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EDITORIAL
by VETON SURROI
As I was preparing myself for the coming Albanian-Serb round table to be held next week in
New York, I was thinking of the deeply incrusted historicism in our collective mind, in fact
the need to treat every political problem as a gesture that will become part of history. It is
nothing new, this is how we were brought up for years, when we were taught about the
historical Meetings (in capital M) of the Central Committee of the Communist Party.
Moreover, it is not linked only to the communist education, there is pre and post history. As
for example, we still consider as history the letters that an Albanian leader has sent to
different Conferences at the beginning of the century, when Albania's borders were set, to
later find out that these letters have had only one destination, the files. Or, in the
post-communist history, I remember how the meeting of the then leader of the Albanian
opposition and the leaders of what was then known as "Albanian alternative" was called the
Second Lezhë Assembly, the Prizren League, the first unification of Albanians after
Skënderbej, and who knows what else.
In fact, it was a meeting, as hundreds of others that take place. The same is the case,
nowadays, prior to New York. Many think that this will be the historical meeting that will
undo the Kosovar knot and many will be missing only the black&white photographs that will
seal in our memories the moment when the fate of this area was solved. Or to use terms as
"New York's Kosova" or "Dayton Bosnia".
Exaggerated, as exaggerated is the implication that the speeches to be delivered at the round
table, will be delivered to the domestic public opinion, expecting this opinion to react
spontaneously with "..did you see what this guy told them..." For people used to historicism,
maybe the lack of big words means the failure of the Conference. In this plane I don't expect
this Conference to escape big words. But, what I am interested about is whether the element
we are not used to will be there: the political technology, an imaginary list of different steps
that should lead towards negotiations, the Albanian-Serb agreement and the full expression of
the will of the people of Kosova. In the Balkans, it is very hard to find this approach. This is
probably why this meeting will take place in New York, where issues of political mechanisms
are routine.
And, what contradiction to the introduction of this text, maybe in New York there will be a
historical turning point: to understand that same as in construction the one ordering the
The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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project is initially interested in the foundations of the house not in the way the roof will look
like, in the same way in politics and our problem, that it is much important to express
ourselves about how will we achieve our democratic aspirations of the citizens of Kosova,
and not what these aspirations are like.
What are these aspirations like - no trip is necessary to find this out. It is something that any
child in Kosova can reveal.
KOSOVA
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ranging from "Demaçi is trying to save the Albanian cause which
is rolling down, even if it takes his own sacrifice" to "This
project is contrary to the 1991 Referendum". Demaçi and his
people replied that the last accusation has no grounds, because
who ever remembers the question asked in the referendum, it will
become evident that there was an option for Kosova to get into
federal/confederacy links with the units of the former
Yugoslavia". However, the others replied that independence
excluded the other links, and added that Balkania is not
achievable first of all, because Serbia would more easily agree
to the independence of Kosova than the confederalization of
Montenegro".
But, the chosen moment for the talks is disputable. There are
quite some opinions stating that Albanians are going to these
talks with "broken wings" because of the situation in Albania,
which have apparently made the Serbian side rush into these
talks. Trajkovic considers that the position of Albanians has
been affected and that now their requests are more realistic.
"Albanians have had their state since 85 years ago, but have not
made it strong yet", is something that he considers supports the
opposition to the Republic of Kosova, because "...how will we
Serbs live in an Albanian state that has no tradition? Who would
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guarantee us our civil rights, when such an old people like the
Albanian has not yet strengthened its state", further adding that
the solutions in this part of the region stand not on the
creation of new states, but the democratization of the existing.
It seems though that things have gone into a new direction after
SPS declared that "its representatives will not go to New York".
It's decision was followed by a harsh criticism against the
Serbian political forces that will be in New York. They were even
accused being "traitors to the Serbian interests".
The Albanian side, on the other hand, considers that the absence
of the SPS will not "weaken" the role of this meeting. Albanians
believe that this step was actually pre-electoral marketing.
Agani considers that "this step is not that surprising, knowing
that SPS has its own problems to participate in the meeting.
First, it is facing a difficult situation, because a new balance
has been established in Serbia, and SPS has since long been used
to the dominant role and finds it hard to adapt to the new
circumstances. Second, since the initiative for this meeting was
made by the opposition, it is deliberately stalling the matter".
However, said Agani, "we didn't determine ourselves based on the
Serbian political movements".
INTERVIEW
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many contradictions. Do you perceive this as a simple political
dialogue that obliges no party or the beginning of the Albanian-
Serb negotiations?
KOHA: Yes, but the rumor is that a compromise was reached between
independent Kosova open towards Albania and Serbia and Balkania.
KOHA: But, do you think that Balkania can incite the curiosity
of the organizers or the other participants?
KOHA: LDK has changed the composition of its New York team. Your
member was replaced by Mark Krasniqi from the Albanian Christian-
Democratic Party of Kosova. Is this a matter of principle or as
strengthening the LDK option?
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standpoint of all political parties and all subjects that will
participate in this meeting, therefore we needed no other help
from the outside.
AGANI: I don't expect any big concrete things from this meeting,
but there is a primary advantage: first, that we can present
arguments on our demands to the Serbian side and secondly, to
convince Americans that we have a serious approach towards the
solution of our problem and thus we incite their engagement
eventually in a concrete initiative.
KOHA: SPS has confirmed that it will not participate in new York,
whereas the opposition declared that it "will reduce the level"
of its participants. What will the Albanian posture be?
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KOHA: Then how valid are these talks if the main Serbian party
is not there?
INTERVIEW
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KOHA: What do you mean when you say human political rights?
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there are no results, then this can cause misbelief and
disappointment in the coming dialogues. In conclusion, I am not
sure that all invited will attend the meeting, and I am not
convinced that the conditions are fulfilled to find a way to
solve the problems.
KOHA: What reflection will this meeting have among the Serbian
political specter? Will Kosova be on the agenda of the coming
elections?
HIBER: No, there is no common platform that has been made public.
Not because, in principle, there are disagreements among
partners, but because it is very unlikely to expect an opposition
partner to have a clear and precise state platform. Kosova is
a complex problem. It is a problem of collective and individual
human rights, but it is also a state problem. An opposition
grouping should not be expected to come out with clear ideas on
this. It is in no position to solve the problem, but the New York
talks will help "Zajedno" observe the seriousness of the Kosova
problem. It is no secret that opposition parties had different
viewpoints on Kosova in the past. When the problem is discussed
as a whole then the differences are more easy to identify. And,
dialogue should then serve as a way to come to the joint
solution.
KOHA: Do you think that after New York this issue can become a
long-term process and could there be a mediator to it?
HIBER: I wish New York were the beginning and the opening path
towards new meetings that will lead to the solution. In regard
to the third party, at the beginning I said that there should be
no conditions. Opposing the participation of a third party is
also a condition. GSS has nothing against the participation of
a third party, if this can help dialogue and finding a solution.
I have no right to talk on behalf of the coalition partners, but
I can tell you that this was a topic of discussion that preceded
the publication of our program declaration and we haven't
excluded this possibility.
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KOHA: What do you think about Demaçi's Balkania?
HIBER: I hope its influence will not be determinant nor too big.
The starting point for all participants is the situation in
Kosova and not Albania. This is why the events in Albania should
not have any influence of the solution that we should find
regardless of Albania. I hope the people in Albania will find a
way out towards democratization which is necessary not only for
them by also the people in FRY.
ALBANIA
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He took the first step on March 15, when he met with the Albanian
authorities and rebels on a ship in the Adriatic. Then he
presented his project for the salvation of the Albanians to the
OSCE, a project that was adopted by the UN Security Council on
28 March.
The armed Albanians represent a threat not only for the local
population and the members of the international protection
forces, but also for the ambience - say the European officials.
This is why they have to be disarmed. But, how? Berisha has
lately been declaring to the press that Albanians have special
links with the arms, and that they can be taken away from them
only with patience or after some time. However, this statement
made by Berisha was immediately denied by the international
mediator. Vranitzky said that the representatives of the rebels
said that they will hand in their arms as soon as Berisha leaves
his post". But, says Vranitzky, it is not in the competencies of
the OSCE to ask for Berisha's resignation. But, his other answers
imply that Berisha has become a black spot not only in
Vranitzky's eyes, but also of the other international
representatives'.
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years!
At the end of the meeting with Vranitzky, Van Mierlo and Fino,
Pangalos said that the international community will help Albania
to normalize the economic development and celebrate new
elections. As sign of good will, Greece granted a very favorable
loan to Albania, worth 136 million DEM. But, unfortunately, this
sum is not enough to close down even one of the many holes the
country has. Maybe this can be done only by Vranitzky, former
banker and a long-time premier of industrialized Austria.
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ALBANIA
TO GO OR NOT TO GO TO ALBANIA
"I have the feeling that they have already spent the double only
in hotel and plane fees", I say to him. He replies: "It's their
money. We are to blame ourselves for our fate". Radio London
talks now about Kosova, meanwhile the shooting in the periphery
of Tirana increases substantially. In fact, it happens every
night. As soon as the curfew starts. Then, it stops.
On the streets, we can all hear the noise of the armored vehicles
and police cars, that try to prove to the citizens that the state
is still functioning, at least in Tirana. People have become used
to this ritual and seem not to be impressed with what is going
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on.
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It is late and now one can try and read something. Ismail
Kadare's "The Wrong Year", that had never been read as a shocking
futurology, but as a historical and symbolical piece of work, is
now in fashion. Nevertheless, a friend recommends me to read "The
Plague" again. Isn't there something similar between Tirana and
Oran? They are both closed towns. But, I don't know why I prefer
"The Tartars' Desert" by Buzati. I see myself as sergeant Dogo,
who just keeps waiting while leaning on his window-frame.
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