Sources of influence on Johann Mattheson's ideas on Musical Expression

2008 Helen Kin Hoi Wong

Everything [in music] that occurs without praiseworthy Affections, is nothing, does nothing, is worth
nothing. (Johann Mattheson (1681-1764), Der vollkommene Capellmeister, 1739, 146)

However one defines the mathematical relationships of sounds and their qualities, no real connection
with the passions of the soul can ever be drawn from this alone. For besides natural science and pure
philosophy, other arts are needed here, moral and rhetorical relationships. (Johann Mattheson, Der
vollkommene Capellmeister, 1739, 50)

Although Johann Mattheson never attempted to construct a Doctrine of the Affections

(Affektenlehre) or a standardized code for musical composition for the purpose of expressing
the Affections, there is no doubt that Mattheson was, in comparison with writers on music
before and in his own time, the clearest exponent of ideas on musical expression. 1
Throughout his influential Der vollkommene Capellmeister, the identification of the
Affections in music became the crucial element in the delineation of his philosophical ideals.
According to Mattheson, the aesthetic aim of all kinds of musical practices, whether dealing
with text setting, instrumentation, writing in a particular dance movement or performing a
song, etc., was to arouse the Affects in the listener. To Mattheson, music was first and
foremost an expressive, sensuous art. The ear determined all aspects of musical qualities, and
no rules can contradict the sense. Yet music, to be understood and appreciated on an

According to Buelow, no 18th-century theorist other than Mattheson ever used the term Affektenlehre, and
Mattheson used it only three times: once in Critica Musica II, p. 324 (1722), once in Musicalischer Patriot III
(1728), and once in Der vollkommene Capellmeister I, iii; in each case, the reference was to Descartes's study of
the human Passions. While Mattheson put much more emphasis on developing a rationalized framework for
musical expression and composition, there is no evidence to suggest that he attempted to postulate a universal
doctrine of the Affections.

intellectual and ethical level, was also a rational art. Holding that the prime, established
bases of music lie in physics or natural science, Mattheson believed that to be moved by
music is to understand music. To better understand the manifold of his musical ideals, this
paper will present some major sources of influence on Mattheson's ideas on the Affections.
Contributive ideas from his predecessors and contemporaries will be discussed to provide a
historical account of Matthesons musical thoughts. In the end, I will discuss uniqueness of
the nature of Mattheson's ideas about musical expression that was to become an aesthetic
foundation of the late eighteenth century.

Before beginning the discussion of Matthesons sources of influence on his ideas on

musical expression, it is necessary to understand the historical accounts of the usage of
Affection and Passion. While the two terms were used synonymously in Matthesons time
to signify a a rationalized emotional state, they carry subtle contrast in terms of philosophical
orientation (i.e., ethical vs. rational). The word Affection is rooted in the Latin verb adficere,
meaning to influence or to put someone in a certain state. Originally it was a translation of the
Greek pathos, to which philosophers and moralists of antiquity generally refer for ethical
purposes. Aristotle, in his icomachean Ethics, states that the human soul is conditioned by
desire, anger, fear, daring, envy, gratification, friendliness, hatred, longing, jealousy, pity
and in general all states of mind that are attended by pleasure and pain. For him, the
important thing is to be affected by these feelings at the right moment for legitimate reasons.
The word Passion derives from the Latin passio, signifying suffering or agony. In the High
German of the Middle Ages the borrowed Latin word passio referred to the history of Christ's
suffering. This can be seen in the tradition of Christ's Passion being set to music well into the
eighteenth century. In the latter part of the seventeenth century, the primacy of this religious
meaning began to decline. In Antoine Furetires Universal Dictionary of 1690, Passion

was redefined in a physical term as a natural body relative to and opposed to an action, or
one that suffers the intervention of an agent.2 It is only in the context of this second
definition of Passion as physical suffering, that the original Christological meaning was
found. This redefinition of passion in terms of physical action and rational agency was based
on Rene Descartes's (1596-1950) rationalist account in his Les passions de lme (Paris and
Amesterdam, 1649), which will be later discussed.

Standing on the crossroads of stylistic influences of the 17th and 18th centuries,
Mattheson was preoccupied with the question of musical expression throughout his life. His
concern with the Affections was explicit in his first musical treatise Das neu-eroffnete
Orchestre of 1713 (part III, chapter II), where he ascribed affective characteristics to each of
seventeen major and minor keys.3 In his Das forschende Orchestre of 1721, he examined the
Affections in the context of sense and experience, and identified the sense of hearing as the
most powerful of all the senses since through hearing, the mind and its Affections are most
powerfully aroused.4 Mattheson's discussion of the Affections in Critica Musica (a series of
periodical issued by Mattheson between 1722 and 1725) was even more elaborate. To
Mattheson, melody was the primary carrier of the Affections and excessive counterpoint
lessened affective impact. With respect to dense polyphonic writing, Mattheson commented
that the combination of four or more melodies confuse, darken, glue-up the main point, the

Dalia Judovitz, Spiritual Passion and the Betrayal of Painting in Georges de la Tour, in Representing
Emotions: ew Connections in the Histories of Art, Music and Medicine (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), 109.
3
Many theorists, beginning in the Renaissance with the revived interest in Greek concepts of ethos, had
attempted to define keys according to specific affects. Glareanus (Dodecachordon, 1547) was one of the first to
define the twelve modes according to their affection, and Zarlino (Istitutioni Harmoniche, 1558) suggested
similar affective power for the modes. Mersenne (Harmonie Universelle, 1636), Kircher (Mursurgia Universalis,
1650) and Werckmeister (Harmonologica Musica 1702) all attribute Affections to keys, but the most
comprehensive catalogue of key Affections appears in Johann Matthesons first published treatise, Das
eu-erffnete Orchestre (1713), part III, chapter II." (George J. Buelow, Thorough-bass accompaniment
according to Johann David Heinichen (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), 284.)
4
Donald Roy Boomgaarden, Musical Thought in Britain and Germany During the Early Eighteenth Century
(Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms International, 1989), 99.)
3

main modulation, and the affection.5

While the above works contain partial statements of Mattheson's musical thoughts, his
philosophical framework on musical expression and theoretical concepts was best developed
and completely stated in Der vollkommence Capellmeister (Hamburg, 1739). An encyclopedic
work presenting a vast array of facts covering fundamental historical and rudimentary matters
of performance and the craft of composition, the Capellmeister was designed for the training
of every Kapellmeister (i.e. musical director in a church, municipal or court musical
establishment.) In the chapter entitle On the Things which One Must Learn Beforehand and
Take as a Foundation before Proceeding to the Matter Itself, Mattheson defined Music is
the science and the art of cleverly arranging, correctly combining, and delightfully performing
both artful and pleasant sounds, so that the glory of God and all virtues are furthered through
their euphony.6 This definition reflected a diversified approach to the understanding of
music. Mattheson postulated a system of four kinds of musical functions, and hence four
discrete areas of study: (1) the "natural" - the domain of acoustics (the phenomenal basis of
sound); (2) the "moral" - the domain of affect and style (the particular psychology of music);
(3) the "rhetorical" - the domain wherein are studied the performative and grammatical
aspects of musical composition; and (4) the "mathematical" - the traditional theorization of
musical material, 7 and argued that these areas were to be studied for the purpose of
expressing the Affections, since everything [in music] that occurs without praiseworthy
Affections, is nothing, does nothing, is worth nothing.8

Reacting against the practice of the traditional Lutheran Cantorei which emphasized the

Ibid., 113.
Johann Mattheson, Johann Mattheson's Der Vollkommene Capellmeister: A Revised Translation with Critical
Commentary, translated by Ernest C. Harriss (Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research Press, 1981), 88.
7
Leslie Blasius, Mapping the Terrain, in The Cambridge History of Western Music Theory, edited by Thomas
Christensen (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 37.
8
Capellmeister, 146.
6

mathematical understanding of music for the purpose of musical expression, Mattheson

argued that however one defines the mathematical relationships of sounds and their qualities,
no real connection with the passions of the soul can ever be drawn from this alone.9 With
respect to musical judements, Mattheson asserted the primacy of sensus, and in particular
indentified the sense of hearing as the most powerful of all the senses. Matthesons belief in
the empirical nature of music, as best represented by his statement Mathematics is a human
skill; nature, however, is a divine force,10 is constructed on the empirical theory of the
English philosopher John Locke (1632-1704). According to Locke's Essay Concerning
Human Understanding of 1689 (of which Mattheson gave a German translation,) the human
mind is a blank slate (tabula rasa) waiting to receive the imprint of experience; knowledge
is attained only through experience - and experience in turn is obtained by the exercise of our
senses and that which is discovered by means of the senses.11 Locke identified sound as one
of the many simple modes of simple ideas of sensation where hearing is the sense by which
ideas are received into the mind:

The like variety have we in sounds. Every articulate word is a different modification of sound; by which
we see that, from the sense of hearing, by such modifications, the mind may be furnished with distinct
ideas, to almost an infinite number. Sounds also, besides the distinct cries of birds and beasts, are
modified by diversity of notes of different length put together, which make that complex idea called a
tune, which a musician may have in his mind when he hears or makes no sound at all, by reflecting on
the ideas of those sounds, so put together silently in his own fancy.

12

Mattheson stated that it was his intention to teach how to create music which would through

Ibid., 50.
Ibid., 54.
11
Lewis Eugene Rowell, Thinking About Music: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Music (Amherst:
University of Massachusetts Press, 1984), 106.
12
John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1690), edited by Alexander Campbell Fraser
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1894), 159.
10

the instrument of the ears please the sense of hearing which dwells in the soul, and would
thoroughly move or stir the heart of soul.13 Therefore to Mattheson it was not an external or
physical sense of hearing that was of ultimate importance in musical perception, but an
internal sense, which had its ultimate sources in the soul. He also claimed that the pleasure of
hearing in itself in fact inclines the soul to virtue,14 thus integrating an ancient concern
into his modern theory in a fashion consistent with empiricism. In fact, his belief that the ear
resides in the soul derived from the traditional German faith in the immediate affectiveness of
music. Like Luther, Mattheson held the ear to be a special sense; the other senses serve only
the body: The eyesight, the sense of smell, the sense of taste and the sense of touch serve the
body; but only the sense of hearing is reserved for the soul and our morals. 15 Thus
Mattheson partook of the traditional German view that there was a secret affinity whereby
well-ordered sounds would impart their harmony to sympathize the human soul, but he
roundly rejected the number mysticism frequently associated with this view.

In applying sensory experience to the understanding of the Affections, Mattheson stated

that a musician must have an equally proportioned mixture of the humours (a well-balanced
character), in order to feel the Affections in intensity. This concept was borrowed from
Anthanasius Kirchers application of the ancient Greek medical theory of the four humours in
understanding of musical impact on the human character in his influential Musurgia
Universalis of 1650. The ancient teaching of the temperaments were largely formulated by
Empedocles (490430 ca. B.C.E), Hippocrates (ca. 460ca. 377 B.C.E) Galen (129ca. 200
C.E). These theories helped explain the physio-psychological process of the body producing
from one Affection to another. As Kircher has it, thus, there are four fundamental humours,

13
14
15

Capellmeister, 90.
Ibid., 60.
Capellmeister, 99.
6

such as blood, phlegm, black and yellow bile. Distillations of these four humors make up the
spirits (i.e. physical, vital and animal spirits.) The spirits are produced in the organs through
the power of the four qualities: heat, dryness, humidity and cold. The qualities derive their
powers from the four elements: heat from fire, dryness from air, wetness from water, and cold
from earth. Any loosening in the proportionate distribution of these elements in the human
body, one of them having the preponderance over the others, may result in four different types
of temperament, those of sanguine, phlegmatic, melancholic and choleric; a healthy person
enjoys a balance of the humors, hence an even temperament.

According to Kircher, the animal spirits (a certain very thin air or wind distilled in the brain
that travels in the nerves and controls the feelings and activates and bodily movements)
depended on the humors but could also modulate their composition according to impulses
from the external environment. To explain how this occurs, he identified air as the medium
between sound and the senses.16 The agitation of the animal spirits in listening to music was
then directly correlated with the intensity of air vibration and the sympathy between the music
and the listeners temperament:

At first the harmonic number stirs the intrinsic air and imprints harmonic movements upon it. Then this
triggers the phantasy, which in turn arouses the vaporous humours that are mixed with the intrinsic air
or spirit. Finally the humours incline man to the object they refer to. This is the way, and no other, in
which harmony moves the passions.

17

16
According to Kircher, they [i.e. the sound and the senses] interact because there is one material element that
is common to both sides - air. Mans principle of life, that which keeps him functioning as an organism, is air
(breath, ar, spiritus). The air that resides in man (ar intrinsecus implantatus) vibrates perpetually in
accordance with his basic temperament or elemental proportions. Now, music exists also through the medium of
air. Sounds commence as vibrations in the air outside of man (ar extrinsecus). The crucial interaction takes
place when the musical vibrations (motus harmonici) of the ar extrinsecus merge with the ar intrinsecus and
thereby put their imprint on man's internal proportions. (Benito V. Rivera, German Music Theory in the Early
17th-Century: The Treatises of Johannes Lippius (Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research Press, 1980), 34.)
17
Ibid., 34.

Therefore each temperament resonates with its corresponding musical characteristics. The
closer the ratio of harmonies to the natural circulating frequency of the animal spirits, the
better air and animal spirits harmonize, thereby intensifying the aroused Affect.

Melancholic people like grace, solid and sad harmony; sanguine persons prefer the hyporchematic style
[of dance music] because it agitates the blood; choleric people like agitated harmonies because of the
vehemence of their swollen gall; martially inclined men are partial to trumpets and drums, and they
reject all delicate and pure music; phlegmatic persons lean toward womens voices because their
high-pitched voice has a benevolent effect on phlegmatic humor. [Musurgia universalis I:544]

Basically, expansions or accelerations of the animal spirit produce symptoms of joy, their
contractions or decelerations sadness.18 This medical theory of the humours was used by
Mattheson to support his empirical stance. Regarding the healing powers of music, Mattheson
stated critically that the Capellmeister should have the relevant empirical experience in order
to create the correct Affection in their work:

Since all naturalists are also certain that music can not infrequently take place of medicine because of
its natural harmony or concord; it therefore behooves a prospective Capellmeister, or one who is already
in office, to consider everything thoroughly concerning this, and to separate the true from the false
through actually examination or experimentation.19

18

Kircher begins his treatment of the affections with a summary of traditional humoural theory. The vapors
from the four humors mix in various proportions according to the objects of the imagination. If the object is full
of indignation or jealousy, the spirits and the vapors from the gall bladder, mobilized by the imaginative force,
acquire the temperament of warmth and dryness and drive the soul into affections of anger, fury, and rage. An
object that is agreeable and full of love causes sanguineous vapors from the liver to become warm and humid;
agitated by soft and harmonious movements, they sweetly and tenderly move the soul to taste joy, hope,
confidence, love and cheer. If the objects is terrifying, sad, and tragic, the vapors rising from the receptacle of
black bile endow the animal spirit with a cold and dry temperament, subjecting the soul to melancholy, sorrow,
pain, lamentation, and similar affections; A delicate, smooth, and moderate object, neither sad nor joyous, causes
the vapors to become cold and humid, and the animal spirits impel the soul to passions of cheerfulness, calm,
confidence, and noble love. (Claude V. Palisca, Music and Ideas in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,
(Chicago: University of Illinois Press), 194.)
19
Capellmeister, 102.
8

In outlining his musical representation of the Affections, Mattheson writes the experts
on nature know how to describe the manner in which our Affections actually and so to speak
physically function, and it is of great advantage to a composer if he also is not inexperienced
in this. Thus, Mattheson is content to leave the physiological details of the theory to
scientists. For the rational theory of the Affections, Mattheson is indebted to Descartes's Les
passions de lme (1650).

In his treatise Les passions de lme, Descartes explained the physical bases of emotion by
providing lists of the Affections classified according to the humours of the body, where he
believed the Affections originated. Descartes proposed that the passions differ from other
perceptions (i.e. smell, touch, etc.) in that they are said to originate neither in the external
objects that act upon the senses nor in the body, but rather in the soul itself.

To explain that the passions occur in the soul, Descartes applies traditional physiology of the
animal spirits (esprits animaux). Descartes believed that the soul receives its feelings through
the movements of the animal spirits - a certain very thin air or wind that travels in the nerves
and the brain, tiny tubelike filaments, conveying the impressions of the senses and controlling
the bodys muscular movements (Art.7). While retaining the traditional theory of the animal
spirits to explain the cause of the passions, Descartes went further to adapt this traditional
theory to the newly discovered circulation of the blood: he proposed the novel theory that
while only the thin animal spirits can enter the brains minute pores, through which they reach
the nerves, the denser components of the blood flow speedily everywhere else (Art. 10). In an
unprecedented way, Descartes identified the pineal gland, an unpaired organ in the middle of
the brain, as the communication center to which all the nerves lead and from which the animal
spirits are distributed to the appropriate parts of the body (Art. 35).

The cause of the passions is the agitation that the animal spirits on the pineal gland. This
agitation produces an immediate reaction on the part of the body; the body affects the soul,
disposing it toward certain affective states. The soul experiences passively the movements of
the spirits as Affections or perceptions (Art. 27), and has little control over the actions and
representations that cause the passions, which persist as long as their cause remains present.
The persistence of a given passion is due to lingering animal spirits which fortify and
perpetuate it. The will cannot stop them but only resist some of their effects, such as denying
an urge to violence aroused by hate (Art. 46.)

Descartes provided a dialectical analysis of the source and functions of the Passions and
described in some detail what he considered to be the six principal Passions - admiration,
love, hate, desire, joy, and sadness - together with the 35 secondary Passions derived from
these. Like Descartes and other contemporary philosophers, Mattheson thought the Passions
existed either as virtues or as vices. Both types were capable of musical expression, but only
through the virtuous Affections could the soul be healed: Where there is no passion, no
affection, neither is there virtue. If our passions are sick, then they must be healed, not
murdered.20

Descartess rational theory of the Passions provided Mattheson with a scientific justification
for his Affective theories: since for example joy is an expression of our soul, thus it follows
reasonably and naturally that I could best express this affect by large and expanded intervals.
Whereas if one knows that sadness is a contraction of these subtle parts of our body, then it is

20

Capellmeister, 104.
10

easy to see that the small and smallest intervals are the most suitable for this passion21 In
addition, Descartess account of the Passions offered a physiological ground that is superior to
the traditional mathematical foundation of musical expression in that it enabled composers to
depict in a highly natural way and in numberless diversity love, jealousy, hatred, gentleness,
impatience, horror, dignity, baseness, splendor, despair, storm, tranquility, even heaven, earth,
sea, hell.22

The sources presented thus far have demonstrated an admixture of intellectual currents
underlying Matthesons ideas on musical expression. These sources were based on unparallel,
or even opposing philosophical premises: Kirchers humoural theory was based on his
mathematic understanding of music; Lockes understanding of the sensory experience was
clearly in contrast with the Descartess rational understanding of the Passions. The eclecticism
of Matthesons ideas on musical expression could partly be explained by the diversity of his
education and professional experiences.23 But there is no doubt that Mattheson, standing in
opposite position against the sterile academicism of the Lutheran Cantorei, has carefully
combined theories to serve the aim of his philosophy to advance the cause of musical craft
in Germany. His theories of expression were both intellectually appealing to the Lutheran
readers for its emphasis on the moral aspects of the Affections and sophisticated for its
scientific justification. As history revealed, the impact of Matthesons musical ideas on

21

Ibid., 104.
Edward A. Lippman, A History of Western Musical Aesthetics (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992),
61.
23
His earliest musical training was through private teachers in Hamburg and at the Johanneum, where he
received the typical preparation in Lutheran church music. Although he never attended a university, he referred
to the Hamburg opera, where he was active for some nine years as singer, composer, and director, as a musical
university He retired from Hamburg opera in 1705, as a cultivated man of the world, proficient in languages,
dance, fencing, as well as organ-playing He entered [in 1703] the employ of the English envoy to lower
Saxony fist as tutor, then as secretary In 1715 he was appointed cantor and canon o the Hamburg Cathedral.
From 1713 on he was engaged in a critical duel of his own making with the adherents of the old musical theory
and the opponents of the new music. And after becoming deaf in 1728 his musical energies were directed more
and more to writing and musical journalism. (Bellamy Hosler, Changing Aesthetic Views of Instrumental Music
in 18th-Century Germany (Ann Arbor, Mich: UMI Research Press, 1981), 71.
22

11

musical expression on the changing aesthetic status of the late eighteenth century was
inestimable.24

24

During the course of the eighteenth century, the need to have personally experienced the Affection was
increasingly emphasized to the point that, at the dawn of Empfindsamkeit, experience rather than rational
knowledge of the affection was considered of paramount importance. (Dietrich Bartel, Musica Poetica:
Musical-Rhetorical Figures in German Baroque Music (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997), 35.)
12

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