Elizabeth McKinney

Dr. Denecker
ENGL 551
2/25/15
Rhetoric: A Higher Power Among Slaves
Slaves are not strangers to rhetoric. Techniques, used consistently
throughout slave literature, appeal to ethos, pathos, and logos in order to
reach a goalgenerally either to abolish slavery, discourage racism, or
otherwise encourage equal rights. One of these techniques is an appeal to a
higher power. Most authors appeal to God, in various ways; others appeal to
an entire country. In four specific texts, these appeals are particularly
powerful: the spiritual "Go Down, Moses" appeals to God through a biblical
verse, "The Great Problem to be Solved" by Frances Ellen Watkins Harper
appeals to religion as a concept, "The Lynch Law in All its Phases" by Ida B.
Wells appeals to America as a whole, and "An Appeal for Aid to the
Freedmen" by J. Sella Martin appeals to Britain. Though the recipients of the
appeal vary, the rhetorical technique of the appeal itself, its application, and
its goal is consistent throughout these works, along with many other writings
in the slave literature genre.
In the spiritual song "Go Down, Moses," an appeal is made to God
through an appropriation of a Christian biblical story. The song tells of the
liberation of the slaves from Egypt by Moses. Another explanation of the
song: a prophet used his words and the threat of punishment by God to free

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his people from their enslavement by another race. This second explanation
can be applied to the African American slaves: those who could read and
write (or were at the very least educated enough to learn biblical stories from
their masters or in church) created songs and stories by turning the religion
of the white man back onto the white man. By appropriating Moses's story,
the slaves revealed an obvious metaphor to slave owners: "'Thus saith the
Lord," bold Moses said,/"Let my people go;/

If not I'll smite your first-born

dead/Let my people go" (13-16). The spiritual includes many other promises,
both to the slaves and slave owners. The line "Let my people go" is repeated
at least once in each verse, making it difficult to ignore. The rhetoric in this
song is especially strong. The literal words appeal to listeners' pathos:
anyone who knew the difficulty the slaves in Egypt faced would be impacted
by the strong language of the song, such as "oppressed so hard they could
not stand" (7). The twist on the use of the bible appeals to the slave owners'
logos. If they were Christian and believed the enslavement of the Israelites
was wrong, they shouldn't be able to justify enslaving Africans. Furthermore,
preaching Christianity to the slaves only served to reveal hypocrisies in the
slave holders' actions, such as with this spiritual. Thus the spiritual "Go
down, Moses" takes a piece of the slave holders' culture, adapts it to their
own needs, and projects it as a cry for an end to slavery.
Harper's speech "The Great Problem to be Solved" addresses
abolitionists in an attempt to encourage African Americans to be an active
part of the community if they want to overcome their oppression. She opens

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her talk by identifying the American problem, which includes not having
"power enough in our religion to have mercy and deal justly with four
millions of people but lately translated from the old oligarchy of slavery to
the new commonwealth of freedom; and upon the right solution of this
question depends in a large measure the future strength, progress, and
durability of our nation" (564). For Harper, the success of America depends
on the ability of its citizens to follow their religious beliefs and accept each
other. This concept is further revealed when Harper says, "The white race
has yet work to do in making practical . . . the Christian idea of human
brotherhood" (565). Like in the spiritual, Harper is turning the Christians'
preaching back into their ears; she is pointing out their double standards. To
supplement her argument, Harper again points out a discrepancy in the
Christians' behavior and beliefs:
But two things are wanting in American civilization . . . a sense of
humanity, which shall crystallize into the life of the nation the
sentiment that justice . . . is the right . . . of the weakest and feeblest
of all God's children . . . a deeper and broader humanity, which will
teach men to look upon their feeble brethren not as vermin to be
crushed out, or beasts of burden to be bridled and bitten, but as the
children of the living God. (566)
Her appeal to the standards of Christianity serves to spark cognitive
dissonance within her audience; those who call themselves Christians but
treat African Americans as lesser beings see their hypocrisy laid out before

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them in biblical terms. It is clear that Harper has mastered the English
language and the Christian religion, though she hasn't appropriated either in
the same way the spiritual did with the bible. Instead, Harper uses logic to
appeal to the religious populationboth whites and blacks included.
Wells shifts from the religious petition to an appeal to the honor of
American citizens. Because America was at the time a predominately
Christian nation, religion does still play a role in her argument, but her focus
is on the nation itself. Her appeal is no coincidence, either, as "Lynch Law in
All its Phases" was delivered to white religious men and "intelligentsia," a
social class dedicated to shaping society, specifically through culture and
politics (189). Wells deliberately crafted her address to these men, and even
opened by qualifying herself, saying she is speaking "through no inclination
of my own, but because of a deep-seated conviction that the country at large
does not know the extent to which lynch law prevails in parts of the Republic,
nor the conditions which force into exile those who speak the truth" (189-90).
In one sentence, Wells excuses herself from any possible offense she may
invoke, relieves her audience from the blame of the lynch law's
repercussions because of their unwilling ignorance, and reveals her main
goal. Then Wells jumps to a direct criticism of the government: "a
government of the people, by the people, and for the people, means a
government by the mob; where the land of the free and the home of the
brave means a land of lawlessness, murder and outrage" (190). With this
statement, Wells points out the cracks in the foundation of America's justice

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system and belief system. Further criticizing the justice system while
simultaneously presenting a solution, Wells states
Repeated attacks on the life, liberty and happiness of any citizens or
class of citizens are attacks on distinctive American institutions; such
attacks imperiling as they do the foundation of government, law and
order, merit the thoughtful consideration of far-sighted Americans; not
from a standpoint of sentiment, not even so much from a standpoint of
justice to a weak race, as from a desire to preserve our institutions.
(190)
Wells' syntax indicates it is not the general population's fault that the lynch
law is so horrible, but it is the general population who can change this law
and restore America to its honorable, original institutional beliefs. She also
feeds the ego of her audience here, calling them "far-sighted" enough to be
able to recognize the consequences of the lynch law. As Wells' speech
continues, it gets more forceful and direct. Towards the end, she declares,
"And yet this Christian nation, the flower of the nineteenth century
civilization, says it can do nothing to stop this inhuman slaughter" (200). Her
tone appears to be bitter and sarcastic, labeling America as the leader of the
world in terms of civilization and then immediately labeling it "inhuman" and
therefore uncivilized. Finally, Wells directly questions and then answers her
audience: "Do you ask the remedy? A public sentiment strong against
lawlessness must be aroused" (202). Wells is calling the American citizens,
white and black alike, to action. She claims every single person can make a

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difference (202). Her fervent demands and encouragement contain a wellbalanced combination of emotion and logic in order to appeal to even the
weakest citizens and drive them to action.
Martin uses an approach similar to Wells' when he traveled to Britain
Scotland, specificallyand appealed to a free country for financial aid, as
transcribed in "An Appeal for Aid to the Freedmen." Because Scotland had
recently abolished slavery themselves, Martin asked his audience to put
aside their words of advice and "show proof by some practical demonstration
that your speaking was not cant and . . . that you were ready to help [the
United States] out of the difficulties that might attend the doing of their
duty" (453). Martin has already addressed the Scottish people asking for
sympathy and wisdom, but now he "[urges] the necessity of aid being given
immediately" (454). He uses subtle flattery in part to convince his audience
to donate to his cause, saying, "you have been speaking to the American
people and with a sincerity they could not understand sometimes, and with a
severity that made them wince" (453). Martin is implying the Scottish people
are wiser than Americans; they have been wise enough to abolish slavery, so
now they must help the Americans see the importance in uniting and
supporting each other. Europe's heightened experiences are why Martin
traveled there in the first place: the continent can be compared to America's
parents, providing guidance and moral support, just as God does for the
religious man.

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These four pieces reveal a command of rhetoric within slave literature
that is not always noticed immediately. The authors crafted an argument
with the intent of furthering their race's wellbeing and success in any way
possible. By revealing hypocritical teachings, pointing out instances of
ignorance, and finding an authority with enough power to influence
Americans, the masters of the slave literature genre are able to persuade
their audiences of the equal worth of African Americans. This appeal to a
higher power goes beyond convincing an audience of a belief, however: it
connects this spiritual and these three speeches within the slave literature
genre, strengthening the impact this genre has on its readers throughout
history.

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Works Cited
---. "Go Down, Moses." Norton Anthology of African American Literature. Ed.
Gates, Henry
Louis and Smith, Valerie A. New York: W.W. Norton, 2014. 14-15. Print.
Harper, Frances Ellen Watkins. "The Great Problem to be Solved." Lift Every
Voice: African
American Oratory, 1787-1900. Eds. Foner, Philip S. and Branham,
Robert J. Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 1998. 564-67.
Print.
Martin, J. Sella. "An Appeal for Aid to the Freedman." Lift Every Voice: African
American
Oratory, 1787-1900. Eds. Foner, Philip S. and Branham, Robert J.
Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 1998. 452-54. Print.
Wells, Ida B. :Lynch Law in All its Phases." Available Means: An Anthology of
Women's
Rhetoric(s). Ed. Ritchie, Joy and Ronald, Kate. Pittsburgh: University of
Pittsburgh Press, 2001. 188-203. Print.