Spirit Possession in Islamic Societies:

Independent Facts or Transcendent Truths?

by Aiden Carter
Spirit possession is a phenomenon found in many different religious traditions all
across the globe, whether they are the great Abrahamic religions or isolated tribal
practices. There is an incredible range of diversity in the way different groups identify,
associate, and interact with spiritual entities. And while one would assume that there
would be a greater degree of consistency in these practices and beliefs among Islamic
societies, the converse is true: spirit possession beliefs and rituals are diverse and even
contradictory across the Islamic world. What this paper aims to identify are the
commonalities and unifying principles that connect these seemingly disparate practices. To
do so I will examine the characteristics of spirit possession in folk Islamic contexts as
described in ethnographic studies conducted in South Kenya, Northern Sudan, Indonesia,
and Uzbekistan.
As a starting point, Janice Boddy accurately states the prevailing definition of spirit
possession:
Spirit possession commonly refers to the hold exerted over a human being by external forces or
entities more powerful than she. These forces may be ancestors or divinities, ghosts of foreign origin,
or entities both ontologically and ethnically alien. Some societies evince multiple spirit forms.
Depending on cultural and etiological context such spirits may be exorcised, or lodged in relatively
permanent relationship with their host (or medium), occasionally usurping primary place in her
bodyduring bouts of possession trance. Possession, then, is a broad term referring to an integration
of spirit and matter (Boddy 1994:407).

South Kenya

Roger Gomms research was conducted amongst the Digo of Southern Kenya. The
Digo actually have several different forms of spirit possession, each of which leads to a
different response. The generic term for spirits is shaitani; this encompasses foreign or
exotic spirits from other tribes and nations, nature spirits that haunt certain locations, and
on some occasions even ancestor spirits subverted by sorcery (Gomm 1975). Spirit
influence is half-jokingly blamed for negative personality traits, and it may also be used as
an explanation for unexpected good fortune in effect replacing the need for witchcraft
accusations. Seen in this way spirit possession among the Digo does not usually lead to an
attempted exorcism. The same is true for shaitani ya wirani, spirits that attack dancers at
parties, which usually leave on their own accord. Only serious cases of possession by
shaitani ya kitchwa, which lead to aggressive and bizarre behavior, result in a public
exorcism ceremony. This is the type of possession Gomm focuses on and the one most
relevant to this paper.
Manifestations of Possession
In the case of serious possession the signs are very clear and disturbing. They
include aggression towards other people, inanimate objects, and the self, running around,
uncontrollable writhing, and covering oneself with ashes, dirt, and dung (Gomm 1975:531).
Possession is usually cross-sexual, with male spirits possessing women and vice verse, and
the spasms and moanings that accompany possession are seen as an indication of sexual
intercourse occurring between the host and the spirit. That said, women are almost always
the ones possessed while it is the men who provide for the ceremony.
The Solution

The primary solution for this type of possession is a series of public exorcism
ceremonies conducted by aganga (witch doctors of sorts) who have power over spirits
through their association with a familial spirit of their own. The most important stage of
this ceremony is the interrogation of the possessing spirit through the medium of his spirit
familiar (Gomm 1975:534), by which he discovers the name of the spirit and negotiates a
price that the spirit will accept in order to leave its host. This is usually some sort of
present given to the woman, most often womens clothing which her husband pays for, or
the remission from some obligation or responsibility.
Social Function
It can be argued then that the manifestation of spirit possession symptoms by
women offers a structural alternative to marital breakdown for coping with the tensions of
Digo marriage, and one which is likely to be most attractive when male kinsmen are
concerned to perpetuate a marriage (Gomm 1975:533). Many of these tensions revolve
around money, specifically mens perceived stinginess towards their wives and the
supposed extravagance of women. It is probably not a coincidence that most cases of
possession and exorcism occur at times when men are getting paid and at their wealthiest.
In the exorcism ceremony the sort of demands made by women in marriage and refused,
are made in the voice of a male spirit and granted. Husbands are publicly bound to provide
the goods which will be used by the wife in the name of the spirit after cure has been
effected. (Gomm 1975: 534).
Spirit requests that do not involve material goods are also very interesting and
usually involve the remission of some sort of responsibility. A girl who is betrothed to a
fisherman may become possessed by a spirit that will not go away unless a promise is

made to forever keep her away from the sea. A woman who is threatened by an imminent
second marriage manifests spirit possession symptoms until all of the husbands money,
which would have gone towards his new brideprice, is exhausted. Gomm agrees with
Lewis fundamental assertion about peripheral spirit possession: it helps the interest of
the weak and downtrodden who have otherwise few effective means to press their claims
for attention and respect. (Lewis 1971:32).
Northern Sudan
Janice Boddy did substantial research, especially concerning gender roles, amongst
the Hofriyati of Northern Sudan. Her 1988 article on The Cultural Therapeutics of
Possession and Trance was in many ways an inspiration for this paper, as it provides a
clear and detailed picture of both spirit possession and its effects on the surrounding
society. In Hofriyat women are possessed by zairan, a special subset of the jinn.
Manifestations of Possession
Women are especially vulnerable to zairan possession if they are anxious and
depressed but, tautologically, zairan are also the ones often responsible for creating these
states of mind. The manifestations of zairan possession are not very overt, and women who
believe themselves to have become possessed primarily describe themselves as feeling
unwell. Zairan primarily attack womens fertility, either through miscarriage, still birth,
blood problems, or infertility. Nausea, fatigue, aching limbs, paralysis, insomnia, and
numerous other ailments often accompany these symptoms. In this way the zairan holds a
woman and her husband hostage to its demands.
The Solution

The zairan are unique among the jinn in one primary way: they are completely
immune to exorcism and are not amused by attempts to be forcefully removed from their
host. While normal jinn possession may be dealt with and the person cured, zairan
possession is a lifelong ailment. As mentioned earlier, zairan hold their hosts captive and
must be bargained with, not attacked. This bargaining takes place when the possessed
person goes into a trance and the zairan then manifests itself to make its demands. The
zairan is always a foreign spirit, such as an Ethiopian or an American, and ends up
demanding a zar party.
This party consists of the possessed woman getting together with other women for a
time of dancing, drinking, and smoking activities strictly forbidden for her at any other
time. During the party she behaves in ways contrary to her normal character, channeling
the foreign spirit with all of its free attitudes and behaviors. Hence the trance state a
woman enters, and where the zairan manifests, is not symptomatic or pathological, but
rather therapeutic. In other words, the trance state does not prove possession rather, a
diagnosis of possession leads to a trance state as part of the healing process.
Social Function
Some background knowledge is needed to understand the social functions of zairan
possession. Women in Hofriyat undergo pharaonic circumcision at a young age and are
subject to the worst form of it: infibulation. The exterior aspects of their sex organs are
almost completely removed as part of a society-wide effort to craft their identity as the
social reproducers. There are also numerous metaphorical illustrations in daily life that
illustrate this and reinforce a woman's place in society, such as the enclosed areas of the

home where they are responsible for maintaining village life. A woman's image is defined by
society and by her need to be fertile.
This society-produced image can produce internal conflict when a womans reality say, infertility - clashes with her social identity as a fertile homebuilder. The presence of a
zairan allows for this internal conflict to move outwards and helps her to form a more
coherent self-image. Possession allows women to step outside of their daily world and gain
a perspective on their lives it also allows them to achieve a degree of detachment from
the gender constructs that have shaped their entire being. The blame for failing to live up
to the social standards set for them is placed on a foreign spirit, allowing them to maintain
their identity; after all, they are fertile, their fertility has just been abducted by a jealous
zairan. The zar party also serves as an outlet for repressed emotions and desires. It allows
traditionally marginalized, lonely, and overworked women to become the center of
attention and to engage in debauchery typically out of their reach.
Indonesia
Jennifer Nourses research in Sulawesi centered on the conflicts between female
mediums and male interpreter-curers (sandos). Among the Muslim Lauje people these
two groups both claim to have access to the truths of the spirit world and often disagree on
the interpretation of spirits messages.
Manifestations of Possession
Among the Lauje spirit possession manifests itself in the form of mediumship.
Mediums are usually female commoners, although there are some male mediums as well.
During a ritual known as Momosoro, where the whole community comes together, spirits
take over mediums bodies and speak through them in order to restore the community to

physical and moral health (Nourse 1996). The mediums channel the spirits voices while
in a trance and speak a more archaic form of Lauje that is not used in daily speech.
The Solution
Possession is not perceived to be a negative affliction in Sulawesi as it often is
elsewhere, and hence there is no real attempt at curing it. Mediumship is seen as
necessary and good as it provides a way for the spirits to speak to the people and to
provide them with healing. The spirits speak through the mediums, but it is the male
sandos who claim the right to interpret their messages even though everyone can
understand what the medium says. They also make it their duty to expose false mediums
that are merely faking possession. The core of the Momosoro ritual then becomes the dialog
or, more accurately, the dual monologues of the medium and the sando. For while the
sando will claim to interpret the spirits message, more often than not he instead presses
the spirit for secret knowledge or healing powers. In fact, many times the interpretation
is the complete opposite of what the spirit is actually saying.
Social Function
Nourse openly criticizes the approach most anthropologists take to examining
possession phenomena. That is, she does not believe that they should begin with the
assumption that spirits do not exist and that possession is merely a conscious effort on the
part of societys marginalized to gain power and recognition. These starting points take the
anthropologist outside of the world the people live in and keep them from seeing matters
the way the people do. While Lewis and many others have taken this or a similar approach,
Nourse argues that it does not always work. Not every society fits the pattern especially
not the Lauje.

If possession were merely an effort on behalf of repressed women to gain authority

over men, then one would expect to see the mediums in Lauje actively battling the sandos.
They would be subtly, or openly, campaigning for themselves and giving messages that
gained them power and respect. But this is not the case; instead, the mediums in Lauje
stress the importance of submitting to the spirits messages and not seeking after personal
gain. If the mediums were in fact faking possession in an attempt to better their own lot in
life, then they would be doing a terrible job of it.
Uzbekistan
Johan Rasanayagam conducted research in Uzbekistan after the collapse of the
Soviet Union. Since gaining its independence Uzbekistans government has allowed Islam,
in both its orthodox and folk manifestations, to re-enter the public sphere. One of the key
local practices that helps Muslims craft their sense of selfhood in an environment where
other forms of religious expression are circumscribed is healing through spirit
possession. The possession Rasanayagam describes is different from most other forms
found in Islamic societies and lacks many of their characteristics, but it provides some
useful information nevertheless.
Manifestations of Possession
Rasanayagams study does not focus on the healers themselves as much as on their
work and its role in the larger framework of the Islamic worldview. He describes healers as
using spirit possession for their work, but it seems that in reality the relationship between
the healers and spirits is less one of possession and more one of subservience. The healers
use the spirits to heal others, but they themselves relinquish little in return and none of the
typical trance states are present.

The Solution
Healers are initially identified by another established healer through an initiatory
illness. This is then followed by obtaining the blessing and training of experienced healers,
and dream visitations from Muslim saints and ancestors; to resist these signs and dreams is
to risk madness or serious illness. Healers emphasize that the work they do is for God and
that the spirits they employ are not jinn but rather azizlar sent from God. These azizlar tell
the healer how to massage, to give heat, to pass bio-energy as well as what herbal
remedies to use (Rasanayagam 2006:382).
Social Function
Rasanayagams primary focus is on the way healers have been attempting to make
their practices more Islamic and orthodox in the face of growing scriptural modernists
movements. There has been a distancing from older practices that involved controlling jinn
and modern healers consistently emphasize that they are doing Gods work. This effort
reflects the felt need to be accepted in the growing public sphere of Islam and to retain
their role in society. Unlike other anthropologists Rasanayagam does not go deeper than
this and spends no time analyzing the social functions of spirit healing. He argues that these
explanations are reductive and believes that, in studying the role of spirits, sorcery, and
healing in Islamic societies we need to move beyond an analysis of rational strategies and
follow Jennifer Nourse (1996) in taking seriously the cosmologies present in healing
practices. This means examining the particular mode of access to divine power and
knowledge manifested within them. (Rasanayagam 2006:378).
Common Threads and Conclusion

Despite the disparities between the approaches to and manifestations of spirit

possession, there seem to be some common threads that connect across the geographical
and cultural barriers. As the cases here have only examined peripheral possession cults, it
would be inaccurate to state that possession is solely concerned with the marginalized and
downtrodden of society. But when looking at all forms of possession, whether they lead to
exorcism or adorcism (bargaining or mediumship approaches), it appears that they are all
intricately tied to issues of identity: Boddy focuses on the identity formation that occurs
within possessed women in Hofritay, Gomm describes how possession in South Kenya
revolves around women attempting to gain economic and relational freedom, and Nourse
and Rasanayagam discuss the role of possession in forming ideas about what it means to be
a Muslim in both a corporate and an individual sense.
A need for an individual identity seems to lie at the very core of our human nature.
No matter what society someone belongs to and where it falls on the scale of individualism
vs. communalism, humans still desire to be unique and valuable. We desire community, but
we especially desire to have a role within that community that makes us feel valuable and
important. In central possession cults, the spirits reaffirm the roles of the communitys
leaders and continually establish their importance. In peripheral possession cults spirits
bring attention and healing to those who lack it, granting them an identity by reminding
their communities that they exist. But in both of these cases the identities crafted through
spirit possession are temporary and shallow; even zar parties come to an end.
This is where Christianity is unique among world religions. For one, there is no
adorcism in Christianity; demonic spirits are expelled and never accommodated. But in
another way, Christianity represents the ultimate form of spirit possession: possession by

the Holy Spirit. This possession is not fought against, it is not temporary, nor do Christians
consciously attempt to lessen its effects through bargaining. Rather it is fully embraced and
actively encouraged, with an ultimate goal of being completely filled with the Spirit. In
this form of spirit possession the possessed person does not gain a temporary, shallow
identity through material gain or human attention; they instead receive a completely new
identity, that of Jesus Christ. The more a Christian encourages his own possession by the
Holy Spirit, the more his old identity is replaced and redeemed by Christs identity. In doing
so his actions becomes Christs actions, his thoughts Christs thoughts, and his words
Christs words. In effect, he becomes Gods only medium.

Works Cited
Boddy, Janice. "Spirit Possession Revisited: Beyond Instrumentality." Annual Review of
Anthropology 23.1 (1994): 407-34. JSTOR. Web. 16 Dec. 2013.
<http://www.jstor.org/stable/2156020 .>.
Boddy, Janice. "Spirits and Selves in Northern Sudan: The Cultural Therapeutics of Possession and
Trance." American Ethnologist 15.1 (1988): 4-27. JSTOR. Web.
Gomm, Roger. "Bargaining from Weakness: Spirit Possession on the South Kenya Coast." Royal
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 10.4 (1975): 530-43. JSTOR. Web. 12
Dec. 2013. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/2800131 .>.
Lewis, I. M. Ecstatic Religion; an Anthropological Study of Spirit Possession and Shamanism.
[Harmondsworth, Eng.]: Penguin, 1971. Print.
Nourse, Jennifer W. "The Voice of the Winds Versus the Masters of Cure: Contested Notions of Spirit
Possession Among the Lauje of Sulawesi." The Journal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute 2.3 (1996): 425-42. JSTOR. Web. 13 Dec. 2013.
Rasanayagam, Johan. "Healing with Spirits and the Formation of Muslim Selfhood in Post-Soviet
Uzbekistan." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 12.2 (2006): 377-93. JSTOR. Web.
16 Dec. 2013. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/3804259 .>.