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375
Canberra
June 2003
Abstract
Religion has been used for centuries to justify and legitimise warfare.
The September 11 attacks on the US show that Islam is not immune
from this debate. Indeed, long before the strikes on the World Trade
Center and the Pentagon, the name of Allah had been used as
justification for political assassinations, hostage taking, suicide
bombing, and violent revolution. Even the moderate Muslim world
has not always been able to unconditionally condemn the acts of
divine violence perpetrated by its radical elements. While the
foundations of Islams religious texts and traditions may be inherently
peaceful and cooperative, they are also vulnerable to the powers of
subjectivity and manipulation. Using a host of contemporary
examples, this paper explores the circumstances in which Islam has
been used to justify jihad, war and revolution in the Middle East.
by Brek Batley1
Introduction
The September 11 attacks on the US have generated a new round of
debate, among Muslims and non-Muslims alike, on the role of jihad, war
and revolution in Islam. This debate, which has plagued the Muslim
community for centuries, questions the various Islamic justifications used
in the perpetrating of religious-sanctioned acts of war and revolution.
Throughout Islamic history, the religion of Islam has been used to legitimise
political assassinations, hostage taking, suicide bombing, invasion and
violent revolution. It seems that the foundation upon which such actions
have usually been launched is grounded in the vague Quranic notion of
jihad, literally meaning to struggle. However, given the fact that no
universally accepted interpretation of jihad is offered by the three main
sources of Islamic guidance: the Quran, the Prophetic traditions, and Islamic
jurisprudence, this noble concept of struggling in the path of God is open to
dangerous interpretation. Further adding to the complexity of the situation
in the Middle East, the focus of this paper, are the regional elements of
colonialism, corruption, pan-Arabism and nationalism. Within such a multi
dimensional and unregulated framework, the Islamic justifications for jihad,
war and revolution are endless.
This paper will explore the problematic nature of identifying the
circumstances in which Islam has been used as justification for jihad, war
and revolution. It will cite the three main sources of Islamic authority,
together with a range of contemporary case studies involving both moderate
and radical Muslims. Following an introductory analysis of jihad and the
complexity of its interpretation, this paper will discuss four broad themes
on acts of war and revolution in the name of Islam. Firstly, it will examine
the relationship between Islam, jihad and the concept of defence. Secondly,
the role of perceived oppression and injustice, including the influence of
imperialism and colonialism, will be discussed. Next, the paper will
investigate the various circumstances argued by some to warrant the waging
of unconditional Islamic warfare. Finally, the paper will look at the social,
economic and political conditions which have justified an Islamic call to
revolution.
Justification for the lesser jihad, however, has been subject to far greater
disagreement, and forms much of the focal point of this paper. The broad
Islamic notion of fighting injustice and oppression, spreading and defending
Islam, and creating a just society has provoked some Muslims to actively
engage in armed struggle to achieve such divine goals. Justification for this
type of jihad is often founded upon events of the Medinan period of the
Quranic revelation (622-632 C.E.). During this period, in which war
continued to be the natural state in Arabic lands, the word jihad came to
encompass the struggle of the individual or the community with the Meccans
and others, who continued to persecute the new Muslim community. The
problem in subsequent years has been that Islamic jurists, military officers,
and radical groups have used Muhammads seventh century justifications
for warfare in a vastly different modern setting to justify their own armed
struggles.5 These actions of Muhammads nascent community have in fact
provided a highly influential guide for later Muslim generations in dealing
with persecution and rejection, threats to the faith, and the security and
survival of the community. The concept of the lesser jihad, therefore, is not
only subject to the differing radical and moderate interpretations of the
ideal goals to be emulated, but is also challenged by a modern twenty-first
century civil society, very different to the society of Muhammads lifetime.
Secondly, and further complicating the interpretation of jihad and holy
war, is the manipulation of the term by Muslim authorities and jurists in the
years following Muhammads life. While the Quran stressed making Gods
cause success (Sura 8:39), some jurists have since exploited this and similar
ambiguous terms as a means to engage in territorial expansion.6 In this
sense, jihad was regarded by some jurists as a requirement in a world divided
between what they called dar al-Islam, land of Islam, and the dar al-harb, the
land of war. In fact, Shariah, or Islamic law, John Esposito argues, clearly
stipulates that it is a Muslims duty to wage war not only against those who
attack Muslim territory, but also against polytheists, apostates, and People
of the Book who refuse Muslim rule.7
The jurists also provided fuel to the flame of Islamic radicalism by
classifying jihad into four types: jihad by the heart (faith), by the tongue
(right speech), by the hands (good works) and finally by the sword (holy
war).8 This has been used by extremist elements as further justification of
legitimate unconditional warfare against unbelievers or for expansionist or
radical goals. In response to this, James Turner Johnson, the former Director
of Religious Studies at Rutgers University, argues that the Quran uses two
distinct terms for military activity.9 Jihad is reserved for the overall religious
10
11
12
13
14
Khomeinis justification for revolt was founded upon his division of the
world into two groups, the oppressed and the oppressors, from which he
would emancipate the people of Iran.
The divine concept of fighting for an Islamic state, as witnessed in Iran,
is still alive in many countries throughout the Middle East. The situation in
Algeria perhaps most notably represents such a cause and the true potential
for Islamic revolution. Following the first round of legislative elections in
December 1991, the victory of the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS), the largest
Islamic opposition party, was nullified. Subsequently, groups, including
the Armed Islamic Group (GIA), have fought under the banner of Islam to recorrect the injustice perpetrated following the elections. These groups are
fighting, not only to install an Islamic state, but also against the broader
concepts of oppression and injustice. In Egypt too, the secular regime of
Mubarak is the focus of such groups as Al-Gammaa al-Islamiyya (IG). Whilst
these Egyptian groups may not necessarily generate the same ground swell
of support that Khomeini achieved in 1979, their ambitions are perceived to
be truly holy. They too see a secular government as being incapable of
properly implementing and following the word of God, as could be achieved
under an Islamic state. Most notably, al-Qaida is also seeking to rid the
Islamic world of western and secular influence to pave a way for Islamic
rule.
However, some revolutions in the Middle East have been far more
transparent. Various leaders have often manipulated the concept of revolting
in the name of Islam simply for military or political gains. In 1969, Qaddafi
announced his cultural revolution in Libya as an indigenous socialist
vision rooted in Libyas Arab heritage and Islamic faith.55 Like that of Iran
a decade later, the rationale for Qaddafis coup was based on socio-economic
reform necessitated by the failure of a Western-influenced monarchy.
However, Qaddafi was simply a military opportunist who had manipulated
and extorted Islam for his own ends. Indeed, he himself had identified
Islam as the only way to truly mobilise the masses. He had used Islam to
legitimise Arab socialism and his radical populist state. Similarly, in Sudan,
in September 1983, Gafar Muhammad Nimeiri declared an Islamic
revolution whereby the Sudan would henceforth become an Islamic
republic governed by Islamic law. Nimeiri had hoped to appeal to Islam not
only to create a new way out of a deteriorating situation for himself, but also
as a means of expanding his own power base and justifying his increasingly
repressive regime. Interestingly, Nimeiri, unlike Qaddafi, was overthrown
in a military coup less than two years later.
Conclusion
Given the abstract notion of jihad, the ambiguity of the Quran and the
lack of a central Islamic authority, Islams position on jihad, war and
revolution can be credibly interpreted in almost any number of ways. The
Prophetic traditions and subsequent Islamic jurisprudence have only added
an extra layer of complexity to these issues. Lying deeper below the surface,
however, is the challenge faced by the Muslim world in overcoming the
deep scars of imperialism and colonialism and interpreting Islam within
the socio-political framework of the twenty-first century. However, the
modern era is not void of new challenges. Muslim grievances surrounding
the issue of Palestine and, to a lesser extent, the war on terror will continue
to challenge Islams posture as a religion of peace. Globalisation and its
growing effects will also further undermine the ability of the Islamic world
to form a united approach to issues such as modernisation and reform.
The perceived responsibilities to defend Islam will remain highly
subjective. Whilst Muslims may widely agree on the need to defend their
faith and prevent oppression, injustice and corruption, the specific
circumstances which justify armed action and revolt have evaded agreement
for over a millennium. Based on the unresolved contradictions found within
the three main sources of Islamic guidance and the current social, political
and economic environment of the Middle East, Islam will be subject to
continued variance in interpretation and manipulation. Indeed, the Islam
of the twenty-first century will continue to offer moderates, traditionalists
and radicals alike the opportunity to manipulate concepts such as jihad,
war and revolution. The continued ambiguity of these concepts will allow
Muslim individuals and groups to mold a religion that best fits their own
particular circumstances and interpretation. In this context, Islam remains
truly at the mercy of its own followers.
15
16
Notes
1
Muzammil H Siddiqi, Jihad: Its true Meaning and Purpose, 28 September 2001.
Accessed on 1 October 2002 at http://www.isnacanada.com/Jihad01.htm.
It is said that, when Muhammad once returned from battle, he told his followers
We return from the lesser jihad to the greater jihad. Reuven Firestone, Jihad: The
Origin of Holy War in Islam, New York, NY, Oxford University Press, 1999, p.17.
John Esposito, Unholy War: Terror in the Name of Islam, New York, NY, Oxford
University Press, 2002, p.28.
Some of Muhammads major battles included Badr (624), Ohad (625), the siege
of Medina (627), Muta (629), Mecca (630), Hunain (630) and the expedition to
Tabuk (630). Sourced from: John Laffin, Holy War; Islam Fights, London, Collins
Publishing Group, 1988, p.53.
James Turner Johnson, & John Kelsay (eds), Cross, Crescent, and Sword: The
Justification and Limitation of War in Western and Islamic Tradition, Westport, CT,
Greenwood Press, 1990, p.37.
The People of the Book were first restricted to Jews and Christians but later
extended to Zoroastrians and other faiths. Sourced from: John Esposito, Unholy
War: Terror in the Name of Islam, New York, NY, Oxford University Press, 2002,
p.34.
John Esposito, The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality, New York, NY, Oxford University
Press, 1999, p.31.
James Turner Johnson, & John Kelsay (eds), Cross, Crescent, and Sword: The
Justification and Limitation of War in Western and Islamic Tradition, Westport, CT,
Greenwood Press, 1990, p.37.
10
11
12
John Kelsay and James Turner Johnson (eds), Just War and Jihad: Historical and
Theoretical Perspectives on War and Peace in Western and Islamic Traditions, Westport,
CT, Greenwood Press, 1991, p.216.
13
14
Douglas Streusand, What Does Jihad Mean?, Middle East Quarterly, September
1997.
15
James Johnson, The Holy War Idea in Western and Islamic Traditions, University
Park, PA, The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997, p.61.
16
John Esposito, The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality, New York, NY, Oxford University
Press, 1999, p.40.
John Kelsay and James Turner Johnson (eds), Just War and Jihad: Historical and
Theoretical Perspectives on War and Peace in Western and Islamic Traditions, Westport,
CT, Greenwood Press, 1991, p.216.
18
John Laffin, Holy War; Islam Fights, London, Collins Publishing Group, 1988,
p.17.
19
20
21
Peter Partner, God of Battles: Holy Wars of Christianity and Islam, London, UK
Harper Collins, 1997, p.263.
22
John Kelsay and James Turner Johnson (eds), Just War and Jihad: Historical and
Theoretical Perspectives on War and Peace in Western and Islamic Traditions, Westport,
CT, Greenwood Press, 1991, p.203.
23
24
George Gawrych, Jihad, War and Terrorism, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, Combat
Studies Institute. Accessed on 7 October 2002 at http://www.cgsc.army.mil/
csi/research/writing/JihadGawrych.asp.
25
26
Ibid, p.116.
27
Barry Rubin and Judith Colp Rubin (eds), Anti-American Terrorism and the Middle
East, Oxford University Press, New York, NY, 2002, p.154.
28
John Esposito, The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality, New York, NY, Oxford University
Press, 1999, p.44.
29
More specifically, Osama bin Laden justified the jihad as a result of the following
conditions. Firstly, the presence of US troops in Saudi Arabia; secondly, US
support for Israel in its oppression of Palestinian people and its occupation of
Jerusalem; and thirdly, the suffering of the Iraqi people as a result of Washingtons
campaign against Saddam Husseins regime. Sourced from BBC.com on 3 October
2002. Also see Barry Rubin and Judith Colp Rubin (eds), Anti-American Terrorism
and the Middle East, Oxford University Press, New York, NY, 2002, p.252.
30
Fiona Symon, The Roots of Jihad, BBC News, 16 October 2001. Accessed on 5
October 2002 at http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/1603178.stm.
31
Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, John Obert Voll, and John Esposito, The Contemporary
Islamic Revival, Westport, CT, Greenwood Press, 1991, p.26.
32
John Esposito, Unholy War: Terror in the Name of Islam, New York, NY, Oxford
University Press, 2002, p.60.
33
Ibid, p.88.
34
George Gawrych, Jihad, War and Terrorism, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, Combat
Studies Institute. Accessed on 7 October 2002 at http://www.cgsc.army.mil/
csi/research/writing/JihadGawrych.asp.
35
Ellis Goldberg, War, Terror, Jihad and Justice, Washington DC, University of
Washington, 11 October 2001.
17
18
John Kelsay and James Turner Johnson (eds), Just War and Jihad: Historical and
Theoretical Perspectives on War and Peace in Western and Islamic Traditions, Westport,
CT, Greenwood Press, 1991, p.216.
37
Ibid, p.2.
38
Roy Andersen, Robert Seibert, Jon Wagner, Politics and Change in the Middle East:
Sources of Conflict and Accommodation, New Jersey, Prentice-Hall, 1987, p.36.
39
George Gawrych, Jihad, War and Terrorism, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, Combat
Studies Institute. Accessed on 7 October 2002 at http://www.cgsc.army.mil/
csi/research/writing/JihadGawrych.asp.
40
James Deacon and Diane Brady, The Will to Fight and Die, Macleans, 2 November
1991, Vol 104, Issue 6, p.39.
41
Khalid Yahya Blankinship, The End of the Jihad State, Albany, NY, State University
of New York Press, 1994, p.15.
42
John Kelsay and James Turner Johnson (eds), Just War and Jihad: Historical and
Theoretical Perspectives on War and Peace in Western and Islamic Traditions, Westport,
CT, Greenwood Press, 1991, p.209.
43
Ibid, p.205.
44
45
Reuven Firestone, Jihad: The Origin of Holy War in Islam, New York, NY, Oxford
University Press, 1999, p.88.
46
James Johnson, The Holy War Idea in Western and Islamic Traditions, University
Park, PA, The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997, p.62.
47
Yahiya Emerick, What is the position of Islam on war and conflict? Accessed on 5
October 2002 at http://www.themodernreligion.com/jihad/def-emerick.html.
48
John Kelsay and James Turner Johnson (eds), Just War and Jihad: Historical and
Theoretical Perspectives on War and Peace in Western and Islamic Traditions, Westport,
CT, Greenwood Press, 1991, p.202.
49
John Laffin, Holy War; Islam Fights, London, Collins Publishing Group, 1988,
p.23.
50
John Esposito, Unholy War: Terror in the Name of Islam, New York, NY, Oxford
University Press, 2002, p.44.
51
Ibid, p.60.
52
O. Roy, The Failure of Political Islam, London, UK, I.B. Tauris Publishers, 1994,
p.41.
53
Ibid, p.41.
54
Ibid, p.61.
55
John Esposito, The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality, New York, NY, Oxford University
Press, 1999, p.77.
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21
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