Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
Christian
Casillas
Abstract:
At
the
start
of
2015,
39
of
the
top
50
digital
news
websites
had
more
traffic
to
their
sites
and
associated
applications
coming
from
mobile
devices
than
from
desktop
computers,
according
to
Pew
Research
Centers
analysis
of
comScore
data.
At
the
same
time,
though,
desktop
visitors
to
these
sites
tend
to
spend
more
time
per
visit
than
do
mobile
visitors.
For
half
of
these
top
50
news
sites;
which
include
legacy
print,
cable,
network,
international
and
public
broadcasting
outlets
as
well
as
digital-only
entities,
visitors
from
desktops
stay
longer
than
those
coming
through
mobile.
The
reverse
is
true
for
only
10
of
the
sites,
while
for
15
sites
the
time
spent
is
roughly
equal.
Americans
changing
news
habits
have
a
tremendous
impact
on
how
and
to
what
extent
our
country
functions
within
an
informed
society
(Mitchell).
So
too
does
the
state
of
the
organizations
producing
the
news
and
making
it
available
to
citizens
day
in
and
day
out.
In
this
paper
we
will
be
discussing
just
that,
and
how
effective
mobile
news
and
entertainment
is
to
the
original
forms
prior.
Introduction:
If
you
take
a
glance
at
any
coffee
shop,
train
station,
or
airport
boarding
gate,
its
easy
to
see
that
mobile
access
to
the
Internet
is
taking
root
in
our
society.
Open
laptops
or
furrowed
brows
staring
at
our
mobile
phones
are
evidence
of
how
routinely
information
is
exchanged
on
wireless
devices.
But
not
everyone
has
the
wherewithal
to
engage
with
always
present
connectivity
and,
while
some
may
love
it,
others
may
only
dip
their
toes
in
the
wireless
water
and
not
go
deeper
(Horrigan).
So,
does
it
draw
some
of
us
users
further
into
digital
lifestyles
and
false
information
or
is
it
truly
beneficial?
In
2015,
39
of
the
top
50
digital
news
websites
had
more
traffic
to
their
sites
and
associated
applications
coming
from
mobile
devices
than
from
desktop
computers,
according
to
Pew
Research
Centers
analysis
of
comScore
data.
At
the
same
time,
though,
desktop
visitors
to
these
sites
tend
to
spend
more
time
per
visit
than
do
mobile
visitors.
For
half
of
these
top
50
news
sites;
which
include
legacy
print,
cable,
network,
international
and
public
broadcasting
outlets
as
well
as
digital-only
entities,
visitors
from
desktops
stay
longer
than
those
coming
through
mobile
(Mitchell).
Body:
With
the
rapid
increase
of
mobile
devices
and
applications
it
has
become
easier
for
more
and
more
people
to
transition
from
print
media
and
newspapers,
or
television
and
film
to
online
forums,
blogs
and
streaming
services
to
get
there
information
and
entertainment.
For
example,
in
March
2011,
Time
Warner
Cable
(TWC)
launched
an
iPad
application
that
would
allow
its
subscribers
to
stream
some
of
its
television
content
to
their
iPad,
a
total
of
approximately
thirty
cable
channels
(Tryon).
Like
other
digital
delivery
platforms,
the
app
was
announced
as
a
transformative
way
of
watching
television
and
films.
In
the
advertisement
for
the
application
you
see
the
perspective
that
platform
mobility
encourages
personalized
viewing,
and
all
of
the
subjects
appear
to
be
alone;
it
suggests
that
the
individualized
viewer
is
in
control,
able
to
choose
when,
where
and
what
he
or
she
watches
(Tryon).
This
I
believe
to
be
something
powerful.
To
be
able
to
view
things
we
want
to
watch
wherever
we
may
be
and
how
ever
we
want
to
watch
it
is
a
great
advantage.
But
lets
break
it
down.
To
make
sense
of
it
all
we
need
to
know
the
media
mobility
platforms.
First,
the
media
mobility
platform,
as
I
defined
by
Chuck
Tryon,
refers
to
the
idea
that
for
example,
films
and
television
shows
can
move
seamlessly
from
one
device
to
another
with
minimal
interruption.
A
viewer
might
start
to
watch
a
movie
on
her
living-room
television
set
and
then
continue
it
later
on
her
iPad
or
mobile
phone.
In
turn,
many
of
these
devices
themselves
offer
varying
degrees
of
mobility
(Tryon).
An
iPad
or
laptop
might
theoretically
be
used
anywhere
there
is
an
Internet
connection
and
a
power
source,
allowing
audiences
to
carry
their
film
collections
with
them.
This
in
addition
to
content
moving
seamlessly
between
platforms,
the
platforms
themselves
are
mobile,
allowing
people
to
use
them
wherever
they
wish
from
the
comfort
of
their
home
to
the
mood
of
a
local
coffee
shop.
Of
course,
effective
connectivity
is
far
from
guaranteed,
and
although
such
services
as
Netflix
and
Love
Film
may
promise
unlimited
access,
viewers
are
often
constrained
by
the
max
data
caps
on
their
phone
service,
or
streaming
rights,
and
other
institutional
and
economic
factors.
But
digital
delivery
not
only
opens
up
forms
of
spatial
mobility,
it
allows
us
to
watch
films
wherever
we
happen
to
be,
expanding
the
time
shifting
potential
of
older
television
technologies
such
as
using
a
VCR
or
a
DVR
(Tryon).
In
the
same
way
you
can
start
reading
an
article
online
on
your
desktop
computer
then
continue
to
read
it
right
where
you
left
off
on
your
iPhone.
Now
with
this
mobility
timeless
media
has
contributed
to
us
being
able
to
be
more
casual
about
our
film
and
television
watching,
or
newspaper
reading
and
newsgathering.
Its
making
it
possible
for
viewers
to
consume
according
to
their
own
schedule.
Charles
Acland
refers
to
this
as
a
rising
informality.
His
claim
echoed
by
Francesco
Cassetti,
writes
that
multitasking
spectators
treat
films
as
something
to
pick
up
now
and
put
down
later.
At
the
same
time,
platform
mobility
also
increases
the
opportunity
for
repeat
viewings,
given
that
users
access
to
collections.
This
can
be
through
network
websites,
Netflix
catalogues,
or
their
own
personal
collections
on
a
hard
drive
or
in
the
cloud
(Tryon).
This
to
me
brought
up
some
concern.
After
conducting
some
personal
research
6
out
of
10
people
I
interviewed
from
the
age
range
of
18-25
said
that
they
only
finish
about
half
of
the
movies
they
start
to
watch
on
Netflix.
What
does
this
mean?
The
way
we
consume
media
is
now
more
based
on
our
desires
then
what
is
being
put
out
there.
News
and
entertainment
have
now
become
a
choice
for
us
to
pic
instead
of
the
media
choosing
what
to
feed
us.
We
now
also
limit
the
media
producers
by
having
the
ability
to
use
free
online
and
mobile
news
instead
of
having
to
buy
newspapers
or
magazines.
Discourses
of
platform
mobility
taps
into
larger
desires
for
community,
in
part
through
the
depictions
of
how
these
new
technologies
can
be
incorporated
seamlessly
into
the
suburban,
middle-class
home,
especially
in
the
USA.
Much
like
the
popular
discourses
surrounding
television
in
the
1950s,
advertising
for
mobile
phones,
portable
media
players
and
other
forms
of
platform
mobility
all
help
to
define
the
ways
in
which
these
media
technologies
are
understood.
How
then
do
we
determine
our
communication
platform
choice
in
news
consumption?
According
to
Samson
Struckmann,
we
do
this
by
the
interplay
of
three
key
elements
potentially
influencing
device
choice:
(1) The
communication
device
per
say,
(2) The
user,
and
(3) The
situational
context.
Firstly,
the
different
communication
devices
are
different
types
of
technologies.
Based
on
previous
research
we
do
know
that
users
long-termed
attitudes
towards
new
technologies
and/or
devices
influence
their
decisions
to
actually
use
them.
With
that
you
can
hypothesize
those
characteristics
of
the
communication
device,
the
perceived
usefulness
and
perceived
ease
of
use
will
influence
communication
device
choice
for
consuming
news
(Struckmann).
Secondly,
users
perceived
uses
and
gratifications
of
certain
behaviors
are
known
to
have
a
strong
impact
on
the
users
behaviors,
a
fact
well
researched
for
a
multitude
of
online
media
behavior
(Struckmann).
And
thirdly,
in
addition
to
these
two
factors,
early
studies
on
news
diffusion
had
shown
that
the
locational
and
social
context
of
usage
is
heavily
influencing
communication
device
choice.
Usually
we
do
know
that
social
surroundings
do
have
an
impact
on
media
use
in
so
far
as
individuals
can
exploit
this
highly
observable
media
use
to
enhance
their
social
status
(Struckmann). It
is
also
thought
that
the
personal
technologies
can
help
to
reduce
family
conflict
over
entertainment,
in
most
cases
by
offering
individualized
viewing
experiences
creating
a
better
personal
social
status
among
families.
Now, how does this affect the media itself? For example, while publishers of
newspapers
are
aiming
to
provide
users
with
complementary
ways
of
accessing
the
news,
there
are
risks
that
their
new
mobile
services
displace
those
they
offer
in
print
and
on
the
Web,
while
earning
even
less
revenue
(Nel).
Newspapers
are
now
in
flux.
Having
seen
their
traditional
businesses
battered
by
forces
that
include
structural
changes
fuelled
by
the
rapid
growth
of
mobile
platforms
and
cyclical
shifts
in
the
economy,
mainstream
news
publishers
have
intensified
efforts
to
adapt
their
journalism
processes
and
products. The
content
available
through
most
of
the
mobile
services
is
comparatively
light.
With
this
they
can
almost
force
the
heaviest
users
to
be
inclined
to
also
seek
out
more
extensive
content
available
in
the
companion
print
and
online
products
into
which
the
richest
income
streams
still
flow.
Unless
newspapers
rethink
their
current
approaches,
they
risk
not
having
any
more
economic
success
with
mobile
than
they
have
had
thus
far
online.
However,
while
some
news
publishers
have
held
back
from
publishing
their
general
content
on
smartphones
or
tablets,
their
inaction
has
risks,
too:
independent
developers
are
leaping
at
the
opportunity
to
create
apps
that
harvest
the
rich
content
newspapers
make
available
freely
on
the
Web
(Nel).
The sad reality here is that most people choose to just access the free light
content.
This
in
return
brings
me
to
my
main
argument.
Mobile
news
and
mobile
platform
consumption
is
an
inferior
good.
They
are
so
in
that
they
only
provide
limited
information
and
usually
dont
capture
our
full
grasp
as
old
methods
like
newspaper
or
Television
would.
Presently,
it
appears
that
many
people,
particularly
those
aged
18
to
34,
are
more
likely
to
use
smartphones
to
get
their
news
than
they
are
to
use
any
other
source
(Shim).
The
rapid
growth
of
mobile
phones
as
a
source
of
news
has
not
only
altered
the
way
in
which
people
consume
news,
however;
it
has
also
changed
the
landscape
of
news
media
content,
as
the
news
content
of
mobile
devices
for
example
in
mobile
news
apps,
predominantly
consists
of
soft
news,
particularly
entertainment
news
(Shim).
But,
if
we
consider
other
"inferior
good"
examples
such
as
fast
food
we
notice
something.
People
use
inferior
goods
when
they
need
to
and
that
is
it.
When
normal
goods
are
not
as
readily
available
or
affordable.
Contrary
to
what
the
term
"inferior"
often
implies
in
everyday
language,
inferior
goods
offer
functional
and
convenient
but
limited
alternatives.
If
one
compares
online
news
use
with
fast-food
consumption,
their
similarities
become
self-evident
(Chyi).
Visitors
to
newspaper
sites
do
not
stay
around
for
long.
In
late
2007,
a
typical
visitor
to
NYTimes.com,
over
the
course
of
a
month,
browsed
the
site
for
a
total
of
34
minutes
and
53
seconds;
this
is
only
about
68
seconds
per
day.
How
much
news
and
information
can
you
really
gather
from
just
68
seconds
or
reading
and
browsing?
One
survey
probed
the
reasons
why
some
online
news
users
preferred
the
online
format
over
the
print
edition,
and
the
vast
majority
of
the
respondents
mentioned
"convenience
(Chyi).
A
2006
Pew
survey
asked
regular
Internet
news
users
what
sets
the
Internet
apart
as
a
news
medium,
and
the
top-ranked
response
was
"accessibility
and
convenience
(Chyi).
These
studies
suggest
that
the
core
value,
or
the
competitive
advantage,
of
online
news
lies
in
its
convenience
more
than
anything
else.
Most
users
perceive
online
news
as
convenient,
just
as
fast
food
is
perceived
as
quick
and
easy.
It
is
not
surprising
that
for
this
reason
users
take
advantage
of
the
inferior
good
for
their
content.
But
as
the
fastest
growing
communication
medium
of
all
times,
the
Internet
is
not
only
changing
people's
personal
lifestyles
and
needs,
but
is
also
reshaping
the
interdependence
between
individuals,
media,
and
society
(Patwardhan).
Dependency
is
the
flip
side
of
control.
As
we
argue
for
greater
consumer
empowerment
and
control
over
what
media
content
we
consume
in
Internet
environments,
we
are
also
more
likely
to
grow
increasingly
dependent
on
its
resources
to
meet
our
goals
(Patwardhan).
In
terms
of
individual-media
relationships
that
develop
over
time,
our
study
suggests
tenable
connections
between
individual
goals
and
dependency
on
Internet
resources.
On
average,
Internet
users
did
display
moderately
intense
Internet
Dependency
Relations,
indicating
that
the
medium
has
become
an
integral
part
of
individuals
media
have
more
traffic
to
their
mobile
sites
and
associated
applications
then
their
prints
or
broadcast.
Those
aged
18
to
34,
are
already
more
likely
to
use
smartphones
to
get
their
news
than
they
are
to
use
any
other
source.
And
typical
visitors
to
online
news
sited
only
browse
the
site
for
a
total
of
34
minutes
and
53
seconds,
a
sad
68
seconds
per
day.
We
have
to
understand
that
mobile
platforms
and
mobile
consumption
can
only
offers
us
watered
down
information
and
news
and
not
the
whole
picture.
We
cant
abandon
newspapers,
Television
and
news
broadcast.
Mobile
platforms
are
a
good
quick
solution
but
not
one
that
is
fully
sufficient
in
its
self.
Personal
Reflection:
Personally
after
doing
this
research
throughout
the
semester
and
reading
all
the
facts
I
was
honestly
instilled
with
fear.
We
as
modern
day
humans
fail
to
realize
the
full
picture
of
certain
matters
sometimes.
If
we
never
purchase
a
newspaper
anymore
how
can
a
news
company
survive?
If
we
never
go
to
the
movie
theatres
how
will
production
companies
fund
their
films?
If
we
all
just
read
little
tweets
instead
of
a
full
article
how
will
we
really
understand
what
is
going
on
in
the
real
world
around
us?
Mobility
is
a
great
thing,
dont
get
me
wrong,
but
its
a
supplement
not
a
primary
source.
We
should
treat
it
as
something
to
peak
our
interest
into
reality
but
now
be
the
reality
we
desire
to
live.
Even
when
looking
at
the
studies
of
how
mobile
gaming
can
affect
aggression
we
really
need
to
start
educating
our
lives
better
and
trust
more
in
the
sources
that
have
brought
us
this
far.
Annotated Bibliography:
1.
Mitchell,
A.
(2015,
April
28).
State
of
the
News
Media
2015.
Retrieved
November
4,
2015.
This
source
is
the
State
of
the
News
Media
2015
twelfth
edition
annual
report
by
the
Pew
Research
Centers
Journalism
Project
examining
the
landscape
of
American
journalism.
This
study
includes
13
data-filled
fact
sheets,
each
of
which
provides
the
latest
audience,
economic,
news
investment
and
ownership
trends
for
key
sectors
of
news
media,
from
cable
TV
to
African-American
media
to
news
magazines.
This
study
also
includes
a
searchable
Media
&
News
Indicators
database.
2.
Horrigan,
J.
(2009,
March
24).
The
Mobile
Difference.
Retrieved
November
4,
2015.
This
source
gravitates
to
wireless
and
mobile
access
and
how
we
use
it
to
supplement
our
home
high-speed
wired
connections,
the
supply
of
and
demand
for
online
content
increases.
Institutions,
whether
governments
or
news
organizations
have
greater
incentives
to
optimize
their
services
to
be
consumed
online.
More
people
have
greater
opportunity
to
share
their
advice,
creativity,
and
observations
online.
Recent
research
argues
that
exclusion
from
the
network
of
people
and
information
found
online
is
more
costly
than
in
the
past.
In
this
typology,
four
groups
making
up
42%
of
the
population
have
both
below
average
levels
of
broadband
and
uses
of
mobile
and
online
resources.
3.
Tryon,
C.
(2012).
'Make
any
room
your
TV
room':
Digital
delivery
and
media
mobility.
'Make
Any
Room
Your
TV
Room':
Digital
Delivery
and
Media
Mobility,
287-
300.
This
source
is
about
how
media
companies
have
begun
to
appropriate
models
of
the
active
and
engaged
viewer
in
order
to
sell
mobile
technologies
and
platforms
as
offering
greater
freedom
and
control
over
how
we
watch.
They
do
this
by
promoting
the
concept
of
platform
mobility,
which
is
defined
as
the
ability
for
media
to
move
seamlessly
between
multiple
platforms,
so
that
a
user
can
start
watching
a
movie
on
one
platform
and
finish
it
on
another.
Although
it
is
difficult
to
measure
how
widely
the
tools
of
platform
mobility
are
actually
being
used,
I
argue
that
the
depiction
of
the
empowered,
mobile
spectator
has
a
powerful
effect
on
the
cultural
imagination.
While
mobile
technologies
can
be
liberating,
they
must
also
be
normalized
and
domesticated,
often
through
advertising.
4.
Goggin,
G.,
Martin,
F.,
&
Dwyer,
T.
(2014).
Locative
News.
Journalism
Studies,
41-
59.
This
source
is
about
how
location,
locality,
and
localism
have
long
been
important
characteristics
of
news,
and
how
their
functions
have
been
given
a
dramatic
twist
with
the
advent
of
locative,
mobile
media.
The
capabilities
of
mobile
media
devices
to
determine,
sense,
incorporate,
and
conjure
with
the
relative
locations
of
reporting
and
audiences
have
emerged
as
key
to
alternative,
small
and
large-scale
networked
newsgathering
and
dissemination
ventures.
This
paper
explores
the
kinds
of
places
and
spaces
these
mobile
worlds
of
news
making
and
consumption
entail
and
how
news
is
being
located
in
and
through
such
new
nobilities.
5.
Nel,
F.,
&
Westlund,
O.
(n.d.).
The
4C's
Of
Mobile
News.
Journalism
Practice,
744-
753.
This
source
is
about
how
newspapers
are
in
flux.
Having
seen
their
traditional
businesses
battered
by
forces
that
include
structural
changes
fuelled
by
the
rapid
growth
of
networked
digital
technologies
and
cyclical
shifts
in
the
economy,
mainstream
news
publishers
have
intensified
efforts
to
adapt
their
journalism
processes
and
products.
However,
growing
digital
revenue
streams
to
match,
if
not
surpass,
the
losses
in
print
circulation
and
advertising
incomes
has
proved
difficult.
A
bright
or
at
least
not
quite
so
dim
spot
glows
from
mobile
devices.
Drawing
on
data
from
an
annual
audit
conducted
in
2008,
2009,
2010
and
2011,
this
article
examines
how
66
metropolitan
newspapers
in
England,
Scotland,
Wales
and
Northern
Ireland
have
performed
with
respect
to
channels,
content,
conversation
and
commerce
of
mobile
news.
While
findings
show
the
expansion
of
newspapers'
mobile
endeavors,
these
are
uneven
and
characterized
by
repurposing
existing
content
and
duplicating
traditional
commercial
models.
This
source
is
on
news
consumption
across
all
sorts
of
media
and
how
communication
scholars
have
researched
it
for
decades;
analyzing
its
effects,
and
describing
shifts
in
news
consumption
behavior
mostly
regarding
changes
in
the
media
ecology.
These
days,
we
are
witnessing
another
major
change
in
the
media
ecology:
the
rise
of
mobile
media.
The
fast
and
widespread
diffusion
of
smartphones,
tablets,
and
the
likes
is
influencing
news
media
consumption
being
able
to
bring
news
consumption
into
niches
in
time
and
space.
This
paper
concentrates
on
the
interplay
of
those
niches,
i.e.,
usage
situations
and
the
actual
news
consumption,
therefore
analyzing
the
influence
of
situational
characteristics
on
communication
device
choice
for
news
consumption.
7.
Shim,
H.,
You,
K.,
Lee,
J.,
&
Go,
E.
(n.d.).Why
do
people
access
news
with
mobile
devices?
Exploring
the
role
of
suitability
perception
and
motives
on
mobile
news
use.
Telematics
and
Informatics,
108-117.
This
source
is
a
present
study
that
explores
the
structural
relationships
among
mobile
users
perceptions
of
the
suitability
of
two
types
of
mobile
news
(political
feature
news
and
entertainment
news),
users
motivations
for
mobile
news
usage,
and
their
behavioral
patterns.
Our
findings
show
that
two
types
of
perceived
suitability
for
mobile
news,
particularly
for
political
feature
news,
are
strongly
associated
with
all
dimensions
of
motivations
for
mobile
news
usage.
Its
findings
show
that
the
information-seeking
motive
is
the
very
factor
that
determines
mobile
news
usage.
The
results
also
reveal
that
the
accessibility
motive
mediates
the
relationship
between
the
perceived
suitability
of
obtaining
news
via
a
mobile
device
and
users
mobile
news
behavior.
However,
contrary
to
our
expectation,
the
social
utility
motive
does
not
mediate
the
relationship
between
users
perceptions
of
the
suitability
of
mobile
devices
for
this
purpose
and
their
mobile
news
usage.
Finally,
the
information-seeking
and
accessibility
motives
each
have
an
indirect
effect
on
the
association
between
perceived
suitability
and
mobile
news
usage.
The
implications
of
the
study
and
recommendations
for
future
research
are
also
discussed.
8.
Yoon,
G.,
&
Ham,
C.
(2015).
Consuming
Entertainment
Media:
How
Media
Effects
Can
Vary
by
Users
Controllability.
Current
Psychology
Curr
Psychol.
This
source
is
a
study
regarding
the
influence
of
situational
variables
on
human
aggression.
Regarding
online
gaming,
the
present
study
examines
how
game
users
aggression
is
influenced
by
two
variables:
degree
of
control
(playing
vs.
watching)
and
degree
of
interaction
(alone
vs.
together).
The
feeling
of
presence
is
also
examined
as
a
mediator
to
explicate
the
mechanism
through
which
these
situational
variables
influence
the
game
users
levels
of
aggression.
The
results
demonstrate
that
degree
of
control
significantly
affects
users
aggression.
Aggression
is
increased
when
players
actively
participate
in
the
game
versus
simply
watching;
situational
factors
that
are
associated
with
the
way
people
engage
in
interactive
media
cause
13.
Patwardhan,
P.,
&
Yang,
J.
(n.d.).
Internet
Dependency
Relations
and
Online
Consumer
Behavior.
Journal
of
Interactive
Advertising,
57-69.
This
study
introduces
Internet
Dependency
Relations
(IDR)
as
a
predictor
of
online
consumer
activities.
IDR
is
based
on
the
theoretical
perspective
of
Media
System
Dependency
theory,
which
postulates
dependency
relations
between
individuals
and
media
based
on
the
perceived
helpfulness
of
media
in
meeting
understanding
(social/self),
orientation
(action/interaction)
and
play
(social/solitary)
goals.
Using
a
cross-sectional
email
survey
of
166
respondents
randomly
drawn
from
the
faculty,
staff,
and
student
population
at
a
large
mid-western
university
in
the
United
States,
the
predictive
influence
of
IDR
on
online
shopping,
chatting,
and
news
reading
was
empirically
tested.
On
average,
consumers
in
the
survey
had
bought
eight
products
online
in
the
last
six
months,
spent
twenty-one
minutes
daily
reading
news
online,
and
chatted
ten
minutes
daily
on
the
Internet.
They
also
displayed
moderate,
though
positive
dependency
relations
with
the
Internet.
IDR
significantly
explained
online
shopping
activities
and
online
news
reading,
but
did
not
predict
online
chatting.
In
terms
of
specific
IDR
goal
dimensions,
the
predictive
influence
of
action
orientation
on
online
shopping,
solitary
play
on
online
chatting,
and
social
understanding
on
online
news
reading
was
confirmed.
14.
Chyi,
H.,
&
Yang,
M.
(2009).
Is
Online
News
an
Inferior
Good?
Examining
the
Economic
Nature
of
Online
News
among
Users.
Journalism
&
Mass
Communication
Quarterly,
594-612.
This
article
talks
about
how
the
U.S.
newspaper
industry
is
transitioning
from
print
to
online,
and
how
the
response
to
online
news
has
fallen
short
of
expectations
and
thus
raised
questions
about
the
economic
viability
of
the
new
medium.
This
study
explores
the
economic
concept
of
"inferior
goods"
and
its
applicability
to
online
news
consumption.
Analysis
of
Pew
Research
Center
survey
data
shows
that
as
income
increases,
consumption
of
online
news
decreases,
other
things
being
equal.
For
that
reason
this
article
believes
online
news
is
an
inferior
good
among
users.