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PRE-COLUMBIAN ART

Selections from the Tucson Museum of Art Permanent Collection

PRE-COLUMBIAN ART Selections from the Tucson Museum of Art


Permanent Collection
This online catalogue has been made possible by a generous grant from the Arizona Humanities
Council and support from the Latin American Art Patrons of the Tucson Museum of Art
2014 Tucson Museum of Art. All rights reserved
CATALOGUE DESIGNED BY: Melina Lew, FreshCutGrass Branding+Design
INTRODUCTION BY: Julie Sasse, Ph.D., Chief Curator and Interim Curator of Latin American Art
ESSAYS BY: Anna Seiferle-Valencia, Ph.D., Independent Curator
Alexander Tokovinine, Ph.D., Department of Anthropology, Harvard University
CATALOGUE ENTRIES BY: Rebecca Mountain, M.A., School of Anthropology, The University of Arizona
PHOTOGRAPHY BY: David Longwell
Rachel Shand
CATALOGING BY: Susan Dolan, Registrar and Collections Manager
COPY EDITING BY: Katie E. Perry

COVER: Maya Culture, 600 900, Mexico, Incense Burner Fragment with Effigy Head, buff clay with red
slip, Gift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1971.27 ABOVE: Maya Culture, 700 900, El Salvador, Tripod Cylinder
Vessel with Underworld Scene, polychrome clay, Gift in memory of Joseph and Matilda See. 1991.15

Contents

4 INTRODUCTION Julie Sasse, Ph.D.


ESSAYS
5 Stories Made of Earth: Moche and Nazca Pottery at the Tucson Museum of Art Anna Seiferle-Valencia, Ph.D.
14 Two Vessels in the Tucson Museum of Art Alexander Tokovinine, Ph.D.
23 Frederick R. Pleasants: A Curator and Steward of Pre-Columbian Art Anna Seiferle-Valencia, Ph.D.
31 EXHIBITION CHECKLIST

Introduction

Julie Sasse, Ph.D.

The Tucson Museum of Arts Pre-Columbian collection features nearly 600 objects including jewelry, ceremonial vessels, figurines, masks, sculptures,
textiles, and feather arts. Collectively, the works represent approximately 3,000 years of history and 30 cultures spanning Mesoamerica (Mexico
south through Central America, todays Guatemala, Honduras, Belize, and El Salvador), the Intermediate Area (Panama, parts of Costa Rica, Nicaragua,
Venezuela, Colombia, and Ecuador), and Central Andean region (Peru and Bolivia). The aim of this online catalogue is to provide a widely accessible,
digital resource to support humanities-based scholarship centered upon the Museums permanent collection and to highlight the collections
diversity and scholarly value.
Included in this catalogue is an analysis by Dr. Alexandre Tokovinine of two significant vessels in the Pre-Columbian collection. Analysis of the imagery
on these vessels entailed identifying the nature of the depicted scene and protagonists and comparing this with the available corpus of Classic Maya
pottery. The epigraphic analysis includes transcription, transliteration, and translation of the readable sections of the inscriptions. Dr. Tokovinine
also examined the style of the imagery and writing and identified a specific stylistic tradition.
Also included in this catalogue is an interpretive essay by Dr. Anna Seiferle-Valencia on the topic of Moche and Nazca ceramic vessels in the
permanent collection. Her approach to the interpretation of these vessels, rooted in anthropology and archaeology, addresses the questions of
who created these objects, how they were made, and what their iconography tells us about the cultures that produced them. Dr. Seiferle-Valenica
also discusses the significance of the objects and individuals depicted in painted scenes and the connections of these representations to broader
ideological themes in the Andean world. Additionally, Dr. Seiferle-Valencia contributed an informative essay on Frederick Pleasants, who donated the
Museums first major gift of Latin American art that serves as the core of the collection. Pleasants, one of the noted monuments men who helped to
recover the looted art of Europe, moved to Tucson in 1958 to become the first art history professor at the University of Arizona after an early career
in the Northeast.
Various highlights of the Pre-Columbian collection are also featured, with images and descriptive text by Rebecca Mountain. Together these essays,
images, and texts showcase a major era of the rich cultural heritage of Latin America and provide an unprecedented opportunity for researchers and
the general public alike to benefit from the study of one of the most treasured collections of the Tucson Museum of Art.

STORIES MADE OF EARTH:


MOCHE AND NAZCA POTTERY AT THE TUCSON MUSEUM OF ART
Anna Seiferle-Valencia, Ph.D.

Stories Made of Earth: Moche and Nazca Pottery at the Tucson Museum of Art

Anna Seiferle-Valencia, Ph.D.

SEEING POTTERY
Imagine for a moment a world in which an ordinary object is imbued with what we might call extra-ordinary significance. This object, created by a
human artist, is a manifestation of divine creative energy that has been transferred through the artist but does not belong to him or her. The skill
of the artist, and the delicacy and beauty of his or her craft, reflect this connection with the divine creative essence. The artwork itself may further
depict images, narratives, beings, and individuals that exist in the natural, physical, or astronomical worlds, or in other realms. The transformational
capacity between human and animal and the physical and spirit realms are embodied in the art itself.
An ancient ceramic vessel, carefully crafted from clay and temper, collected at particular, named, and respected places on the earth, passed through
the living social dynamics of artists, families, and communities, decorated with pigments and plant extracts that possess their own unique living
qualities, and solidified through cataclysmic, transformative fire, is more than a decorative object. It is more than a functional object. It is more than
an artwork. To call a ceramic vessel any of these object, artwork is to reduce it, in some way, by applying our worldview. Each ceramic vessel is
greater than the sum of its aesthetic parts.
As simple, elegant, and beautiful as it strikes us today, an ancient ceramic vessel is also an embodiment of a distinct and separate world. Though
these objects stand in our world they insistently remind us that they are of another. The ceramic vessels you look at today are literally a portion of
an ancient peoples sacred earth that has come to settle in this gallery. The images that make up and embellish each vessel tell a story and are that
story, simultaneously. As you make your way through this collection, take your time to listen to these stories, to ponder how the soil of Peru now
rests in Tucson, to consider the generations of individuals this vessel has outlived, and to ask yourself in what way you will let the story told by each
of these vessels interact with the narrative of your own life.

THE CERAMICS OF ANCIENT PERU


Ancient coastal Peru was an ethnic mosaic, occupied by different ethnic groups that sometimes overlapped chronologically and geographically and
sometimes did not. Each of these groups developed and retained its own distinct culture, thriving in the inhospitable conditions of the Peruvian
desert plains, located between the Pacific Ocean and Andes Mountains. As a result, they were dependent on the sea, annual rainfall, and the El
Nio phenomenon for their survival. Their worldviews, as reflected through their ceramics, convey their intense focus on the natural world. Keen
observers, their depictions of fruits, vegetables, flowers, birds, animals, and individual people are exceptional. Additionally, their ceramics reveal
the extent to which warfare and struggle were a part of daily life. They also reveal the belief that the natural world had to be continually rebalanced.
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Without this balance, that which sustained life could easily destroy it. A sense of fluidity permeates this art, as composite beings illustrate
combinations of various animal and human characteristics. These creatures are not simply chimera. Instead, they reflect the idea that certain
creatures could, under extra-ordinary circumstances, combine not only physical but spiritual aspects. Each composite creature represents a particular
aspect of an ancient worldview.
This essay focuses on a selection of ceramic vessels produced by two distinct cultures in ancient Peru the Moche and the Nazca. Studying quotidian
objects ceramic vessels that were widely produced, owned, and used within these societies offers insight into the worldview, cosmology, and
artistic traditions of both cultures. Both of these cultures flourished during what is known as the Early Intermediate Period, and both produced highly
significant, richly nuanced, beautiful ceramics as part of their artistic canons.
The Moche inhabited what is now northern Peru from about 100-800 CE. Numerous Moche sites seem to have been organized somewhat like city
states, retaining their independence while sharing a culture of iconography, material objects, and architecture. Moche culture developed in three
major phases Early Moche (100-300 CE), Middle Moche (300-600 CE), and Late Moche (500-750 CE). The Moche are particularly well-known for their
gold work, monumental constructions called huacas, elaborate irrigation systems that sustained communities in the desert, and elaborately painted
ceramics, such as those seen here.
In southern Peru, the Nazca culture lasted from roughly 100 BCE 800 CE. Like the Moche, the Nazca adapted to the natural conditions of their desert
environment and developed a thriving culture. The Nazca are known for their elaborate textiles, the famous Nazca lines that depict images of animals
on the desert floor itself, underground aqueducts that are still functional, and beautiful ceramics. Nazca ceramics are divided into as many as seven
distinct phases, each reflecting the changes made in iconographic motifs. Despite these changes in the artistic style of Nazca ceramics, many major
motifs and themes persist throughout most of the Nazca periods.

MOCHE POTTERY
Moche ceramics exist in a variety of forms including bowls, jars, dippers, cups, and crucibles. The Moche also had a strong predilection for the
stirrup-spout bottle, in which the stirrup handle forms part of the spout of the vessel. This handle form is a hallmark of Moche pottery but also occurs
in other ancient South American and Mesoamerican cultures. In the Moche culture, the body of the ceramic vessel was often produced in a ceramic
mold. The spout was then formed by hand coiling and attaching it to the mold-formed portion of the vessel.
The subject matter for Moche ceramics is highly variable, reflecting a keen observation of and deep engagement with the natural and spiritual
worlds. Commonly depicted animals include deer, felines, foxes, monkeys, rodents, bats, birds, sea creatures, reptiles and the distinctive camelids
(llamas, alpacas, and vicuas). Plant forms are equally diverse, including the staple domesticated plants of corn, beans, squash, and root vegetables.
Human forms include rulers, priests, and warriors. Historic personages most often rulers were depicted in realistic, three-dimensional portrait
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vessels. Finally, composite beings, mythical figures, and deities are also depicted on Moche ceramics. All of these subjects may be depicted with the
actual form of the vessel or may occur as painted decoration on the surface of the vessel.
Originally believed to be limited to elite usage and included primarily in burials, scholars have recently
determined that these ceramic vessels were part of daily life for ordinary Moche individuals. These
vessels were used in household rituals, domestic use, and were an integral part of everyday life. Thus,
the iconographic and ideological content of these vessels can be understood to have been integrally
woven into the daily interactions of Moche society.
The Moche vessels described here are both representative of Moche fine line painted ceramics. This
Moche Culture, 600800, North Coast Peru, Monkey Stirrup Spout
Vessel, red clay, white slip, red paint, Gift of Richard and Nancy
Weiss. 1998.425

ceramic type is characterized by a creamy white slip over which motifs were painted in red. Moche
ceramics are typically bi-chrome, exhibiting only the use of these two colors.

The first Moche vessel is a stirrup vessel that represents a composite creature that exhibits the physical features of both a monkey and a feline
(1998.425). This creature has the ears and facial shape that characterize Moche depictions of monkeys but notice that it also has whiskers and
feline fangs. This composite creature was undoubtedly believed to possess the spirit and personality of both a monkey and feline in addition to their
physical characteristics. Notice also that the spout is attached to the back of the head. In lieu of a double spout on this vessel, the ceramicist chose
to connect the spout to the depicted form. A nearly identical strategy was used in one of the Nazca ceramics, below.
The second Moche vessel (1971.14) depicts a battle between two individuals and two fantastic
monsters. Even at first glance, it is obvious that the ideological and iconographic content in this
vessel is more complex than in the first vessel. In one scene, a warrior wearing a rayed headdress
battles a creature that is a composite of a jaguar and shelled animal. This monster is known to
scholars of Moche art as the Strombus Monster. The Strombus Monster has a spotted coat, the
head of a jaguar, fierce claws, and is emerging from a conch shell. The conch may not add to our
modern understanding of the ferocity of this creature. For the Moche, however, the conch shell
was an important ritual object. As a people dependent on the sea for their livelihood, the Moche
were in awe of the sea both respecting and fearing its generative/destructive capacity. Thus,
sacred natural objects could arise from the sea, as could fearsome composite animals. Notice that
the Strombus Monster has three eyes protruding from its head these represent another aspect
of the conch characteristics of this creature.

Moche Culture, 400500, North Coast Peru, Stirrup Spout Vessel


with Fine Line Painting, clay, cream and red slip, Gift of Frederick R.
Pleasants. 1971.14

Given the ferocity of this foe, we might expect that the individual fighting the monster is not a mere human. If we draw an example from a
better-known myth, we might remember that it is often demi-gods who confront and destroy monstrous composite beasts. The same was true in
Moche cosmology. This individual is most likely a hero-god, an archetype that is well-established in the known creation myths of many Indigenous
New World peoples. This hero-god is known among Moche scholars as Wrinkle Face. Undoubtedly, this appellate does not adequately reflect the
status, respect, and importance that this figure must have had in Moche belief. Since the Moche had no writing system, however, modern scholars
are at a loss to apply the proper Moche name to this individual.
The hero-god wears the clothing characteristic of Moche warriors. Similar depictions are found in numerous ceramic vessels. His tunic, headdress,
and the two-headed serpent that appears as his animated warrior belt all reflect the significance of this individual to us but would have encoded
particular narrative and/or ideological content to a Moche viewer. Notice that his headdress includes a portion of jaguar pelt, with the same pattern
as the pelt of the Strombus Monster. He holds a knife in his right hand, raised to strike the monster.
On the reverse of this vessel, a second scene unfolds. In this scene, the hero-god fights a giant monster that shares the jaguar characteristics of the
first monster but combines them with the stripes, and ridged back and face of a caiman, a kind of alligator native to South America. Thus, this
monster also combines jaguar characteristics with aquatic characteristics but, in this case, the aquatic characteristics arise from a fresh water animal.
In the hero-gods headdress, a portion of the pelt of this animal can be seen where previously there was jaguar pelt.
The precise meaning of these narrative scenes, which are commonly repeated on many Moche artworks including murals, remains unknown. Based
on comparisons with other New World creation narratives, however, it is most likely that these scenes represent two battles undertaken by the
hero-god (Wrinkle Face) against two monsters. These battles may represent the conquering of primordial forces, astronomical events, or both, as
similar battles have these kinds of significance in other New World creation stories.

NAZCA POTTERY
Unlike Moche ceramics, which employ a rather limited color palette, Nazca potters decorated their ceramics with as many as fifteen separate colors.
Additionally, Nazca potters used different ceramic painting technology. Previously, potters of the Paracas culture (which immediately pre-dates the
Nazca culture in southern Peru) applied painted decoration to ceramic vessels after the vessels had been fired. These paints were usually resin
based, combining mineral and plant pigments. The Nazca, however, innovated slip painting. Slip is a suspension of fine clay particles in water that
can be painted, dipped, or splashed onto a ceramic vessel. The vessel is then fired, and the slip hardens to the surface of the ceramic. The resulting
decoration demonstrates brighter, more permanent color and more sheen in comparison to resin painted ceramics. The diversity in colors employed
by Nazca potters is the result of careful control of precise slip mixtures involving different clay and mineral sources.

Nazca pottery occurs in many forms that reflect the different uses for the ceramic vessels. Bowls, cups, and vases are all easily recognizable.
Double-spout bottles are a characteristic form of Nazca pottery. In these vessels, two individual spouts arise from the body of the vessel. The spouts
are connected by a bridge or handle. These vessels have a unique property when liquid is poured from them, the vacuum created by the two spouts
creates a gurgling, sloshing, or chugging noise. This acoustic aspect of the vessels was undoubtedly intentional and most likely was part of the appeal.
Nazca potters created their pots using the coiling method, in which a portion of clay is rolled and then coiled into the desired shape. The coils are
then pressed and smoothed together and, after finishing, are no longer visible on the surface or interior of the vessel. This method allowed the Nazca
to produce imaginative forms that are truly sculptural, depicting animals, composite animals, fruits and vegetables, and deities in three dimensions.
The Nazca vessels shown here represent the degree to which the iconographic decoration on Nazca ceramics is a reflection of the Nazca worldview.
The themes of Nazca ceramics can be grouped into three major categories: 1) naturalistic motifs including flowers, birds, reptiles, fish, and
sea creatures; 2) religious or mythical motifs that include numerous composite creatures; and, 3) geometric designs including circles, bands, and
cross-hatching. Additionally, the Nazca did not create ceramic portraits of individuals. This stands in stark contrast, for example, to Moche pottery,
which includes beautiful and detailed portraits of individuals. Furthermore, very few indications of social rank are found on Nazca pottery, and
portrayals of daily activities are scarce (again, in contrast to Moche ceramics). Nazca ceramics, as a group, are predominately with concerned
symbolic, religious, or ideological depictions.
The first Nazca vessel under consideration is vessel 1977.176, a vessel that depicts a rotund bird, most likely a kestrel or Inca tern. This vessel
illustrates the attention and sense of animism that characterizes Nazca naturalistic depictions. The bird is alert and carefully poised. This vessel,
though it depicts a non-human creature, is imbued with a sense of lively animism that makes this particular bird endearing to the viewer. Animistic
belief was an important part of the Nazca worldview, with creatures and plant forms perceived as having particular spiritual qualities. As will
be discussed for the additional Nazca vessels, this belief led to the creation of beings that combine elements of multiple significant animals. These
composite, divine beings therefore embody the spirit qualities (and personality) of each of the constituent animals.
Additionally, the Nazca potter who produced this vessel made an interesting adaptation so that the form of the
vessel aligns with the naturalistic depiction of the bird. As mentioned previously, the coiling method for building
ceramic vessels allowed Nazca potters tremendous flexibility and creativity in the overall form that their vessels
took. In this case, the vessel has an essentially globular form. Notice, however, that the head of the bird is in
the place that we might expect to see a second spout. The head is connected to the singular spout of the vessel
using the customary bridge, which, in this case, projects off the rear of the head of the bird. This is a beautiful
demonstration of how form follows intent in Nazca art.
Nazca Culture, 1 450, South Coast Peru, Stirrup Spout Vessel: Kestrel or Inca Tern, clay, slip, Gift of Dr. and Mrs. Henry E. Butler, Jr. 1977.176

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Looking now at a vessel that depicts the Anthropomorphic Mythical Being (1990.8.42), we can see how the Nazca
combine animal and human characteristics to produce composite beings (anthropomorphism). In this open form
vessel, most likely used for drinking, a creature that resembles a cat faces the viewer. Scholars know this being as the
Anthropomorphic Mythical Being who does, in fact, have strong feline associations. This being is the most widely
depicted and, presumably, an important being in the Nazca culture. The Anthropomorphic Mythical Being has a
human body that wears a shirt and breechcloth. What appear to be whiskers is, on closer examination, a mouth mask
not unlike those produced in gold by the Nazca people.
Additionally, the being wears a forehead ornament and a headdress. Human mummies in southern Peru have been
found wearing gold mouth ornaments and forehead ornaments, suggesting that elite males dressed in the image of
this being. The most common depiction of this being shows it holding a club in one hand and a human trophy head in

Nazca Culture, 200 300, South Coast Peru,


Polychrome Vessel Warrior Deity, clay,
painted slip decoration, Estate of Virginia
Johnson. 1990.8.42

the other. That is exactly what can be found on this vessel. Notice that the mouth of the trophy head has been pinned
shut. From the back of the head of the being, a spiky cloak extends along the length of the body.
The final ornament at the end of the cloak occurs in a variety of forms including feline elements, birds, animals,
fish, and plants, suggesting that there are subtle variations in the nature of this being depending on the chosen
iconographic element. Additionally, note that the horizontal depiction that wraps around the body of the vessel is the
most common orientation for this figure and indicates flying. Taken together, we can understand this to be a being
that embodies the characteristics of the constituent elements that make up its physical being and attire.
A second vessel (2000.50.2) also depicts the Anthropomorphic Mythical Being. Notice the similarities in this depiction
to the first vessel, and also the artistic differences. Taken together, these two vessels represent a perspective on the
degree to which Nazca depictions of the same being can vary. What similarities and differences do you notice? What
might the differences signify?

Nazca Culture, 450 550, South Coast Peru,


Double Spout Vessel with Feline Deity,
clay, polychrome slip, Gift of Alan and Alice
Fleischer. 2000.50.2

It is important to remember that Nazca culture developed out of the earlier Paracas culture. As such, some of the concepts we see represented
in Nazca ceramics can be traced back to the Paracas culture, where divine beings are depicted in ceramics and, particularly, textiles. The
Anthropomorphic Mythical Being is one such entity that is well established and formulated in the Paracas culture. By tracing the gradual change in
the depictions of this being, ceramics such as this one can be dated to one of many archaeological ceramic phases. Notice in in both vessels described
here that the Anthropomorphic Mythical Being is somewhat geometricized. This is an intermediate phase, known as Phase 5, in which the depiction
of the Anthropomorphic Mythical Being is no longer as round as in earlier phases but has not become fully geometricized as in later phases.

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Looking to another Nazca vessel, we see many of same principles of animism, anthropomorphism, and composite
animals all at work in the depiction of a second composite being. In vessel 2000.50.3, we see what was once believed
to be an otter deity, called this due to facial characteristics of the being and the water lily flower held in its hand. It is
now known that this is actually a depiction of the Mythical Spotted Cat. This being is based on the pampas cat (Felis
colocolo), a small feline that is characterized by semi-lunar markings on the coat, a striped tail, and small ears separated
by what appears to be a cap. This being also wears a mouth mask, like the Anthropomorphic Mythical Being.
In the hand of the Mythical Spotted Cat is a water lily flower. In harsh desert conditions, a water lily flower such as this
symbolized water and fecundity. The Mythical Spotted Cat seems to have been a being that pertained to agricultural
fertility. The association between the pampas cat and agricultural abundance may have originated, in part, because
Nazca Culture, 100 200, South Coast
Peru, Double Spout Vessel with Otter
Deity, clay, pigment, Gift of Alan and Alice
Fleischer. 2000.50.3

they preyed on the small vermin that visited Nazca agricultural fields. The vessel depicting the Mythical Spotted Cat is
a double spout and bridge vessel. As such, liquid poured out of this vessel would have made a distinctive sound. This
sound was most likely an important aspect of this vessel.

RETHINKING ANCIENT AMERICAN ART


The beautiful objects you see in this catalog and exhibit are all that they appear to be finely and beautifully crafted, symmetrical, and full of
presence. Additionally, they embody many concepts that were of deep significance to the cultures that produced them. The sacred and the secular
were not separated in the Ancient Americas to the degree that they are in our modern society. Divisions that we impose upon experience, language,
and art may not be assumed to carry over to the art produced by other cultures in other time periods. In the worlds in which these vessels were created,
relationships between spirit and body, between plants and animals, and between humans and the cosmos were viewed in radically different a ways.
Thus, each object serves as a window into the past and a different cultural world. We gaze at the past through these objects. They gaze back.

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REFERENCES
Benson, Elizabeth
2012 The Worlds of the Moche on the North Coast of Peru. Austin: University of Texas Press.
Donnan, Christopher B.
2004 Moche Portraits from Ancient Peru. Austin: University of Texas Press.
Proulx, Donald A.
2006 A Sourcebook of Nasca Ceramic Iconography: Reading a Culture Through Its Art. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press.
Quilter, Jeffrey
2011 The Moche of Ancient Peru: Media and Messages. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Stierlin, Henri
1984 Art of the Incas and Its Origins. New York: Rizzoli.
Stone, Rebecca
2002 Art of the Andes: From Chavin to Inca. London: Thames & Hudson

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TWO VESSELS IN THE TUCSON MUSEUM OF ART


Alexander Tokovinine, Ph.D.

Two Vessels in the Tucson Museum of Art

Alexander Tokovinine, Ph.D.

1971.20
This elegant beaker with slightly everted walls and a nearly
flat bottom is decorated with a horizontal band of hieroglyphs and two image cartouches cut through the dark
exterior slip (burnish?) into the fine grey paste of the vessels
body. It appears that it was stuccoed at some point, obscuring
the carved and incised designs, but the stucco has been
largely removed from the decorated areas. Apart from that,
there is no other obvious sign of modern intervention,
although the author did not have a chance to examine the
vessel in person.
The shape, text, and iconography of the beaker resemble the
Chochola style of fine serving vessels produced in Eastern
Yucatan, particularly in the area of Tiho (Merida), Chochola,
Oxkintok, Uxmal, Xkipche, and Xcalumkin in the seventh and
eighth centuries of the Late Classic period (Coe 1973; Tate
1985; Werness 2010). Iconographic and chemical analysis,
however, indicates that some broadly similar vessels lacking
the strongest attributes of the Chochola style came from the
lower and middle Usumacinta River region (Reents-Budet and
Bishop 2012:292). The unusually Plumbate-like surface finish
and paste of the beaker in the TMA collection are shared by
only a few Chochola-style vessels (Werness 2010:72, fig. 41). The
bottom of the beaker is flat compared to the usually rounded
bottom of Chochola-style beakers. The image cartouches of
Maya Culture, 600 900, Mexico, Yucatan Peninsula, Carved Vessel, clay, Gift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1971.20

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Chochola-style pottery are characterized by low relief and

rather aggressive background removal resulting in deeply recessed areas, while the imagery tends to overflow the cartouche boundaries (Houston
2012; Tate 1985:124). The cartouches on this vessel are in low relief but more shallow with very little background removal. The imagery stays within
the boundaries of the cartouches. The text is arranged in a horizontal band along the rim and not in a diagonal band on the side of the vessel.
That said, Chochola-style pottery exhibits a large variation in forms and surface decorations (Werness 2010), although this vessel clearly does not
belong to the same subset of Chochola style as most beakers illustrated by Tate (1985).
One of the two cartouches on the vessel shows an upper torso of a deity facing right and gesturing with the left arm in the same direction. The deity
may be identified as the Classic Maya Rain God, Chahk or God B in Schellhas classification (Taube 1992). The visible attributes include reptilian facial
features, shell earflares, a shell crown, and a long braid of hair that goes under the crown and extends above the face. There are also T24 shiner
marks on the torso highlighting the luminous or perhaps snake-like surface quality of Chahks skin.
The other cartouche features a deity seated cross-legged facing and gesturing to the left. His snake-like facial features, shiner body marks, and a
prominent torch in the forehead indicate that it is a representation of the Classic Maya lightning deity, Kawiil or Schellhas God K (Taube 1992). One
unusual feature is the presence of wing feathers on Kawiils arms. This attribute may point to Kawiils role as a deity who goes to and then rises from
the Underworld in order to retrieve the seeds of cultivated plants including maize and cacao. Simon Martin who reconstructed different parts of
that mythical narrative (Martin 2006, 2012; Miller and Martin 2004:62-63) points to a scene on a now-lost capstone from the Temple of the Owls at
Chichen Itza that shows Kawiil rising into the sky from the jaws of the Underworld (Martin 2006:fig. 8.14; Miller and Martin 2004:fig. 27). That Kawiil
has serpent-wings under his arms. The pairing of Chahk and feathered Kawiil alludes to the moment when the rain deities split the turtle shell of the
Maize Gods earthly prison enabling his resurrection (Taube 1993:66-67; Zender 2005:8-10). References to parts of this mythical narrative, usually as
combined images of God L and Kawiil, are found on many Chochola-style vessels (Tate 1985:129-130; Werness 2010:171-183).
The dedicatory inscription on the vessel (Figure 1, Table 1) consists of 23 glyphs arranged in ten or eleven glyph blocks in a horizontal band
along the rim. The text contains readable sections and most characters are identifiable. However, some spellings are either senseless or contain
previously unattested lexical items (see below). A few characters are heavily altered including at least one case of a 180 rotation. The
implication is that part of the inscription may be defined as pseudoglyphs, although such characterization is inherently problematic (Calvin
2006). The author of this inscription clearly had some knowledge of the conventions of the script, but perhaps struggled to produce clauses
beyond the most basic formulaic expressions. It is important that some Chochola sub-styles and similar vessels from the Usumacinta River
region may feature pseudoglyphs (Werness 2010:120-121, 212, fig. 98). The possibility of scribal error, however, substantially complicates any
identification of potentially new glosses because any unusual spelling may also be discarded as simply erroneous.

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Table 1 Inscription on the vessel 1971.20


A

u-ja-?yi

u-jaay

the fine vessel of

a-ku ta-ba

a[j]-kutab

he of the drum

XOOK

xook Xook

?CHOK-cho-ko

chok youth

ke-le-ma

keleem

young man

sa-T533

NAAH

naah[al]

house / north / first

AT-yu

ataay

count (?)

MAN-le

manel

buying (?)

?lu (turned 180)

Despite spelling irregularities, most characters in the inscription are well-executed. Stylistically, the inscription does not readily align with the core
Chochola style set, but resembles some contemporaneous carved texts from the Xcalumkin area. The sa syllable in Block G (with an unusual wavy
rather than straight central double line) is remarkably similar to the sa variant on Columns 1 and 2 at Xcalumkin (Graham and Von Euw 1992:173-174)
and on an incised vessel (K8017) signed by a Xcalumkin carver (Grube 1990:328, fig. 8).
Like most Chochola-style dedicatory texts, the inscription begins with ujaay his fine clay vessel (Grube 1990:322-323), although the execution of the
yi sign is very unusual. The name and titles of the owner follow, beginning with an enigmatic a[j]-kutab, he of kutab, where kutab is probably a noun
derived with the ab nominalizer or the Vb instrumental suffix. Potential cognates in Chorti suggest that aj-kutab could mean he of drumming
17

or he of the drum: kut beating, tapping; kuti beat, tap, strike; kutin large native drum (Wisdom n.d.:499); ahkes taka inte kutin make a noise
(clamor) with a drum (Wisdom n.d.:446). The next block probably contains the first word of the personal name of the owner, but the glyph cannot
be read or even identified as a known character. Block D concludes the personal name clause with a word for shark (xook). More titles follow,
although instead of the usual chak chok sequence in Block E, one finds the word chok spelled twice: with a half of the Tlaloc-eye CHOK logogram and
the syllabic cho-ko. The word keleem spelled (ke-le-ma) concludes this common formula ([chak] chok keleem). The next block contains an enigmatic
combination of sa and T533 where one would expect a more straightforward spelling of a title like sajal. After that the text becomes increasingly hard
to understand (perhaps, a reflection of the limitations of the carvers literary skills). Block H appears to feature a full version of the NAAH logogram,
but the context of the word naah and, consequently, the best translation option are hard to establish because of the problems with reading the
words before and after the block. The spellings in blocks I and J may be tentatively read as ataay and manel. It is tempting to link the first word with
a Tzeltalan gloss for counting numbers (Kaufman 1972:94) and the second one with a Cholan and Tzeltalan word for buying (Kaufman 1972:109;
Kaufman and Norman 1984:125). Merchant activity-related titles would be highly appropriate given the abundance of reference to the divine patron
of commerce, God L (Tokovinine and Beliaev 2013:184-189), on Chochola-style vessels. The problem is that the ataay-manel sequence will be otherwise
unique in the Classic Period corpus and that it comes from an inscription with possible pseudoglyphs. The latter issue is highlighted by the last glyph
in the inscription that looks like a typical Chochola lu syllable variant turned upside down. Once again, it may be an otherwise unique character, but
it is just as likely that the carver ran out of known spellings and simply filled the remaining space with a random selection of signs.
In summary, the beaker may be tentatively identified with the Chochola-style sphere, but not with the core sub-set. Specific paleographic features
point to the Xcalumkin region. The imagery in the cartouches evokes Kawiils journey to retrieve the maize and cacao seeds facilitated by Chahk
who splits the earth surface allowing the lightning deity to enter and leave the underworld. The dedicatory inscription is relatively well-executed but
features many unusual or aberrant/erroneous spelling. Even if the spellings faithfully record previously unattested glosses, such departure from the
more typical content of the dedicatory formula implicates a different or unusual social context in which this vessel was commissioned and produced.

18

1980.12
This fine Saxche/Palmar polychrome vessel belongs to a well-known subset of painted Late Classic vessels characterized by idiosyncratic dedicatory
texts and frequent depictions of supernatural scenes on a red background. The production of this type of pottery has been attributed to the region
around the archaeological site of El Zotz because of the link between the term pa chan fine vessel found in the dedicatory texts on these pots and
the ancient name of the site Pa Chan which is also occasionally mentioned in the titles of the vessels owners (Houston et al. 2007). The chemical
analysis of some vessels has also pointed to El Zotz as one of the production locales (Reents-Budet 1994:155). Uaxactun had been identified as another
production center of this pottery (Reents-Budet 1994:125, 135, 155), but it was largely based on an erroneous link between the Pa Chan toponym
and Uaxactun (Houston et al. 2007:413-414). Uaxactun still boasts the highest quantity of vessel fragments which belong to the stylistic group (Smith
1955:fig. 32b, 37a, 38b, 41a, 72b), but these are still too few to serve as a strong indicator of local production. Archaeological investigations at El Zotz
have not yet exposed large deposits of such pottery.
Table 2 Inscription on the vessel 1980.12
DEDICATORY TEXT
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I

a-AL-ya
?TAB
yi
chi
u
tzi
ba
li
?u

alay here
tab[aay]
it ascends (is dedicated)
y-ich
the surface of
u-tzi[h]baal

the decoration of

u-

his/her

CAPTION 1
J1
J2
J3
J4
J5

bo-bo
HIX
u
wa-?yi
?

CAPTION 2
bob coyote
hix jaguar
u-wa[h]y
[is] the demon of
?

K1
K2
K4
K5

u-?ki-li
u
wa-WAY
?

ukil
u-wa[h]y

?
[is] the demon of

The dedicatory inscription occupies a horizontal band along the vessels rim. Most hieroglyphic blocks are occupied by single head variants of glyphs,
which is typical for this style. The choice of bat tzi and skull ba allographs is another characteristic trait. The inscription ends abruptly with an
19

unfinished word as if the artist ran out of space, a feature also present on other vessels in the group (e.g. K5647, K7980). Neither the type of the vessel
nor the name of the owner is specified.
The scene on the vessels body shows two wahy supernatural creatures: demons of the night or personified evil spells who could be sent to cause
disease and death to ones enemies (Houston and Stuart 1989; Stuart 2005). The creatures on the TMA vessel are rather unique and are not listed
in the comprehensive overview by Grube and Nahm (1994). One of them looks like a jaguar with a jade necklace. Caption 1 identifies it as a bob hix,
but the name of the owner cannot be discerned. The gloss bob possibly means coyote as bojb coyote in Chorti (Hull 2005:11). Hix is a common
term for jaguar and feline creatures in general. So the name of this wahy implies a supernatural hybrid of a coyote and jaguar (hix). The second wahy
demon looks like an unknown animal with feline paws wearing a scarf. The gloss ukil in Caption 2, however, eludes secure translation. The toponym
of Ukuul place where uk abounds in the vicinity of Yaxchilan (Boot 2009:183) suggests that ukil might well be a designation for an animal, but the
author has not been able to find a suitable translation. The owner of this demon also remains undeciphered.

Maya Culture, 600 900, Guatemala, Vase, Codex Style with Three Gods, clay polychrome,
Gift of Robert and Marianne Hyber. 1980.12

20

REFERENCES
Boot, Erik
2009 The Updated Preliminary Classic Maya - English, English - Classic Maya Vocabulary of Hieroglyphic Readings. Mesoweb Resources,

URL http://www.mesoweb.com/resources/vocabulary/Vocabulary-2009.01.pdf.
Calvin, Inga E.
2006 Between Text and Image: An Analysis of Pseudo-Glyphs on Late Classic Maya Pottery from Guatemala. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Colorado, Boulder, 2006.
Coe, Michael D.
1973 The Maya Scribe and His World. Grolier Club, New York.
Graham, Ian and Eric Von Euw
1992 Corpus of Maya Hieroglyphic Inscriptions, Volume 4, Part 3: Uxmal, Xcalumkin. Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.
Grube, Nikolai
1990 Primary Standard Sequence in Chochola Style Ceramics. In The Maya Vase Book, Kerr, Justin, ed., pp. 320-330. vol. 2. Kerr Associates, New York.
Grube, Nikolai and Werner Nahm
1994 A Census of Xibalba: A Complete Inventory of Way Characters on Maya Ceramics. In The Maya Vase Book: A Corpus of Rollout Photographs of Maya Vases, Kerr, Justin ed., pp. 686-715.

vol. 4. Kerr Associates, New York.
Houston, Stephen D.
2012 Carved Vessel. In Ancient Maya Art at Dumbarton Oaks, Pillsbury, Joanne, Miriam Agnes Doutriaux, Reiko Ishihara and Alexandre Tokovinine, eds., pp. 394-397. Pre-Columbian Art

at Dumbarton Oaks. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, D.C.
Houston, Stephen D., Hctor L. Escobedo, Zachary Nelson, Juan Carlos Melndez, Fabiola Quiroa, Arroyave Ana Luca and Rafael Cambranes
2007 A La Sombra De Un Gigante: Epigrafa Y Asentamiento De El Zotz, Petn. In Xx Simposio De Investigaciones Arqueolgicas En Guatemala, 2006, Laporte, Juan Pedro, Barbara Arroyo

and Hctor Meja, eds., pp. 395-418. Museo Nacional de Arqueologa y Etnologa, Guatemala.
Houston, Stephen and David Stuart
1989 The Way Glyph: Evidence for Co-Essences among the Classic Maya. Center for Maya Research, Washington, D.C.
Hull, Kerry
2005 An Abbreviated Dictionary of Chorti Maya. FAMSI report. http://www.famsi.org/reports/03031/index.html.
Kaufman, Terrence
1972 El Proto-Tzeltal-Tzotzil; Fonologa Comparada Y Diccionario Reconstruido. Versin Espaola E ndice Espaol. [1. ] ed. UNAM Coordinacon de Humanidades, Mxico,.
Kaufman, Terrence S. and William M. Norman
1984 An Outline of Proto-Cholan Phonology, Morphology and Vocabulary. In Phoneticism in Mayan Hieroglyphic Writing, Justeson, John S. and Lyle Campbell, eds., pp. 77-166. Institute

for Mesoamerican Studies, State University of New York, Albany, NY.
Martin, Simon
2006 Cacao in Ancient Maya Religion: First Fruit from the Maize Tree and Other Tales from the Underworld. In Chocolate in Mesoamerica: A Cultural History of Cacao, McNeil,

Cameron L., ed., pp. 154-183. University Press of Florida, Gainesville.
2012 Carved Bowl. In Ancient Maya Art at Dumbarton Oaks, Pillsbury, Joanne, Miriam Agnes Doutriaux, Reiko Ishihara and Alexandre Tokovinine, eds., pp. 108-119. Pre-Columbian Art

at Dumbarton Oaks. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, D.C.
Miller, Mary Ellen and Simon Martin
2004 Courtly Art of the Ancient Maya. Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco and Thames & Hudson, San Francisco and New York.
Reents-Budet, Dorie
1994 Painting the Maya Universe: Royal Ceramics of the Classic Period. Duke University Press, Durham, N.C.
Reents-Budet, Dorie and Ronald L. Bishop
2012 Classic Maya Painted Ceramics: Artisans, Workshops, and Distribution. In Ancient Maya Art at Dumbarton Oaks, Pillsbury, Joanne, Miriam Agnes Doutriaux, Reiko Ishihara and

Alexandre Tokovinine, eds., pp. 288-299. Pre-Columbian Art at Dumbarton Oaks. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, D.C.
21

Smith, Robert E.
1955 Ceramic Sequence at Uaxactun, Guatemala. Publication No.20. 2 vols. Middle American Research Institute, New Orleans.
Stuart, David
2005 The Way Beings. In Sourceboook for the 29th Maya Hieroglyphic Forum, March 11-16, 2005, Stuart, David, ed., pp. 160-165. Department of Art and Art History, The University of

Texas, Austin.
Tate, Carolyn E.
1985 Carved Ceramics Called Chochola In Fifth Palenque Round Table, 1983, Fields, Virginia M., ed., pp. 123-133. Palenque Round Table (5 Session, 1983). Pre-Columbian Art Research

Institute, San Francisco.
Taube, Karl A.
1992 The Major Gods of Ancient Yucatan Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.
1993 Aztec and Maya Myths. University of Texas Press, Austin.
Tokovinine, Alexandre and Dmitri D. Beliaev
2013 People of the Road: Traders and Travelers in Ancient Maya Words and Images. In Merchants, Markets, and Exchange in the Pre-Columbian World, Hirth, Kenneth G. and Joanne

Pillsbury, eds., pp. 169-200. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, D.C.
Werness, Maline
2010 Chochol Ceramics and the Polities of Northwest Yucatn, Department of Art History, University of Texas, Austin, 2010.
Wisdom, Charles
n.d. Materials on the Chorti Language. University of Chicago Microfilm Collection of Manuscripts of Cultural Anthropology 28, Chicago.
Zender, Marc
2005 Teasing the Turtle from Its Shell: Ahk and Mahk in Maya Writing. PARI Journal : quarterly publication of the Pre-Columbian Art Research Institute 6 (3):1-14.

22

FREDERICK R. PLEASANTS:
A CURATOR AND STEWARD OF PRE-COLUMBIAN ART
Anna Seiferle-Valencia, Ph.D.

Frederick R. Pleasants: A Curator and Steward of Pre-Columbian Art

Anna Seiferle-Valencia, Ph.D.

Frederick R. Pleasants was born in Montclair, New Jersey in 1906 to Frederick and Blanche Rhodes Pleasants. Over the course of his life he would
make several significant contributions to the art and museum worlds. Of particular relevance to this catalogue, Pleasants would eventually donate
a number of Latin American artworks, including Pre-Columbian artifacts, to the Tucson Museum of Art (henceforth TMA or the Museum) that would
form the kernel of the Pre-Columbian art collection at the Museum. In order to understand the artworks collected and donated by Pleasants, it is
necessary to understand his academic and intellectual background. Pleasants was very much (to use his term) a museum man of his time, educated
at prestigious universities in the United States and Europe. His selection, representation, and discussion of Pre-Columbian and other non-Western
art objects is reflective of broader concepts of what was then called primitive art, especially in academic and museum circles.
Pleasants was well educated, completing his undergraduate studies at Princeton University
in 1930, where he graduated with a Bachelors of Arts degree in Fine Arts. At the time,
Princeton and the Ivy League were, even more so than they are today, elite institutions of
higher learning that trained many leading scholars, politicians, and lawyers. Princeton was
a male-only institution: the university would not admit women as undergraduates until
1969. In Pleasants day, students at Princeton and other institutions benefited greatly not
only from an excellent education but also from the professional and personal connections
they forged during their years of study. These connections often lasted throughout the
professional and academic lives of Ivy League graduates. Following the completion of his
studies at Princeton, Pleasants went on to complete a degree in languages at the Sorbonne,
in Paris, France, and a masters degree at Harvard University in 1938, with a particular
focus in primitive arts and museology. As can clearly be seen from his educational
background, Pleasants was an intelligent man with an intense and long-standing interest
in art and languages.
Fred in the market section of town, Ica, Peru, c. 1960

While Pleasants was at Princeton, he argued that the undergraduate attitude towards art was beginning to change due to a different and perhaps
broader emphasis on the part of our art departments (Pleasants 1929:21). In particular, he cited Professor Charles Morey as being of great influence.
Morey served as the chair of the Department of Art and Archaeology at Princeton from 1924 to 1945 and was a prolific scholar who greatly advanced
the standing of the department at Princeton and the profile of the discipline as a whole (Stohlman 1978). It is worth pointing out that Princetons
24

department combined both art and archaeology, whereas other universities elected to give each discipline its own departmental status. Moreys
definition of art was expansive, including art and architecture, and invoked an almost Platonic concept of art as the expression of truth in sensible
form as each age sees it (Pleasants 1929:21). This expansive definition of art would stay with Pleasants, who would engage with this idea later on in
his graduate studies.
From Morey and others in the department, Pleasants learned to draw connections between the art of many cultures and time periods. He argued that
art courses were moving away from the purview of the long haired aesthete and were becoming of real interest even to artistically unsusceptible
students (Pleasants 1929:21). This increasingly broad appeal of art history as manifested at Princeton must have had a great influence on Pleasants,
who would go on to devote a great deal of his personal and public life to art and making art appealing and accessible to the general public. As early as
1929, Pleasants expressed a dawning awareness of personal aesthetic, collecting, the relationship between monetary support and displays of artwork,
and the role that a museum could play in invigorating research (Pleasants 1929:21). That he would become a curator could hardly have been a surprise
to those who knew him.
Pleasants completed his masters degree at Harvard University in 1938, with a focus in so-called primitive art and museology. Pleasants studies at
Harvard in non-Western art traditions, and what would now be called museum studies, further developed his inclusive definition of art. At the same
time, his approach to primitive art straddled the disciplines of art history and anthropology. As remembered by artist and collector Alfonso Ossorio,
who learned from Pleasants at the Peabody Museum, there was no sharp line drawn between fine arts and the primitive artifacts at the Peabody
Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard University (Levin 2011:10). Broadly reflective of the anthropological approach in which non-Western
art was (and is) viewed as art that is as fully and equally valid to Western art, this attitude carried over into Pleasants professional work as well.
Ossarios comment, however, also conveys the degree to which primitive artifacts were still categorically separate from fine art. While there may
have not been a sharp line drawn between them, there was certainly a categorical understanding that gave rise, as least broadly speaking, to the
notion that artifacts were primitive and somehow still separate from fine art.
Throughout his adult life, recurring chronic health problems troubled Pleasants. These health issues barred him from fighting in the Second World
War. Instead, he served in the Office of Strategic Services, interpreting spy photographs. He would later work for the Red Cross in the Pacific until
the end of the war. The close of the Second World War found Pleasants working as a Monuments Man. The Monuments Men were a group of
approximately 345 men and women assembled from 13 nations who volunteered for the newly created Monuments, Fine Arts, and Archives (MFAA)
program. Many of these individuals had experience, as did Pleasants, as curators, art historians, architects, professors, and museum directors. The
goal of the MFAA was to protect and preserve the cultural riches that had been stolen by the Nazis. The Monuments Men worked to track, locate,
and return more than five million individual artworks that had been stolen by Hitler and the Nazis (Monuments Men Foundation 2014). In order to
accomplish this mission, they remained in Europe for six years following the conclusion of the war. When they returned to the United States, many
went on to prominent positions in well-known museums.
25

A photograph at the Getty Research Institute shows a Monuments Man holding the 40,000th picture to be recovered at the Central Collecting Point
in Munich. A man wearing round glasses holds a framed canvas and looks at the camera. A pipe between his lips interrupts his partial, somewhat
crooked, smile. He wears a military uniform and a military haircut, and his tie is perfectly jostled. This man is, of course, Frederick Pleasants.
In 1941, Pleasants had been appointed as assistant to the director of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard. He would later
be described as a vital cog in keeping the Peabody Museum functioning smoothly during the 1930s and 1940s, although he [was] little recognized
(Browman and Williams 2013:455). Among other duties, Pleasants began curating in earnest while at the Peabody. Pleasants was responsible for
curating a new exhibition hall and two galleries of permanent exhibitions that represent[ed] the application of the most modern methods of museum
display to anthropological objects (Harvard Crimson 1941). These rooms were intended to show how anthropological objects could be dramatized
so that they have interest for the general public and yet stimulate the visitor and the student to further research in the study collections nearby
(Harvard Crimson 1941). This attitude that anthropological objects had to be dramatized in order to be interesting is a reflection of prevailing
attitudes towards anthropological collections in museum settings in the 1940s. There was clearly developing interest in displaying anthropological
objects. Still, there was also prevalent concern that these objects would not garner attention in and of themselves without dramatization.
Pleasants left the Peabody Museum in 1949 after he was named assistant curator of the Department of Primitive Art at the Brooklyn Museum.
He was promoted to full curator in 1950. His scholarly interests were officially noted as Native American arts and the nature and function
of anthropological museums (Brooklyn Museum of Art:4-7). This trajectory from the Peabody Museum at Harvard to the Brooklyn Museum had
actually been completed by a scholar senior to Pleasants, Herbert Spinden. Well known as a scholar of Pre-Columbian and Mesoamerican cultures,
Spinden, like Pleasants, first served as a curator at the Peabody before working at the Brooklyn Museum (Brooklyn Museum of Art:4-7). Pleasants
health problems resurfaced and in 1956 he resigned his curatorship. He then traveled extensively throughout Latin America and worked as an
independent curator and appraiser. Restrictions on curators were not the same then as they are now, and the lines between private collection,
curation, and appraisal were often thin and blurred. This was well in keeping with professional standards of the day and is a pattern that is reflected
in the curation and collection activities of other scholars from the same time period.
Pleasants first visit to Tucson was in the 1930s (Carter 2012:13), but he made a permanent move to Tucson in 1958. In Tucson, the University of
Arizona was a good match for Pleasants interests in anthropological museums, museum practices, and Native American arts. Pleasants took a job at
the University of Arizona as a lecturer, teaching primitive arts. He also curated for the Arizona State Museum, the anthropology museum associated
with the University. Following his arrival in Tucson, Pleasants would also make substantial donations to the Tucson Museum of Art. At the time, TMA
was a developing museum, inaugurating a permanent collection in 1967 on the basis of several donations, some of which came from Pleasants
(Carter 2012:15).

26

The donations made by Pleasants include Pre-Columbian artifacts that he had collected during his travels throughout Latin America, many of which
remain on display in the Museums galleries today. His donations to the Museum also include books (1,500) and a large slide collection (21,000). An
additional 600 items were given to the Museums library in 1976 following Pleasants death.
Pleasants appreciation for the native arts of Africa, Oceania, and the Americas was both aesthetic and intellectual. In 1963, the Arizona State Museum
(ASM) at the University of Arizona featured an exhibition entitled Primitive Art from the Collection of Frederick R. Pleasants. This exhibition marked the
formal opening of a newly established Primitive Art Gallery at the ASM (Arizona State Museum:2).
In the preface to the exhibition catalog Pleasants states that the collection was assembled primarily for teaching purposes (Pleasants 1962: Foreword).
He further explains that the art of primitive and prehistoric peoples reflects the conditions of life of these people. This is undoubtedly true and is, in
part, a reflection of the academic and curatorial perspective Pleasants developed and maintained over the course of his career. His understanding of
the daily lives of Native peoples reflects widespread academic attitudes of the day toward Indigenous peoples and their art:
Living in comparative isolation, they are dependent upon their immediate environment for solutions to the problems of existence, as well
as for ways of expression in the arts. Religion and social function provide the subject matter; to a great extent material at hand determine
the style. Thus, the character of the material is clearly feltthe columnar form of wood, the blockiness of stone, the strength of metal, the
plasticity of clay and the angularity resulting from the weaving process [Pleasants 1962: Foreword].
Pleasants provides a tidy explanation of these art objects for viewers. His explanation is primarily environmental, the natural environment being
seen as the driving motivation and source of artistic creation. In Pleasants view, style was determined by the availability of materials. The subject
matterreligion and social functionis sufficiently general to include any number of possible activities without requiring the anthropological
perspective that would facilitate more specificity. Taken together, this perspective does a great disservice to the aesthetic sensibility of
indigenous artists who created art within the social and aesthetic framework of their worldview. Few anthropologists today would argue that
the aesthetic of indigenous art is simply dictated by the availability and physical characteristics (columnar, blocky, strength, plasticity, angularity)
of raw materials.
Nevertheless, if Pleasants statement is taken at face value, a second problem is created. If this was true, that indigenous art was simply a kind
of raw materiality filtered through the lens of ritual and social need, then how would an American (or any non-indigenous) audience engage with
these artworks? Pleasants explains that [t]he arts of native people are of particular interest today. Although they are basically realistic, they have
the distortion, simplification, and inner vitality which appeal to the modern taste (Pleasants 1962: Foreword). Here, Pleasants presents something
of a contradiction. This contradiction is characteristic of the work of many scholars who were working at the time to promote the visibility and
popularity of non-Western artworks. Pleasants, with his experience and interest in museology, was undoubtedly well aware that an effective
27

exhibition must engage the public. This process of appeal is particularly pronounced in artworks produced by another culture, in which the
viewer must often cross an aesthetic and cultural bridge between his or her own culture and that of the artist who created the artwork itself.
As is the case with many archaeological and non-Western artworks, Pre-Columbian artworks reflect an entire worldview as much as particular
aesthetic or material considerations or constraint of an individual artist. Sufficiently explaining a worldview in an object label, gallery text, or an
exhibition catalogue is extremely challenging. Additionally, all of the archaeological objects collected by Pleasants had been removed from their
archaeological context. This unfortunately disconnected these objects from their broader historical contexts and greatly reduced the amount of
anthropological interpretation that could successfully be done with each object. As a result of both of these dynamicsthe need to appeal to a public
audience and the lack of provenience for the objectsthe aesthetic quality of the individual object comes to the foreground, as it is both immediately
and visually accessible to any viewer and is a way to discuss the artwork despite the lack of more substantial archaeological context.
The exhibition organized at the Arizona State Museum (ASM) in 1963 included 27 objects, some of which
were included in Pleasants donation to TMA and are now in its permanent collection. Reading the object
descriptions in the catalogue produced for that exhibition demonstrate the degree to which understanding and interpretations these artworks have changed. The Stone Yoke Fragment (TMA 1971.31) in a
Classic El Tajin style, for example, is described in the ASM catalogue as follows:
A complete yoke resembles a horse collar. Although its use is unknown, it has been suggested
that they were worn around the waist of a player in the ceremonial ball courts. An alternative
suggestion is that they were used to support the victims of sacrifice, facilitating the removal of the
heart. The design is of a conventionalized jaguar with head and jaws at the curve and legs at the

Veracruz Culture, 200 500, Mexico, State of Veracruz, Site


of El Tajn, Stone Yoke Fragment, stone, Gift of Frederick R.
Pleasants. 1971.31

side. A human face decorates the corner [Pleasants 1962: Object 2].
This single object description reveals the desire to reach an audience that might be alienated by the object by making a familiar analogy (a horse collar).
The interpretation of the object is functional, as can be seen in the first suggestion that the yoke was used in the ball game. The next interpretation presents
the most dramatic possible, suggesting that the yoke was used to facilitate heart sacrifice. Drama is used to garner and deepen the viewers interest.
Other objects in the exhibition have similar descriptions, though few are as sensational as the one provided for the El Tajin yoke. A Mayan vase,
which Dr. Tokovinine discusses in his essay elsewhere in this catalogue, is described simply: Two carved medallions on this Fine Gray Ware vase
represent Maya gods (Pleasants 1962: Object 4). Refer to the essay in this catalogue to compare the significant differences in approach, knowledge,
and interpretation between today and the past. Undoubtedly, future scholars will continue to contribute to the state of knowledge and advance it
beyond where it currently is today.
28

The donations of artworks Pleasants made to the Museum established the core of a Pre-Columbian collection. Pleasants felt that TMA had a great
opportunity to develop a distinguished collection of both pre-Columbian and Latin-American Colonial art and to have both permanent and temporary
exhibitions of the finest examples of those arts (Carter 2012:17). He served on the museum board, no doubt contributing to the early vision of how
these collections could be established and built. Between 1966 and 1972 Pleasants donated 68 Pre-Columbian art objects (Carter 2012:27). Following
his death, TMA purchased additional works from his estate. These items were arranged in a new exhibit hall and the collection displayed almost in
its entirety in 1976 (Carter 2012:27).
Pleasants died in 1976. The nature of archaeological objects is to outlive their creators, excavators, and curators. Objects can
survive for thousands of years if properly cared for. This is one of the paradoxes of archaeological objects, which are the subjects
of much human interest and care. Ultimately, their incredible longevity means that an individual object is experienced, used,
displayed, and explained in many ways over the course of its many years of existence. Archaeological objects, such as the
Pre-Columbian objects presented in this catalogue, remind us that we are simply temporary stewards of the past, charged with
caring for and properly handling these art objects. Many of these objects were never intended by the original creators to be
exhumed from their resting places for display. Others, such as the stela fragment (TMA 1965.32), were collected or removed
in a way that destroyed the original monument. Particularly for archaeological objects with no provenience, there is usually
little or no possibility of re-establishing the context in which these items were created, used, or buried. At the same time, they
were collected in a manner that was legal at the time of the collection. Acknowledging these difficult and sometimes conflicting
aspects of archaeological objects is part of responsible curatorial practice. The intersection of these facts places tremendous
responsibility on the individual curator or collector and on the museum that holds the collection.
Throughout his life, Frederick Pleasants worked and lived closely with many extraordinary art objects produced by cultures from other time periods
around the world. While the methods, collection standards, and interpretative models have changed significantly since Pleasants day, the importance
of preserving ancient objects, treating them carefully and with respect, and restoring, to whatever extent possible, their connection to their original
cultural contexts was part of Pleasants life work. This stewardship remains one of his most lasting contributions to the world of Pre-Columbian art.

Late Formative/Early Classic Era, 100 BCE 250 CE, Mexico, Orizaba Region of Veracruz, Stela, carved serpentine, Gift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1965.32

29

REFERENCES
Arizona State Museum
1962 Primitive Art from the Collection of Frederick R. Pleasants (Exhibition Catalog). Arizona State Museum, University of Arizona, Tucson.
Brooklyn Museum

Guide to the Records of the Departments of the Arts of Africa, the Pacific Islands, and the Americas (AAPA), 1926-2001. Museum Libraries and Archives of the Brooklyn Museum of Art,

New York. Accessed May 2014.

http://www.brooklynmuseum.org/collections/libraries_and_archives/uploads/aapa_final.pdf
Browman, David and Stephen Williams
2013 Anthropology at Harvard: A Biographical History, 1790-1940. Peabody Museum Press: Cambridge. 455-6.
Carter, Carson T.
2012 Advent of a Civic Space: A Case Study on the Tucson Museum of Art 1924-2002. University of Arizona Honors Thesis.
Collier, Donald and Harry Tschopik Jr.
1954 Wenner-Grenn Foundation Supper Conference: The Role of Museums in American Anthropology. American Anthropologist 56 (5: pt. 1), 768-779.
Cone, Gerritt
1974 Tucson Museum of Art Library. Art Library Society of North America Newsletter October 1974. Art Library Society of North America, St. Louis.
Harvard Crimson
1941 University Names Six New Men to Its Staff. Harvard Crimson. December 4, 1941. Accessed May 2014
http://www.thecrimson.com/article/1941/12/4/university-names-six-new-men-to/
Levin, Gail
2011 The Extraordinary Interventions of Alfonso Ossorio, Patron and Collector of Jackson Pollock and Lee Krasner. Archives of American Art Journal 50(1): 4-19. Smithsonian Institution,

Washington D.C.
Monuments Men Foundation
2014 The Monuments Men. Monuments Men Foundation for the Preservation of Art. 2014, accessed May 2014.
http://www.monumentsmenfoundation.org/the-heroes/the-monuments-men
Pleasants, Frederick R.
1929 Recent Art Activities at Princeton University. Parnassus 1(4): 21. College Art Association.
1962 Foreword. Primitive Art from the Collection of Frederick R. Pleasants. Arizona State Museum, University of Arizona, Tucson.
Stohlman, Martha Lou
1978 Morey, Charles Rufus. A Princeton Companion. 1978, accessed 15 May 2014. http://etcweb.princeton.edu/CampusWWW/Companion/morey_charles.html
Tucson Museum of Art

TMA Research Library Notes on Frederick R. Pleasants. Tucson Museum of Art, Tucson, Arizona.

30

EXHIBITION CHECKLIST

Exhibition Checklist

Olmec Culture, 1150 550 BCE


Mexico
Seated Baby Figure
clay, slip
Gift of Alan and Alice Fleischer. 2002.39.1
This sculpture is a typical example of the hollow baby figurines common in Olmec art. Despite the
name, it is unclear whether these baby figures are really meant to represent infants, or if they are
individualized portraits, sacrificial victims, deities, or part of a shamans transformation sequence.
As in this example, these figurines are frequently shown nearly life-sized with individualistic features,
seated with their arms and legs outstretched, head upturned and lips parted. Alternative poses
not seen in this piece depict the individual sucking its thumb, crawling, or with a raised arm. This
figure possesses evidence of a hat or headdress that is often found in the baby figurines. The
features of these figurines appear quite variable in age and may reflect the importance of the life
cycle in Olmec cosmology.

32

Olmec Culture, 800 300 BCE


Costa Rica
Spoon in the Shape of a Bird Monster
Profile Head
jade
Gift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1968.11
This finely carved jade pendant, commonly called a spoon for its shape,
depicts one of the major supernatural beings often seen in Olmec art. Known
as the god of the sky and sun, the Bird Monster was closely associated with
kingship, and this pendant may have served an important ceremonial
function. Olmec jade objects were highly prized by many cultures, including
the Maya and Aztecs, although the specific sources of the stone are still
uncertain. A gift of Frederick Pleasants, this piece is an exceptional example
of a jade spoon pendant. Almost all Olmec spoons are known from private
collections, and therefore their function remains unclear. They have variously
been interpreted as literal spoons, receptacles for hallucinogenic powders
or blood from self-sacrifice rituals, painters pallets, and ritual amulets. The
perforations at the top of the piece make the last scenario probable,
although they likely served multiple functions.

33

Olmec Culture, 800 300 BCE


Mexico, State of Puebla
Vessel with Supernatural Profile
clay
Gift of Frederick Pleasants. 1973.20
This cylinder-shaped vessel, given to the museum by Frederick Pleasants, portrays the Olmec
Banded-Eye God (God VI) incised in profile. This supernatural being is one aspect of the commonly
depicted Maize God. The Olmec cosmology and pantheon is still not well understood, and this
deity is no exception. Different supernatural beings are difficult to distinguish, particularly when
depicted in profile, and their significance is even less clear. The Banded-Eye God is only known
from profile depictions and is distinguished by the narrow band on the side of the face and around
or through the eye. Scholars have disagreed about whether this truly represents a unique god, an
aspect of the Maize God, or a different god with additional decorative banding. While the current
consensus identifies the Banded-Eye God as a form of the Maize God, new discoveries may clear
up this issue in the future.

34

Olmec Culture, 900 600 BCE


Mexico, Pacific Slope Region
Transformation Figure
stone
Center for Preservation and Education of Ancient Western Civilization Art and Artifacts. 2000.62.6
Transformation figurines, portraying a man or shaman in the process of becoming a were-jaguar,
figure prominently in Olmec art. The transformation process is believed to have protected the
shamans in their journey to the spirit world. Alternatively, it may refer to the belief that all humans
evolved from animals, while only priests could reverse the process. These figurines are typically
seated and possess a combination of human and jaguar features, although transformation figures
span the entire continuum between complete human to animal form. In this example, the crosslegged figure still retains all of his human features, his hands clenched at his knees, face upturned
and lips parted. He possesses a beard and a partially shaved head typical of the human transformation
figures, with incised markings in his hair that may refer to hallucinogenic substances used in a
shamanistic trance. This figure may represent an early stage of the transformation process or
a shaman about to perform an important religious ritual.

35

Veracruz Culture, 200 500


Mexico, State of Veracruz, Site of El Tajn
Stone Yoke Fragment
stone
Gift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1971.31
Along with the palma and the hacha, the yoke is one of the components
of a ballplayers equipment frequently shown in ancient depictions of the
Mesoamerican ballgame. Originally named by scholars for its resemblance
to yokes used for livestock, the yoke would have helped the ballplayer to
hit the rubber ball with his hips. The palma, or chest protector, attached
to the yoke in front. Hachas may have also attached to the yoke, although
the function of these pieces is still debated. The yokes worn in actual
game play were most likely constructed of perishable leather, while stone
yokes such as this piece were probably for ceremonial purposes. This yoke
fragment is sculpted in the El Tajn style, showing a human head emerging
from a jaguar mouth on the left side. The center portion contains abstract
serpents, while the far right end depicts a large open-mouthed serpent
with a pointed fang. The jaguar and serpent are two of the most common
motifs in Mesoamerican art. The jaguar in particular was consistently
associated with the sacred or supernatural beings since the beginnings of
the Olmec and throughout the Maya civilization.

36

Veracruz Culture, 700 800


Mexico, State of Veracruz, Site of El Tajn
Palma
volcanic stone (basalt)
Gift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1971.28
The Mesoamerican ballgame is an ancient sport known from many regions throughout Mexico
and Central America. The game specifics have varied in time and space, but forms of the game
have been played by different cultures since the second millennium BCE to the present day.
The palma, along with the yoke and the hacha, were essential components of a ballplayers gear
during the Classic Veracruz period along the Gulf Coast of Mexico. The palma would be inserted
into the yoke or girdle and act as a chest protector for the player. This piece, a stone palma with
intricate scrollwork in the classical El Tajnstyle, was likely ceremonial rather than functional.
A gift of Frederick R. Pleasants, the front of the palma depicts a human upper torso emerging
from the underworld, while the reverse side shows the lower torso plunging down into the
underworld. This likely represents the descent of the sun every night into the underworld and its
reemergence every day at dawn.

37

Veracruz Culture, 600 900


Mexico, State of Veracruz
Remojadas Style Female Effigy
clay, pigment
Center for Preservation and Education of Ancient Western Civilization Art and Artifacts. 2000.62.16
This clay figure is a simple rendition of the Remojadas-style sonrientes, or smiling figures. Her
triangle-like face is turned up, lips parted displaying her front teeth. She lacks hands, but her
arms hang by her sides and her feet sweep behind her allowing her to stand upright. Her dress
details are painted on in red pigment, and she possesses the jewelry and headdress typical of
these figures. Some theories as to the identity of the sonrientes suggest they may represent deities
of dance, performers, or individuals in altered states of consciousness due to hallucinogens or an
alcoholic drink made of fermented agave. Interestingly, many more sonrientes heads than bodies
have been recovered archaeologically, suggesting ritual sacrifice of these objects, perhaps in
association with funerary rituals.

38

Veracruz Culture, 900 1100


Mexico, State of Veracruz
Seated Figure with Headdress and Cape
clay
Frederick Pleasants and Miscellaneous Funds. 1993.17
This animated figure is an unusual example of Veracruz sculpture and may in fact be a composite of
several works. The unusual pose gives the piece a jester-like feel, with his gesturing arms, cupped
hands, and raised left leg. His belt contains a medallion surrounded by cordage, a tasseled tunic
rests on his shoulders, and he wears a pointed helmet, contributing to his jester-like appearance. While
unusual, his pose closely resembles a Classic Veracruz ceramic figure in El Museo de Amrica in
Madrid, Spain (85/01/128). He also possesses the upturned face and open mouth with exposed
teeth typical of figurines from this culture.

39

Remojadas Culture, 900 1100


Mexico, State of Veracruz
Female Figure
clay, asphaltum
Gift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1973.34
The Remojadas culture is perhaps best known for their sonrientes, or smiling figures. Sonrientes
typically have triangular upturned faces with smiling mouths displaying teeth and sometimes
tongues. While not a stereotypical sonriente, this piece has many of the features frequently seen in
other Veracruz figurines including the open mouth, narrow eyes, outstretched arms, and bow tie
belt. The applique details including braids, ankle rattles, and clothing suggest her role as a dancer.
Dancers are known to have been associated with the underworld in Veracruz mythology, and
this figure may represent a specific female of importance or the goddess of dance.

40

Maya Culture, 600 900


Mexico
Incense Burner Fragment with Effigy Head
buff clay with red slip
Gift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1971.27
The cruller-like line under the eyes and single tooth indicate this incense burner depicts the Maya
Jaguar God of the Underworld, also called the Night-Sun Jaguar. This deity is closely associated
with kingship and fire and is often found on incense burners like this. He is also associated with
war, possibly alluded to by the trophy heads below his chin. Alternatively, the trophy heads may
specifically refer to the hero twins, two very prominent figures in Maya mythology, after the
underworld gods have decapitated them. Incense burners had an important ritual function serving
to transfer offerings from the worshippers to specific gods. They created a portal between the
mortal and sacred realms. As such, they were an important part of the ritual paraphernalia used
by kings to publicly assert their divine authority by directly linking them to the gods. These incense
burners became both more elaborate and standardized in iconography during the Classic Period
in conjunction with the increase in power and authority of the Maya kings.

41

Maya Culture, 250 750


Ear Flares
jade
Estate of Frederick Pleasants. 1977.48.1-2
These beautiful ear spools or flares are fashioned out of jade, a rare stone
precious to the ancient Maya. Ear flares have a long history in Mesoamerica,
for they were as common among the Olmec as they were among the Maya.
They were fashioned from a broad range of materials into a wide variety
of sizes and shapes. Stone, shell, bone, and wood were all used to create
flares, but the type of material and size of the flare was likely dependent on
the status of the individual. In Maya art, rulers, deities, and other important
figures are often depicted wearing large jade ear flares such as these.

42

Maya Culture, 700 900


El Salvador
Tripod Cylinder Vessel with Underworld Scene
polychrome clay
Gift in memory of Joseph and Matilda See. 1991.15
Tripod cylinder vessels, such as this piece, were adopted by the Maya from the neighboring
Teotihuacan culture and became popular elite vessels by the 5th Century CE. The tall, straight walls
of the vessel allowed for narrative style painting that earlier Maya vessels could not accommodate.
Eventually, this form also fell out of favor and was replaced by the simple cylinder vessel by
approximately 600 CE. This tripod cylinder depicts an underworld scene containing two figures
with large beaks in the upper portion and three struggling figures, including one human figure and
two monsters, in the lower portion. The monsters in the lower section possess jaguar coloring and
have several tongues emerging from their mouths ready to devour the human figure.

43

Maya Culture, 600 900


Mexico, Campeche, Island of Jaina
Standing Figure
buff clay and traces of pigment
Gift of Richard and Nancy Weiss. 1998.398
This figurine originates from the island of Jaina in the Gulf of Mexico. Jaina was an important burial
site for the Maya during the Late Classic period, and it is known for the lifelike clay figurines, such
as this piece, commonly found in burials of the period. This figure is a fine example of the pastillaje
technique, where figurines were either completely hand made, or, as in this case, partially mold
made and then finished by hand. A press mold was used to form the face and head with the oblique
cranial deformation characteristic of the Maya elite. The torso of the individual is hollow, while the
limbs are solid and attached separately and flexed. The figurine, which wears a loincloth and
poncho-like garment, has its arms extended and bent. The fringe of the poncho may represent
small discs attached to the garment or simply knotted fringe. He wears a considerable amount of
jewelry with necklaces, cuffs, ear flares, and decorative bands below the knees possibly made out
of shell or jade. The piece has traces of pigment suggesting it was originally painted, which would
have originally made the piece even more striking.

44

Maya Culture, 600 900


Mexico, Campeche, Island of Jaina
Standing Priest Figure
buff clay and traces of pigment
Gift of Dr. Ronald C. Feise. 1978.141
This piece is an exceptional example of a Jaina figurine, a type of funerary statue from an island
off the coast of Campeche, Mexico. Jaina was a major burial site for the Maya during the Late
Classic period. Located in the West, it may have been associated with death and symbolized the
entrance to the underworld in Maya cosmology. While now a separate island, Jaina may have been
directly connected to the mainland in the Classic period, or connected by a bridge or causeway.
Jaina figurines, like this one, are predominately found on Jaina proper, but have also been found
on nearby islands as well as on the mainland. The source or workshops that originally produced
these figurines are still uncertain. This particular figurines face was formed with a press mold as
was typical of most Jaina figurines, and also possesses a distinctly flattened forehead. This cranial
deformation was a type of beautification commonly seen among the Maya of high rank as well
as in other Mesoamerican cultures. The figure also has both arms extended and a staff in his left
hand, which symbolizes power.

45

Maya Culture, 500 600


Mexico, Yucatan Peninsula
Shallow Bowl
clay, slip
Gift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1971.25
The deer was an important figure in the art of many Mesoamerican cultures
and represented both food and a connection to the supernatural. As one
of the major sources of protein in the region, and possibly an early
domesticate for the Maya, deer are often shown in hunting scenes or as
funerary offerings, as may be the case in this piece. They are also associated
with the gods, and human figures will often be shown wearing deer headdresses during important ceremonies or ballgames in Mayan art. In many
images of Maya ballgames, deer and vulture headdresses distinguish the
opposing teams. Anthropomorphized deer are also seen in underworld
scenes, and the deer is often associated with the Sun God. This vessel, with
a geometric fret design around the rim, depicts a large deer in the center
with a twisted line emerging from its mouth, possibly symbolizing foliage.
Small hatch marks representing fur cover the body of the animal. The
style of the deer painted on this vessel is also reminiscent of some of the
wheeled ceramic deer figurines known from the Classic Veracruz culture.

46

Teotihuacn Culture, 100 BCE 700 CE


Central Mexico, Site of Teotihuacn
Male Face
clay, pigment
Gift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1973.25
This ceramic face exemplifies the Teotihuacan tradition of mold-made ceramics, a major advance
in the development of mass production. Masks like this one have been recovered during excavations
of a workshop at Teotihuacan and likely served a ceremonial function. The masks are also nearly
identical in style to the stone masks discovered at the site. Teotihuacan is known for its stone
masks as more have been recovered from the site than from any other Mesoamerican culture.
They may have served a funerary function, although they have never been recovered in burial contexts.
It is possible they were attached to perishable figures meant to resemble more costly stone
statues, while the figures themselves have not survived. The stone and ceramic masks are of the
same basic style, which can be seen in this piece from the Teotihuacan III phase. The face has a wide
straight forehead, parallel oval eyes and mouth, and naturalistic nose. This face also has traces of
cream and yellow paint, and it was not uncommon for Teotihuacan masks to be painted or inlayed.

47

Teotihuacn Culture, 500 700


Central Mexico, Site of Teotihuacn
Cylinder Vessel
clay
Estate of Frederick Pleasants. 1977.46
Cylinder vases are a significant cultural development that appear to have originated at the
site of Teotihuacan and spread to other Mesoamerican cultures including the Maya. They are
known to have served domestic and ceremonial functions. This simple vessel likely originates
from Teotihuacans Metepec phase (Teotihuacan IV). This period was marked by a decline in
ceramic quality and decoration in general, particularly as Teotihuacan itself began to decline
around 550 CE. Cylinder vessels from this period are typically pale brown to brown, with polished
exterior and interiors. Parallel lines, as seen on this piece, are common, as are triangles, scrolls,
scallops, and cross-hatching. This vase is unusual in that it lacks the bud-like supports common
to other cylinder vases of this period. This may indicate it served a domestic function rather
than ceremonial.

48

Chupicuaro Culture, 500-100 BCE


West Mexico, State of Guanajuato
Standing Male Figure
clay, pigment
Virginia Johnson Fund. 1991.204
This male figure is a typical example of a Chupicuaro ceramic figurine. Of the slant-eyed thin variety,
he possesses the large nose and slanted, coffee-bean eyes common to these figures. He wears a
typical necklace, large earrings, and a somewhat unusual cone-shaped hat. These figures were first
discovered at the late Preclassic site of Chupicuaro, before it was later flooded by a modern dam
project. Frequently painted with red and white paint, the Chupicuaro figurines depict both males
and females and are generally associated with burials.

49

Chupicuaro Culture, 500-100 BCE


West Mexico, State of Guanajuato
Female Fertility Figure
clay, pigment
Gift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1973.32
The construction of a dam in the late 1940s prompted a short period of intensive archaeological
excavation at the site of Chupicuaro. While these excavations found little in the way of large
structures, they recovered over 300 burials and many artifacts, including male and female figurines
similar to this piece, for which the site became well known. These figures generally fall into either
black polychrome or red-on-buff categories, and many are painted with red and white paint. This
piece is a fine example of a female Chupicuaro figurine. She wears a necklace and large earrings
and has incised details on her arms and headdress. Her rounded eyes are a less common feature
than the slanted coffee-bean variety. These figurines have been recovered mostly from burials and
likely served some sort of function for the deceased in the afterlife.

50

Mixtec Culture, 800 1200


Mexico, State of Oaxaca
Openwork Hand-held Incense Burner
clay, slip
Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Kelley Rollings. 1970.2
The ancient Mixtec culture was composed of a large number of cultural
groups within the modern Mexican states of Oaxaca, Guerrero, and Puebla.
Much emphasis in Mixtec religion was placed on those rituals associated
with forces of nature. Tripodal censors, like this deep orange and cream
piece, may have been carried in processions. The elongated handle
would protect the priests hands from being burned while the openwork
scroll design of the bowl allowed the burnt ash to fall out and served as
decoration. The short knobs below the bowl combine with the long handle
to form the tripod legs of the piece and prevent the potentially hot bowl
from coming into direct contact with a surface.

51

Mixtec Culture, 1200 1400


Mexico
Tripod Bowl with Skeletonized Forms
clay, slip
Virginia Johnson Fund. 1991.5
This vessel illustrates the importance of the underworld in ancient Mixtec
religious ideology. Rather than focusing on specific deities, the religious
system emphasized the forces of nature and the veneration of ancestors.
They also believed that life was generated in the underworld. This tripod
polychrome bowl depicts skeletonized forms, death skulls, and crossed
femur bones. These designs likely refer to the underworld aspect of Mixtec
cosmology and its importance in the perpetuation of life.

52

Mezcala Culture, 1000 500 BCE


Mexico, State of Guerrero
Standing Figure
stone
Gift of Alan and Alice Fleischer. 2006.28.2
This type M-26 figurine, according to Gays classification of Mezcala figurines, represents a significant
departure from the more typical figurines of this culture. While Mezcala figurines are noteworthy for
their decidedly geometric form created with straight cuts, this figure instead shows a much more
rounded form, particularly in the hips and arms. The slender figure also wears a topknot or stylized
hat. This style of figurine may represent the influence of another Guerrero culture, the Chontal, who
practiced more naturalized imagery and other techniques often found on the type M-26 figurines.

53

Mezcala Culture, 1000 500 BCE


Mexico, State of Guerrero
Standing Figure
stone (andesite)
Gift of Alan and Alice Fleischer. 2006.28.1
Originating in Guerrero, Mexico, the Mezcala culture is well known for its stone figurines, such as
this piece. While human figurines can be classified into one of thirteen types according to Carlos
Gays 1967 classification, they share some common features. The individuals are generally shown
with their arms at their sides or resting on their torsos or stomachs. Their legs are separated and
straight, with a few exceptions of bent knees and stump feet. Fingers are often carved, but toes
are usually lacking, and sexual characteristics are rare. The figures are generally carved in a green
stone such as serpentine using straight cuts, resulting in an abstract and highly geometric design.
This andesite figurine, with its prominent split brow, thin arms resting on its chest, and thin slit
eyes and mouth, may belong to the type M-12.

54

Mezcala Culture, 1000 500 BCE


Mexico, State of Guerrero
Maskette
stone (serpentine)
Gift of Alan and Alice Fleischer. 2006.28.3
Mezcala maskettes are extremely rare compared to human figurines. Among Mezcala material,
this term is used to refer to any two-dimensional representation of a human face, rather than a
true mask with cut out eyes and mouth. They were probably only made in the later phases of the
Mezcala culture as most maskettes fall into the latest types, types M-22 and M-24, of Carlos Gays
classification of Mezcala figurines. Like this piece, they are generally carved of serpentine, slightly
concave in the back, and rarely larger than six inches. This maskette has lug style ears, prominent
brows, a large forehead, a long broad nose, thin lips, and almost no chin. The maskette also has
suspension holes above the brows on the edge of the mask. These features indicate the mask likely
belongs to the type M-24.

55

Shaft Tomb Tradition, 100 BCE 250 CE


West Mexico, State of Jalisco
Seated Female Figure
clay
Virginia Johnson Fund. 1993.14
This highly polished female figure is a typical representation of a Jalisco style figurine. Part of the
Shaft Tomb Tradition, Jalisco female figurines are typically shown kneeling, a pose possibly related
to their domestic role. They are also often depicted with one hand to the side of their head and
the other extended. The meaning of this arm pose is unknown, but it likely has some symbolic
meaning. Female figurines often possess more expressive faces than their male counterparts. In
this piece, the kneeling woman wears a skirt and displays the typical arm gesture, with one hand
on her head right above the ear. Her expressive eyes are carved in relief and her mouth is slightly
open to expose her teeth.

56

Shaft Tomb Culture, 200 BCE 300 CE


West Mexico, State of Nayarit
Ceremonial Dancer with Rattle
polychrome clay
Virginia Johnson Fund. 1993.15
This Nayarit style musician or dancer is depicted with the broad forehead, long thin arms, and
colorfully painted clothing typical of Nayarit figurines. The figure wears a red and black vertically
striped tunic with molded cuffs, a red loincloth, a red cap in relief, and nose and ear plugs. He stands
holding a rattle in his right hand, while his left hand is held to his mouth, which possibly indicates the
consumption of a substance like peyote. Male figures consuming peyote, smoking cigars, and
ingesting substances out of globular jars are not uncommon in Colima, Jalisco, or Nayarit art, and
this figure may similarly be ingesting some kind of hallucinogenic substance as part of ritual.

57

Shaft Tomb Tradition, 200 BCE 300 CE


West Mexico, State of Colima
Tuxcacuesco-Ortices Style Male Figure
buff-colored clay
Gift of Mr. and Mrs. H. Kelley Rollings, in memory of Frederick Pleasants. 1976.215
Small Tuxcacuesco-Ortices slab figures, such as this piece, are found near the border of Colima
and Jalisco and are considered part of the Shaft Tomb culture of Western Mexico dating to the first
century CE. This piece possesses the elongated form and coffee bean eyes typical of these figures.
The fine decoration, including bracelets, necklace, sash, and headdress, was all created using an
applique technique. Other incised ornamentation is also present. These standing male figures are
common of the Tuxcacuesco-Ortices style. They are usually shown either with their arms crossed
in front of their chest, or, as in this piece, hanging loose at their sides. They also frequently have
some type of breechcloth or loincloth as seen incised on this figure.

58

Shaft Tomb Tradition, 200 BCE 300 CE


West Mexico, State of Colima
Tuxcacuesco-Ortices Style Male Figure
buff-colored clay
Gift of Mr. and Mrs. H. Kelley Rollings, in memory of Frederick Pleasants. 1976.213
This ballplayer figure is of the Tuxcacuesco-Ortices type. Tuxcacuesco-Ortices figures are small
solid Colima figurines generally found near the border between the states Colima and Jalisco.
These figures commonly possess elongated bodies, coffee-bean eyes, elaborate horned headdresses and jewelry, tasseled belts, and sometimes loincloths. Warrior and ballplayer figures are
also common and wear the same clothing as shown on the hollow Colima figures. In this piece,
the ballplayer possesses hip padding, groin protection, a horned headdress, a Chac necklace,
and other ornamentation all formed from applique details.

59

Shaft Tomb Tradition, 200 BCE 300 CE


West Mexico, State of Colima
Colima Style Dog
burnished clay
Gift of Dr. and Mrs. Henry E. Butler, Jr. 1977.171
This vessel is a beautiful example of a Colima style dog figurine. Highly
burnished, these figurines appear to represent hairless dogs such as those
later bred by the Aztecs. Colima dogs are also short and fat, and often
have spouts in their heads, bodies, or as in this piece, their tails. The dog
likely played an important role in Colima cosmology. Scholars believe that
the dog was associated with the god of fire, lightning, and thunder. The
dog also accompanied the dead on their journey through the underworld.
It may have been an important figure in their creation myths, although
much of this information has simply been extrapolated from the current
indigenous occupants of the region. Alternatively, these dog figures may
represent food offerings meant to accompany the deceased on their journey
to the afterlife.

60

Shaft Tomb Tradition, 200 BCE 200 CE


West Coast Mexico, State of Colima
Colima Style Hunchback
red-slipped clay, burnished, with manganese spotting
Bequest from the Estate of Edward D. Jacobson. 2006.7.1
Hunchback figures are quite common in Colima art and make up the vast majority of images
of diseased individuals. They are frequently shown in a seated position, naked, and without any
obvious signs of a specific sex. They typically have a spout on the head or back. The vast quantity
of these hunchback vessels in the region would seem to suggest that these individuals had an
important social role or function, rather than being evidence of an epidemic or heavy disease
burden. While deformed individuals in Mesoamerica do not appear to be associated with any deities,
historically they have often been associated with supernatural powers and good luck. They may
have also been employed as jesters in the courts of the Colima. This piece is a slightly atypical
representation of a dwarf hunchback figure. While the body position and proportion are normal,
the open mouth and lack of spout are unusual. The open mouth and downcast eyes seen in this
piece may indicate it is a death variant of the usual hunchback figure, as these features later
become strongly associated with a god of death.

61

Shaft Tomb Tradition, 300 100 BCE


West Mexico, State of Colima
Colima Style Water Bird Effigy Vessel
clay, red slip
Gift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1972.11
The Colima culture, along with the Nayarit and Jalisco cultures, is part of a cultural tradition of West
Mexico known as the Shaft Tomb Tradition. The three cultures all buried their elite individuals in shaft
tomb complexes, many of which appear to have been used for generations. Figures representing
humans, animals, and models of daily life often accompanied the dead in these tombs. Colima
figures are distinct from those of the Nayarit and Jalisco by the red-slipped, highly burnished surface
of the figures, as seen in this vessel, possibly depicting an ibis or heron. Although other animals and
birds, including ducks, are fairly common subjects of Colima figurines, the long-necked heron-style
seen here is less common.

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