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SIMPLYDELHI
Special Report
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Among the country's most controversial - and, at one time, the most colourful - political
personalities is M.G. Ramachandran, the erstwhile Tamil screen hero who burst upon Tamil
Nadu's political stage a decade ago, with all the fervour of a messiah. Now a sick and
isolated man, MGR celebrated his tenth anniversary of chief ministership last month.
Despite a yawning chasm separating promise from performance, he continues to hold the
adulation of the masses. To assess the MGR decade, Senior Editor Prabhu Chawla and
Senior Correspondent S.H. Venkatramani spoke to politicians, intellectuals, civil servants
and ordinary people. Their report:
Last month, Tamil Nadu's seriously-ailing and
idiosyncratic Chief Minister M.G. Ramachandran
completed a decade of his reign over the state. But there
was little to celebrate. The region, which still exults in the
vibrant memories of the legendary Cholas and Pandyas
who excelled in military exploits, learning and trade and
commerce, was suddenly left, it seemed, without a
modern legend.
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When he strode upon the political stage 10 years ago, MGR seemed to be a character right
out of the history books - a sage-poet-politician in the mould of the famous Alvars and
Nayanars - who would fashion a new era for a region that prided itself as the crucible of
indigenous Indian culture. But, a decade later, the only legacy of MGR's one-man dynasty is
mindless autocracy and a trail of broken promises.
Analysts of the MGR decade - even the most vituperative critics - will readily admit that,
notwithstanding his glaring failures, the fur-capped chief minister still has an uncanny hold
over the masses. Because of his welfare schemes - the public dole - they look up to him as
the fount of all municence.
But the MGR welfare formula, just about the only thing his government is now associated
with and which informs its very style and functioning, has proved simply a disastrous short term palliative in which efcient administration and economic development have been
sacriced at the altar of largesse.
That hardly appeared to be the case when MGR
captured power on the promise of eliminating
corruption, ghting Brahminism and idol
worship, ensuring speedy development and an
open government, and opposing the Central
Government and its language policy.
But the only thing that MGR provided in the
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important conferences in New Delhi because none of the invited secretaries could get
approval in time.
The civil service has, therefore, totally withdrawn from participating in the administration of
the state. It no longer makes preparations of the notes and agenda even for cabinet
meetings, if they are held. And MGR appears to take a special delight in being rude to
ofcers. Often, he will not even offer a chair to an ofcer he has summoned. Until 1977, only
one IAS ofcer had resigned from service in the state. Since MGR took over, more than 20
have resigned.
But the main reason that MGR continues to rest easy on his laurels which, by all logic,
should have become a crown of thorns, is the success of his welfare schemes. Centres
have been set up where parents and children can avail of a free meal a day.
Over half the state's population now depends, directly or indirectly, on state charity. More
than three - fourths of the state budget is spent on subsidies: free noon meals, textbooks,
tooth - powder and, to a lesser extent, rural housing. In addition, the Government supplies
highly subsidised power to farmers. Education up to the ten-plus-two stage is also free: an
annual cost of Rs 450 crore.
But these schemes have been at the cost of the infrastructural development of the state.
Though two lakh people are employed in the noon meal scheme, the state Government has
neglected the development of industry and its consequent employment generation.
The people, however, view the welfare schemes as a religious benediction. And in this
atmosphere, the AIADMK's traditional antipathy for religious institutions has declined to the
point of apostasy. Under the late E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker, its motto was: 'There is no God,
No, no, not at all.' Under the late former chief minister C.N. Annadurai, the motto became:
'There is only one caste, and one God.
Under MGR, however, religious fervour reached an untrammeled acceptance. Once, when
the chief minister returned from a trip to the US where he had gone for medical treatment. S.
Raghavanandam, former state housing minister and AIADMK general secretary, got himself
tonsured at Tirupati as an offer of thanks for MGR's recovery. The chief minister himself
regularly visits the Mookambige temple near Mangalore, and he is also credited with
building golden chariots for 12 temples in the state.
When he rst came to power, MGR vowed to
The state has become MGR's personal
exterminate the twin devils of religion and
efdom and every institution - the
corruption. Now, with the recrudescence of
judiciary, the bureaucracy and the press religion, corruption has also made a comehas been threatened or cajoled into
back. Says Cho Ramaswamy, satirist and
obsequious submission to the overlord.
editor of the fortnightly Tughlak: "Corruption
has been institutionalised under MGR's rule. Apart from all the scandals which have been
written about, the chief minister has recently begun gifting wads of currency notes to the
bride and bridegroom of every wedding he is invited to preside over. You should remember
that MGR once said he had no money to pay his income tax."
Corruption has become part and parcel of MGR's Government now," observes DMK
Assistant General Secretary Nanchil K. Manoharan, the former number two man in MGR's
1977 cabinet before he returned to the DMK in 1980. "During his rst term of ofce, MGR
was okay. But after he got re-elected in 1980, transport permits, admissions into medical
and engineering colleges - everything was turned into a money spinner," he adds.
The early scandals began with allegations that rectied spirits worth crores were diverted to
other sources with the knowledge of the Government. Commissions of inquiry were
appointed by the Centre but their operations were stayed by the courts.
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In 1980, share of votes polled rose to 38.74 per cent, but he won 129 of the 177 seats
contested. And MGR reached his pinnacle of popularity when a sympathy wave hit the state
following his illness. While he was in the US, the AIADMK won 133 seats of the 155 seats
contested, including the 12 Lok Sabha seats it fought.
Moreover, despite his providing Tamil Nadu an insular avour, the parochialism has not
intensied into anti-Hindi sentiment. The anti-Hindi movement, which he had earlier made
full political use of, has almost faded. In fact, he ruthlessly suppressed the DMK-led
agitation and even created legislative history by getting almost half the DMK MLAs expelled
from the house for burning the Constitution.
MGR presided over a lack-lustre, sleepy decade in which he used his charisma and welfare
schemes as a soporic for the masses. There is little doubt among observers that the
potion will soon wear out and that the people will awaken to the real demands of water,
electricity, efcient governance, jobs and development. But that will most likely happen
when MGR, already ailing and now barely able to speak, is no more.
He will leave behind, for his successors, the burdensome task of dealing with a newly
awakened and rebellious electorate. Yet, the irony will remain that in the midst of the turmoil
that is surely ahead, MGR will be remembered not as a man who broke his promises to his
people but as a giant who presided over a decade of dreamy stability.
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