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EDITORIAL
SIMULATION OF DAYTON
by VETON SURROI
There was only about a half an hour left, and the Albanian and Serb participants of the New
York Round Table were about to leave the three days long discussion without a joint
communication, i.e. only with an explanation that they met, they talked and that they reached
no agreement. Some American observers, visibly disappointed, whispered:
"Same as in Dayton". It was as in Dayton, without Holbrooke. The truth is that this week in
New York, Albanians and Serbs agreed just a few times and disagreed just too many times.
The positions are distant, and it would be an illusion if they weren't. This crisis is also lasting
too long and it is too deep to have things different. Nevertheless, small steps forward were
made in New York.
First, as expressed in the communique, both parties agree that there is no more need to
convince each other on the need to give up on our political stands. Albanians have the right to
defend their option for independence as much as the Serbs can insist on their option.
Secondly, any future negotiation must start without prior conditioning nor prejudice on the
final status of Kosova, and this means that all options on Kosova are possible, including its
independence. The negotiation process can't be developed without the mediation of the
international community, was one of the conclusions of this round table. Thirdly, as a
transitory phase, the parties agree that passing-over the power to the majority must be
achieved, protecting meanwhile the rights of the peoples that in numbers make up a minority.
And, all of this within the Helsinki frame of the borders.
Well, some one could say that this is a non-obligatory round table and that, if all these points
were acceptable for Albanians, for example, they are not achievable.
As direct result of the talks in New York - no. Moreover, it was not the intention and neither
could it be expected that an NGO, as the organizer of the meeting, would be the guarantor of
implementation. The purpose, maybe invisible till the end of the meeting, was to find out the
points on which the common principles of Albanians and Serbs can be developed, so
tomorrow they would be used in the negotiations.
Perceived thus, it could be said that the future Albanian and Serb participants would not need
to go back at the beginning and explain all they did before they came to these common points.
The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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And the ruling Serbian party? It was not present and can't feel obliged. It is true, as much as it
is true that the round table was closely followed by the officials of the American
administration, who have repeated many times that the outer wall sanctions depends
exclusively on Kosova. The ruling party must take this document and all what is to come this
year very seriously.
Next steps? Hard to predict. The round table will cause internal commotion in the Serbian life
(the opposition coalition is about to fall apart), and it could happen that the effects will be the
same in the Albanian life. Stagnation in talks can happen, but it could also easily happen that
the Serbian party will become much more interested but also forced by the international
pressure to continue them.
The options are open, and the cynic would add - same as the solution for Kosova: open on
this side and the other side...
NEW YORK
The round table, in New York, was the event that fully captivated
the attention of the kosovars and the wide opinion, the analysts
and the media.
The meeting was announced long ago, and then it was postponed due
to the electrifying situation in Serbia after a several months'
long demonstrations. The chosen timing proper, following
Milosevic's Lex Specialis, the pre-electoral Serbia and the
pyramidal debacle in Albania, found Kosova a "suitable" place in
the American agenda.
And while on the Albanian side there were doubts on who will and
who will not go, and who should be invited and reinvited, the
situation was solved just before the meeting started, on the
Serbian side there was a continuous hesitation till the last
moment, when the ruling SPS decided not to participate in the
meeting.
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administration, a request that has apparently been rejected by
the Americans.
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But it seems that this strong pressure was lifted at the
beginning, when it became obvious that it would not lead towards
an effective agreement, having in mind the totally opposite
postures of the parties (as Draskovic himself declared), then the
points that would eventually offer a common stand to set a frame
to continue with the talks. This, though, doesn't mean that the
previous tactics has been given up on.
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AGANI:
DEMAÇI:
DRASKOVIC:
"The discussions were very tolerant and they took place in a very
civilizing atmosphere, although the postures are, unfortunately,
totally opposite. The Serbian side insists that the Kosova
question can be solved only with democratic methods in a
democratic Serbia. In that kind of Serbia, Albanians would enjoy
all the rights, including political and religious, as well as the
right to gain territorial autonomy within Serbia, of course. I
have called them to interrupt the boycott of everything that
comes from Serbia and help us build a new Serbia, in which all
citizens would have the same rights".
KOSOVA
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parliament expires. In fact, this is it's second mandate, for as
we all remember on 24 May last, Dr. Rugova extended it's mandate,
an extension which was accompanied by a lot of medial noise made
by the different "opposition" parties. Then, Dr. Rugova had
extended the mandate, promising that in a very short period of
time, the Parliament would be constituted. But, this didn't
happen and Rugova has insistingly repeated the posture that "this
will be done as soon as the conditions are created". Meanwhile
the non-constitution of the Parliament was justified with: "we
are careful not to provoke the very serious situation in Kosova".
As regards the celebration of new elections, Rugova has declared
that "the time will come when we will take that decision". But,
the time is coming closer and the political leadership has still
not a clear idea on what to do. Some of the parties, in a way,
have already started their pre-electoral campaigns. What's more,
some of them are using this time to proclaim the establishment
of new branches and sub-branches throughout Kosova.
Thus, the discussions on the elections have "thrown" different
initiatives to the surface, out of which, the most outstanding
seems to be that of Adem Demaçi. He has asked Dr. Rugova to start
the procedure for the immediate constitution of the parliament
and give up on the elections, because without the constitution
of this parliament, there are no conditions to call for new
elections. On this occasion, Demaçi stated that he would take
over the responsibility to do the job, under the condition that
Rugova and LDK help him out. In this prism, he suggested that if
the parliament is constituted, then it's mandate should be
extended, it's speaker should be appointed, Rugova's presidential
mandate would be extended too and finally that "a vice-president
of the Republic would be appointed".
In the PPK, they believe that steps for the constitution of the
parliament of Kosova should be undertaken by all means, so the
parliament can then undertake the determined juridical
activities, to prevent the interruption of juridical continuity,
for there is no one that can convoke the free elections. In case
the elections are organized, the PPK " would analyze the
circumstances and they would act accordingly", however they still
have no clear idea on the matter. At the PPK, they tell us that
Demaçi has expressed the determination of his party to take over
the responsibility for the constitution of the parliament of
Kosova to Dr. Rugova. This responsibility could grow bigger
knowing that it would cause the reaction of the Serbian side.
"This possibility shouldn't be excluded, because Serbia is
unpredictable and such an action could incite Serbia to
radicalize the situation even more in the sense of increased
repression, including arrests, terror and other violence", claim
at the PPK.
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been meeting the Albanian political subjects in the past couple
of days. First he met the "ally parties" (Albanian Christian-
Democratic Party, the Liberal Party, the Social-Democratic Party
/ Bokshi's wing). Another separate meeting was that with the
(frozen) Peasants' Party of Kosova. Here, Rugova asked Hivzi
Islami to "melt" his position and activate his party again.
Political analysts evaluate that this was a thoroughly thought
step by Rugova, who is again preparing himself to win the
elections, in case they are celebrated. Moreover, by
strengthening and approaching his allies, he is maybe even
planning to challenge his own party, which is quite shaken by the
internal splits.
But, it seems that the most important role will be that of the
"friends" from the world, i.e., the United States, that have
already declared that they will not support the Kosovar
elections, but will "accept the reality that would eventually be
created". However, the friends seem to have exerted too much
pressure on the Albanian participants of the round table in New
York, trying to persuade them for participation in the Serbian
elections!?!
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ALBANIA
Last week's most important event was the meeting set by Berisha
with all parties that make up the coalition government. The topic
of discussion was the new constitution. This has been an
unexpected initiative taken by the president, who thought that
this was the best time possible to elaborate the new constitution
of Albania. Since 1991, Albania is being administered by a
package of laws called "The Main Constitutional Provisions".
There was an attempt to elaborate the new constitution of
Albania, but this proposal was rejected in a referendum in 1994.
President Berisha took this initiative almost two months before
the celebration of the elections. Following the invitation of the
president, this was the best moment for all the parties united
around the Government of National Reconciliation that have proven
to have very good cooperation to finalize this mission. But in
general, all parties but Berisha's Democratic Party and the small
Party of the Social-Democratic Union, rejected his idea. The
decisions converged on the idea that the most important issue now
was the stabilization of the situation in the country, securing
the public order, the beginning of the ALBA operation and
preparing the country for new parliamentarian elections.
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However, it must be admitted, this opinion is also shared by the
majority of the opposition parties, staring from the Social-
Democrats, the Democratic Alliance and especially the Republican
Party. All of them agree that the government should be helped
to come to the elections and the development of the conditions
for the normal implementation of the humanitarian action.
Although the other media also supported the activities of the new
coalition government, they and "Rilindja Demokratike" in
particular, also criticized the government of the socialist Fino.
For the ruling media, it is easier to qualify the current
government as "a government headed by a socialist" than call it
a coalition government. They also accuse Fino for having hired
people that belonged to the previous regime. They also state that
the government is not fulfilling its obligations, for the largest
part of Albania's territory is outside its control. Further on,
they are very suspicious of the relations that the government has
established with the southern committees, to which the media
refers to as illegal and rebel committees, probably taking their
requests for Berisha's resignation as a starting point. It is
very hard to expect the parties that have until recently been
separated by barricades, understand national reconciliation as
they should.
The first phase of the Alba operation has started with the
arrival of two Italian navy ships that brought in the first
soldiers. An officer told us that the European troops expected
to arrive are welcome to Albania. The incidents that will happen
are a consequence of the conflicts between rival bands that could
cause a conflictive situation. But, in no way can these be caused
by the Albanian regular troops. Albania has finally become a
European problem. And, all of this has been commented in Tirana
as "...if Europe doesn't deal with us, we'll deal with it".
MACEDONIA
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publishes "Vecer", seems not to be able to bare the competition.
Dnevnik is being sold at two prices: 5 denars (0,20 DEM) if sold
by call-porters and 10 denars when sold at press booths, which
has increased its circulation to 60 thousand copies, consequently
drastically reduced the circulation of Vecer.
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criticized by the media, when he resigned and his resignation was
not approved, when the majority of his opponents and enemies
thought that this was the end of his career. Since the moral
responsibility for the biggest crime in the country relied on
him, making intelligent moves was something that would be
expected from an intelligent, explosive and impulsive politician.
So, he invented a newspaper that would defend him. And, as soon
as the newspaper started being published, one of the first
articles published referred to the health of the President, that
surprisingly survived and what's more, resumed his functions. For
a long time, this newspaper claimed the incapability of the
President for office and implied that he should retire. Stressing
an unidentified opinion, "Vecer" further speculates that
"Dnevnik" is an informal organ of a group within the SDLM and
that government that does not share Crvenkovski's opinions.
The third supposition is that "Dnevnik" is a filial of some parts
of the MIA, so the opposition parties and their leaders are
secretly denounced.
He first accuses them that they are trying "to impose the
spectacular theory on the attempt against Gligorov and the
alleged responsibility of Frckovski, Milovski, Guner Ismail, Saso
Ordanovski and the editors of "Dnevnik". The Editor in Chief asks
the premier a public question: "Are your real intentions to
discharge Frckovski and Milovski and then start the
investigations?"
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The reaction of the government only corroborated what has been
discussed in the public since long ago. The people have it all
clear - "wherever there is smoke - there is fire". After
listening to the prime-minister's promise that he wouldn't spare
anyone implicated in the TAT affair (a pyramidal scheme worth 112
million DEM), thus announcing the reconstruction of the
government and the eventual anticipated elections, the public
started rumouring on the departure not only of the implicated but
also the other ministers. This list includes all those that are
said to be related to `Dnevnik'.
EXILE
The first overlook has to do with Albania and the other one with
Kosova Albanians.
The day when the "On Duty" operation was going to be effectuated
in Albania, it is supposed that only a few people knew about the
"attack" of the German army on Albania, aiming at evacuating the
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German citizens that were threatened by the anarchy of Albanian
rebels. Only a couple of hours after the operation, the whole
German public was informed about it.
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Kosovars - and it was only the next day that the minister of
interior of Wuertemberg, Schauble, that declared: "...after a
successful action of the police, 70 Yugoslav Kosovar refugees
were repatriated". Everything happened in the biggest secrecy.
In the morning, around 5 or 6 o'clock, all refugees were
collected in their homes. Later, they were taken to the airport
where the surprise called Serbian police was waiting for them to
transfer them back to Prishtinë - all of them. Only a couple of
hours after this action took place, the police communicated the
news about the experiment, in a very biased way.
The dimensions and the success of this action could be called the
second "overlook" of the German government within the Albanian
tragedies.
The two of these facts, looked from a distance, can seem quite
peripheral in the over-all German politics. But it is more than
sure that both "overlooks" over the Albanian tragedies on one
hand and the lack of willingness of the Germans on the other
hand, maybe from the disappointment that the Albanians can't
settle themselves down, start a new phase in the new united
Germany's history, including its relations with the Albanian
people.
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