Manx: Reviving the Reconstruction of the Reform

April 8, 2008
 The inimitable history of the Isle of Man not only includes a constant

change in leadership, a history rich with outspoken individuals and a legal

system like no other, it has a unique language. Due to its geographic position

in the Irish Sea and the British Reformation the Isle’s language – Manx – finds

itself on the endangered list. Its embers; however, are being given gusts of

life and, like its counterparts in other Celtic countries, there is renewed

interest in ensuring its survival. Ironically, its salvation comes from the

Reformers who sought to destroy it along with the remote locations where

many of the native population lived.

A member of Goidelic group of Celtic languages that are themselves

members of the

Indo-European cluster of languages, Manx broke from Old Irish when Vikings

stopped ravaging Mann and settled on the Island in the 9th century (Olsen).

The Celtic and Viking cultures blended to create a new society independent

of what was occurring in other parts of present day British Isles and Ireland.

The impact of Norse society is still in effect as the Manx government

proclaims that they are, “The world’s oldest continuous parliament”. They

still meet annually on 5 July to read out their laws publicly at Tynwald Hill, a

known Viking site of importance. However, Norse occupation lasted only until

1266 when Norway ceded Mann along with other island holdings to Scotland

in the Treaty of Perth (Donaldson 34-36).

For the next sixty-seven years, the Isle was in a constant state flux as

Scotland and England fought over it, groups from Ireland raided it, and it

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received a Norwegian claim for the throne (Kinvig 87). Although there was

concern for the country’s future, the language itself did not suffer much

deterioration. However, once the English government created a lordship for

the Isle in 1333, and then Stanley family’s assumption of the position in 1405

(Kinvig 9), the language started what is considered a slow decline. The

effects of English dominance on the language were not immediately felt as

the Stanley head of the family, known as the Earl of Derby, was an absentee

lord. He sent soldiers from England to protect his holdings but they either

remained distant from the Manx population or assimilated themselves within

it; David Craine states, “But the imported soldiers soon formed connections

by marriage, acquired land, and in the end, became more Manx than the

Manx.” (42). An active effort to eradicate Manx from the Isle did not occur

until sometime between 1642 and 1651, during the English Civil War;

however, there is evidence that by the mid 17th century, both languages

were in use.

William Christian, also known as Illiam Dhone, took advantage of his

appointment of the head of the militia by the seventh Earl of Derby by taking

the forts while the latter was away fighting for the King Charles’ Royalists.

The militia was partly successful under Christian’s leadership, but the

Parliamentarians, from England, took the larger castles. Popular opinion at

the time was that Christian asked the Parliamentarians for assistance;

however, since the Earl’s sympathies lay with the King, an invitation was

unnecessary.

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 Ultimately, the reason why the Parliamentarians arrived when they did

is no longer available to us, but there still exist letters of correspondence

between Christian and Governor James Chaloner, in English (Coakley). That

the Earl gave him a position of importance prior to leaving the Isle suggests

that English was familiar to Christian, but we also know that he was raised

the son of a deemster – judge – a position his brother later took up. It was

not until 1819 that the first non-Manx speaking deemster took office

(Pilgrim). As previously noted, Christian possessed a Manx nickname and

someone wrote a ballad in Manx called “Baase Illiam Dhone” about his

actions and execution.

The oldest available document in Manx is Bishop Phillips’ translation of

the “Book of Common Prayer” from around 1610; however, it survives in a

manuscript dating from c. 1630 (Thomson). This translation was not widely

used nor did it influence the population, but it did provide the foundation for

modern day Manx. Although the book was not published until 1894 the

spelling is distinctly different look from its sister languages, Irish and Scottish

Gaelic, is also blamed on the Bishop’s choices in spelling, which were

probably influenced by his native Welsh.

In 1707, another Bishop, Thomas Wilson, had his “Principles and Duties

of Christianity” translated and printed for use in converting the native

islanders. Although, popular opinion dictated that there should be mass

paranoia regarding the Manx language and traditions as a threat to the

Crown, Wilson felt that it was important to enlighten those still using

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Christian Celtic ways through Protestant morality. He also knew that the older

population of Mann could not read nor did they understand English. In order

to affect the desired religious changes he established new ecclesiastical

laws, including that all children attend school until they could read English

(Kinvig 112); therefore, children were learning scripture in English, and could

read the Manx side of the bible to their elders. Further evidence of this

continues to appear for nearly another two hundred years as is seen in A

Sketch of Manx Gaelic, “It was reported in 1764 by the S.P.C.K. that the

majority of the inhabitants were ignorant of English, hence the necessity for

the Bible translation made into Manx at that time.” (Pilgrim). The Reverend

John Kelly also makes note of it in 1859,

“Though [the editor] is not prepared to recommend the study of

Manx…he would yet strongly impress upon those whose sphere

of duty it lies, or is to lie, among the peasantry, the importance

of possessing a knowledge of the tongue with which the country

people are most conversant…”(ix)

Another strategy used to Anglicize the native population was to have a

layman clerk read out the daily psalm as the congregation sang it (Craine

106). Not all clergy appreciated this practice, and surprisingly, Bishop

Wilson’s replacement, Bishop Hildesley, even expressed his surprise at the

how willing the Manx population was willing to forgo their own tongue, yet in

contrast to this some parishes complained if the Vicar did not provide Manx

sermons or visitation to the elderly and sick (Craine 114-116).

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 Keeping Manxmen morality in check was of great importance also

because of prolific smuggling around the Isle. In 1689, the English

government imposed heavy tariffs on goods imported to Mann as well as

refusing to allow merchant ships built by or manned by other countries from

entering English ports. Tariffs on the Isle of Man were not significant and

merchants from European seafaring nations were welcome to trade with the

Manxmen who in turn loaded smaller ships and set off to sell the newly

acquired goods in England and Scotland. Manxmen specially built ships that

were quick, and able to moor in small inlets during low tides in order to avoid

the revenue cutters. Although tariffs eventually rose and laws implemented

as attempts to curb the practice, officials did not seriously police them as the

lord and his agencies reaped the profits, not to mention benefited from

inexpensive quality goods (Kinvig 120-122).

With the sea surrounding the island, it is not difficult to imagine that

Mann was not exclusively a smuggler’s paradise. Herring is abundant in the

Irish Sea and the Isle of Man and it is widely accepted that they smoke the

best kippers in the world. Although herring are not fished any longer by Manx

boats, this was not the case in the late 16th and early 17th centuries when

they, along with fishing, some Manxmen worked for local and foreign

merchants and others as excise men.

A common language was required between the seafarers in the Irish

Sea and at the time, as the English monarchical government ruled all five

countries. The establishment of English-centric governance provided a

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common language between all the countries as well as those trading within

them. In the case of the Mann, fishermen, smugglers and merchant sailors

typically came from the most remote areas on the Isle. Despite some

churches offering English services alongside Manx; the isolated areas were

not greatly exposed to it, and were likely to resort to Manx once the

ceremony was complete. It was not until the mid-nineteenth century when

the fishermen arrived home, speaking English to the members of their

villagers that the secluded population began to allow Manx to slip behind its

usurper.

It is quite easy to blame the increased use of English as the sole

reason for the perishing language, but there was another monster in the

shadows and when it showed itself it silenced Gaelic tongues as quickly as

Medusa turned those who saw her to stone. Unlike its counterparts Ireland,

Scotland, and Wales, very few people within Mann’s borders dug in their

heels to secure language’s future. The schools were teaching only in English,

the reading out of laws at Tynwald were in both languages, there was a steep

decline in Manx church services, and a circulation of the notion that

admitting that one not only understood but spoke the native language was

cause for embarrassment. This pessimistic view was successful because of

the Church, the nobility, the government, and the economy. Through the

diminution of Manx services and the creation of English only grammar

schools, the hiring of Englishmen or English speaking Manxmen rather than

native speakers within the army, through English law readings, and the

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outlawing of Manx in schools (Killop n. pag), the populace could do nothing

but believe that their language was irrelevant. George Broderick offers a

model with seven elements that caused the demise of Manx and in this, he

quotes a well-worn idiom, “you will not earn a penny with the Manx” (169)

suggesting that skill had less to do with one’s chances in gaining

employment than one’s speech.

A spiritual and psychological attack against a specific characteristic

within a social group clearly has the ability to create disorder and produces a

sense of inferiority amongst its members. Although the number of people

speaking Manx diminished in the 17th and 18th centuries, a rapid decline

began in the mid-eighteenth century. Children were no longer taught Manx

in schools nor did they hear it at home, as parents did not want them to miss

any opportunities should the children be caught understanding the language.

However, parents had an additional reason for not speaking Manx in front of

the children. When they did not want their offspring, or anyone else for that

matter, to understand a particular discussion, they speak in Manx rather

than adjourning to a private room (Broderick 170).

The seafarers also employed this tactic when they wished to keep illicit

behaviour secret or complained about life at sea. Unfortunately, Scots and

Irishmen understood the language well enough that any untoward behaviour

was dealt with swiftly. There are cases when Manxmen underpaid by the

traders, would fight over the lack of remuneration as well as their use of

Manx (Craine 32). This esoteric use of Manx along with the fear that

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descendents would suffer if they possessed knowledge of it ensured the loss

of traditional tales and songs. Proverbs and idioms would also experience

demise, though not in its entirety, as some were similar to sister languages

or were translated, perhaps allowing for its reconstruction.

The question one should pose is whether Manx needs reconstructing.

Most linguists seem to agree that spoken Manx is in a dire state, therefore in

need in some recreation. A reconstruction is; however, only required for parts

of the language, as there are many recordings of the last native speakers.

Conversely, in its written form, while imperfect, is in a better position as

there are manuscripts and texts available. Unlike other languages where

there are only texts, the use of all these elements along with current

knowledge of Scottish and Irish Gaelic places Manx in a unique position for

resuscitation.

In 1899, a group of native speakers founded the Manx Language

Society as a reaction to a survey that measured the use of Manx to be

minimal. Although created to keep the language alive, it was not lost on its

members that this would also be an opportunity to collect other cultural

goods (Coakley). For those who supported the idea of a centre for the study

of all things Manx, it became a Nationalistic movement; alternatively, it

became a cause of disagreement for those opposing the revival. The Society

was fortuitous in its membership as there were several collectors among

them. A collector of folklore named Karl Roeder contributed a significant

amount of what is available today. Although he lived in England, he

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maintained correspondence with many native speakers and some of those

letters are available along with additional correspondences between his

friends and others (Miller). Much of the correspondence is not in Manx,

however, the tales are. Some submitted items were from as far away as

California.

As the native speakers died, enthusiasm for the Society waned until a

German interest in all things Celtic surfaced. Carl J.S. Marstrander made

several trips to the Isle of Man, initially to find native speakers and

eventually recorded them. Recordings collected by several groups until late

1960’s is the foundation used to determine inflections, aspirations and other

technicalities of language. The individuals recorded had all learned Manx as

children but had not kept it up, nor had they taught the language to their

own children. They all also noted that as adults they rarely spoke Manx

unless it was required, but all indicated regret in not using it more. The last

living native speaker, Ned Maddrell stated in a Manx National Heritage

survey, “I am sorry that so many people of my age and older have been

ashamed of being supposed to know Manx” (Skeealyn Vannin – Stories of

Mann 13). The recordings are primarily in Manx with English words used to fill

in forgotten in their native tongue. Broderick observed that idioms are

incomplete in some instances or combined with others (155).

The resources for the spelling and grammar of Manx were initially set

down in Phillips’ “A Book of Common Prayer” which was considered by

translators of later texts to be incorrect. Subsequently, there are Wilson’s

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translated texts, and beginning in 1901, surveys to determine widespread

use of the language on the isle were conducted every ten years until there

were a significant increase in the number of speakers to render the survey

results irrelevant after the 1971 survey (note: no survey was conducted in

1941 due to the Second World War). As Robert L. Thomson indicates in his

essay “Edward Lhuyd’s Geirieu Manaweg II”, one must be discriminating

when using the older sources as they themselves are not without errors.

Although there is a considerable amount of written Manx, there is very

little that escaped English or Welsh influence. The language may sound very

similar to Scottish Gaelic, but its spelling is highly Anglicized, particularly

with its use of letters that are not included in the other Goidelic languages,

the loss of lenition and accents, along with unusual vowel combinations.

There have been several grammar books written since the late 18th century,

some are no longer in use as they were not accurate, or they were not

sufficient for modern use. However, some are still available along with

modern exercise books through The Manx Gaelic Society, formerly known as

the Manx Language Society.

It is unlikely that the Reverend Phillips and the Bishop Wilson ever

imagined that their attempts to convert the population to English

Protestantism using translated religious texts would be the eventual

salvation of the language they aimed to quash. It probably did not occur to

Mr. Marstrander or the people of Mann that in less than a decade after the

last of his recordings that the Nazis were interested in Mann’s political take

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on imperial control and to promote anti-British sentiment through a Celtic

movement (Broderick 178). It would probably be most shocking to those who

lived a century that the language they abandoned is gaining some footing

not only on the Isle but also in other parts of the world, including North

America and Australia. Furthermore, the only country that teaches Manx at

post secondary level is in England, the country that demanded the

language’s suppression.

One might even propose that Manx has not truly met its death but

that a merciful plucking of an extinguishing last ember from the ashes simply

needs a small wind of life to reignite it. Another analogy is Medieval Latin’s

return from the abyss of the Middle Ages, that not only is it not dead, but it is

still used to teach certain vocations (Pilgrim). Granted that Manx does not

have an unlimited supply of resources to draw from in order to rebuild it;

however, Latin did not have recordings of people speaking the language and

yet we are certain of its inflections, its accenting and its grammar.

The number of Manx speakers increased in the late 20th century and

continued interest in the language as well as the culture has helped to have

the language officially recognized once again on the Isle of Man. The

language is again a subject offered in some primary schools and there is a

return of Manx Church services in some counties. Though there is still

opposition to the use and teaching of the language, many still consider it

backward and embarrassing. The Manx government encourages interest

through their support of the Manx National Heritage and the Manx Gaelic

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Society; however, their tourist brochure makes no mention of it (Department

of Tourism and Leisure). Perhaps they are not entirely certain of the

language’s future after all.

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