Libidinal DA v 1.

AT: No Uniqueness
Bitch, its a linear disad.

AT: All Racism Advantage

Fungibility DA Their instrumental use of black and bodies of color in order
to advance a ballot for an instrumental plan text, is a strategy of antiblackness that seeks to make those bodies fungible and accumulated for
ballots. This is an act of commodification that exposes their technologies of
whiteness and the ability to surveil and eat the other.

Medical Shell

C-X
Is it necessary to have some type of empathy for patients in the Trust advantage to build trust
with?
What are the mechanisms for you to do this empathy?
How do doctors create empathy for the black body?

Shell
Masking DA - They cannot change the historical nature of anti-blackness in
the medical industry.
Their affirmative serves as a mask to the latent, immoral, anti-black,
ableist and discriminatory features of the medical industry by giving it the
happy face of amending HIPPA
By masking the bad intentions of the medical industry, it allows them
to justify other bad acts in other parts of the medical industry, by trying to
apply this piecemeal fix.
There are systemic disbeliefs that black people have when it comes to the
med industry, whether you try to create a piecemeal policy that protects
privacy, there is still doc-pat relationship and the idea of treating the body
and not looking at the empathetic connection with the patients. They look
at patients as bodies to be cured or fixed.
Doctors will never be able to extend empathy for the black body because it
will only be seen as a tool to be used for research or commodification.
The medical industrial complex will never be able to fix trust with black
people because it is a manifestation of anti-blackness because of these
reasons:
Tuskegee experiment What happens is that hospitals tested the prolonged
effects of syphilis on black men and gave them medicine saying it was to
cure the symptoms, but it was really a placebo. One of the initial things
that created distrust with the medical field and black people.
Henrietta Lacks In 1951 Henrietta Lacks was admitted to the colored only
gynecological unit of Johns Hopkins where, unknowingly, two cervical tissue
samples were taken. Eight months later she died of cervical cancer. In the
intermediating period Lacks reported continuous pain and bleeding, but her
medical records indicated that she was feeling fine at those visits. In the
lab her cells were the first documented immortal cells, a necessary quality
for long term clinical research and patenting. It was over two decades
before these immortal HeLa cells were traced back to the Lacks family who
were unaware of the billions made from the patenting and sales of
Henrietta Lacks genetic material.
Henrietta Lacks is certainly not the first person to have tissues unknowingly
or forcibly taken, but her interaction with Johns Hopkins and their use of
her genetic material after her death is evidence of a historic transition from
the captivity of slavery to the captivity of contractual freedom as a means
of extracting the lived labor of people of color.

Planned Parenthood in the past, Planned Parenthood has racist

connotations to it, cause if black women or Latino women went to Planned
Parenthood for resources or for an abortion, they would un-knowingly be
sterilized.
Prisons Similar to Planned Parenthood, prisons are also known to sterilize
black bodies.
corporations and research institutions to increase not only tissue harvesting
and tissue which not only drastically increased the number of vulnerable
populations
Nearly forty years later experimentation on prisoners became the backbone
of lucrative biomedical and pharmaceutical industries. In prisons
Holmesburg Prison in Philadelphia inmates were imbricated in the
extraction of their biological material after tests and exposure to sexually
transmitted infections to chemical warfare.
Even if they get a portion of solvency, there is a huge DA to the
communities they are unable to address.
Their focus on individual instances trades off with the structure of antiblackness and how we theorize of how it produces material violence. As
opposed to looking at the structure of how racism materializes. Their
advantage is only the contingent form of racism that changes nothing.
Their advantage assumes that those victims of the supposed racism they
speak about have access to full humanity, but overlooks the ontological
positionalities that mark certain bodies as disposable and fungible. Because
they dont position the black body at the center of their analysis, their
racism claims will only be shallowly addressed with piecemeal solutions.
Their managerial approach does not address the libidinal drive to destroy
black and other bodies of color, which means their piecemeal strategy will
only expand anti-blackness in more insidious ways.
The FDA permitted increased human experimentation for all phases of
clinical trials incentivizing large pharmaceutical
Their attempt to solve the Contingent violence against black bodies glosses
over and trades off with the focus on the Gratuitous violence against black
bodies. The Affirmative doesnt center their analysis on the black body,
which means their racism claims will only be shallowly addressed with
piecemeal solutions. This Anti-Blackness is the Controlling Impact for how
we should interpret all forms of violence
Crockett 14 ( JNasah , writer, performer, and cultural worker who focuses on Black
cultural production and Black radical traditions. Raving Amazons: Anti-blackness

and Misogynoir in Social Media June

30,2014https://modelviewculture.com/pieces/raving-amazons-antiblackness-andmisogynoir-in-social-media.
Anti-blackness
is the structuring logic of the modernity and the foundation of the
contemporary world we live in. It is the glue and the string running through our
conceptions of what it means to be free, what it means to be a citizen, what it means to
be a legitimate and productive member of society, what it means to be Human, and what
it means to be the anti-Human. Anti-blackness is the structural positioning of the Black
as an object that is fungible and able to be
accumulated like any other wicket churned out by the process of capitalism; it is the fact
of Black folks being open to perpetual and gratuitous violence that needs no definitive
prior provocation or reason; the reason is the fact of Blackness
)
anti-blackness is attitudinal
But
thats how logic and structures operate, they imbue everything that springs forth from
them. Our lives and societies
are
fundamentally shaped by it, not only institutionally, but also at the level of the
everyday,
, in a rough-hewn nutshell,

(the

Black here being a marker for a certain type of subjectivity comparable to Marxs the worker shoutout Frank Wilderson)

(see:getting shot for walking home with some Skittles, getting

shot while being handcuffed in the backseat of a car, getting shot for calling 911, being beaten for staring at someone in a dehumanizing way, and on and on

.It is, to echo Hartman, the afterlife of slavery: a logic that collapses the past and the present

and places violence towards the Black within a range of acceptable daily practices. Certainly

see the libidinal economy, i.e. the systems of desire and instincts and fantasies and

repulsion around skin tone, hair types, bodies that makes itself apparent in Eurocentric beauty standards or the fact that lighter-skinned African American women receive shorter prison sentences than their darker-skinned counterparts.

(because when we speak of the afterlife of race-based chattel slavery, Arab and trans-Atlantic, we are speaking of the entire world)

including crossing the street. So of course it makes itself apparent in the supposedly brave new world (so different from any world that came before!) of social media.I myself joined both Twitter and Tumblr back in 2009, after

experiences stretching back to high school with BlackPlanet.com, Myspace, Livejournal, and of course Facebook. With Twitter and Tumblr, however, I joined after spending a year or two lurking on the edges of a particular group of (mostly) women of color, and
moving onto social media around the same time they did allowed me to connect with them in ways I wasnt able to when the main platform was, say, WordPress. For us, and for the many Black women I have since connected and built with since 2009, social
media offers us yet another way to build our beloved communities, to extend the networks of love, camaraderie, and joyous support that have long existed in our meatspace communities hair salons, churches, Black student unions, kitchen tables, etc.
Social media also becomes a central site for much of our activism, from the multinational #BringBackOurGirls hashtag to holding media outlets accountable for publishing blatant racism. We are also theory houses, circulating and challenging discourses and
practices that negatively impact our lives as Black women, and making critical connections that are often missing from the media that surrounds us. I cant help but see historical parallels to, say, early 20th century Pullman Porters secretly distributing copies
of The Chicago Defender to the Black folks they came across. What were doing is nothing new, but being on social media means that this networking is happening in the public eye. I also cant help but see historical parallels in the multiple forms of anti-

The topic of surveillance

as been a hot one lately, but
many discussions on it stop and end at the Edward Snowden/NSA type revelations over
post-9/11, post-War on Terror invasions of privacy at the hands of an overzealous
government. However, if we were to extend the idea of policing and surveillance further
back in time, and expand it beyond the trope of it being primarily carried out by
government employees, it becomes apparent that surveillance has already been a central
part of the experience of Black
. Recall that in the U.S., the police have their roots
in slave patrols; policing and management of the potentially unruly Black bodies underlies
the call for law and order and the constituent need for police.
and in an anti-black world, every non-Black is deputized to patrol and
manage the Blacks.
black backlash Black women have received on social media over the past few years.

in social media h

women on Twitter

To quote Wilderson again, in society there is a fundamental anxiety

over where is the Black and what is he or she doing,

This violence is gratuitous violence; unwarranted, created through

ontological destruction. There is a qualitative ontological distinction
between their CONTINGENT violence and GRATUITIOUS violence. We are
controlling the uniqueness of their impacts and control the FRAMING of all
other impacts
Jared Sexton 2010 (The Curtain of the Sky: An Introduction in Critical Sociology 36; 11.
Jared Sexton, Associate Professor of African-American studied and Critical Theory at the UCIrvine)
To suffer the loss of political sovereignty, the exploitation of labor, the dispossession of land
and resources is deplorable; yet, we might say in this light that to suffer colonization is
unenviable unless one is enslaved. One may not be free, but one is at least not enslaved . More

simply, we might say of the colonized: you may lose your motherland, but you will not lose your mother (Hartman 2007). The latter condition,

the social death under which kinship is denied entirely by the force of law, is reserved for
the natal alienation and genealogical isolation characterizing slavery . Here is Orlando Patterson, from
his encyclopedic 1982 Slavery and Social Death:nI prefer the term natal alienation because it goes directly to the heart of what is
critical in the slaves forced alienation, the loss of ties of birth in both ascending and descending generations. It also has the
important nuance of a loss of native status, of deracination. It was this alienation of the slave from all formal, legally enforceable ties of blood,
and from any attachment to groups or localities other than those chosen for him [sic] by the master, that gave the relation of slavery its peculiar
value to the master. The slave was the ultimate human tool, as imprintable and as disposable as the master wished. And this was true, at least in

True even if elevated by the income and formal

education of the mythic American middle class, the celebrity of a Hollywood icon, or the political position of the
so-called Leader of the Free World.4 The alienation and isolation of the slave is not only vertical, canceling ties to
theory, of all slaves, no matter how elevated. (Patterson 1982: 78)

past and future generations and rendering thereby the notion of descendants of slaves as a strict oxymoron . It is also a horizontal

Reduced to a tool, the deracination of the slave, as

is total, more fundamental even than the displacement of the
colonized, whose status obtains in a network of persecuted human relations rather than in a
collection or dispersal of a class of things. Crucially, this total deracination is strictly correlative to the absolute submission mandated
prohibition, canceling ties to the slaves contemporaries as well.
Mannoni and Fanon each note in their turn,

by [slave] law discussed rigorously in Saidiya Hartmans 1997 Scenes of Subjection: the slave estate is the most perfect example of the space of
purely formal obedience defining the jurisdictional field of sovereignty (Agamben 2000). Because the forced submission of the slave is absolute, any
signs whatsoever of reasoning intent and rationality are [is] recognizedsolely in the context of criminal liability. That is, the
slaves will [is] acknowledged only as it [is] prohibited or punished (Hartman 1997: 82, emphasis added). A criminal will, a criminal
reasoning, a criminal intent, a criminal rationality: with these erstwhile human capacities construed as indices of culpability before the law, even
the potentiality of slave resistance is rendered illegitimate and illegible a priori. The disqualification of black resistance by the logic of racial
slavery is not unrelated to the longstanding cross-racial phenomenon in which the white bourgeois and proletarian revolutions on both sides of the
Atlantic can allegorize themselves as revolts against slavery, while the hemispheric black struggle against actually existing slavery cannot authorize
itself literally in those same terms. The latter must code itself as the apotheosis of the French and American revolutions (with their themes of
Judeo-Christian deliverance) or, later, the Russian and Chinese revolutions (with their themes of secular messianic transformation)or, later still, the
broad anti-colonial movements in Africa, Asia, and Latin America of the mid-20th century (with their themes of indigenous reclamation and
renaissance).5 One of the defining features of contemporary political and intellectual culture remains this metaphoric transfer that appropriates
black suffering as the template for non-black grievances, while it misrecognizes the singularity of black struggles against racial slavery and what
Loc Wacquant calls its functional surrogates or what Hartman terms its afterlife. Put differently ,

the occult presence of racial

slavery continues to haunt our political imagination: nowhere, but nevertheless everywhere,
a dead time which never arrives and does not stop arriving (Marriott 2007: xxi). Hartmans notion of slaverys afterlife and Wacquants theorization

we are still very

much within the crisis of language of thinking and feeling, seeing and hearing that slavery
provokes. Both scholars challenge the optimistic idea of a residual legacy of slavery, precisely because it requires the untenable demarcation
of an historic end in Emancipation. The relations of slavery live on, Hartman might say, after the death knell of formal
abolition, mutating into the burdened individuality of freedom. The functions of the chattel system are largely
maintained, Wacquant might say, despite the efforts of Reconstruction, preserved in surrogate
institutional form under Jim Crow, the ghetto, and the prison. Slavery lives on , it survives, despite the
of slaverys functional surrogates are two productive recent attempts to name the interminable terror of slavery, but

grand attempts on its institutional life forged by the international movements against slavery, segregation and mass imprisonment (Davis
2003).But

what if slavery does not die, as it were, because it is immortal, but rather because it is nonthe source of slaverys longevity is not its
resilience in the face of opposition, but the obscurity of its existence ? Not the accumulation of its political capital, but the
illegibility of its grammar? On this account, for those that bear the mark of slavery the trace
of blackness to speak is to sound off without foundation, to appear as a ghost on the
threshold of the visible world, a spook retaining (only) the negative capacity to absent thepresence, or negate the will to
mortal, because it has never lived, at least not in the psychic life of power? What if

presence, of every claimto human being, even perhaps the fugitive movement of stolen life explored masterfully by Fred Moten (2008). We might
rethink as well the very fruitful notion of fugitive justice that shapes the prize-winning 2005 special issue of Representations on Redress. Coeditors Saidiya Hartman and Stephen Best are posing the right question: How does one compensate for centuries of violence that have as their
consequence the impossibility of restoring a prior existence, of giving back what was taken, of repairing what was broken? (Hartman and Best
2005: 2)That is to say, they are thinking about the question of slavery in terms of the incomplete nature of abolition, the contemporary
predicament of freedom (2005: 5, emphasis added). Yet, the notion subsequently developed of a fugitive life lived in loss spanning the split
difference between grievance and grief, remedy and redress, law and justice, hope and resignation relies nonetheless on an outside, however
improbable or impossible, as the space of possibility, of movement, of life. Returning to our schematization of Fanon, we can say that the outside is
a concept embedded in the problmatique of colonization and its imaginary topography, indeed, the fact that it can imagine topographically at
all.But, even if the freedom dreams of the black radical imagination do conjure images of place (and to do here does not imply that one can in
either sense of the latter word: able or permitted); what both the fact of blackness and the lived experience of the black name for us, in their
discrepant registers, is an anti-black world for which there is no outside. The language of race developed in the modern period and in the context
of the slave trade (Hartman 2007: 5). And if that context is our context and that context is the world, then this is the principal insight revealed by

the contemporary predicament of freedom: there is no such thing as a fugitive slave. To

be sure, Humans do not live under

conditions of equality in the modern world. In fact, modernity is, to a large degree, marked
by societies structured in dominance: [hetero]patriarchy and white supremacy, settler
colonialism and extra-territorial conquest, imperialist warfare and genocide, class struggle
and the international division of labor. Yet, for Wilderson, there is a qualitative difference, an
ontological one, between the inferiorization or dehumanization of the masses of people in Asia
in America and the islands of the sea, including the colonization of their land and resources, the
exploitation of their labor and even their extermination in whole or in part, and the singular
commodification of human being pursued under racial slavery, that structure of gratuitous
violence in which bodies are rendered as flesh to be accumulated and exchanged.

The so called Reforms of the affirmative dont solve they simply try and
solve the contingent violence through policy changes. This will always fail,
as their racism advantage assumes that the victims of the supposed racism
already has access to full humanity; it overlooks the ontological
positionalities that mark certain bodies as disposable and fungible. Their
managerial approach to racism does not address the libidinal drive to
destroy black and other bodies of color, which means their piecemeal
strategy of eliminating racism will only expand anti-blackness in more
insidious ways. Only through a rejection of the affirmatives attempt to fix
racism can we truly focus on removing the libidinal drive and gratuitous
violence.
SEAN ILLING teaches political theory at Louisiana State University JUN 22, 2015 Rich people
are the f**king worst: The 1 percents vile new war on us all
http://www.salon.com/2015/06/22/rich_people_are_the_fking_worst_the_1_percents_vile_n
ew_war_on_us_all/
Rich people rarely tell you how they really feel about poor people . Occasionally, though, you get a glimpse. Earlier
this week, the Washington Post published a story about Rancho Santa Fe, a small but extremely wealthy enclave in Southern California. Like the rest of California, the
people of Rancho Santa Fe are dealing with a drought. As you might imagine, that means water is scarce and conservation is critical. For the denizens of Rancho Santa Fe,
however, conservation is someone elses problem, namely poor people. According to Steve Yuhas, who lives in the area and hosts a conservative talk-radio show, privileged
people should not be forced to live on property with brown lawns, golf on brown courses or apologize for wanting their gardens to be beautiful. Oh, the humanity! In case
it wasnt clear, Yuhas added that the right to water ought to scale with income: No, were not all equal when it comes to water. And Yuhas isnt alone. Gay Butler, an
avid equestrian and fellow resident of Rancho Santa Fe, fumed for similar reasons. It angers me because people arent looking at the overall picture, she said. What are
we supposed to do, just have dirt around our house on four acres? Perhaps Butler has a point. Its one thing to demand sacrifice in extraordinary circumstances, but weve
got to draw the line somewhere, right? If a woman wants to ride her finely manicured horse on a dirt-free prairie in the middle of the desert, what matters a little drought?
Brett Barbre, a fellow Orange Country aristocrat, also appears to get it. I call it the war on suburbia, he remarked. California used to be the land of opportunity and
freedom. Its slowly becoming the land of one group telling everyone else how they think everybody should live their lives. Barbre continued: Theyll have to pry it [his
water hose] from my cold, dead hands. You may be asking yourself: Do restrictions on water consumption during a historic drought really constitute an all-out assault on
human freedom? Fair question. Most of us fail to see this issue in such grand terms. Maybe were missing something. Mr. Barbre is either a bold lover of liberty or a detached
plutocrat with a penchant for hyperbole. You be the judge. In any case, I see the decadence of the people in Rancho Santa Fe as a microcosm of America today, particularly
corporate America. What these people exhibit, apart from their smugness, is a complete absence of any sense of collective responsibility. They cant see and arent
interested in the consequences of their actions. And they cant muster a modicum of moderation in the face of enormous scarcity. Every resource, every privilege, is theirs
to pilfer with impunity. These people are prepared to endanger an entire ecosystem simply to avoid the indignity of brown golf courses; this is what true entitlement looks

The wealthiest Americans and their apostles in government tell us that its the poor people who are
entitled, who take and exploit and keep more than they deserve. But thats a half-truth, and a dangerous one at that.
Entitlement has many faces, the most destructive of which is on display in Rancho Santa Fe. These adolescent upper-crusters are entitled
because they believe they have a right to everything they can get hold of regardless of the costs. They
believe living with others carries no obligations. Anyone who places their right to pristine golf courses above their
responsibility to respect communal resources is a social toxin, a privileged parasite eating
away at the foundations of society. Its important that their actions be seen in this context. Theres a lesson in Rancho
like.

Santa Fe and in California more generally. Whats happening there foreshadows our future . Were
confronted with crises on a number of fronts. From climate change to economic inequality , our institutions and the
people controlling them are failing us. Changes are necessary, but a segment of society (the 1 percent, well call
them) is unwilling to sacrifice ; theyre too invested in power, in comfort. Whether its oil profiteers distorting climate science
or Wall Street banks undermining efforts to regulate the financial industry, entrenched interests are doing everything possible to
preserve the status quo, even when so doing threatens to upend the whole system just like the people
of Rancho Santa Fe. The corrosive elitism in Rancho Santa Fe is the stuff popular revolts are based on. These
Dickensian vultures want to hoard until nothing remains ; theyre blind to those beyond their gated communities.

Disconnectedness is a close cousin of privilege, so its not surprising that they live in a bubble. But their persecution mania, their belief in their privileged status, is
insufferable and a public hazard. They cant imagine what its like to live without, so theyll risk anything to ensure that they dont. California may survive the selfish
stupidity of a few citizens in Rancho Santa Fe, but its not clear how long the country can survive the excesses and greed of Wall Street and Big Business. Wealth, its worth

The problem is the attitude of the wealthy, the contempt, the indifference, and
the lack of anything resembling civic virtue. To be rich is no crime. To abuse privilege, to profit at the expense of others, is quite
noting, isnt the enemy.

another thing and its all too common these days.

Generic Shell
Their instance of isolating NSA/Drones/Facial Recognition Technology as an
instance of racism is only dealing with the managerial effects of racism, not
an overall disavow of the structure of anti-blackness.
Their focus on individual instances trades off with the structure of antiblackness and how we theorize of how it produces material violence. As
opposed to looking at the structure of how racism materializes. Their
advantage is only the contingent form of racism that changes nothing.
Their racism adv assumes that those victims of the supposed racism they
speak about have access to full humanity, but overlooks the ontological
positionalities that mark certain bodies as disposable and fungible. Because
they dont position the black body at the center of their analysis, their
racism claims will only be shallowly addressed with piecemeal solutions.
Their managerial approach to racism does not address the libidinal drive to
destroy black and other bodies of color, which means their piecemeal
strategy of eliminating racism will only expand anti-blackness in more
insidious ways.
They are making black and other bodies fungible by using them in order to
win a ballot
Their attempt to solve the Contingent violence against black bodies glosses
over and trades off with the focus on the Gratuitous violence against black
bodies. The Affirmative doesnt center their analysis on the black body,
which means their racism claims will only be shallowly addressed with
piecemeal solutions. This Anti-Blackness is the Controlling Impact for how
we should interpret all forms of violence
Crockett 14 ( JNasah , writer, performer, and cultural worker who focuses on Black
cultural production and Black radical traditions. Raving Amazons: Anti-blackness
and Misogynoir in Social Media June
30,2014https://modelviewculture.com/pieces/raving-amazons-antiblackness-andmisogynoir-in-social-media.
Anti-blackness
is the structuring logic of the modernity and the foundation of the
contemporary world we live in. It is the glue and the string running through our
conceptions of what it means to be free, what it means to be a citizen, what it means to
be a legitimate and productive member of society, what it means to be Human, and what
it means to be the anti-Human. Anti-blackness is the structural positioning of the Black
as an object that is fungible and able to be
accumulated like any other wicket churned out by the process of capitalism; it is the fact
of Black folks being open to perpetual and gratuitous violence that needs no definitive
prior provocation or reason; the reason is the fact of Blackness
, in a rough-hewn nutshell,

(the

Black here being a marker for a certain type of subjectivity comparable to Marxs the worker shoutout Frank Wilderson)

(see:getting shot for walking home with some Skittles, getting

)
anti-blackness is attitudinal

shot while being handcuffed in the backseat of a car, getting shot for calling 911, being beaten for staring at someone in a dehumanizing way, and on and on
and places violence towards the Black within a range of acceptable daily practices. Certainly

.It is, to echo Hartman, the afterlife of slavery: a logic that collapses the past and the present
see the libidinal economy, i.e. the systems of desire and instincts and fantasies and

But
thats how logic and structures operate, they imbue everything that springs forth from
them. Our lives and societies
are
fundamentally shaped by it, not only institutionally, but also at the level of the
everyday,
repulsion around skin tone, hair types, bodies that makes itself apparent in Eurocentric beauty standards or the fact that lighter-skinned African American women receive shorter prison sentences than their darker-skinned counterparts.

(because when we speak of the afterlife of race-based chattel slavery, Arab and trans-Atlantic, we are speaking of the entire world)

including crossing the street. So of course it makes itself apparent in the supposedly brave new world (so different from any world that came before!) of social media.I myself joined both Twitter and Tumblr back in 2009, after

experiences stretching back to high school with BlackPlanet.com, Myspace, Livejournal, and of course Facebook. With Twitter and Tumblr, however, I joined after spending a year or two lurking on the edges of a particular group of (mostly) women of color, and
moving onto social media around the same time they did allowed me to connect with them in ways I wasnt able to when the main platform was, say, WordPress. For us, and for the many Black women I have since connected and built with since 2009, social
media offers us yet another way to build our beloved communities, to extend the networks of love, camaraderie, and joyous support that have long existed in our meatspace communities hair salons, churches, Black student unions, kitchen tables, etc.
Social media also becomes a central site for much of our activism, from the multinational #BringBackOurGirls hashtag to holding media outlets accountable for publishing blatant racism. We are also theory houses, circulating and challenging discourses and
practices that negatively impact our lives as Black women, and making critical connections that are often missing from the media that surrounds us. I cant help but see historical parallels to, say, early 20th century Pullman Porters secretly distributing copies
of The Chicago Defender to the Black folks they came across. What were doing is nothing new, but being on social media means that this networking is happening in the public eye. I also cant help but see historical parallels in the multiple forms of anti-

The topic of surveillance

as been a hot one lately, but
many discussions on it stop and end at the Edward Snowden/NSA type revelations over
post-9/11, post-War on Terror invasions of privacy at the hands of an overzealous
government. However, if we were to extend the idea of policing and surveillance further
back in time, and expand it beyond the trope of it being primarily carried out by
government employees, it becomes apparent that surveillance has already been a central
part of the experience of Black
. Recall that in the U.S., the police have their roots
in slave patrols; policing and management of the potentially unruly Black bodies underlies
the call for law and order and the constituent need for police.
and in an anti-black world, every non-Black is deputized to patrol and
manage the Blacks.
black backlash Black women have received on social media over the past few years.

in social media h

women on Twitter

To quote Wilderson again, in society there is a fundamental anxiety

over where is the Black and what is he or she doing,

This violence is gratuitous violence; unwarranted, created through

ontological destruction. There is a qualitative ontological distinction
between their CONTINGENT violence and GRATUITIOUS violence. We are
controlling the uniqueness of their impacts and control the FRAMING of all
other impacts
Jared Sexton 2010 (The Curtain of the Sky: An Introduction in Critical Sociology 36; 11.
Jared Sexton, Associate Professor of African-American studied and Critical Theory at the UCIrvine)
To suffer the loss of political sovereignty, the exploitation of labor, the dispossession of land
and resources is deplorable; yet, we might say in this light that to suffer colonization is
unenviable unless one is enslaved. One may not be free, but one is at least not enslaved . More
simply, we might say of the colonized: you may lose your motherland, but you will not lose your mother (Hartman 2007). The latter condition,

the social death under which kinship is denied entirely by the force of law, is reserved for
the natal alienation and genealogical isolation characterizing slavery . Here is Orlando Patterson, from
his encyclopedic 1982 Slavery and Social Death:nI prefer the term natal alienation because it goes directly to the heart of what is
critical in the slaves forced alienation, the loss of ties of birth in both ascending and descending generations. It also has the
important nuance of a loss of native status, of deracination. It was this alienation of the slave from all formal, legally enforceable ties of blood,
and from any attachment to groups or localities other than those chosen for him [sic] by the master, that gave the relation of slavery its peculiar
value to the master. The slave was the ultimate human tool, as imprintable and as disposable as the master wished. And this was true, at least in

True even if elevated by the income and formal

education of the mythic American middle class, the celebrity of a Hollywood icon, or the political position of the
so-called Leader of the Free World.4 The alienation and isolation of the slave is not only vertical, canceling ties to
theory, of all slaves, no matter how elevated. (Patterson 1982: 78)

past and future generations and rendering thereby the notion of descendants of slaves as a strict oxymoron . It is also a horizontal

Reduced to a tool, the deracination of the slave, as

Mannoni and Fanon each note in their turn, is total, more fundamental even than the displacement of the
prohibition, canceling ties to the slaves contemporaries as well.

colonized, whose status obtains in a network of persecuted human relations rather than in a
collection or dispersal of a class of things. Crucially, this total deracination is strictly correlative to the absolute submission mandated
by [slave] law discussed rigorously in Saidiya Hartmans 1997 Scenes of Subjection: the slave estate is the most perfect example of the space of
purely formal obedience defining the jurisdictional field of sovereignty (Agamben 2000). Because the forced submission of the slave is absolute, any
signs whatsoever of reasoning intent and rationality are [is] recognizedsolely in the context of criminal liability. That is, the
slaves will [is] acknowledged only as it [is] prohibited or punished (Hartman 1997: 82, emphasis added). A criminal will, a criminal
reasoning, a criminal intent, a criminal rationality: with these erstwhile human capacities construed as indices of culpability before the law, even
the potentiality of slave resistance is rendered illegitimate and illegible a priori. The disqualification of black resistance by the logic of racial
slavery is not unrelated to the longstanding cross-racial phenomenon in which the white bourgeois and proletarian revolutions on both sides of the
Atlantic can allegorize themselves as revolts against slavery, while the hemispheric black struggle against actually existing slavery cannot authorize
itself literally in those same terms. The latter must code itself as the apotheosis of the French and American revolutions (with their themes of
Judeo-Christian deliverance) or, later, the Russian and Chinese revolutions (with their themes of secular messianic transformation)or, later still, the
broad anti-colonial movements in Africa, Asia, and Latin America of the mid-20th century (with their themes of indigenous reclamation and
renaissance).5 One of the defining features of contemporary political and intellectual culture remains this metaphoric transfer that appropriates
black suffering as the template for non-black grievances, while it misrecognizes the singularity of black struggles against racial slavery and what
Loc Wacquant calls its functional surrogates or what Hartman terms its afterlife. Put differently ,

the occult presence of racial

slavery continues to haunt our political imagination: nowhere, but nevertheless everywhere,
a dead time which never arrives and does not stop arriving (Marriott 2007: xxi). Hartmans notion of slaverys afterlife and Wacquants theorization

we are still very

much within the crisis of language of thinking and feeling, seeing and hearing that slavery
provokes. Both scholars challenge the optimistic idea of a residual legacy of slavery, precisely because it requires the untenable demarcation
of an historic end in Emancipation. The relations of slavery live on, Hartman might say, after the death knell of formal
abolition, mutating into the burdened individuality of freedom. The functions of the chattel system are largely
maintained, Wacquant might say, despite the efforts of Reconstruction, preserved in surrogate
institutional form under Jim Crow, the ghetto, and the prison. Slavery lives on , it survives, despite the
of slaverys functional surrogates are two productive recent attempts to name the interminable terror of slavery, but

grand attempts on its institutional life forged by the international movements against slavery, segregation and mass imprisonment (Davis
2003).But

what if slavery does not die, as it were, because it is immortal, but rather because it is nonthe source of slaverys longevity is not its
resilience in the face of opposition, but the obscurity of its existence ? Not the accumulation of its political capital, but the
illegibility of its grammar? On this account, for those that bear the mark of slavery the trace
of blackness to speak is to sound off without foundation, to appear as a ghost on the
threshold of the visible world, a spook retaining (only) the negative capacity to absent thepresence, or negate the will to
mortal, because it has never lived, at least not in the psychic life of power? What if

presence, of every claimto human being, even perhaps the fugitive movement of stolen life explored masterfully by Fred Moten (2008). We might
rethink as well the very fruitful notion of fugitive justice that shapes the prize-winning 2005 special issue of Representations on Redress. Coeditors Saidiya Hartman and Stephen Best are posing the right question: How does one compensate for centuries of violence that have as their
consequence the impossibility of restoring a prior existence, of giving back what was taken, of repairing what was broken? (Hartman and Best
2005: 2)That is to say, they are thinking about the question of slavery in terms of the incomplete nature of abolition, the contemporary
predicament of freedom (2005: 5, emphasis added). Yet, the notion subsequently developed of a fugitive life lived in loss spanning the split
difference between grievance and grief, remedy and redress, law and justice, hope and resignation relies nonetheless on an outside, however
improbable or impossible, as the space of possibility, of movement, of life. Returning to our schematization of Fanon, we can say that the outside is
a concept embedded in the problmatique of colonization and its imaginary topography, indeed, the fact that it can imagine topographically at
all.But, even if the freedom dreams of the black radical imagination do conjure images of place (and to do here does not imply that one can in
either sense of the latter word: able or permitted); what both the fact of blackness and the lived experience of the black name for us, in their
discrepant registers, is an anti-black world for which there is no outside. The language of race developed in the modern period and in the context
of the slave trade (Hartman 2007: 5). And if that context is our context and that context is the world, then this is the principal insight revealed by
the contemporary predicament of freedom: there is no such thing as a fugitive slave. To

be sure, Humans do not live under

conditions of equality in the modern world. In fact, modernity is, to a large degree, marked
by societies structured in dominance: [hetero]patriarchy and white supremacy, settler
colonialism and extra-territorial conquest, imperialist warfare and genocide, class struggle
and the international division of labor. Yet, for Wilderson, there is a qualitative difference, an
ontological one, between the inferiorization or dehumanization of the masses of people in Asia
in America and the islands of the sea, including the colonization of their land and resources, the
exploitation of their labor and even their extermination in whole or in part, and the singular
commodification of human being pursued under racial slavery, that structure of gratuitous
violence in which bodies are rendered as flesh to be accumulated and exchanged.

The so called Reforms of the affirmative dont solve they simply try and
solve the contingent violence through policy changes. This will always fail,
as their racism advantage assumes that the victims of the supposed racism
already has access to full humanity; it overlooks the ontological
positionalities that mark certain bodies as disposable and fungible. Their
managerial approach to racism does not address the libidinal drive to
destroy black and other bodies of color, which means their piecemeal
strategy of eliminating racism will only expand anti-blackness in more
insidious ways. Only through a rejection of the affirmatives attempt to fix
racism can we truly focus on removing the libidinal drive and gratuitous
violence.
SEAN ILLING teaches political theory at Louisiana State University JUN 22, 2015 Rich people
are the f**king worst: The 1 percents vile new war on us all
http://www.salon.com/2015/06/22/rich_people_are_the_fking_worst_the_1_percents_vile_n
ew_war_on_us_all/
Rich people rarely tell you how they really feel about poor people . Occasionally, though, you get a glimpse. Earlier
this week, the Washington Post published a story about Rancho Santa Fe, a small but extremely wealthy enclave in Southern California. Like the rest of California, the
people of Rancho Santa Fe are dealing with a drought. As you might imagine, that means water is scarce and conservation is critical. For the denizens of Rancho Santa Fe,
however, conservation is someone elses problem, namely poor people. According to Steve Yuhas, who lives in the area and hosts a conservative talk-radio show, privileged
people should not be forced to live on property with brown lawns, golf on brown courses or apologize for wanting their gardens to be beautiful. Oh, the humanity! In case
it wasnt clear, Yuhas added that the right to water ought to scale with income: No, were not all equal when it comes to water. And Yuhas isnt alone. Gay Butler, an
avid equestrian and fellow resident of Rancho Santa Fe, fumed for similar reasons. It angers me because people arent looking at the overall picture, she said. What are
we supposed to do, just have dirt around our house on four acres? Perhaps Butler has a point. Its one thing to demand sacrifice in extraordinary circumstances, but weve
got to draw the line somewhere, right? If a woman wants to ride her finely manicured horse on a dirt-free prairie in the middle of the desert, what matters a little drought?
Brett Barbre, a fellow Orange Country aristocrat, also appears to get it. I call it the war on suburbia, he remarked. California used to be the land of opportunity and
freedom. Its slowly becoming the land of one group telling everyone else how they think everybody should live their lives. Barbre continued: Theyll have to pry it [his
water hose] from my cold, dead hands. You may be asking yourself: Do restrictions on water consumption during a historic drought really constitute an all-out assault on
human freedom? Fair question. Most of us fail to see this issue in such grand terms. Maybe were missing something. Mr. Barbre is either a bold lover of liberty or a detached
plutocrat with a penchant for hyperbole. You be the judge. In any case, I see the decadence of the people in Rancho Santa Fe as a microcosm of America today, particularly
corporate America. What these people exhibit, apart from their smugness, is a complete absence of any sense of collective responsibility. They cant see and arent
interested in the consequences of their actions. And they cant muster a modicum of moderation in the face of enormous scarcity. Every resource, every privilege, is theirs
to pilfer with impunity. These people are prepared to endanger an entire ecosystem simply to avoid the indignity of brown golf courses; this is what true entitlement looks

The wealthiest Americans and their apostles in government tell us that its the poor people who are
entitled, who take and exploit and keep more than they deserve. But thats a half-truth, and a dangerous one at that.
Entitlement has many faces, the most destructive of which is on display in Rancho Santa Fe. These adolescent upper-crusters are entitled
because they believe they have a right to everything they can get hold of regardless of the costs. They
believe living with others carries no obligations. Anyone who places their right to pristine golf courses above their
responsibility to respect communal resources is a social toxin, a privileged parasite eating
away at the foundations of society. Its important that their actions be seen in this context. Theres a lesson in Rancho
Santa Fe and in California more generally. Whats happening there foreshadows our future . Were
confronted with crises on a number of fronts. From climate change to economic inequality , our institutions and the
people controlling them are failing us. Changes are necessary, but a segment of society (the 1 percent, well call
them) is unwilling to sacrifice ; theyre too invested in power, in comfort. Whether its oil profiteers distorting climate science
or Wall Street banks undermining efforts to regulate the financial industry, entrenched interests are doing everything possible to
preserve the status quo, even when so doing threatens to upend the whole system just like the people
of Rancho Santa Fe. The corrosive elitism in Rancho Santa Fe is the stuff popular revolts are based on. These
Dickensian vultures want to hoard until nothing remains ; theyre blind to those beyond their gated communities.
like.

Disconnectedness is a close cousin of privilege, so its not surprising that they live in a bubble. But their persecution mania, their belief in their privileged status, is
insufferable and a public hazard. They cant imagine what its like to live without, so theyll risk anything to ensure that they dont. California may survive the selfish
stupidity of a few citizens in Rancho Santa Fe, but its not clear how long the country can survive the excesses and greed of Wall Street and Big Business. Wealth, its worth

The problem is the attitude of the wealthy, the contempt, the indifference, and
the lack of anything resembling civic virtue. To be rich is no crime. To abuse privilege, to profit at the expense of others, is quite
noting, isnt the enemy.

another thing and its all too common these days.

2 NR
Regardless of the policy that you make, you cannot destroy the libidinal drive to destroy
certain bodies of color.
They are not able to get rid of the affect of connections about how certain bodies are
devalued, seen as less than normalized bodies. Cause of that, their policy will have error and
fail because they will not change the attitude people have towards certain bodies, which still
make them killable to the overarching society.