Jazz: its geographical diffusion throughout the USA: (The story so far)

Introduction
In 1968 Peter Nash presented a paper at the International Geographic Union meeting
in New Delhi: that was to have a vital influence on the study of musical diffusion.
This was later published as Music Regions and Regional Music (Deccan
Geographer, 1968). Although the subject of the discussion was an investigation into
the diffusion of the three dominant types of musical styles, it drew attention to how an
interdisciplinary approach to research could be a valuable tool in the examination in
what might be perceived as specialist areas. Nashs work was seen as a new branch in
the field of cultural geography, and termed Music Geography. In this, emphasis was
given to a mapping of the worlds music under three general categories; as Nash
seems to suggest, divisions into smaller subgroups/categories would produce
complexities understandable only to the musicologists working in very detailed fields.
The mapping of musical styles was not new, however, this was usually undertaken by
ethnomusicologists or archaeologists. Nashs contribution was to show linkages
between areas displaying similar traits in styles and suggesting possible explanations
as to probable causes for the findings (Nash & Carney 1996).
Among the factors specified as influential, trade, wars and migration are identified as
being of particular importance. In the instance of trade, although there would be some
element of cultural exchange, it is commodities of some type that are at the heart of
the process. War, by its nature, would lead to greater levels of cultural exchange as
the activity between conquerors and conquered occurs. However, outside the
communist states the modern world has seen little in the way of whole-scale cultural
replacement. Migration is therefore the most influential factor in cultural diffusion, in
that it is the movement of individuals or groups that are involved. This movement is
often undertaken by the more able and skilled individuals, and on reaching a new
destination, interaction between the residents and new comers should lead to an
exchange of ideas and so the development of innovations. A central tenet that
underpins the concept of cultural diffusion is the existence of an organised social elite
group concentrated in a central or core area from which those at the periphery benefit
as movements between the two points occurs.

Innovations usually tend to diffuse outwards from nodes of relatively intense

Social and cultural interaction, usually from core areas where there is a
concentration of power, wealth and talent. Only in rare instances do new ideas
or inventions seep back from periphery to nucleus (Zelinsky, 1973, p.34)
Within a decade of the Nash paper George Carney edited and produced a seminal
piece of work The Sounds of people and places: readings in the geography of
American folk and popular music. This was in collaboration with a number of
geographers with an interest in music geography. One of the contributors to this was
John Glasgow, who applied geographical techniques that analysed spatial diffusion to
explain how jazz music spread through the USA. To date this is the only attempt that
has been made to explain a subject where romantic myths and anecdotes often hold
sway over wisdom and facts. One of these myths describes jazz musicians migrating
northwards up the Mississippi river to Chicago, then New York followed by Kansas
city and all points west. Glasgow (1979) in an attempt to overcome this view used a
narrow range of data to show the more likely situation. The data used were based on
the date and birthplace of jazz musicians. The results were mapped and explanations
given. To date this is the only piece of research where an attempt has been made to
explain the diffusion of jazz through the application of modelling techniques.
This paper takes Glasgows initial work a step further to develop a more accurate set
of explanations for the diffusion process and the mechanisms involved. Where
Glasgow uses one variable this paper intend to use several, including date and place of
birth, and death, and live venues. A number of other variables will be included in
future studies.
The discussion in this paper will be conducted in three parts. The first briefly
examines general trends in population migration, settlement and diffusion patterns
within the USA as highlighted by Carney (1979; 1989; 1994) in his overview. A
central theme within this work is the way in which links between migration and
musical diffusion for each of the main European colonial groups is brought together
and explained. The second section focuses on past and current trends in research of
the diffusion of jazz in the USA. Central to the discussion is the work of Jon Glasgow,
where emphasis is on highlighting the strengths and weaknesses of his model and
findings.

The final section is based on current research, in which the number of variables have
been increased. Missing from the discussion is data relating to migration patterns of
Black/African-Americans. This aspect of the research is significant and as such
requires a paper of its own to do the topic justice. The discussion undertaken in this
paper is intended to be the first of a triptych that looks at the different processes
through which jazz was experienced and their impact on the diffusion of jazz in the
USA. The first explores live music venues, the second examines recorded and the
third, transmitted (radio) music.
Diffusion of music through migration
Nash, in his discussion of diffusion identified migration and trade as conduits for
spreading culture and innovations. With particular reference to poetry and music and
their influence on language, and hence popular culture, he highlights the role of
troubadours and trouveres as agents for transmitting news and changes in cultural
styles in France during the 12th and 13th century (Nash, 1968. p.9). Carney in an
attempt to show how the transmission of musical styles would be affected by the
relationship between migration patterns and cultural diffusion, uses historical
information found in maps, census data, events recorded in songs and song types to
trace the origins or geographical path of a particular music style. This he achieves by
identifying musical styles of the major ethnic groups of Europeans and Africans who
settled in the USA their early areas of settlement and likely later migration patterns
(Figure 1a). Carney proceeds and suggests likely links between musical styles and
migration by highlighting the origin of musical instruments and probable routes of
diffusion where they were to be heard or used in popular music (Figure 1b-1d). In
conclusion Carney suggests that caution must be taken when researching the musical
style for a particular area; attempts must be made to understand the history of a region
or vicinity before accepting current wisdom. Carney emphasises that researchers using
a single source or narrow information base often overlook other valuable areas that
might bring to light other important issues. Hence, information accepted locally and
given in good faith should be scrutinised, and questions should be asked concerning
earlier periods. An example of this is highlighted in research of music in some areas
of the Ozarks region of the Midwest undertaken during the 1920s. The impression
given shows that the dominant style is based on British ballads. However, when
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historical factors are examined it is more likely that the dominant musical styles
would have been of French or German origin. Music of the British style was
introduced into the area by migrants from states east of the Mississippi river and
Appalachia around the 1860s (Carney 1994, pp.49-51).
Research trends in jazz: Past and Present.
Interest in jazz music as a research topic is not new; researchers like Goffin (1946)
and Blesh (1958) have tried to understand and explain aspects of its origin and that of
those musicians involved in its evolution. Like popular interest in jazz music,
academic research seems to follow a similar trend in having periods of great activity
followed by a decline in output. However, since the 1980s there seems to have been a
revival in interest in jazz\ music from both academics and the general public. The new
level of interest from the academic sector seems to have been influenced by a growth
in institutions developing departments dedicated to researching the evolution of jazz
music. An additional reason for this growth could be the influence of a number of
individuals who, over the years, have accumulated a considerable amount of
information and memorabilia on the subject. In a number of instances these have been
donated to research institutions, libraries, or foundations with an interest in jazz. The
contents of the donations, once catalogued, seem to have provided a new lease of life
to researchers. Whereas early research was concentrated on a narrow area, the new
information has highlighted new directions to those involved in the subject.
Jeff (2000, pp.39-52) draws attention to the changing focus of research in jazz as a
consequence of new material becoming available. Taylor highlights the limitations of
early research, whether undertaken by academic or amateur, including some of the
probable reasons for the misinterpretations of events and the role certain individuals
had in influencing the direction of the music. A trawl through the literature gives the
impression that early research tended to treat the subject as a number of isolated parts.
In the main, research topics were directed at answering questions of the musics
origin, the main areas where it was heard (main cities and areas within cities) and its
prominent exponents (individuals and their ethnic background). Taylor (2000, pp.3952) makes the reader aware that the music later recognised as jazz was one of many
different types of music experienced in the USA. A common occurrence seems to be
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the rise in popularity of many musical styles and their demise as they became
unfashionable. An example of this is Ragtime. Although it was heard before the 1880s
(some would argue that early examples of a rudimentary form could be identified in
the 1840s in minstrel shows) this was in the seedier areas of some Midwestern towns
e.g. Sadalia and St. Louis (Blesh and Janis, 1971; Hasse, 1985). Following its airing at
the Chicago exposition of 1893, the general public became aware of the music leading
to its rise in popularity between the late 1890s and 1910s.
However, by the second decade of the century its popularity had declined. The reason
for this is not known, though in the wake of its demise there was a rise in popularity
of music from the South and in particular that originating around New Orleans. It is
interesting to note that this was a music perceived as wholesome, family orientated
and adept at being reproduced on the latest technological developments (piano rolls
and gramophone) that was superseded by something that was the total opposite and
despised by those in authority. Musical historians witnessing the rise of jazz must
have interpreted this as just a new style of music that would become fashionable
before fading. The recording of events and places of occurrences were not deemed
important, neither was the music considered to be of historical significance. It seems
likely that commentators felt that, like forerunners, jazz would loose its popularity and
be replaced by something else.
Early research areas
In the early years researchers did not give much attention to looking at jazz music as
the result of an integrated system, with its roots in a number of subject areas (music,
history, sociology, economics, politics, geography/demography, art and literature), yet
it seems unlikely the music will be understood unless attempts are made to explore
how these are interconnected. Early focus was on three distinct areas. Firstly, to draw
attention to its origin in New Orleans and later diffusion up the Mississippi river to
Chicago, New York and Kansas City. Emphasis is given to the musicians and places
identified as significant in the development of jazz. Secondly, to highlight the
perception that untrained or amateur musicians picked up an instrument played and
improvised by instinct. Thirdly, probable links between jazz and anti-social/illegal
activities (vice and crime) within the city. The extent to which this was an accurate
reflection of reality did not appear to be of significance but it contributed to the
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anecdotes embellishing the romantic ideas of untutored musicians playing by instinct

while danger was about in the area.
Taylor stresses that the story of jazz being invented in New Orleans and diffusing up
the Mississippi river to the three cities stated (Chicago, New York and Kansas City) is
inaccurate (Figure 1e), however, it gives the reader a view with neatly defined
boundaries. Music of that kind, or of a similar nature, could be heard throughout the
southern states in the red light (Tenderloin) district of many cities. New Orleans
position as the premier place where all the pieces came together cannot be refuted.
Melly (1997), suggested that most of the jazz musicians who left New Orleans for the
northern cities travelled by rail or road. Those who performed on the river boats were
employed on excursion tours and although some went to the cities in this fashion, this
was a minority. Also, the myth of untrained musicians picking up an instrument and
playing by intuition should be considered as nothing but romantic nonsense. New
Orleans as a city in its formative years had developed along a different line to many
American cities, music and entertainment were central features in its social fabric.
This wasnt solely confined to the upper social classes, but throughout the entire
population and ethnic groups. Ellison (1994), in her discussion of New Orleans
African-American population prior to the civil war, emphasises that individuals from
this ethnic group played both classical and popular music. Many of these individuals
were trained musicians; however, since music couldnt provide a full-time living it
was necessary to have an alternative income source. In many instances this was to
teach music or become adept at playing popular music, and the type of music played
reflected their surroundings. Many of the musicians who later became renowned in
the field of jazz, although they had not received formal training in music, were taught
the rudiments by either trained musicians or self-taught professors. Marquis (1978)
highlights that Buddy Bolden, often identified as the first man of jazz was taught
music during his formative years. The notion of Bolden picking up a trumpet and
playing those first notes in a jazz style is inaccurate. Louis Armstrong, was taught the
rudiments of music at the Reform School for Coloured Waifs during the period he
spent in that institution. Other jazz notables, Kid Ory and King Oliver to name two,
served their apprenticeship in many small brass bands before progressing to the
famous brass bands and later jazz bands.

The constant association linking jazz and the vice industry within many cities is
tenuous. Whenever reference is made to jazz, Storyville, the infamous red light
district of New Orleans that existed between 1897-1917, is always cited as the area
showing the earliest links between jazz music and vice. Melly (1997) in a series of
programmes that explored the diffusion of jazz up the Mississippi river, stressed that
the last thing the owners of sporting houses needed was a jazz band. A good pianist
who could play classical and popular tunes was usually employed; a jazz band would
distract the customers attention from the reason he was there. Tom Anderson, the
local overlord of Storyville, seems to have made certain that most or none of the
musicians employed on premises were involved in any type of vice, as this would give
the civic authorities reasons to justify closing the premises (Shapiro and Hentoff 1966,
p.12).
Blesh and Janis (1971, pp.1-34), Bakan (1998, p.27), Kenney (1993, pp.3,14,64),
Nager (1998, pp.84-105), Ostransky (1978), (2000 p.39) and Collier (1998, p.3) in
their research of different cities where jazz was played all identify the red light district
as the area most likely to witness jazz music being played long before it became
popular with the general public. A common thread that links the areas within each city
is the social makeup of the residents. In each instance, the area was furthest away
from the more desirable parts of the city and often inhabited by those least well off.
These residents were often from an ethnic group (usually black) and occupied
premises that lacked many basic amenities. Ostranskys example from Chicago
highlights the Levee district, on the south side of the city, as an area where jazz music
was heard. The population in this neighbourhood was predominantly black and was
the group which had most recently migrated from the southern states. However, there
were a small but noticeable number of working class immigrants from Europe. Both
the whites and blacks (middle class or those southern blacks who had migrated much
earlier) objected to clubs that played this type of music close to their community.
These venues and the type of music played was interpreted as encouraging the worst
elements of society and crime into residential areas, a self fulfilling prophecy as the
music became associated with the demimonde. If this examination was repeated for
the majority of cities where jazz was heard during its early years a similar pattern is
recognised, including New York (Harlem, pre 1930), Missouri (St. Louis, Kansas
City), Kansas (Kansas City), Tennessee (Memphis Beale Street), Texas (Fort
Worth), Pennsylvania (Philadelphia) and California (Los Angeles Central Avenue).
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A similar situation to this is identified by Blesh and Janis (1971, p.17) in their
discussion of ragtime and its existence in Sadalia and other mid-western locations
prior to the 1890s.
In addition to the three areas stated above, some early researchers seem to have been
preoccupied with arguments concerning the nature of the research being undertaken.
These arguments were often futile, with debate usually concerned with a difference in
approach to the research undertaken in Europe and the USA. Other arguments
concerned who were the originators of jazz, what is, or should be, classified as jazz
and which instruments should or should not be included in jazz bands. Examples of
the first case is to be seen in J.L. Colliers (1998) response to works from both
American and European writers on the subject. Collier is critical of all writers. He
accuses some American writers work as being narrow: they appear to overemphasise the role of individuals from an ethnic group (blacks) and their contribution
to the development of jazz to the detriment of other groups. Collier further highlights
the way some authors tend to stress the level of segregation between ethnic groups,
during a performance or listening jazz. He argues that in both instances the authors
present a mis-representation of events. Collier draws attention to the work of Goffin
(1946) and other European critics of early American research on jazz. This and other
European work gives the impression that in the USA research on the subject is not
extensive or undertaken with enough seriousness. Whereas in Europe; though jazz
only arrived during and immediately following the First World War, the music is
treated with the respect and seriousness of some classical works of art in some
quarters.
Collier (1998) in something of a riposte to some early publications arguing the lack of
extensive literature from American sources on the musics history, draws attention to
articles in newspapers (particularly those of New Orleans), containing lengthy debates
(by members of the public and civic leaders) on the subject in the USA, and in
particular New Orleans. The arguments undertaken put the case both for and against
the music and its association with the city. Those in favour saw the music as
something different and indigenous to New Orleans, and as such to be savoured.
Those in opposition identified its supposed links with crime and the less respected
areas of the city, arguing that it would be a corrupting influence on the younger
members of society. Blesh (1958, p.161) observes the attitude of some musicians that
could be recognised within the jazz community as some individuals still raked over
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arguments towards the inclusion of the saxophone in a jazz band, these were aired by
New Orleans jazz revivalists two decades earlier.
Research into the diffusion of jazz in the USA

Inquiries about jazz tend to revolve around when, where and how. While
commentaries reflect on the mythical/romantic and anecdotal aspects of the music.
The inquiring questions are most often concerned with where and when did it start,
and how did it spread throughout the USA? The answer to these questions however, is
determined by the parameters the individual or researcher wishes to set.
Glasgow (1979) published the results of his research into spatial diffusion using jazz
as an example. At the time of this publication cultural geography and, in particular,
music geography, were receiving a considerable amount of attention from academics.
Glasgow used techniques developed in geography to find answers to the question of
how jazz diffused in the USA. One accomplishment of this was to highlight the
significance of a multi-disciplinary approach to research. In addition, Glasgow
highlighted limitations that might exist within accepted geographical thought, in this
instance this concerns the theory of cultural diffusion. One of the cornerstones of
cultural geography is the acceptance of the premise that culture is developed or
established at a core where exists the seats of power and wealth, and from here it
radiates outwards to the periphery. Also the assumption is made that culture is often
transmitted in a hierarchical manner from the higher social classes down to those at
the lower levels. Glasgow in his work shows that these assumptions are not always
correct.
New Orleans, the city most associated with jazz, is located towards the mouth of the
Mississippi river. Towards the end of the nineteenth century its primary function was
that of a naval base and a working port. In earlier years, it was also prominent as an
entertainment centre and wintering location for the rich wishing to participate in
sporting activity. However, by the 20th century New Orleans had lost its position as a
major port and industrial centre to northern cities where improvements in transport
systems and industrialisation had occurred to a greater extent. Within the city Jazz
music did not only evolve in specific area but diffused upwards, from the lower to
higher social classes.

Glasgow brought to light the significance of adopting a geographical approach to

investigate data coming from history and music. The result of this was to produce
likely answers to important questions concerning the diffusion of jazz music in the
USA.

Glasgows research.
Glasgow begins by highlighting the knowledge that there is an association between
jazz diffusion and music being played on the riverboats of the Mississippi river. Prior
to, and even following, the introduction of the railways, the main method of
transporting goods from the Midwestern states was via riverboats along the
Mississippi river and its tributaries to New Orleans. With rest periods in some cities
extending between one day and one week, entertainment was a part of the journey.
Hence it was essential to have bands playing popular music on the trip. By the turn of
the century it seems that the music that would later be termed jazz was being played
and heard from New Orleans to Pittsburgh on the Ohio river, Davenport, Iowa and St.
Paul Minnesota.
Glasgows work is based on data from a number of sources (Glasgow 1979, p.11),
from which he takes a sample of jazz musicians (317) and analyses aspects of their
life. The data focuses on two distinct areas: first, that relating to musicians birth date
and place; second, census data used to calculate the probable number of jazz
musicians born in each state for a given decade (Figure 2). In his discussion Glasgow
emphasises that many of the jazz musicians state that their earliest experiences of jazz
were obtained from hearing the music when they were young, hence knowing the date
and place of birth of musicians would give an insight into where and when the music
moved. With reference to the census data, again Glasgows aim is to assess the likely
number of jazz musicians born in each state during a particular decade. He achieves
this by calculating the ratios of musicians born in each state in a given decade to the
number of children 10 years or younger at the end of the decade, from this he assess
the likely probability of children for each state and decade that might become a jazz
musician. In both instances the aim is to observe changes in the pattern for jazz
existing in a particular state and how this might vary over a number of decades. The
results are produced in a series of maps, the first set (Figures 2a-2b) displays births of
10

musicians by county. Figures 2c and 2d shows the likely differences in the proportion
of children (per million) born in a state who might become a jazz musician. A
comparison of Figures 2a and 2b show a number of differences in the location of jazz
musicians birthplace and hence diffusion during its two earliest decades. During the
1900s (1900-1910) jazz music seems to be confined to states bordering the Atlantic
coast and that east of the Rockies. However, within this certain patterns in the
locations can be observed. A line extending from the North Carolina/ Virginia border
to the Oklahoma pan handle seems to create a North/South divide. Within the
southern area, New Orleans is the dominant city as the birthplace for most of the early
jazz musicians. Nonetheless, five other states are shown as having greater numbers of
cities as the musicians birthplaces. Finally, a number of locations straddling the
Mississippi river are highlighted. The reasons for this is not clear. This pattern could
be the result of how the individuals are listed in the original data used or a reflection
of the period under observation, i.e. early 19th century when the Mississippi river still
influenced industrial location thus employment and transport.
In the northern sector, the cities of Chicago and New York are the dominant locations
where jazz musicians were born. Outside of these two cities the locations extend from
Massachusetts in the east to Kansas in the west. However, two states (Indiana and
Pennsylvania) show multiple cities, while a single point is easily recognised in the
other states. A final factor that seems to have an influence on jazz musicians place of
birth is the Ohio river. The points on the southern edge of Indiana, Ohio, and western
Pennsylvania are all on this river. Like the Mississippi river the Ohio river, had an
important role as a transport route.
Figure 2b highlights data for the 1920s. A number of marked differences are to be
observed when comparing this to Figure 2a. First, the birthplace of jazz musicians
now extends to the states on the west coast, although there is a gap in what might be
defined as the mountain states along the Rockies. Second, theres a marked decline in
the number of cities in the southern sector as the birthplace of jazz musicians.
Additionally, the cluster of cities that straddle the Mississippi river cannot be
identified, suggesting that the old links between the river and jazz were being
loosened. The northern sector shows a similar general pattern of dispersal in
birthplace of jazz musicians. The old clusters that could have been recognised in
Indiana and Pennsylvania (Figure 2a) are no longer present and have been replaced by
newly evolved centres. A third observation is the development of what might be
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defined as mega-centres (points that dominate the area/state), Chicago, Pittsburgh,

Philadelphia, New York, New Jersey, Connecticut/Massachusetts/Rhode Island area
and Los Angeles on the West coast.
The second set of maps (Figures 2c and 2d) show that the probable ratio of children
born (per million) within a state during a decade who might become a jazz musician
reflects the patterns seen in the previous maps. The map (Figure 2c) for the period of
the 1900s show Louisiana (New Orleans 13.5) as the dominant state with four others
having levels ranging between 6.8 and 7.9. These four states are connected to either
the Mississippi river or the Ohio river, hence it might be accurate to infer that
migration or trade influenced the outcome observed. The remainder of states with
values between 1 and 5.5 show patterns of dispersal covered in the previous
discussion, highlighting the north/south and east of the Rockies dominance. The map
(Figure 2d) for the 1920s show jazz as being present on both coasts, however, there
are some pronounced changes in the number for each state. South of the border, as
highlighted in Figure 2b, Florida is now the dominant state (6.8) with the other states
showing a variation of 1 and 4.2, Louisiana experiencing a loss of 9.3 points. To the
north three states suffered a decline in numbers, however, this is compensated for by
increases in a number of states. For, example Massachusetts and Connecticut have
values of 12.2 and 10.5 respectively, while New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania
give further weight to the rise in the north-east as the area with the fastest growth in
jazz musicians. Apart from these states two others (Kansas and California) show a
significant growth in importance as the likely birthplace of jazz musicians.
In his analysis, Glasgow identified a number of factors as possible explanations for
producing these results, primary among which was black migration from some
southern states. The main destination points were the industrial cities of the northern
states, some along the Mississippi valley and others in the Midwest; often these were
locations that were transport junctions.
Following on from Glasgows (1979) suggestion of migration influencing jazz, a
second line of argument stresses the difference in acceptance of the new music by the
population of the Midwest compared to New York and other cities of the northeastern seaboard. In this, Glasgow infers that the white population along the
Mississippi river and its tributaries were used to the presence of black music and
musicians on the river boats, hence there was an available audience who found this
music acceptable. During this early period the lack of acceptance of jazz on the east
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coast and, in particular, New York seems to stem from both unfamiliarity with the
new type of music and a bias towards the theatre and more acceptable classical styles.
Floyd (1995, chpt.5) in his discussion of the period known as the Harlem
Renaissance, stresses that the influential middleclass of the black community
emphasised art, literature and classical/gospel music as measures of cultural
development. The other main styles of music (blues, ragtime and the new music
(jazz)), the choice music of the majority of the black populous, were interpreted as
crude and demeaning. This attitude towards jazz music was held not only by the white
influential sector of society but also by the black middle classes; who interpreted it as
culturally demeaning (Floyd, 1995). However, as Kenney (1993, p6.) highlights,
male members from the social elite could be found enjoying themselves in many
Chicago establishments where the music that would later be called jazz was being
played. In addition it seems that the music publishers of Tin Pan Alley created as
much restriction as possible in order to protect their position. Kenney (2003, p.140)
and Phillips and Owens (2004) in their examination of recorded music in the USA,
draw attention to this aspect of the argument and to how superficial restrictions were
created by the established music publishers, record producers and playing equipment
manufacturers.
Other aspects of Glasgows work that require exploration include the range and
quality of data used, their accuracy, and whether there are alternative sources that
might confirm or refute accepted views. The types of data used by Glasgow in the
body of his discussion are very narrow, and highlight a limited range of variables that
could be examined (Figure 2). The answers produced, although important, would be
telling only part of the story. The significance of the early musicians date and place
of birth cannot be overlooked, as many musicians seem to indicate the music was first
heard while quite young. However, equally important is the nature of the premises
where this occurred; were these premises established venue (theatre, social hall, club,
pool halls) or temporary/transitory facilities (circus, picnic, and travelling show or
river boat)? Factors outside this range would be ignored in spite of their importance to
the debate.

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Current Research
In the previous section emphasis was given to John Glasgows research and its
strengths, weaknesses and value were highlighted. The strength of Glasgows research
is to be found in its approach to explaining old issues. The long held view that jazz
went up the Mississippi River to Chicago contains some elements of truth, however,
the linear trend as often described is part of a more complicated process. Glasgow
introduced a template based on recording musicians date and place of birth and
death. From this he computed the likely patterns through which jazz might have
diffused in the USA.
The major weaknesses that could be identified in Glasgows work are to be found in
the narrow range of values used in his research sample. By relying on musicians
place and date of birth as the main/sole factor to explain links between migration
patterns and the diffusion of jazz, other important issues are overlooked. Some of
these issues concern who was moving, when, their origin, and their destination. To
this could be added the different types of entertainment premises or venues where
music was played, the nature of the music and musicians involved. A knowledge of
these factors is important as many musicians state their first experience of jazz as
being when they were young (Glasgow, 1979; Shapiro and Hentoff, 1966; and
Tucker, 1993). A knowledge of the socio-political situation in the different cities is of
interest as these would have affects on influencing the direction of jazz in following
years.
Also, although Glasgow uses a number of sources to obtain data for his sample, the
majority was derived from Leonard Feathers The Encyclopedia of Jazz in the
Sixties (Feather, 1966). This data might contain an element of inbuilt bias. First,
data might go unrecorded as some individuals date and place of birth are omitted.
Second, As Glasgows sampling method was to take the first entry on each page
surnames that are common or where the first letter occurs infrequently could distort
the results as some surnames may be more common in some locations than in others.
A final area that deserves some attention relates to other sources of information that
might provide data, which, when analysed, highlight other areas that are important to
the discussion. Kenney (2003) and Regester (2002) emphasise the existence of ethnic
newspapers that were to be found in the first half of the 20th century in the USA, the
wealth of information that can be found within them and their demise. Access to these
14

sources could be valuable in highlighting areas of data that bring new understanding
to the research area. Many of the early jazz musicians often played the vaudeville or
tent and travelling shows circuit. If dates for the existence of theatres or shows are
available, it might be possible to collate these and compare the results to those already
available.
The following section of this paper is based on research into the diffusion of jazz
between the years 1917 and 1945 in the USA. In this research the aim is to use
Glasgows research method as a template, it is further intend to develop and construct
a number of datasets based on information from the subject areas identified by Taylor
(2000, p. 41) concerning the increase in information coming to light from different
areas of academia and personal archive sources. The purpose of this is to expand the
analysis originally designed and used by Glasgow. This widens the range of variables
available and increases the detail of those variables, as in some cases a variable may
be expanded to include components that might have been overlooked (e.g. the
variable for musicians name was expanded to include Akas). Other variables
encapsulate venues where live performances occurred. These were clubs and theatres,
clubs include Nightclubs, Cabaret and Dance halls. Theatres included are
predominantly those within the black/African-American community and identified as
places of significance during the period investigated, though there is not always
evidence that jazz musicians performed at these venues. The purpose of this approach
is to map the different variables and assess whether there are linkages that could be
drawn between occurrences. Figure 3, gives a fuller list of the datasets so far collected
and those yet to be located and collected (hence, the inclusion of The story so far in
the title of this paper). It should be explained that this is the first of what is intended to
be a triptych of discussions, the first focusing on live entertainment venues with the
second and third concentrating on recorded and broadcasted output respectively.
In his research Glasgow used a sample of 317 cases. In an attempt to reduce the level
of bias, recorded were the musicians whose date of birth preceded 1st January 1946,
and who performed in the USA. This resulted in 3360 cases. To obtain this
information several sources were used (in order of importance: Kernfeld (1988, 2002),
Sadie (2001), Chilton (1989), Larkin (1999), Vail (1998) and the obituary page of The
Guardian Newspaper). Cross-referencing allowed error correction and additional input
(e.g. Joe Zawinul a member of the band Weather Report is not cited in Sadie, (2001)
15

however, other artists in this band are recorded). In the first instance when there was
any conflict in the recorded data the most up to dated reference was used. This
problem was mostly encountered when different dates and places of birth and death
were given for some individuals. However, in a number of instances there was
additional uncertainty over an individual identification.
The datasets for venues where jazz was performed are of two types; clubs and
theatres. The dataset for clubs was accrued from a number of sources, including
Kernfelds (1988, 2002), and Sadie (2001), however, to these were added Bjorn &
Gallert (2001), the Chicago University Jazz Archive, and Club KayCee. Two
additional sources that were of immense value were the Writers Project
Administration (WPA (1938)) publication and The Blue Book (Tom Andersons
(1936)), however, they were only useful when seeking information on New Orleans.
This dataset contains 1751 cases divided into three categories (Nightclubs, Cabaret
and Dance halls). Recorded are their location, the decade during which they first came
into operation, and changes in venue name. This dataset functions on several levels.
Where dates were available, it was possible to map the periods during which the
different cities witness jazz as a popular music by looking at the decade the clubs first
began operation. This in itself highlighted cities (Detroit, St. Louis and Memphis) that
are often overlooked as centres of significance in the development, evolution and
diffusion of the music. The four main cities often cited (New Orleans, Chicago, New
York and Kansas) cast a long shadow over all others. An additional option this dataset
offers is the possibility of looking at the social dimension to the diffusion process.
Kenney (1993, p.6) in his discussion of jazz in Chicago, highlights the role of some
premises as a common meeting place for different socio-economic and ethnic groups.
An example of this is the Peking Theatre (Chicago) one of the early venues in
Chicago to stage jazz music. This venue, though either black owned or managed, was
frequented by different racial and socio-economical groups. Kenney (2003), and
Phillips & Owens (2004) highlight the way in which the record companies targeted
recorded music towards specific ethnic groups, however, the Chicago example shows
that when live performance is being discussed a more complex situation is in
existence.
A final dataset was constructed to examine the period of establishment and location of
theatres, in particular those owned by or where black/African-Americans entertainers
performed, or cities with a sizeable population for this ethnic group. The biographies
16

of many of the early jazz musicians and much of the literature on jazz and black
music in the USA identify the theatre as central to the musics development. Many of
the entertainers who became prominent in the world of jazz are often cited as having
appeared or performed in these venues prior to becoming established jazz musicians.
The information for the dataset was derived from Peterson (1997) and consisted of
217 cases. However, this list must not be perceived to be conclusive; both Kenney
(2003) and Regester (2002) draw attention to the demise of the ethnic newspaper
industry and the loss of these as significant historical data sources and theatre listing
will have suffered heavily under this. The results of the three datasets are presented in
Figures 3.1a-3.1d.
Place of birth and live music venues as indices to diffusion
Figure 3.1, shows the place of birth (where given) for all jazz musicians born in the
USA and covered in the dataset. On first observation the researchers attention is
drawn to the widespread distribution in places of birth. However, there are areas that
show concentration in the numbers originating from a particular point or location. The
main areas of concentration are New Orleans, Chicago, Detroit, along the Mississippi
river valley and Ohio river valley, the North-eastern seaboard from Massachusetts to
Pennsylvania and on the West coast the Los Angeles and San Francisco areas. To
identify whether there are any underlying patterns it is useful to examine the data on a
decade level, as undertaken by Glasgow in his research. Glasgow emphasises that
many of the jazz musicians recall their earliest experience of jazz music was when
they were young. To assess whether the existence of a permanent venue was
responsible for this or if there are other possible explanations, a comparison between
location of birth and the occurrence of jazz venues was undertaken. The reason for
this approach is: that if theres a venue of some nature within the vicinity, the
assumption could be made with conviction that there is a likelihood that the musician
might have heard the music in that area and probably that source. If a venue cannot be
identified there are three probable explanations; first: the music was heard at a public
place (festival, street parade, picnic, or travelling show). Second, the evolution of the
rent party (Kenney, 1993, p.12-14; Oliver (1997); and Ostransky, (1978). This seems
to occur in urban (mainly Chicago and New York) black/African-American working
class neighbourhoods or rooming areas. The rent party was organised in the room of a
house with local musicians providing the entertainment, guests would pay an entry fee
17

in this way individuals out of employment of lacking finance found a means to

obtaining the rent.
Third, as Bjorn with Gallibert (2001), Ostransky (1978), Regester (2002) and Oliver
(1997) affirm, the recording of jazz venues in the black/ African-American
neighbourhoods usually identified the famous or better known establishment. Many of
the so called experts often didnt venture beyond a certain physical boundary within
the area, either for self safety or other reasons (discrimination (Oliver, 1997, p.83)). In
addition, the unavailability/destruction/under use of many potential sources means the
list is a subset of all venues, albeit a substantial one.
The data used in the discussion are for four decades (pre-1900-1930), however, two
periods (1900s 1901-1910 and 1920s 1921-1930) can be used to compare
Glasgows findings to results derived from the new data. Figure 3.1a shows the
distribution for place of birth during the prior to 1900, (this includes those musicians
who were classified as players of ragtime and syncopated music). The general pattern
of distribution shows some similarity with that described by Glasgow (Figure 2a) for
the period of the 1900s. These highlight a bias towards the southern states with both
the Mississippi and Ohio river valleys featuring prominently. During this period
theres only one dominant city (New Orleans); both Chicago and New York seem to
be of less significance when place of birth is used as an indicator. Two locations
appear to be anomalies; Butte (Montana) and Denver (Colorado). With reference to
the former the individual became part of the vaudeville circuit and hence the
assumption could be made that he became introduced to jazz music while on that. The
latter case is that of Paul Wightman who though trained as a classical musician,
learned to play the new syncopated style. If Glasgows estimates of likely number of
jazz musicians per million (Figure 2c) to be born in the different states during this
period are taken, only Louisiana (New Orleans) fits the predicted level.
When venues are included to assess if there are any relationships in the incidence of
place of birth and venues, a far more complex picture emerges. The dominant type of
venue is the theatre followed by jazz clubs, dance halls and cabarets. The map shows
that far earlier than often stated (pre-1900), musicians who in the future became
renowned in the field of jazz were performing as far south and west as Arizona and
California (Los Angeles). Gushee (1989) in his examination of New Orleans born
musicians, explains that by 1908 many had travelled the country and played the West
Coast as part of the vaudeville circuit or travelling shows playing novelty music (New
18

Orleans type/ Syncopated/ ragtime or early jazz). Nevertheless, in the main these
venues are found east of the Rocky Mountains and generally mirror the place of birth
pattern. Assuming that jazz was usually heard in the less celebrated sections of the
cities, often populated by the poorer Europeans and newer groups of immigrants and
the black/African-Americans the place most likely to stage these events would be
premises (saloons, bars or other establishments of a similar type) to which these
groups had access (Bakan, 1998; Blesh and Janis, 1971; Kenney, 1993, p.62; Nager,
1998; and Taylor, 2000).
Bakan (1998) gives an account of black migration and settlement in California and the
development of its entertainment industry. Bakan further highlights the lack of
attention given to the cities in the area from researchers who focused on the area
between the east coast and the mid-western states. San Francisco with the Barbary
Coast (redlight district) and Los Angeles (Central Avenue) were areas where jazz
existed at a similar period to Chicago and other northern cities, however, few
references are to be found to indicate these areas had quite an active jazz scene. One
possible reason could be there was not any jazz musician born in the state, those who
appeared were from other areas working the circuit, or itinerant musicians. Gushee
(1989) highlighted that the Original Creole Band was formed in Los Angeles in 1908.
Eastman (1998), commenting on Los Angeles, highlighted the areas within which the
black community was concentrated, the circumstances that dictated this and the
evolution of the entertainment industry that catered to their needs. The situation that
developed on the west coast is as old as that for any of the other cities of the USA.
However, it seems that a number of factors influenced the lack of research on the area
during the early periods. First, the areas distance from the other places active in the
field. Second, the absence of state born musicians, who were influential during the
early years of jazz music. Finally, researchers seem to have concentrated on a specific
period (1950s onwards) and ignored earlier events.
The venue that appears most frequently for the period is the theatre. In this instance
the term theatre relates to premises that are of multi-purpose use and not restricted to
the performance of dramatic arts. These theatres would often be on an entertainment
circuit that linked several cities, hence there was a constant rotation of entertainers
performing both serious (classical) plays, musicals (operetta), comedy sketches and
minstrel acts. However, apart from these acts there was the provision of popular music
by leading singers and musicians. The theatres highlighted are those identified by
19

Peterson (1997) as being locations where many black entertainers appeared, and were
either black controlled or orientated towards the provision of black entertainment,
therefore at the heart of the communitys entertainment and events. The majority of
theatres are located in the cities or urban areas, suggesting that entertainers providing
jazz might be catering to specific ethnic or social groups. It must be accepted that the
data around which these maps are constructed are skewed in favour of black/ AfricanAmerican performers and theatres as, to date, this is the most complete list indicating
who from the jazz world appeared where and when. Also, the numerous times jazz
musicians identified these premises as the first place they performed or experienced
the music leads the researcher in this direction. In totality it might be accurate to argue
that the evidence in the map supports the views linking the occurrences of jazz
musicians being born in a place and the existence of theatres where the music was
played. What cannot be said with certainty is whether there are other venues that
became musical access points in those locations that are musicians birthplaces but
have no theatre.
The relationship between the early jazz musicians and the theatre is best explained in
the works of Riis (1989), Kenney (1986) and Shipton (2001). Towards the end of the
nineteenth century vaudeville was the avenue through which the majority of the
population experienced some form of popular entertainment. This was conducted
through a number of theatres based in cities, mainly in the Midwest and the southern
states, and operated on a circuit system. Riis (1989) highlights the many
Black/African-American composers who presented numerous musicals, sketches,
plays, operettas and music (novelty) on the stages of New York (Broadway) and other
cities of the northeast. Kenney (1986) and Taylor (2000, pp.44-45) take this argument
further by emphasising that vaudeville and tent shows were the training grounds for
jazz musicians. Being on the vaudeville circuit these musicians had to be flexible in
what they did as both musical improvisation and novelty sounds were a necessity to
create atmosphere. The result of this association is the musicians developed as
entertainers. The significance of these composers and songwriters is, they were the
forerunners of the jazz era, laying down the basic foundations of the music. Many of
these composers and songwriters later became prominent in the jazz world.
Unlike the situation for theatres, which shows a widely dispersed pattern, clubs where
jazz was played are mainly located in the urban centres of the northern states,
although a number are to be found in some urban centres of the South (New Orleans),
20

Mid-west (Kansas) and the South-west (Arizona and California). Kenney (1993,
pp.61-69) highlights the existence of clubs and dance halls in Chicago during the first
three decades of the 20th century. In the main these commercial dance halls and
ballrooms were racially exclusive, mainly catering to the white sector. The first
commercial dance hall in a Chicago black/African-American neighbourhood was built
late in the 1920s. There are a number of possible explanations for this occurrence,
first; the music played at commercial dance halls and ballrooms varied and although
jazz was included this was of a melodic watered down nature. Second, racial
exclusivity in entertainment venues resulted in the black/African-American sector
having to develop having to look elsewhere. Those from this ethnic group seeking
their preferred form of entertainment were attracted to smaller venues also favoured
by jazz musicians and their close listeners. These venues seem to be those that
developed into clubs and also suited the majority of musicians who played the
real/purer form of jazz. During the early years of these venues, emphasis was on the
nature of the music and racial or social status of the clientele seemed unimportant, a
situation that was to change with time (Kenney, 1993 p.7).
The Blue Book (Tom Andersons) gives an insight into how the Storyville area of
New Orleans was segregated at both social and ethnic levels. The different ethnic
groups, though they often interacted with each other, had set parameters within which
they operated. However, when entertainment and popular music were involved some
of these constraints became relaxed. This point, relating to different ethnic groups
coming together to enjoy popular music, is reflected in the works of Kenney (1993)
[Chicago], Nager (1998) and Lee (1934) [Memphis], Eastman (1998, p.80) [Los
Angeles], and Ostransky (1978) [New Orleans, Kansas city, Chicago and New York].
It must be clarified that in some instances the venues offering jazz and located in the
black neighbourhoods often had specific nights set-aside for white clientele, (Eastman
1998, p.80; and Ostransky, 1978, pp.101-121). Alternatively, the theatre would be
segregated, with the white section of the audience located in one area and the blacks
in another.
An alternative view is that the development of clubs might be reflecting the reaction
towards the drive for social and moral reform witnessed in the pre-prohibition period
in many urban centres of the USA. Commercial dance halls (large and small) were
being cleaned up, with dancing and behaviour strictly regulated (Kenney, 1993 pp.6366). Those seeking entertainment outside these areas might find it in these venues.
21

The other two variables, cabaret and dance halls, are to be found in seven locations.
These two types of venues are variations of kinds described in the above paragraphs,
cabarets are found in two cities (Detroit and New Orleans). Cabarets as described by
Kenney (1993, pp.62-63) presented mixture of entertainment similar to that of the
clubs presenting jazz, vaudeville acts and serving alcohol with dining and dancing
facilities. Though the clientele were usually from the white sector of the population,
one additional aspect of this was the absence of interference from the urban or moral
reformers. In the case of New Orleans this was a sporting town for gentlemen and
home to a naval base, and so entertainment would be of great importance. For the
discriminating patron or those of a certain social standing, cabarets would suffice as
the main entertainment attraction. The situation in Detroit would conform to that in
Chicago.
The other five locations (Boston, New York, Pittsburgh, Kansas and Phoenix) are
cities with dance halls, with the exception of (Phoenix/Arizona) these are areas with
heavy industry or transport nodes. The extent to which the appearance of dance halls
in these locations was related to social or population change is difficult to establish,
however, the assumption must be that these factors were of relevance. Towards the
end of the 19th century and early years of the 20th century there was substantial growth
in levels of migration from northern European countries to the USA. The main areas
of attraction were the industrial cities of the Midwest, northern states or north-eastern
seaboard. Within the USA, migration of the black population from the southern states
to the industrial cities of the north had been in progress since the end of the civil war;
however, this has been at a relatively slow rate with minor peaks each decade. Merrill
and Donaldson (1976, p25) in their examination of black population changes (18801940) highlight the level of growth in some cities. Many of these cities can be
recognised in the maps as locations of jazz venues, suggesting migration is an
influential factor. An alternative opinion focuses on the working class section of the
wider (white), population who might be seeking new forms of entertainment as
suggested by (Kenney, 1993, Chapter3; 2003, p.14). What is observed is the result of
either, or both, of these factors.
The first decade of the twentieth century (Figure 3.1b), shows a greater level of
diffusion in the birthplace of jazz musicians. The new data shows some similarity
with Glasgows findings (Figure 2a), in that the general pattern for birthplace (New
22

Orleans, the Mississippi river valley and its tributaries and the north-eastern seaboard)
still retain some element of concentration. Nonetheless, a number of marked
differences are to be observed. Stated above is the greater level of diffusion. Whereas
during the previous period only Colorado and Montana could claim to be locations
outside of the area extending from the Midwest to the eastern seaboard to have jazz
musicians born in the state, five new states are now included, some (California and
Washington) with multiple points. The concentration along the Mississippi river and
its tributaries shows a marked decrease in numbers of musicians born in these areas.
Glasgow highlights the prominence of New Orleans, the Mississippi river valley,
Chicago and the north-eastern seaboard (Boston-Baltimore) areas although other
states are included these seem to be of lesser importance.
The new data show an increase in numbers for musicians born in the states west of the
Mississippi river (Texas, Oklahoma, Kansas, Missouri, Iowa and Indiana). The reason
for this occurrence isnt quite clear, however, Blesh (1958), Blesh and Janis (1971),
Nager (1998), Marquis (1978), Oliver (1997) and Shipton (2001, p.9) draw attention
to the frequency with which early musicians (ragtime, syncopated, jazz and blues)
moved between towns. Additionally the movement of migrant workers, mainly
employed on the levies of the Mississippi river, steel mills, stockyards and slaughter
houses of the Midwest or the docks of New York and other cities of the north-eastern
seaboard had an influence on the styles of music experienced in these areas. Blesh
(1958), Blesh and Janis (1971), and Nager (1998), writing about ragtime and jazz in
the early stages of their development, bring to light how the two groups (musicians
and audience) were brought together.
The earlier sections of this paper (part 2), highlighted the origins of both ragtime and
jazz music in the seedier areas within some cities. The entertainment provided was
suited towards specific types of clientele, mainly workers employed on the levee,
heavy industries or menial tasks, gamblers and anyone wishing to have a good time.
The type of music provided was therefore popular within these areas, though not so
within the family home, elegant theatres or concert halls. Rudimentary forms of
ragtime were heard in the bars and saloons of the Midwest before Scott Jopling
became renowned as its composer (Blesh and Janis, 1971, pp.16-17, 24), however,
these early exponents of this musical form were often itinerant musicians exchanging
ideas. Marquis (1978) in his discussion of Buddy Boldens life draws emphasis to the
life of a musician in New Orleans. What becomes apparent in this is the
23

unpredictability of this as an occupation and the need to have alternative means to

generate an income. A study of appendix (A) of musicians in whose band Bolden
played, or who were a member of his band, highlights numerous part-time musicians.
Furthermore, these bands and musicians were not confined to a town or city but
travelled throughout the southern states earning money when and where they were in
demand. These observations of the itinerant musicians is supported by Gushee (1989)
who finds New Orleans born musicians appearing as part of travelling shows or
vaudeville in the northern states and the west coast before 1910. Oliver (1997, pp.8587), though writing about the blues, draws attention to the numbers of itinerant
musicians travelling throughout the states playing at lumber and turpentine camps.
Highlighted is the existence of two interdependent groups of mobile people, a
workforce and musicians, the former needing entertainment and the latter an income.
When the venues factor is introduce a number of changes can be observed. First, there
is an increase in number of theatre locations throughout the USA east of the Rocky
mountains. Though the data are based on venues tailored towards the needs of a
specific ethnic group or entertainers from that community, the reasons for this trend is
most likely to have been influenced by economic factors.
Since the end of the civil war there has been a slow but steady drift of black workers
to other states of the USA (Henri, 1976). The period often referred to as the great
migration is only a phase in this sequence and differed from earlier periods only by
the numbers involved. This, in turn, was stimulated by other factors, chiefly World
War I and a decline in the number of male migrant workers from Europe. The
reduction in this employment pool and the number of US-born males joining the army
resulted in employment gaps in the northern industrial cities. In an attempt to fill this
gap, many blacks were recruited from the southern states. The destination of many of
these economic migrants had settled communities with all the facilities needed to
function, however, the arrival of new migrants not only increased the level of demand
on what existed but stimulated changes to cater for their own taste. Ostransky (1978,
p.82-101) in his examination of Chicago and its black community highlighted the
umbrage taken by the settled middle class to the new comers from the south and their
demand for what was perceived as crude forms of behaviour along with the styles of
music they brought with them.
An additional factor that might have contributed to the growth in the number of
theatres used as venues is the introduction of the TOBA (Theatres Owners Booking
24

Association) on the vaudeville circuit in about 1907 (Shipton, 2001. p.9). Shipton
emphasises that many academics often date the TOBA circuit to around 1920,
however, this is inaccurate. TOBA was part of the vaudeville circuit mentioned earlier
where the theatres were black owned or managed. The organisation of the TOBA
circuit despite all its limitations, offered black artists the opportunity to earn an
income. This was necessary because on the white vaudeville circuit a quota system
operated that limited black acts on the billing to one. Under this system, black acts
were hired and presented to mainly audience, in locations within that community.
With the exception of New Orleans and Los Angeles, dance halls, jazz clubs and
cabarets seems to be located in the northern and mid-western cities. Currently there
isnt an exact explanation for this pattern that could be put forward, apart from that
given for the previous period.
Conversely, Kenney (1993, chpt3) put forward a set of conditions that existed at that
time in Chicago. At the turn of the century there was a growth in social dancing
amongst the young people of the working class and immigrant groups. The dance
halls that existed were in saloons often places with a fair level of danger, not only
from the individuals who frequented the premises, but also in the fabric of their
construction. The realisation that there was a demand for dance halls brought about a
rapid increase in the numbers as it was recognised there were commercial benefits to
be gained.
By the second decade of the century (1911-20), the increase in locations for
musicians birthplaces had continued; only three states west of the Mississippi river
had no jazz musicians being born within their boundaries. From this, the assumption
could be made that jazz was now being heard throughout the USA. However, when
the venues variable is examined a new picture is presented. In the discussions for the
two earlier periods the main venue types were theatres, extending from the eastern
seaboard to the Rocky mountains, with a few locations indicating the presence of jazz
clubs, dance halls and cabarets. The map for 1911-1920 shows a shift in venue type
location. Theatres are concentrated in what might be defined as the southern states
and extend from the eastern seaboard to Texas. Apart from these venues there are five
places with jazz clubs and three with dance halls. The cities of the northern states are
dominated by jazz clubs, followed by dance halls, theatres and cabaret. On the west
coast there are three locations: Los Angeles (jazz clubs, theatre and cabaret), San
Francisco (jazz clubs and dance halls) and Seattle (jazz clubs).The exact reason for
25

this development is not clear, however, a number of probable suggestions could be put
forward.

The north/south divide in venue type could have been determined by

migration factors, as Kenney (1993) highlighted and referred to in the previous

paragraph, internal migration and that from international areas were attracted to the
industrial cities on the Midwest, northern and north-eastern states. One outcome of
this growth in migration was to change the population structure of the receiving cities
towards a diverse and younger age sector, this resulted in a demand for entertainment
and of a nature desired by this group.
A driving force that influenced the growth in numbers of jazz clubs, dance halls,
theatres and cabaret as discussed with reference to Figure 3.1c, was the desire to
accrue financial benefits from the provision of these venues. The lack of greater
diversity in venue types in the southern states might be explained by two probable
reasons. First, the absence of immigrants from Europe or young white migrants
heading for the industrial cities of the Midwest and northern states as stated earlier.
Second, with reference to the black/African-American population; though this period
is often referred to as the great migration with emphasis on the south-north
movement; there was a considerable amount of movement from rural to urban areas
within the southern states. The destination for these migrants were locations with
established communities and entertainment venues. The need to develop new facilities
were unnecessary as such this might contribute to the lack of diversity in
entertainment venues. Third, World War1 must have had some effect on the
population pool (general and musical); New Orleans being a naval base would have
experienced some population loss as individuals either migrated north or joined the
ranks. This should not be interpreted as the entire body of musicians going north,
many stayed behind and some who had migrated returned at later dates.
An alternative reason for the general distribution pattern could be that given by
Kenney (1993), Stearns (1970), Glasgow (1979) and Taylor (2000). Kenney,
commented that society in the USA seems to undergo periodic changes and that this
is often reflected in changes in styles of music and dance. The ending of World War 1
could be such an instance. Returning service men, who had been exposed to the new
music abroad, would be interested in acquiring it for entertainment. Furthermore, the
period of austerity endured during the Edwardian period was over and the younger
members of society were going to enjoy themselves in part by embracing the new
music. Other factors that are of significance but not included in this study as the
26

information is not currently available relate to prohibition (speakeasies), juke joints

and clubs in ethnic neighbourhoods. Taylor (2000, pp. 44-45), highlights changes in
the dance styles in the USA from the mid nineteenth century and the contribution this
might have made to development and diffusion of jazz. During the early period
dances favoured open couples with a progression of time and the introduction of the
waltz and polka this became closed couple dances. By the turn of the century, the
new closed couple dances (two-step and turkey trot) not only reflected the popular
music of the day but laid the path for later styles and venues. Both Ostransky (1978,
p.102) and Oliver (1997, pp.81-93) make references to this area, hence the assumption
must be made that these venues would have some effect on the data displayed if they
were mapped.
Figure 3.1d shows the data for the final decade (1921-30) included in this discussion.
The pattern of dispersal for musicians place of birth continues as shown in the other,
earlier, periods, though the numbers born in states west of the great plains have
increased. However, a new pattern of clustering can be observed. New Orleans had
lost its position as the premier location where most jazz musicians were born, and the
area with the highest concentration was the north-east around Massachusetts followed
by Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana and Florida on the eastern
side of the country and, to the west, California. Glasgow, in his research, calculated
that these states were amongst those most likely to be the place of birth of future jazz
musicians.
The data for venues shows that there has been a profound change in their locations.
The predominance of theatres as the main venue type is gone. There are only four
locations with this venue type, one in New York, two in Georgia and one in North
Carolina. The main venue type is jazz clubs, followed by dance halls and cabarets.
With the exception of Texas and Louisiana (New Orleans) these are to be found in
either northern states or on the west coast. The exact reasons for the demise of the
theatre as a venue throughout the country and in particular the southern states is
unclear, however, a number of probable causes could be put forward as likely
explanations.
In the immediate post World War1 period the economy of the USA began to
experience considerable rates of growth. An off-shoot of this was an increase in
demand for entertainment to suit the former servicemen and younger generation. In
27

1917, the recording of the Original Dixieland Jazz Band proved such a commercial
success that the record companies who had previously shied away from this area
became active in setting up secondary labels under which releases could be made.
Jazz music was popular and had become an income generating sector to the music
industry. Not only was it profitable to produce the records, but, more importantly, the
units on which they were to be played. This opportunity to tap into a rich vein of
income was not lost to the music recording industry, as it operated on several levels.
First, there was a young population eager for entertainment of a sort different to that
of their parents, and jazz fitted this criteria. There were two ways that this could be
achieved: attend the venues where the music was performed, or buy the records and
units on which they were to be played. Secondly, demand from the black urban
population proved that there was a market for recordings by popular black artists, a
sector the record companies had not only overlooked but whose existence they seem
to deny. Stearns (1970, p.167) highlights that by the mid 1920s record companies who
had been selling blues records in black neighbourhoods extended the range of artists
covered and sales locations on the realisation of the potential market size. However, to
the young white listeners access to this source was not available in their
neighbourhood, unless they had contacts who could arrange this.
In the early 1920s commercial radio became part of the American way of life, and this
period witnessed the beginning of what eventually developed into the organisation of
a national radio network where jazz could be heard. Again within this system the need
to visit live venues was reduced as individuals could listen to music through radios.
Kenney (1993, pp.156-7) emphasised how the concentration of the radio stations
under fewer large companies and the organisation of national networks removed the
influence of musicians on local stations, and so acted to undermine live musical
entertainment in many areas. Stearns (1970, p.168) refers to the rumour of Bessie
Smiths value as an artist contracted to Columbia records. It seems that demand for
her records by the black urban population contributed to the companys healthy
financial status, however, with the advent of the radio this rapidly declined. Gioia
(1997, p.136) shows how the development in commercial radio could have affected
live performances. In 1920 the first commercial radio station was established in
Pittsburgh; by 1921 radio equipment sales were estimated to have been $11million
dollars, while by the end of the decade they had amounted to over $850million.
Whether the development of commercial radio was the cause for the demise of the
28

theatre in the southern states is difficult to verify. Kenney (1986, p.233) introduces
what might be considered an alternative argument: he suggests that many of the black
owned theatres often operated at the margins of the financial scale, hence, at the onset
of the depression, the majority went bust. The jazz clubs, dance halls and cabarets,
mainly located in the urban areas of the northern cities, Midwest and west coast were
well equipped to survive this downturn.

Conclusion
The purpose of this paper was to investigate the diffusion pattern of jazz in the USA,
its likely routes, and to provide explanations of the factors that were influential in
determining the results presented. The discussion was undertaken in three parts. The
first is a brief examination of early settlement and migration patterns of the three main
colonial groups in the USA from the sixteenth century onwards. The data used to
examine these patterns were taken from a number of sources and used in conjunction
with the overview in Carney (1987,1994) as discussed in the first section of this
paper.
The second section is based on Glasgows (1979) research in spatial diffusion, in
which jazz music in the USA is used as an example. In this he applies theoretical
techniques from one subject area (geography) to data derived from another (music).
However, from the outset Glasgow emphasises that jazz and its diffusion do not
conform to the accepted concept of cultural diffusion as defined by Zelinsky. In this
situation diffusion flows in a top down system. At the top there is an influential socioeconomic group usually residing in a core area, and cultural traits and changes flow
from this heartland to the periphery. In the case of jazz the reverse seems to have
occurred; New Orleans was not perceived as a financial or cultural centre in the USA.
Furthermore the people most associated with the musics development came from the
lower social and ethnic groups.
The results produced cast new light on a subject area that is not only under-researched
but also surrounded to myths and anecdotes as to its origin and diffusion. As stated,
the main criticism that could be made of Glasgows research concerns the narrow
range of variables used and the sample of individuals covered. The narrow range of
variables ensures that factors outside this frame, though they might make an important
contribution to the debate, are not included. The sample of individuals included in the
29

research could bias the results, as those omitted might cast light on new areas.
However, despite these criticisms of the limitations of Glasgows research, there is
much to be gained from it. Glasgow provides a template that future researchers with
an interest in the area can use. The manner in which historical facts are drawn into the
discussion show how migration along the Mississippi river had a marked influence on
musical styles during the periods before jazz. This makes the researcher aware that
what is being observed is not a new phenomena but a process being repeated. Finally,
the maps produced from the limited data do cast light on new areas: if attention is
given to the musicians place of birth, how diffuse are the origins of jazz? It must
also be considered that at the time of Glasgows research the computing capacity and
power available would be considerably limited compared to the present time. As to
where and when changes in areas of popularity occur, some, notion of this could be
obtained from the maps presented though Glasgow does not identify each individual
place.
The data gathered and presented in the latest research is an attempt to bring together
information from different subject areas, the aim is when fused they should provide
a better understanding of the diffusion process of jazz in the USA. A comparison of
Glasgows findings and those from the analysis data highlight some similarities in
general patterns. In both instances New Orleans, the Mississippi, and Ohio river
valleys, Chicago, and the north-eastern seaboard cities are prominent. However, the
maps generated from the latter data reveals a greater level of diffusion. When the
variables for venues are included the maps produced bring to light some interesting
features. The main areas of venue concentration coincide with the cities where many
musicians were born. Nonetheless, there are areas where musicians are born but no
venues are located. This raises the question of whether there are venues in these
places, and if so what are their nature? In addition, there are venues in the south-west
and Los Angeles but no musician identified as being born there before 1911. This
occurrence leads to the assumption that there was an audience for this music prior to
the date given by Glasgow but that the musicians were either itinerant or unrecorded.
When the element of time is introduced a number of differences in the variables
appear. Though there are some similarities in the general patterns for place of birth in
the two pieces of research, there are some marked differences. The similarities are to
be identified in the general patterns of concentration in musicians birthplace and how
this changes over time to different locations. The observed differences are in levels of
30

diffusion in birthplace and venue types. The latter set of maps highlight jazz
musicians came from a wider area and so jazz music was heard over a greater area
than presented by Glasgows research. Also, when venues are introduced the results
confirm not only the extent to which jazz had spread over the USA, furthermore,
highlighted are differences between venue types, locations and the changes that
occurred over the time period covered. With each decade the number of states where
musicians are born increases, however, the types of venue where the music is
performed or heard emphasise this is at a slow pace. Prior to 1911, the main venue
type was the theatre, whether this was used for vaudeville, musical drama or popular
singers. Following this date a change in both venue type and location could be
observed. This change was of two types; 1) a decline in theatres as venues and an
increase in jazz clubs, dance halls and cabarets and 2) a gradual movement away from
the southern states to concentration in northern, Midwestern and some west coast
states.
At the outset the aim of this paper was to develop an approach that would assist in our
understanding of the diffusion of jazz in the USA. Using early research methods as a
template to be expanded proved invaluable, in that as well as providing a path that
could be followed, it also highlighted areas of weakness. The results of Glasgows
initial work, though based on a narrow range of variables, highlighted general patterns
that offered an insight into the likely routes jazz musicians took from the origin (New
Orleans) to other cities of the USA. The value of a multi-discipline approach, where
emphasis is on using data from other subject areas, becomes clear when maps based
on the new data are developed. In this latest piece of research two sets of data have
been used (birthplace and live venues), and the results have shed new light into how
wide an area musicians originated from. This raises the question: although New
Orleans is cited as the birthplace of jazz, how wide an area did the musicians who
contributed to this music come from? When venue types were discussed, links could
be drawn between the siting of venues and musicians place of birth: in the locations
where there are no venues what were the factors responsible for influencing the
musicians? The title of this paper is The diffusion of jazz in the USA: The story so
far It is hoped that if the other pieces of data: concerning speakeasies, juke joints,
neighbourhood clubs and migration, come to light, a fuller explanation and better
understanding of how jazz diffused could be given.

31

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Map1a Produced by graphics unit School of Geography, University of Leeds

Maps 1b-1d Reproduced by graphics unit School of Geography, University of Leeds
Maps 1e Produced by Dr. I. Turton School of Geography, University of Leeds
(GeoVISTA Center, Department of Geography, Penn State University)
Maps 2a-2d Reproduced by graphics unit School of Geography, University of Leeds
Maps 3.1-3.1d Produced by Dr. I. Turton School of Geography, University of Leeds
(GeoVISTA Center, Department of Geography, Penn State University)

35