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Black white binary DA

Focus on the black-white binary excludes analysis of racism that affects other
oppressed populations. Omission of this analysis is a reason to reject their
scholarship.
Perea, 1997Professor of Law at the University of Florida [Juan F. Perea, "The Black/White Binary Paradigm of Race: The
"Normal Science" of American Racial Thought," Oct. 5, 1997, JSTOR]

Paradigms of race shape our understanding of race and our definition of racial problems. The
most pervasive and powerful paradigm of race in the United States is the Black/White binary
paradigm. I define this paradigm as the conception that race in America consists, either exclusively or primarily, of only two
constituent racial groups, the Black and the White. Many scholars of race reproduce this paradigm when they
write and act as though only the Black and the White races matter for purposes of discussing race and social
policy with regard to race. The mere recognition that "other people of color" exist, without care- ful
attention to their voices, their histories, and their real presence, is merely a reassertion of the
Black/White paradigm. If one conceives of race and racism as primarily of concern only to
Blacks and Whites, and understands "other people of color" only through some unclear analogy to the "real" races, this just restates the binary paradigm with a slight concession to demographics. My
assertion is that our shared understanding of race and racism is essentially limited to this Black/White binary
paradigm.27 This paradigm defines, but also limits, the set of problems that may be recognized in
racial discourse. Kuhn's notion of "normal science," which further articulates the paradigm and seeks to solve the problems
perceivable because of the paradigm, also applies to "normal research" on race. Given the Black/White paradigm, we would expect to
find that much research on race is concerned with understanding the dynamics of the Black and White races and attempting to solve
the problems between Blacks and Whites. Within the paradigm, the relevant material facts are facts about Blacks and Whites. In
addition, the paradigm dictates that all other racial identities and groups in the United States are

best understood through the Black/White binary paradigm. Only a few writers even recognize that they use a
Black/White paradigm as the frame of reference through which to understand racial relations.28 Most writers simply
assume the importance and correctness of the paradigm, and leave the reader grasping for
whatever significance descriptions of the Black/White relationship have for other people of
color. As I shall discuss, because the Black/White binary paradigm is so widely accepted, other
racialized groups like Latinos/as, Asian Americans, and Native Americans are often marginalized or ignored altogether. As Kuhn writes, "those that will not fit the box are often not seen at all ."29
The exclusion of Latinos, Asian Americans and Native Americans in the
Black/White paradigm plays into white domination
Bowman 1- prof of law @MSU, JD from Duke
(Kristi, Duke Law Journal The New Face of School Desegregation,
http://www.law.duke.edu/shell/cite.pl?50+Duke+L.+J.+1751)
White privilege is reinforced when racial and ethnic groups are conceptualized not as White,
African American, Latino, Asian American, Native American, etc., but instead as White or NonWhite. Acknowledgement of differences among groups disappears in a White-Non-White
paradigm, because instead of allowing racial or ethnic groups to identify themselves by what
they are,238 all Non- [*pg 1787] White groups are explicitly identified by what they are not, and only
by reference to whiteness. Although aspects of a specific Non-White group might be easier to identify than "White culture,"
this occurs because White culture is mainstream culture. The culture of a specific Non-White group appears
distinctive because it deviates from the norm. Professor Martha Mahoney notes that a term such as "racially
identifiable" in the context of housing and urban development generally refers "to locations that are racially identifiably black."239
The same is true in the context of education: racially identifiable means racially identifiably Non-White . The
White-Non-White paradigm reinforces the power dynamic of the acted and the acted upon, of presence and absence, of the defining
and the defined. The power that Whites receive from their unearned privilege in the White-Non-

White duality "is, in fact, permission to escape [the debate of race] or to dominate."240 When
federal courts reinforce this dynamic in the name of school desegregation, they perpetuate the normalized,
mainstream practices and institutions that reinforce racial inequality. It is often these practices and institutions that
are most damaging in terms of perpetuating oppression because they are not usually questioned. They are conceptualized as just

normal.241 In contemporary school desegregation jurisprudence, Whites

are normalized, and all Non-Whites are


collapsed into the category of "other." Like African Americans, Latinos have been the victims of state-sanctioned
educational segregation;242 but if courts gave attention to the present differences between African Americans and Latinos, courts'
remedial orders would likely be structured differently. As will be discussed below, the recognition of Latinos and African Americans
as distinct groups that continue to suffer different harms is easily within reach.