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DONNY GLUCKSTEIN
The capitalist system has never been more at risk than in the years
following the First World War. In 1917 the Bolshevik revolution
i n s pi red a wave of intense class struggle which swept Europe.
D uring the early months of 1919 workers' councils held effective
power into a band which stret ched from Hungary and Russia to
Austri a and Germany. Italy entered 'two red years' which cul
minated in the massive oc cupatio n of the factories. Even Britain
was for a time on the brink of revolution with the 40-hours' move
ment, police strikes in Liverpool and London, and army mutinies in
Calais and Rhyl.
Despite the unprecedented level of mass struggle the workers
movements were defeated one by one and the rule of capital re
imposed. By 1924 only the Soviet state in Russia survived. Trotsky
explained the failure of the international revolution in this way: 'It is
all too obv ious just what was lackin g in 19 19 and 1920: a revolu
tionary party was lacking. Not until the powerful postwar mass
ferment has already begun to ebb did young Communists Parties
begin to take shape, and even then only in rough outline. '1
His statement was no exaggeration. When the Russian revolution
peaked in October 1917 the Bolsheviks had an organisation of
200,000 workers with many years of political struggle behind them.
They published 17 daily papers which had a joint circulation of
320,000 copies. No comparable revolutionary party existed else
where. The Hungarian Communists were prisoners of war in Russia
when they established their organisation. Just four months later
they were propelled into power in an atempt to resolve the chaotic
situation in which Hungary found itself. The Communist govern-
'
(i) The Paris Commune and the rise ofthe Second International partis
Mass political parties have not always existed. They are esentially
voluntary organisations of people who share a common attitude
towards society and the various classes within it. In Europe such
1849- a
law enacted in the years of reaction that followed the massacre of
Pa ri si an workers in June 1848. 8 Of its 80 or so me m b e rs on l y 2-t were
actually workers. The proletariat was the d y n a m ic force inspiring
and leading the mo vemen t but the Commune's first social decrees
showed that its immediate concern lay outsi de production. They
consisted of control of house rents and the p ost po nin g of overdue
bills.10 The chief working class measures which Marx listed were
abolition of night work for j o u r n ey men bake rs. abo l i t io n of punitive
fines at work and the sale o f p a wn ed a rticles 11
Marx cri ticised the actions of the Co mmunard s for want of
audacity failure to marc h on Versa i lles or to seize the Bank of
France etc
but g ive n the time he was wr iting he could not see the
limitations of u niversal male su ffrag e as oppo sed to workplace
organi sat ion of power. If the deve l o p m e n t of indus try had been
more advanced and the C o mm u ne had made a radical break with
geographical suffrage, then both he and Engels would have had a
much clearer view of the alternative structure of workers' power
under deve l oped Western capitalism. U ni v ersa l suffrage soon be
came a central feature of the modern bou rgeo is states t h at emerged
at the time. The sp read of th e franchise was very rapi d in the later
years of the century: USA universal white su ffra ge i n t ro duced 1870;
Germany un i v ersa l male suffrage introduced 1871; Britain. most
m ale workers get the vote in 1884; Spain 1890; Belgium 1893 and so
on.
elected by
.).
form
. The rise
8
power through the
C)
JO
latter. Cliff has written that: 'the need for a revolutionary party
is a reflection of the unevenness of consciousness in the working
class. 20 So one explanation for L u x e mb u rg s failure to build a
vanguard party has been that she. with all other social democrats in
Western Europe was blind to the d i ffe rent leve ls of consciousness i n
the working class: 'It was not that she overestimated the heights to
which workers would spontaneously r i s e but that she overestimated
the evenness with w h ic h this process cou l d occu r. 21
But Luxemburg was acutely aware of t h e differe nt levels of con
sciousness i n the working class and the un e ve n n ess of its develop
ment. She wrote that in an even t u al f u tu re p eriod of pol itical mass
action the most backward layers of the Ge rman proletariat the
land workers. the railwaymen. and t h e postal slaves-will first of all
win the right of combination. and t ha t t h e worst excrescences of
exploitation m u st first be removed. and on the o the r hand. the
politi c a l task of th i s period is said to be t h e conquest of power by the
proletariat! On t h e one hand. econom ic. t rade-unio n struggles for
the most imm ed i a t e interests. for the material elevation of the
working class- on the other hand the ult i mate goal of soc i al democ
racy! Certainly these are g re a t contradictioti's. but they are not
contradictions due to o u r reas on i n g but cont radict ions due to
capita l i st de ve l o pme n t It does not procee d in a beautiful straight
line but in a ligh tn i ng-like zigzag. Just as t he various capitalist
co un t r ies represent t h e most v a ried stages of d e velo p m ent so within
e ach c ountry the d iffe rent layers o f the same working class are
represented. But history doe s not wait pa t ien tly til l the backward
co u n tri es. a n d the most advanced layers have joined together so
t h a t the whole mass can move symetrica l ly forward l ike a compact
col u m n . It b r i n gs the best p r e pa r ed parts to explosion as soon as
22
cond i tions there a re r ipe for i t
Even Karl Kautsky. the m an who defined social democrati c or
thodoxy. d isti n guished betwee n different sections. writing in The
.
'
II
Road
given the Russian pro let aria t that 'training' which thirty years of
parliamentary and tra de u nion struggle cannot artificially give the
German proletariat. 24 This is the first and absolutely correct promise
that she starts from.
The other key plank in her thought was defence of the rev
o lutionary heritage of Marxism and its application to current issues.
She made her debut on the German scene with precisely that issue.
the pamphlet
Revolution. In it Luxemburg reasserts the
Marxist theory of the state, which is 'first of all. an organisation of
the ruling class' .25 As capitalism developed, the state as a set of
political and juridical relations, established between capitalist and
socialist society a steadily rising wall. This wall is not ov erthrown.
but is on the contrary strengthened and consolidated by the dev
elopment of social reforms and the course of democracy. Only the
hammer blow of revolution. that is to say, the conquest
power by
'26
the
can
down this wall.
The role of socialist leadership in this struggle was spelled out
clearly in this passage: our program would be a miserable scrap of
paper if it could not serve us in
eventualities. at all moments of
the struggle. and if it did not serve us by its application and not by its
non-application. If our program contained the formula of the
historic development of society from capitalism to socialism. it must
also formulate. in all its characteristic fundamentals. all the transi
tory phases of this development. and it should consequently. be
able to indicate to the proletariat what ought to be its corresponding
action at every moment on the road toward socialism.21
It follows from this that she saw a specifically revolutionary party
-
proletariat,
Reform or
of
break
all
12
'It is not true that socialism will arise auto1na1ical/y from the daily struggle of the working class. Socialism will
bt the consequence of ( 1) the gro wing contradictions of capitalist
eco1101ny and (2) the comprehension by the working class of the
111unoidability of the suppression of these contradictions through a
social trans/ormation. '28
She saw its general role as an active in terven tionist fo rce : The
as
ahsolutcly
necessary:
fatalist fashion with folded arms for the advent of the revolutionary
situation ... On the contrary., they must now, as always, hasten the
Here again the starting point was fu ndame ntally correct. To talk
o n l y of final aims and disregard the me a n s of achieving them - the
mass transformation of con sciousness through class struggle - leads
to a se ctarian dead end. To im m er s e the party in curren t concerns
wi t h o u t a v i e w to the final aim of socialist revolution . leads to an
equally disastrous reformist dead-end.
Luxemburg saw t h e traps but/ell into both of them. As a member
oft he Polish revolutionary grou p. the SD KPiL she was part of a tiny
organisation which. apart from a brie f growth in 1905 was little
13
'
14
and
..
..
her
fi l led
THE MISSING PA R IT
15
?;'
16
Britain
17
debate . I t
had to be ' Revo lutionary in aim . because it will be o u t fo r the
abolition of t h e wages system . . . .44 D iscussing t h e m e a n s o f
achieving this revolution M a n n wrote : 'The e n g ines of w a r to fight
the workers' batt l e to ove rt h row the c a p i tal i s t class . and to ra ise t he
Irelan d
18
/lo/land
Italy
W i t h in t h e I ta l i a n Soci alist Party A madeo Bordi ga built a
t i g h t l y organised rev olut ionary faction from 1 9 1 2 on wa rds Later h
cl a i med t h at its principles we re the same as t h ose o f Len in in Wha t is
to be Don e?" Howe ver the idea of workpl ace poli tics was enti re ly
a b e s e n t and o n ly the idea of rigourous ce n t ral ism was adopted. So
w h i le B o l sh evism showed great tactica l fl ex i b i l ity and skill in ada pt
i n g to t he r a pi d shifts in the m ass m o v e m e n t B o rdigis m fe ll i mm edi
a t e l y i n to m o u ld of sectarian p o l i t ics The revo lutionary co nqu est of
s t a t e powe r became everyt h i n g wh i l e t he immediate struggle of t he
c l ass w a s see n as a dive rsion . Eve n t u ally its mai n pol i cy was red uced
to a b st e n t ion fro m votin g in e l e c t io n s It be came a c l a ss ic sect which
.
THE MISSING PA R TY
19
Germany
Arb eiterpolitik
'
'
20
The se
THE MISSING PA R TY
21
revolutionary prac ti c e
In particu lar it in s i s t e d on the re l at i on s h i p be twe e n pol i t i cs and
economics . betwee n a c t i o n as a class and se ctional struggle . H e re .
w a s the connection o f t h e max i m um programme o f t he re vo l u t i o n a ry
ov e rt hro w o f the state and the m inimum pro g r a mm e o f immediate
struggle . But t h e re was a basic w e a k n e s s i n h e r a ppr o a c h She sti ll
viewed t h e revolution from an abstract v i e w poi nt which ove rlooked
the p r a c t ic a l activity of h uman beings wh i c h shapes any great
historical eve nt . This is clear in the following description of a m a s s
strike : ' Every great politica l mass a c t i o n afte r it has a t t a i n e d i ts
pol i t i c a l h igh e s t p o in t breaks up into a mass of eco n o m i c strikes .
And that a p p lies not only to e ach of the gre a t m ass s t rikes . but a lso
to the revolution a s a whole . With the spreading . clarifying a nd
inv olutio n of the poli t i c al struggle . the economic s t rugg l e not o n ly
does n o t re cede . but e xte nds , o rg a ni se s and becom es in volved in
equ al m e a s u re . Between the two the re is t h e most co mplete recip
ro c al a c t i o n '55 Thi s is p e rfe c t l y correct on p ap e r but it does not
e xpl ain how e c o n o m i cs and po l i t i cs re late on the g rou nd . The same
p ro b l e m ap p e a re d when Luxemburg talked about reform ism in t he
Mass Strike pamphle t : "whe ther t h e y stand aside o r e ndea vour to
r e si s t th e move men t . the result of their attitude will onl y be that the
tr ade-un ion leade rs . like the p a rt y leaders in th e analogous ca se .
will si m ply be sw e p t aside by the rush of e ven t s and t h e eco nom ic
and the po liti c a l s t rugg l e s of t he masses will be fo u gh t out without
the m . '5 6
In the ' M ass Strike' Luxemburg showed the heig hts to which the
work e rs m o v em e n t could climb . and challenged the inc reasingly
passiv e lea dership of t he SPD to rise to the occasion . Th o u gh it took
Marxis t theory m a n y steps forward the pamph l e t 's abstrac tness
meant that it s formulations could not serve as a guide to action. Still
the key concept was missing - the point o f production as the place
whe re t h e e conomic powe r of the mobilised working class can be
tran sform ed into a political stru ggl e And as lon g as this was so .
L u x em b urg could not co n ce i v e of a party separating from the S P D .
re t a i n i n g its links with the workers' movement. but without de
generating into a sect .
Observing w o r ke rs struggle from the outside is not at all t h e
same as ac ti v e l y participating in it. Although Luxe mburg went to
Poland to see e v e n t s at first hand she never confronted t he sort of
i mmed i ate problems t h a t the Bo l s hevi ks i n 1 905 had to solve o n a
day to day leve l . L u x e m b u rg always talked in terms of the masses on
the one hand and the role of v ang u a r d leadership on the other. But
i n a real con flict t h e relationship between the vanguard a n d the m a ss
is extre m e l y complex . The vanguard may be one or two soci a l ists i n
an o ffi c e o r o r factory . and the mass . t h e 1 0 workmates they see
.
22
j udgement
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23
24
THE MISSING PA R TY
25
'
. <
.,
J.
'
..
26
'
by fe l l i n g ab s o l u tis m . '65
I n ge n e ral . howeve r . the co n n ection betwe e n t h e sect i on and the
c l a s s . e co n o m i cs and politics . is ra re l y a utomatic. The t wo are
j o i n e d by t h e com b i n a t i o n o f obj ective factors such as st ate inter
v e n t i o n . a n d t he subj ective re spon se of t h e class . I n t he West trade
union a n d re fo rm i st party lead e rs make a sharp d i vision between
po l i t i ca l a n d e co no m i c issue s . see k i n g to put a bra ke on t he de\'
e l o p m e n t o f so l i d a rity w h e n e ver i t t h re a t e n s to bu rst out o f estab-
THE MISSING PA R TY
27
28
fa i l u re to p rovide
the be nch . t h rough
l e a fl e t s . m e e t i n gs at t h e fa c t o ry gates or i n t he factory yard s . and
s e p a rate m e e t i ngs of t h e more class-con scious a n d revo lut ionary
wo r k e rs . The Bolsheviks always showed the connection between the
1naltreatment offactories, and the rule of the autocracy. ,68
Th i s st ruct u re was not adopted beca use Len i n saw t h a t the genn
o f t h e Soviet state was found at t h e po i n t o f p rod u c t i o n ( h is theory
of t h e d e ve lopm e n t of the revolution put him far from this view) ;
b u t t h e e x t re m e co ndit ions o f st ruggle u n d e r t h e au tocracy forced
revo l u t i o n a ries to b u i ld where t h e cl ass fe l t its greatest strength:
N ow a bo u t the fact o ry circles . These a re p a r t ic u la r ly important to
u s : t he m a i n st re ngt h o f t he move me n t lies in the o rganisation of the
w o r k e rs at the large factori e s . fo r t he l a rge facto ries ( and mills)
co n t a i n not on ly the p re do m i n a n t part of the working class as
re ga rds n u m be rs . but even m o re as regards i nfl u e nce . deve lopment.
a n d figh t i ng capaci ty. Eve ry factory must be our fort ress . "69
Th is co n ce n t ration on the factory was not a sign of economism .
fo r t h e B o lshevi k s indust ri a l base was i n d issolubly t i e d to political
s t r uggle aga inst t h e state . Co mpare Len i n 's words on party factory
ce l l s w i t h a s i m i l a rly e x p re ssed idea of Connolly " s : i n t h e l ight of . . .
i n d u s t ri a l u n i o n i s m every fresh shop o r factory organ ised under its
b a n n e r is a fort w re n c h e d from the co n t ro l of the cap ita l is t class and
m a n n e d w i t h the so ldie rs of the re volution . '70 Bolshevik factory
ce l l s gave c o n tac t with the m asse s . b u t t h is was combined with a
revo l u t i o n a ry political progra m m e t h a t led away from trade union
sec t i o n a l ism towards class act ion against the state . The Bolshevik
pa rty . u n l i ke a union exercise d "t he greatest possible central
isation . . . with regard to the ideo logica l and p ractica l leadership of
t h e move me n t , . Thus Bo lshevism kept a n a l l- i m portant contact
with t h e m asses without adapting to t h e class as i t existed in its
o p p re ssed st ate . The party struct u re was t h e re sult of Lenin s organ
i s a t i o n a l s k i l l s and the pol i t ical conditions of Russia. It had to be a
m o v e m e n t based on t h e powe r i n h e rent i n the modem industrial
p rocess w h e re co l lect ive prod uction is para moun t . A ny other fonn
w o u l d have been ineffectua l agai nst the Tsarist enemy . a force so
r e p re ssive t h a t even t he re fo rm ist i l lusions o f parl i a m e n t arism were
excluded .
I n such conditions leade rs h ip was only pos s i b l e i f combined with
so l i d o rg a n isatio n . The n e ce ssary l i n k of po l i t i ca l a n d technical
d i rect ion. wh ich Luxe mburg avoided fo r fe ar of delivering the
masses i n to t h e h ands of re fo rm ist bureaucra t s . was also encouraged
by conditions in Russia . Th i s was shown in striking fonn w h en
B o l she viks a n d M e nshevik s spl i t at the 1 903 Co ngress . The dif
fe re n ce betwe e n Le n i n s de fi n i t ion of m e m b e rship as pe rso nal
.
THE MISSING PA R TY
29
30
was
31
32
as a
for
liiing
non-party
THE MISSING PA R TY
33
Trotsky to overlook the Sovie t as its form . I n fact he acce pted the
Second Internation al vi e w that the state ' is only a m ach ine in the
h a nds of the do m i n ating soci al fo rces . . . It can be a powe rfu l leve l
for re volution o r a tool for organisationa l s t ag nati o n . depending on
the hands that c o n trol it. Eve ry political party worthy of the n ame
strives to capture p o l itica l powe r and thus p lace the State at t h e
servi ce o f the class whose inte rests i t expresses . '88 If this were t ru e .
then p arl ia m e n t could be as much a n instrument of revolution as
a ny o t h er . That is why in his m a or d iscussion of pe rmanent re v
(iii) Lenin,
state, 1914-191 7
34
'
'
THE MISSING PA R TY
35
short step to d iscove ring the organ ised form of the re vo l u t ion a ry
altern a tive .
ready-made
(
of Workers'
State
. .
36
usal
THE MISSING PA R TY
37
only
Comintern
38
l i o n a ry
a m ple
for ex
se l f a c t iv i t y .
ro l e o f
"
In
THE MISSING PA R TY
39
summing up
of exp erience.
a os
I n re l a t i o n to t h e state . t h e l i m i ts o f
Marxism i n Marxs t i me we re se t by t h e Paris Commune a n d t he
co nclusions that co uld b e drawn from i t . Th ese l i m i t s a lso h ad an
effect on t h e building of the Second I n tern a t io n a l . Th i s o rga n isa t i o n
occasionally m e n t ioned t h e dictato rship of the pro l e t a ri a t " b u t
moved further a n d further from it in reality. The d ictato rsh ip
e ca me a principle q u i te se parate from daily practice w h ich was
mcr e asi ngly re form ist . I t took t h e outbre a k of war i n 1 9 1 4 to expose
t he ho l l own ess of t he I n t e rn a t i on a r s M arxism .
The t he ore tical and p ractica l achieve m e n t s o f t h e 1 9 1 7 re vo l u t io n
re pre s e n ted a quantum le ap i n wo rking c l ass experie nce . A cri t ical
re - e x a m inati on of the state and its n e gation i n t h e S ovie t we re v i t a l
ste ps in the e m e rge nce o f Bolshevi k orkplace politics as a met hod
of i n te r national validity fo r b u i ld i n g re voluti o n a ry parties . Tha t i t
to o so lo ng for t h is fact to be unde rstood w a s due to the pecu l i a r
co ndi tio ns i n Russia . w h ich a l lowed t he B o lshevi k party t o b e b u i lt
witho ut a fu l ly worked-out attitude to t h e bourge ois state . The
Ru ssia ns cou ld afford con fu sion i n this a re a . becau se t h e B o lshe vik
par ty co uld b e b u i l t i n spite of the theore t i cal gap . B u t no-one e lse .
not eve n revolutio naries as gifted as Luxe mbu rg . cou ld do the
sa m e .
Tod ay. whe n h isto ry has reve aled the process o f revo lut ion . t he
ce n tra lity of t h e party and its re lation to t h e Soviet . we can not m a ke
do wit h u n co n scious processes . I n B ritain today the fo rces of parlia
me n taris m . re fo rmism . Labour and u n ion b u re aucracies are i m
mea surab ly gre ater than was the case i n Russia . This m akes expl i cit
co ncentratio n o n the workplace e ssentia l . both i n t e rms of bui l d i ng
a re volutio n a ry party and raising the se l f-act ivity of the working
class .
40
..
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41
Notes
l.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
IO.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
1 6.
1 7.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22 .
L Trotsky . The First Five Years of the Communist International. Vol I . New
York . 1 945 . p l .
T Cliff. Rosa Luxemburg, I n t ro . by L G e rm a n . London 1 983 . p l 7 .
K Marx. The First International and After . H a rmondsworth 1 97 4 p2 1 2 .
Ibid . p206 .
Ibid. p209.
A Cobban . History ofModern France . Vol 2 . Ha rmondsw o rth 1 973 . pp l 1 8-9 .
Intro. t o L Trotsky. O n the Paris Commune . N e w York 1 972 . p6.
P Lissagray . History of the Paris Commune . London 1 976. p 1 3 1 .
Ibid . p l 27 .
Ibid . p 1 30.
.
Moscow 1 975 . p p 1 6- 1 7.
K Kautsky . La via al potere . B a ri 1 974 . pp65 -70.
Quoted in V Le n i n . The State and Revolution . Moscow 1 975 . p l 7 .
S e e J M o l yn e ux . International Socialism 2 : 20.
T Cliff. Rosa Luxemburg . London 1 968 . p43 .
T Cl iff. Lenin . Vol I . London 1 975 . p 267 .
J Molyneux . Marxism and the Party . London 1 978 p l 1 3 .
R Luxem b u rg . Rosa Luxemb urg Speaks . (ed. M Waters ) . Ne w York 1 970.
.
p206.
23 .
24.
25 .
26.
2 7.
28.
2 9.
30 .
31.
32 .
33 .
34.
3 5.
36 .
37.
38 .
39.
40.
41.
42.
43 .
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
I bid . p 1 1 9 .
Ibid . p l 2 1 .
Ibid . p l 08.
Ibid . p l 88 .
Ib i d p200.
M i nute s of Socia list Unity Con fe rence . Septe mbe r 30th
.
to
pl5.
I b id . p l 2 .
The Industrial Syndicalist . repri n ted Notti ngham 1 974.
Ibid . p45.
J Connolly . Selected Writings . New York 1 973 . p l 52 .
I bi d . p l 58 .
Ibid . pp220- 1 .
9.
Octo ber 1 st 1 9 1 1 .
-12
so .
53.
5-1 .
SS.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61 .
6:! .
63 .
fl.i .
65 .
M.
67 .
68 .
69 .
70.
71.
72 .
73 .
74 .
75 .
76.
77.
78.
79 .
80.
81.
82.
83 .
84 .
85 .
86 .
87.
88 .
89 .
90 .
91.
9:! .
93 .
9-1 .
95 .
96 .
A Pa n n c k oe k . ' M asse n A k t io n und R evolut ion ' . Die Neue Zeit. Jahrg. 30.
Vol :! . :! . p5 U .
pp-t.25-6.
ibid . p66.
I bid . p90.
Tro t s k y .
I bid . p 10 2 .
See C l i ff. Lenin . Vol I . p33 1 .
Molyn e u x . Marxism and the Party . Lo n d o n 1 978 . p67.
I b id ( m y em phasis) .
C l i ff. Len in . Vol 1 . p33 l .
Co nnol l y . Selected Writings . p l 53 .
Cl i ff. Lenin . Vol I . p9 l .
V Le n i n . Two Steps Forward, One Step Back . Moscow 1 978 . pp l 83-6.
C l i ff. Lenin . Vol I . p l 64 .
I b id .
Le n i n . Selected Works . Vo l 3 . p52 .
D H a l la s . Trotsky 's Marxism . London 1 979 . p l l .
Le n i n . Selected Works . Vol 3 . (HO.
I bid . p82 .
I b id . p35 .
I b i d . p-tfi.
I b i d . p343 .
Fo r a fu l l d iscussion of t h is see N G e ras . The Legacy of Rosa Luxemburg .
Lo ndon 1 976 . pp-t3- l l l .
Trotsky . / 905 . p l 22 .
I b i d . pp l l 2-3 .
I b i d . p.!68 .
I b id . p340 .
I b i d . p p3.+0- l .
L T r o t s k y . The Permanent Re1:0/ution and Results and Prospects . London
1 962 . p l 94 .
Ibid .
I bid . p8 .
I b i d . p l 9.
Len i n . State and Revolution . p p 9 7 -8.
lhid. p l 12.
See out l i n e i n Marxism on the State . pp9+.5 .
THE MISSING PA R TY
97.
98 .
99 .
1 00 .
101 .
43
102.
Theses. Resolutions and Manifestos of the First Four Congresses of the Third
International. London 1 980 . pp 1 8- 1 9 .
G D H Cole. Communism and Social Democracy. 1 914- 1 931 . Londo n 1 958.
103 .
HJ.i.
105.
1 06.
107 .
1 08.
109.
p305 .
p72 .
Ibid . pp232-3 .
pp57-58 .
Winter 1 984
Contents :
The coup
M ik e H ay ne s
revolt:
Ale x Callinicos
missing party
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