Moses S.

Cam
23, 2014
Augustine Ignatius V. Ong Vao
Assignment - The 2nd Phase of the Philippine Revolution

July

History, as we have seen from our previous lectures, can be a fickle thing. The very nature
of history as a multifaceted thing makes it prone to distortion, and it has its way of blurring the
truth, or better yet, giving numerous versions of it. It is difficult, or perhaps impossible, to grasp
the idea of there being different versions of the truth because we know that there can only be
the absolute one. However difficult and confusing it may seem, this is what history offers us. It is
the historians job and this is critical in the light of revolutionary historiography to sift through
all the accounts, narratives and texts in an attempt to get as close to the truth as possible. A
perfect example of this is the second phase of the Philippine Revolution.
We begin the second phase of the revolution not in the Philippines, but in Hong Kong with
a desperate Emilio Aguinaldo who was approached by the Americans with the promise of
freedom for his dear Philippines from the yoke of Spain. Aguinaldo convened with American
consul Spencer Pratt in Singapore to discuss their alliance against Spain. The Americans seemed
to be a godsend for Aguinaldo and the revolution, but behind those promises was a scheming
United States who, at that that time, already had conflicts and brewing unrest with Spain over
Cuba, and not to mention the alleged sinking of the USS Maine by Spanish naval forces.
Aguinaldo, if he were knowledgeable of the expansionary history of the United States, should
have foreseen that such agreements with America would always entail a cost. Here we see
Aguinaldos naivety in failing to delineate the motive of the Americans, despite their recognized
advocacy of expansionary policy. We can see from the outset that this friendship between the
United States and the Philippines is just another strategic move on the part of the Americans.
Our role as a pawn and puppet of the Americans in the beginning is perhaps a foreshadowing of
the many harrowing things to come.
On May 1, 1898, Admiral George Dewey and his fleet entered Manila Bay and decidedly
crushed the Spanish forces. On May 19, Aguinaldo returned to the Philippines aboard the USS
McCulloch. When he arrived, Aguinaldo established a dictatorial government to show the
capacity of the Filipinos for self-government. A month later, he would establish the
Revolutionary Government.1 The return of Aguinaldo, with the aid of the Americans, distressed
the Spanish government so much so that they attempted to win back the Filipinos an attempt
which was futile.
On June 12, Aguinaldo announced the Declaration of Independence in Kawit, Cavite.
Aguinaldos decision to declare independence was met with some criticism, especially from
Apolinario Mabini, who called it premature. We see in various texts from historians and even
personal accounts that there is conflict between Mabini and Aguinaldo throughout the second
phase of the revolution.
About a month after Aguinaldo had declared independence, the Filipino and American forces had
surrounded the walled city of Intramuros with Dewey guarding Manila Bay from possible Spanish
reinforcements. Seeing imminent victory in Manila, Aguinaldo even offered an honorable
surrender for the Spanish forces trapped within the walls of Intramuros. Through this act of
mercy that Aguinaldo offers, if we may call it that, we see that vengeance through bloodshed is
not his main objective, but rather, the freedom for his people. As leader of the dictatorial
government, Aguinaldo also issued a circular urging people to stop the disgraceful treatment of
Spanish prisoners.2 This preference for a more humane route showcases Aguinaldos maturity
and integrity as the then-dictatorial leader of the Philippine Revolution.
1 Teodoro Agoncillo, History of the Filipino People, 8th ed. (QuezonCity: Garotech Publishing,
1990), 199-212.

After the eventual fall of Manila, the United States and Spain entered in what we now call today
as The Mock Battle of Manila. As its name implies, there was supposedly a war between Spanish
and American forces which was just all smoke and mirrors while the US and Spanish
governments were already secretly working on the Treaty of Paris. Onofre Corpuz compares the
mock battle with the Treaty of Biak-na-Bato: The period after Biak-na-Bato was a truce without
peace Now the period after the fall of Manila was a period of war without fighting. Prior to this
betrayal, the Americans were already subject to doubt by the Filipinos as certain accounts
indicated that US troops were not above using Filipino soldiers as shields in the line of fire. Due to
these reasons, among others, the convening of the Malolos Congress was hastened to strengthen
the Filipino cause internationally, more particularly to the United States government. 3
On September 15, 1898, the Malolos Congress was opened. The congress would soon after draft
the Malolos Constitution which was really an indicator of the Filipinos capacity for knowledge and
autonomy. It ushered in an era of many firsts for the nascent Philippine Republic. The drafting of
the constitution was met with criticism which was led by none other than Mabini. He argued that
they should focus more on the executive rather than the legislative as it is such a delicate task
that should be done in a peaceful environment, not in the middle of a war. 4 Mabini definitely had
a point but his warnings were not heeded. Teodoro Agoncillo stated that Mabini was in the
minority, although his arguments were unassailable, and lost to the majority which was led by
Pedro Paterno. Whether Mabini was right or wrong in this regard, it still would not have made a
lasting difference the Treaty of Paris would have still been ratified precisely because the
Filipino-American war would have commenced. Nevertheless, Agoncillo was right in saying that
The Constitution as a whole is a monument to the capacity of the Filipinos to chart their own
course along democratic lines.5
On December 10, 1898, three months after the opening of the Malolos Congress, the Treaty of
Paris was signed and the Spanish-American war ended with the Philippines being ceded to the
United States for the amount of $20 million dollars. Although the Philippines was now practically
the property of the US, it did not stop Aguinaldo and his government from trying to make its
cause for independence known to foreign nations. The Inauguration of the Philippine Republic
was held on the 23rd of January 1899. Aguinaldo took his oath of office, the Constitution was read
and pardon was even granted to Spanish prisoners-of-war. This should have meant a great deal
to Aguinaldo and his thrust for an internationally recognized independent Philippines as this
Inaugural ceremony, in its being official, regal and elite, could only come from a country with
capacity for sovereignty and self-government. However, none of the foreign powers, especially
the United States, seemed to notice Aguinaldo and his Philippine government. This will be made
more evident later on when we arrive at the Filipino-American war.
There was animosity not only between Filipino and American troops but also among the
Filipinos themselves. The Filipino leaders and elites committed their share of atrocities in the
form of corruption and exploitation perpetrated by members of the Philippine army and also
through abuses in tax collection. This got to the point where people started comparing the
2 Onofre D. Corpuz, "Notes on the Malolos Congress," Philippine graphic centennial yearbook,
1898-1998:100 years of independence, 1998, 73-90.
3 Ibid
4 Teodoro Agoncillo, History of the Filipino People, 8th ed. (QuezonCity: Garotech Publishing,
1990), 199-212.
5 Ibid

Philippine government to the abusive Spanish rule. This disunity within the Filipino people will be
magnified later on during the Fil-Am war. As mentioned above, there was clear hostility between
the Filipinos and the Americans. The US soldiers likewise committed heinous and disrespectful
acts towards the people and even Filipino officers. If that was any indication, the United States
certainly did not recognize the independence of the Philippines. Albeit the tension, US soldiers
continued to pour into the Philippines and perhaps it was a foreshadowing of what was to come.
The aggression between the US and Filipino soldiers finally culminated on February 4, 1899,
when William Grayson, an American soldier, fired at and killed a Filipino officer at the San Juan
Bridge. This signaled the start of the Filipino-American war.
Unsurprisingly, there were sweeping American victories due to the lack of arms, training,
and unity on the part of the Philippine army. In Mabinis personal account, Gen. Antonio Luna was
even asking to adopt guerrilla tactics against the Americans because of the lack of munitions. 6
Many historians would argue that if Aguinaldo adopted guerilla warfare earlier as opposed to his
preferred strategy of conventional warfare, the Philippines might have stood a chance. 7 To Lunas
credit, his attack on Manila was a successful, yet futile, attempt to deal a blow to the US forces.
However, his plan was not fully executed as some soldiers refused to obey his orders; the
apparent disunity within the Filipinos crippled the efforts of the revolution. Eventually, the US
succeeded in capturing Malolos which forced Aguinaldo to flee to Pampanga. Mabini then
resigned from his position and a new Cabinet was formed with Pedro Paterno as president.
On June 5, 1899, a huge blow to the Philippine revolution was dealt when Gen. Luna was killed by
his fellow Filipinos in Cabanatuan. The death of Luna was filled with controversy and, to this day,
no one knows who the mastermind behind it was. Mabini vehemently accused Aguinaldo of
orchestrating the murder because he was power-hungry and felt threatened that Luna was
planning to seize control from him.8 On the other hand, Aguinaldos own account provides
compelling arguments that proves otherwise. Perhaps the most evident of which was Aguinaldos
account that he did not send a letter to Luna, which is odd because Luna did receive a letter, and
that it was Luna who sent a telegram to him. 9 This leads us to believe that a third party tried to
frame Aguinaldo for the death of Gen. Luna. Interestingly enough, Pedro Janolino, the
commander of the soldiers that killed Luna, did confess that no one ordered them to kill him and
that he assumed responsibility for the murder. This could have been the case if Aguinaldo did not
mention that he received a letter from Luna, but now instead it seems that Janolino is covering
up for someone else. We may never know who it was exactly, but Aguinaldo should not even be
on the list of suspects. The various texts illustrating his life and how he has carried himself
throughout both phases of the Philippine revolution indicate that it would not have been in his
nature to plan a murder, especially the one of his own general who was a crucial asset in the war.
After the death of Antonia Luna, Aguinaldo went north to Palanan, Isabela to evade the US forces.
General Gregorio del Pilar, a close friend of Aguinaldo, was tasked to delay the Americans from
reaching Aguinaldo while he escaped to Isabela. This skirmish between Gen. del Pilar and the
Americans is now known as the Battle of Tirad Pass. The Filipino troops under the command of
Gregorio del Pilar held their ground against the incoming US soldiers due the advantageous
terrain provided by Tirad Pass. It was only until Januario Galut, an Igorot and Filipino, told the
6 Apolinario Mabini, Chapter X: The End and Downfall of the Revolution.
7 Glenn A. May, Chapter 7: Why the United States Won The Philippine-American War, 18991902
8 Ibid
9 Emilio Aguinaldo, Introduction to my Short Autobiography. 13-34

Americans of a secret passageway that enabled them to outflank the Filipino troops and win the
battle which resulted in the death of Gen. Gregorio del Pilar. Aguinaldo allegedly wept when he
received the news that his comrade had fallen, as it was another great loss to the revolution. This
is another example of how discord and disunity within the Filipinos led to demise of the Philippine
revolution.
Aguinaldo made it safely to Palanan, Isabela and stayed there as his base of operations
until his eventual capture in 1901. His capture was planned by a certain Frederick Funston when
Aguinaldos messenger, Cecilio Segismundo, was intercepted by American forces and they found
out that Aguinaldo was hiding in Isabela. As if to complete the theme of disloyalty within the
Filipino people, the capture of Aguinaldo was executed with the help of the Macabebe scouts of
Pampanga. These people sided with Spain during the first phase and came to side with the
Americans during the second phase. The successful capture by Funston brought Aguinaldo back
to Manila where he was conscripted to swear allegiance to the United States of America. Despite
the capture of their leader and President, other Filipino generals continued the revolution by
employing guerilla or Amigo warfare against the Americans.
A revolution rises in the midst of a struggle for change, and in the case of the Philippine
revolution freedom. This fight, or any fight worth fighting for, will most certainly accrue a cost,
be it blood or betrayal. It unmistakably reveals the good, the bad and everything else in
between. We see this on both sides of the revolution. In this sense, the matter of History is very
much akin to a revolution of sorts, a revolution in pursuit of the truth. We had posited, in the
beginning, that history is a multifaceted thing and prone to distortion. This is seen in the
Aguinaldo versus Mabini storyline in our history that continues to charge a variety of opinions
from our Philippine historians. The theme of betrayal during the Philippine Revolution is also
ever-present in the historiography of it. It takes the form of conflicting and contradicting
narratives, which we can perhaps see as a betrayal of the truth. This constant back-and-forth
between historical texts once again presents us with the