacity to respond,
it becomes necessary to deploy a protection buffer. Thanks to the existing integration mechanisms, our manufactures find, in Latin America,
a market that, for the majority of the countries
of the region, was lost in other parts of world.
Latin America can act as a whole or as parts
of the whole, in relation to integration. It is evident that the whole involves greater negotiating
and dialoguing capacities in facing third parties
and provides broader markets for our countries. However, this entails at the same time far
greater heterogeneity regarding interests and
positions. The choice is, therefore, between
broadening further, but diluting forces, or else
concentrating efforts, encompassing fewer nations. The diversity of regional and sub-regional
organs to which you make reference allows the
option between one and the other, as a function
of our concrete interests and based on each
specific situation. In these circumstances, the
CELAC constitutes a useful channel to make a
greater joint power felt in relation to China, in
the same manner that the UNASUL provides an
appropriate geographical outline for us South
Americans to express ourselves on issues that
are of our concern. And so on in succession.
In the end, it is a matter concentric circles that
converge toward the same direction.
JUCA: In Singapore, there is great emphasis toward creating a good environment for
businesses, strict compliance with market
norms, and constant expansion of the freetrade agreements. Running parallel to these
liberalised characteristics, the government
was capable of ensuring one of the best educational systems of the world for its youth,
of providing housing to virtually all of its
citizens and of offering basic medical care
and social welfare for almost the entire
population. How do you see this Singaporean combination? Does Singapore challenge the traditional divisions of left and
right spectrums?
Alfredo: The question appears to me to be
most crucial and I share the premise implied
by it: in Singapore, the traditional approaches
upheld by the left and the right appear to have
no precise outlines. This is part of the pragmatism to which the previous question referred
to. Nevertheless, I would take the approach
even further, since the traditional distinctions
197
INTERVIEWS
DIPLOMATIC MEMORY
DIPLOMATIC MEMORY
Gilberto
Chateaubriand,
Student of Rio
Branco Institutes
First Class
Portuguese version page 124
to call him his colleague in class and finished the Rio Branco course in first place.
Chateaubriand then spoke about his teachers. The course was experimental, he recalls.
We were the guinea pigs. We had a Geography teacher, a German, Hildberg Steinberg,
who tested us as if we were Geographers. He
applied a test on the harvest of Brazilian nuts
in the Amazon, and all 27 students were failed.
We had classes of Italian. The teacher, Marcella Mortara, was the daughter of Giorgio Mortara, one of the men who created the Getlio
Vargas Foundation (FGV). He also recalled
his International Law teachers - the renowned
lawyer Hildebrando Accioly, first director of
the Rio Branco Institute and patron of Chateaubriands class - and his Diplomatic History
teacher, Lafayette Carvalho e Silva. However,
none would have marked the young diplomats
as much as Afonso Arinos, who taught Constitutional Law and History of Brazil.
Notwithstanding the friendships forged at
the Institute, the first years of Gilberto Chateaubriands career were some of the toughest.
I felt I had a vocation, but my father did not
want me to be a diplomat at all. For him, it was
a career of imbeciles, which is odd because
he was friends with several Ambassadors and
eventually himself became the Brazilian Ambassador in London. He did not speak to me
for two years after I passed the exam. He, an
oligarch from Paraba, would not accept disobedience from a child.
Despite the difficult relationship with his
father about whom he speaks little the
young diplomat was positively affected by
the beginning of his career. Working at the
so-called Economic Division in the Foreign
Ministry, he participated in some of the first
GATT negotiations. Furthermore, his colleagues in that division especially his boss,
who liked everything but economics sharpened Chateaubriands interest for visual arts.
In the early 1950s, he met the painter Jos
Pancetti, who gave him what would be the first
piece of his collection, Itapu landscape .
Working at the Foreign Ministry between
1945 and 1968 when he resigned and went on
to take care of his fathers inventory Gilberto Chateaubriand has known the greatest exponents of Brazilian diplomacy in the last 70
years. San Tiago Dantas? A genius, a great person. Arajo Castro? Great companion, a cul-
199
DIPLOMATIC MEMORY
Czechoslovak, borders, thousands of East Germans managed to flee the country. Tension escalated to a point in which a still-controversial
order to the GDR border police sparked a profound change in a generations-old reality.
The winds of change altered lives throughout the region. Westward trips became possible
to an extent that obsolete Trabant cars could
be seen even in Bonn, hundreds of kilometers
from the ill-fated Inner German Border.
The now-Ambassador Roberto Colin lived
such changes in the Soviet Union. The lack of
supplies and the bureaucracy in shopping were
at odds with hard-currency accepting stores,
in a reality close to that of the Germans. Before
the change, for one to purchase anything, filling
forms and making reservations was the norm,
from booking a hotel room to buying a kilo of
potatoes. Notes Verbales kindly asked authorities
not to refuse the kindness of supplying goods.
Real change started slowly. By 1988, places
such as Izmailovo Park displayed a new world,
with small salesmen and artists selling goods
and ideas. All services for diplomats were still
regulated and they were required to live in specific and isolated neighborhoods.
After the 1991 coup attempt, change picked
up pace. Without any sort of democratic referendum, monuments were torn down and
streets renamed in what ultimately caused the
then-unthinkable end of the country.
The change could be noticed by the posting of Brazilian diplomats in the region. The
Embassy to East Berlin had to change its perspectives. It was within this framework that
the now Ambassador Marcel Biato arrived at
the GDRs capital, mid-1990.
Biatos arrival itself was still overcast by
the Cold Wars shadows. There were no direct
flights connecting both Germanys; in order to
land in the Eastern capital, a stop in Stockholm
had to be made.
Back then, the GDR was already a shadow
of its former self. Even if the ever-present Volkspolizei still caused certain fear and even if
Stasi bugs were everywhere to be found, there
was a feeling of governmental implosion.
The countrys collapse did not stop authorities from trying to keep a faade of control.
Routine checks and bureaucracy in all aspects
of life lingered on. Migrating from one side of
Berlin to the other was not an easy task.
Measures taken by West Germany to welcome
DIPLOMATIC MEMORY
Behind the
Scenes:
ghostwriters
in the Brazilian
Ministry of
External Relations
Portuguese version page 130
201
DIPLOMATIC MEMORY
DIPLOMATIC MEMORY
sions and Departments, especially the Department of Diplomatic Planning. When this long
peer-reviewing process comes to an end, the
text will finally get to the Minister of External
Relations hands or even into the hands of the
President herself, an occasion on which it can
be amended once again. Currently, the ministries of Foreign Affairs in different countries
publish a plethora of speeches, official statements, articles and other sort of texts in a daily
basis. Consequently, the amount of work has
increased a great deal. Furthermore, due to the
dynamics of mass media and social networks,
government agencies have to respond to public opinion very quickly by publishing all kinds
of written texts in the shortest time possible.
Therein lies the greatest ghostwriters challenge: being able to think thoroughly and profoundly on a given topic to compose a speech
that evades the trap of superficiality and is effective as a communication tool.
The proficuous work of diplomats who have
also excelled at ghostwriting speeches is coherent with Itamaratys longstanding tradition of
valuing and perfecting Brazilian diplomatic discourse. It is for the new and future generations
to drink from the source of our predecessors
to make sure Brazils voice is always projected
loud and clear on the world stage. J
Albert Camus in
Brazil
In 1949, the famous French writer
disembarked in Rio de Janeiro for a
historical visit.
203
travel journal.
On his way to Iguap, Camus ranges over
immense stretches of wild country one exception is the town of Registro, where the writer is surprised to find a Japanese settlement
in Brazil and reaches the conclusion: Its
a huge space, uninhabited, devoid of culture.
The terrible solitude of this unbound nature
tells much about this country.
In a certain way, the trip to Iguap and the
discovery of this abandoned hinterland cause
Camus to summarize his conclusions about the
paradoxical land he was acquainting himself
with:
A land where the seasons are undifferentiated; where the impenetrable vegetation becomes formless; where the bloods mix to the
point the soul has exceeded its limits. A plodding surf, the greenish light of the forests, the
red dust varnish covering all things, the melting time, the slowness of country life, the brief
and meaningless excitement of the big cities
its the country of indifference and frenzy. The
skyscraper is pointless, it still hasnt been able
to defeat the spirit of the forest, the vastness,
the melancholy. The samba songs, the true
ones, express best what I mean.
Although streaked with poetic flights, it
is undeniable that Camuss words manage to
capture chief aspects of Brazilian society. His
eye did not fail to discern the existence of our
hinterlands, culture-devoid islands, poverty
patches prey to their fate amidst the devastating nature.
Neither did the contrast formed between
those forlorn backwaters and the terrifying
and modernising Brazilian metropolises escape his attention. As stated by the biographer
Olivier Todd, what Camus saw in Brazil and
the remaining South American cities was
the coming into being of what later, in the
1960s and 1970s, would be known as the Third
World: underdeveloped portions of the globe,
yet in rapid and reckless growth, where massive, chaotic and overpopulated cities bloomed
with a poor and backward population.
More than anything, in his travel across
Brazil Camus observed the existence of potential social conflicts in so unequal a society
and foretold, as mentioned, that this poverty-stricken people would once emerge, wielding spears, break free from its isolation and
proceed to the dance of victory.
What Kissinger
Does Not Say
Portuguese version page 139
205
a world system that gained worldwide prevalence and consolidated the Westphalian order
of states. It is precisely this system, however,
that is now being challenged from every side.
Faced with the threat of jihadism and the rise
of China and other revisionist emerging players (Iran, Russia, and India), the current system, based on a Western set of values, is clearly proving to be insufficient to accommodate
such distinct interests.
In this context, it is critical to reach a new
balance of power. Kissinger regrets that Europe, bound to an idea of supranational entity (the European Union), does not contribute
more incisively to attain this balance. Similarly,
he is concerned that the Unites States, the sole
superpower, hesitates to act as the systems arbitrator, especially in regard to China, in a moment where delicate balances of power emerge
in Asia (involving China, India, and Japan)
without a player acting as a stabilizing factor,
such as the United Kingdom did in the eighteenth century.
Amidst the chaos he identifies, Kissinger
acknowledges the necessity of building a truly
world order that takes into account the incompatible interests of both traditional (mainly
the United States) and emerging powers. The
problem is that he seems to be unable to consider seriously the desires of the new players.
Thus, he concedes that the collective security system by the United Nations does not
work satisfactorily, but he fails to appreciate
any attempt at reform proposed by emerging
nations. In a similar fashion, although he dedicates a whole chapter to alerting about the
dangers of nuclear proliferation, he limits himself to repeating the self-indulgent discourse of
the United States about the theme. The obligations of the traditional nuclear powers under
the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons (NPT) are not mentioned.
The role of the emerging countries in the
international system is not in the center of
Kissingers concerns, as may be exemplified by
the treatment the ex-Secretary of State gives to
the Iranian issue. When addressing the harsh
negotiations undertaken by the West with
Iran, he highlights the agreements of 2004,
2005, and 2009, but fails to mention the sole
successful attempt at intermediation: the one
led by Brazil and Turkey in 2010, which resulted in the Tehran Declaration.
207
In the same way intimate and public interaction form two opposite poles in the short stories action, solitude and dialogue form an antithesis that underlies most his stories. In some
of them, the streets are a place of relief where,
free from the pressures and obligations of work
and family, his characters can lose themselves
in anonymity or seek out relationships they can
build on their own terms. In other stories, this
suburban setting is uncomfortable and even
threatening, for it is also unknown, unpredictable. Domestic interaction, in its turn, is characterized as complex and trying. There exists
a heavy burden of expectations, prejudices,
cultural and religious heritage, subterranean
resentments and mutual incomprehension that
hampers or even compromises communication,
especially between generations.
In Albert Camus play Caligula, the title
character asks one of his opponents: Do you
think, Cherea, that its possible for two men of
much the same temperament and equal pride
to talk to each other with complete frankness
if only once in their lives? Can they strip themselves naked, so to speak, and shed their prejudices, their private interests, the lies by which
they live? This is, I believe, the question that
moves much of what Rawet wrote: his characters (and possibly, through them, the author)
seek, in many ways, to establish some sort of
connection, of dialogue, and escape their fundamental loneliness.
In Camus play, Chereas answer is a hard
one: I think its possible, Caius. But I judge
you incapable of it. The same verdict seems
to apply to Rawets characters. Only rarely can
they establish genuine and unobstructed contact among themselves.
Rawets essays, which comprise the other
half of his oeuvre, ate also vigorous and original, although not as compelling as his short
stories. Rawet writes in an extremely informal
manner, making use of a highly peculiar vocabulary. His ideas are as varied as his intellectual references, and he explores a wide range of
topics, from James Joyces theatres to the seedy
bars in the shantytowns near Braslia or metaphysics. There are a few constants, though, the
most recurring being his preoccupation with
ethics. Rawet rejects great structures that try
to systematize or codify human behavior, reserving particular scorn for religion, Marxism
and psychoanalysis. He feels that if there is
The Sleepwalkers
of Destruction
Christopher Clark explains how the
European superpowers unconsciously
triggered World War I
ISSN 1984-6800
diplomacy &
humanities
N082015
English version
pages 145 to 208.
Instituto
Rio Branco
JUCA
JUCA
DIPLOMACIA E HUMANIDADES
2015
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