Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
Thkura, Upendra, Aspects of Society and Economy of Medieval Mithil, New Delhi, 1989,
p.4
Grierson, G.A., Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. V, pt.II, p.4
112
arm, R.S., Aspects of Political Ideas and Institutions in Ancient India, 3 edn., Delhi, 1991,
pp.194-95.
Datta, Swati, Migrant Brhmaas in Northern India : Their Settlement and General Impact c.
A.D. 475-1030, Delhi, 1989, pp.1-73.
Ibid.
The folk-song compiled by Balbhadra and published by Lakshmi Nayak, Patan Puri under the
title 'Tirhutiy Bhajan' runs thus:
Jagannathiy ho bhai,
Dn ke sratiy mana me rkhiha,
Bb ho birje oiy dea me,
Paira me gaalai kakaa bhaiy nkhi sa khasalai nora,
b nahi bharos hoiya bb ke lagabai gora,
Kona mukhe mandira bhaiy kona mukhe kebara,
Kona mukhe baithala hetah dn saradra,
Jagannathiy ho bhai.
5
6
rd
113
Some of the scholars believe that Brhmaas were invited to come and
settle in the court of a king or feudal chief. Puspa Niyogi explains, that
Brhmaas of Bengal, had gradually built up a solid reputation, which
sometimes spread beyond the borders of Bengal.7 Similar might have been
the case with Maithila Brhmaas, too, since a considerable number of
Brhmaas are today found settled in Uttar Pradesh, Bengal, Orissa, Madhya
Pradesh etc.
Some among the immigrants came to be employed as teachers, priests
military officials, ministers, writers and composers of inscriptions, most of
them, sometimes individually, sometimes as a family and sometimes as
members of a large group of Brhmaas, not related to one another, were
endowed with lands and villages. The specific inclusion of wells, reservoirs
and other irrigation facilities in grants of the early period, point to the fact that
the lands donated, were definitely cultivable. Usually the transfer of lands was
accompanied by the authority to collect taxes, which varied from kingdom to
kingdom and period to period.8
The practice of land grants continued in Mithil during Oinawra period
when ivasimha is said to have granted some acres of land to a Muslim saint
Makhdm Shh, for the maintenance of Khanqh.9 Bhairavasimha is said to
have dug out hundreds of tanks, gave away towns and pattanas (hamlets)
and performed Tulpuruadna.10
Thus, it has been rightly observed that medieval Mithil was essentially
a feudal state, and her entire social structure was based on feudal pattern,
8
9
10
114
though not exactly of the western type.11 Feudalism has been the basis of all
social and political developments. The famous digest writer Cadewara
Thkur opined that the ministries were to be on a hereditary basis.12 He,
himself a feudatory and a minister of the Karata dynasty under
Harisimhadeva, has fully discussed the legal status of the feudatories in
Mithil.13 The title Thkkura is translated in Rjanti Ratnkara as barons in
Mithil. The Vara Ratnkara presents a picture of the contemporary social
classes.14
The king along with the feudal barons had all the means of coercion in
society. ridharadsa has collected a few poems relating to this aspect of
social life. He has depicted in his anthology, Saduktikarnmta that in a feudal
society ordinary folks were condemned to lead a life of poverty.15 The caste
system helped a great deal by forging a common bond that resulted in the
formation of a coherent society. The references in Vishupurna attest that it
was the duty of everyone to earn his livelihood in accordance with his caste.16
The element of conservatism and orthodoxy was reigning supreme in those
days.
However, the advent of the fourteenth century A.D. ushered in an
important landmark in the history of Mithil. The change was the introduction
of the Panji Prabandha and the institution of Kulinism.
THE PANJI SYSTEM AND KULINISM
The unique institution of Panji which is peculiar to Mithil, meant for all
the upper castes of the Hindus here, has continued and grown only for
11
12
13
14
15
16
115
17
18
Jh, Parmevara, Mithil Tattva Vimara, Maithili Akademy, Pat. P.83: "ake r
Harisimhadeva Npatevapark (1248) tulya Janistamadyani amitabdke dwija ganea panji
prabandha ktah. This date, however, is not unanimously agreed upon. According to another
view, for example, it was organized in 1313 A.D. of Mithil under the Karatas, Sinha C.P.N.
p.93.
Gerierson, G.A. Bihar Peasant Life, p.375.
116
Rajabhibrahinecha
Anevahi
Swapitpitmahdiparam
19
20
For details see Manusmti, Chapter III, loka 4, 5 and 7; Yjavalkya smti chapter I, loka
52, 53; Ray Ganesh, Maithila Brhmana Ebam karaa Kyastaka panji Kara, Bharatpur,
Distt. Darbhanga, 1984, p.26; Mithil Bhrati, Ank 3, 1971, p.8. In these sources, we find
Manu saying that one should marry a girl who is of one's own vara, who is not of Sapida of
one's mother and father upto seven generations and who is not of the gotra of one's father.
Manu, thus, gave importance to the purity of blood and prescribed no marriage relations with
Hnkriyn nipurusam (one who fails to maintain one's caste and creed). Both Yjavalkya
and Gautam have suggested that a distance upto five generations from mother's side and
seven from father's side be maintained by the two marriage parties. We also get references in
Vaistha and Visu Pura that if a marriage relationship is made within a range of seven
generations from father's side and fifth from mother's side, it is a kind of sin. In Vlmiki
Rmyan Vaistha is seen citing the family tree of Rma and Janak citing genealogical
records of St.
Mithil Bhrati, Ank, 3. 1971, p.14.
117
First line of the passage indicates that to save ones caste is to save
self which is ones ultimate responsibility. Thus, a person who succeeds in
protecting ones caste is a Mahkulina21 (super caste). Caste is related to birth
and a child born of a legally married couple is a pure one. It was not an easy
task as marriage relationship was made after examining both maternal and
paternal sides of the groom, with a distance up to the seventh generation from
fathers side and upto the fifth generation from mother's side, and such
marriage relationship one could attain only after special efforts. Those who
succeeded in doing so were to be called Mahkulina.
The second sentence of the passage, mentioned above, refers to
Samha-Lekhyni.22 It appears that upper caste people such as Brhmaas
and Katriyas used to maintain a Samuha-Lekha to protect their self and
caste. Under such a custom genealogical records of thirty-two families, i.e.
sixteen from fathers side and sixteen from mothers side, which finally cover
seven
generations,
were
maintained,
Thus,
tradition
of
keeping
118
earlier; and it was later systematised by the Kartas in Mithil and the Senas
in Bengal. The Banagon copper plate23 edited by D.C. Sircar makes it very
clear that the local brhmaas of Bihar attached a great importance to the
brhmaas of Kolca (Kanauj), one of the most renowned sects of the
learned brhmaas.24 According to hi, a ura royal family in ancient Bengal is
known but mo genuine ruler name diura known to the history of east India
is a petty chief who is mentioned by Vcaspati Mia of Mithil in his
Nyyakaika, in the passage : nija-bhuja-viryamsthya-urn-diura-jayati.
Vcaspati Mira composed his Nyyasuci in V.S. 898/c. 841 A.D. Hence,
diura, his contemporary, must have flourished in the middle of the ninth
century. D.C. Sircar holds that he was a petty chief of North Bihar, who may
have been a vessal of the Plas of Bengal and Bihar. Legends may have
grown around his name for his activities in connection with the setting of his
dominions, of certain Brhmaa families coming from Kolca.25 Equally
interesting is the fact holds that the reverential attitude of the east brhmaas
of Kolca seems to have been an important factor in the growth of peculiar
social institution known as kulinism in north Bihar and Bengal.26
He further states that this diura became famous in the legends
regarding the settlement of Kolca brhmaas in Bengal and that the
institution of kulinism was borrowed from north Bihar. Interestingly, the
Banagon copper plate is supported by the Pachobha copper plate,
discovered from the heart of Mithil, as it also refers to Kolca brhmaas.27
Referring to the king diura, R.C. Majumdar observes, King diura
is a pivot round which the genealogical accounts move. No positive evidence
23
24
25
26
27
119
has yet been obtained from his existence, but have undoubted references to a
Sura family ruling in the Western Bengal in the 11th century A.D. diura may
or may not be a historical person, but it is wrong to assert dogmatically that he
was a myth, and to reject the whole testimony of the kulajis on that ground
alone."28
The brhmaas of Mithil kept alive the orthodox tradition of castes and
prided themselves on their purity and claimed to be free from the Buddhistic
influence. They looked upon the people of Magadha as impure and it seems
that diura who is said to have been ruling somewhere in Mithil invited
brhmaas from Kolca and made rigorous rules for the protection of
brahmanism. Except in case of sacred pilgrimages across the Gaga, fresh
initiations were considered necessary for anyone visiting Magadh. After
having established the system of kulinism, diura granted land to the
brhmaas who came from Kolca or were related to them. Since the great
phiolosopher Vcaspati is a Brhmaa of Mithil, it may be suggested that he
laid the foundation of kulinism in his territory. From here it spread to Bengal,
Assam and other parts of India. Hence, the institution of kulinism in Mithil
can be traced to diura.29 The full credit for systematizing it goes, however,
to the Karta rulers of Mithil.
However, according to Upendra Thkura,30 the tradition of the view
tracing the origin of kulinism to diura suffers from certain contradictions.
First of all, the historicity of diura is completely shrouded in obscurity; and
secondly, the suggestion that the great Vcaspati Mira flourished in Mithil in
the court of legendary king diura, who ruled over certain parts of Mithil,
stands unsupported by historical evidence. He further argues that Vcaspati
28
29
30
120
(ii)
(iii)
(iv)
Vlmiki
tells
us
through
Janaka
as
"Pradane
Kulan
(vi)
(vii)
(viii)
31
121
(ix)
find in Panji Prabandha of Mithil. Panji has no relation with a mythical ruler,
diura and its origin can be traced to ancient Smti writers. Mithil has been
a strong centre of custom and practices, prescribed by the Hindu law-givers.
Panji Prabandha was organized keeping Smti writer's views in mind, to save
the traditional values and the Hindu way of life.
It is said that Raj Nnyadeva of the Karta dynasty tried to organize
the society of Mithil, but he could not complete the work and, finally,
Harisimhadeva completed it. Both Ballla Sena and, Harisimhadeva Katiryas
were and their ancestors came from Karnataka in South India. It does not
seem possible that Harisimhadeva was influenced by the caste organization
of Bengal as suggested by some modern scholars.32 It has been suggested
that the Panji Prabandh was finally compiled in ke 1248 (1327 A.D.), three
years after the end of Harisimhadeva's reign, though the compilation was
started much earlier. The entire credit for re-organising the society of Mithil in
the light of this new social setup was given to Harisimhadeva for having
initiated this bold and revolutionary measure and for that he is still
remembered in Mithil. Thus, from all available evidences it seems that
compilation of Panji was effected a few years after the beginning of
Harisimhadeva's reign (possibly in 1309-1310 A.D.) which later came to be
copied by different authorized panjikrs when Harisimhadeva was no more on
the scene.33
There were certain factors which seem to have encouraged
Harisimhadeva to make the system of Panji more systematic and regular than
it was until then. Firstly, medieval Mithil had to face some Muslim invasions,
32
33
122
and their impact must have necessitated the hardening of caste rules.
Secondly, on account of geographical factors, the people of Mithil had
already acquired insular habits. They kept themselves isolated and their
emphasis on the Smtic studies enabled them to solidify their conservative
outlook. Thirdly, the idea of maintaining the pristine purity of their race and
culture lay at the root of social organization based upon old ideas. Finally, the
aim of this social organization seems to have been to conserve the purity of
blood and uphold the distinctive mark of culture. Moreover, the vastness of
Samuha-Lekha, necessity of its maintenance and day to day rectification and
updating and general people's lukewarmness towards it might have
encouraged the marriage relationship within a prohibited degree. Such an
alarming condition needed reformation and re-organisation of the society
immediately.
The immediate and the most glaring cause of the origin of Panji
system, according to Paramewara Jh, is said to have been an incident
which took place in the village Satghra of Mithil.34 Pandit Harinth arm
was a great scholar in that village. Once he left his home to attend some
educational conference outside Mithil. His wife was a noble lady and used to
visit daily the temple of Muktinth in the village of Devahr,35 and prayed for
the well being of her husband who was out of the village on the particular day.
Once a miscreant, belonging to Dusdh caste, tried to molest her at a solitary
place inside the temple. But as the lady was a pativrat (faithful wife) the
miscreant died before he could hold the hand of the lady.
But some of the members of the miscreant's group spread a rumour
that an 'outcaste' had molested her. Thus, her chastity was questioned. The
lady was debarred from participating in any social and religious function. The
community members asked her to go through an ordeal. The innocent and
34
35
123
honest lady accepted it. After uttering 'Nhamaa cndla gmin' (I have not
cohabited with a 'Cndla' (sinner), she touched the burning iron rod. But her
hand was burnt and the allegation seemed to have been proved by the
ordeal. Thus, the propaganda of the miscreants worked, the community
member boycotted her, and she was left alone. The innocent lady wept before
many persons and requested various pandits to give her one more chance of
proving her innocence. They agreed and pleaded for giving her one more
chance
before
'Dharmdhikranik'.
the
36
religious
minister
of
the
Maharaja
called
124
treated.39 It seems that Pandit Harinth arm was not an exception. There
might have been others too, who might not have followed marriage rules and
regulations as there was no proper system for it.40
Subsequently, Maharaja Harisimhadeva ordered the registration and
collection of as much information as could be found on genealogy. He
appointed certain pandits headed by pandit Raghudeva Jh41 and handed
over the records to them and asked them to keep a complete genealogy of
each individual of the community. He authorised them to issue the 'Swasti
patra' (the permit of the marriage), so that the marriage could not be
performed within the prohibited degree. This is how the evolution of marriage
rite among the brhmaas in Mithil seems to have been taken place.
Hence, under the authority of the then king the Panji was reorganized.
Harisimhadeva deserves the credit for having reorganized the genealogical
records of Mithil with the help of his minister Surykaraa Thkura, known as
'Lekh' (an officer in the Mithil Panji).42 According to N.N. Basu, he was the
chief Minister of Harisimhadeva and was well known to all students of the
social history Mithil.43 Thus a commission was formed to organize Panji
institution after verifying the Mlas and gotras. 168 mlas 19 gotras of
Brhmaas of Mithil are mentioned in Panji literature.44 Each stock or Mla,
however, has several braches. One mla of Kayapa Gotra, for example,
whose place of origin was Mandra (Madhubani) has as many as 84 different
branches. To indicate this, another place name was added some time later,
during the years following the consolidation; indicating the name of the village
39
40
41
42
43
44
125
where that branch had its home. The common ancestor who was proved to be
the earliest known progenitor of all different branches of that stock came to be
known as Vijipurua.45
Common belief among the brhmaas is that the members of one
gotra are the descendants of one common ancestor. Members of one gotra
are united by blood relationship. Thus, gotra is a group of persons, belonging
to one family and marriage within the same gotra is strictly prohibited. The
conception of family by gotra is later development. This conception of family
by Gotra was clear during the period of Cndogya Upaniad,46 where
Gautama questioned Satyakma jbla, a young boy who approached him for
education, to what gotra he belonged. Here gotra exactly means a family
name. In Mithil also the Gotra means a large family, and marriage
relationship can not be made between the persons, having same gotras. The
brhmaas of Mithil observe the Pravara exogamy also. There are two kinds
of Pravaras among the brhmaas of Mithil i.e. Tpravara and Pach
Pravara. The gotras having three illustrious ancestors were called Tpravara
and the gotras having five illustrious ancestors were called Pachpravara.
Thus, Pravara is named after some is. All these give introduction of an
individual's vasa (dynasty).47 It is, thus, apparent that after verifying mla,
gotra and pravara with strict accuracy, the Panji system or the consolidation
of genealogy was completed. It may be mentioned here that we find a
rectification in marriage system of Mithil from the time of Harisimhadeva or
slightly before his period. The smti writers prescribe marriage with a girl who
is not under relationship up to the seventh generation. Yjavalkya clearly
observes thus:
45
46
47
126
48
49
50
127
Thus a girl and a boy can have the adhikra for marriage when the
paternal side of the bride has no relations within the sixth generations and
from the maternal side upto the fifth generation. This is known as Solaha
Kula.51
The re-organisation of Panji system brought about a remarkable
change in the social organization of Mithil. Maharaja Harisimhadeva not only
suggested that Panji should be recorded systematically, but panjibadha
should also be classified according to status. According to O'Malley
Harisimhadeva settled the respective ranks of three sections of Mithil
subcastes of Brhmaas (of the region) and made marriage rules for them.52
It has been said that Harismha's intention was to encourage religious
observancy among the people of his land,53 and also to maintain the purity of
caste and blood by avoiding the forbidden degrees of relationship and
marriage in strict conformity with the stric injunctions.54
The Brhmaas were, thus, divided into three subcastes : (i) rotriyas,
(ii) Yogyas, and (iii) Jaybaras.55 However, in due course of time when
Brhmaas belonging to the lower category in cadre used to marry into an
51
52
53
54
55
Mira, V., Cultural heritage of Mithil, p.294. These 16 ancestors are : (1) Bride's father's
grandfather's grandfather, (2) Bride's father's grandfather's maternal grandfather (3) Bride's
father's grandmother's grandfather (4) Bride's father's grandmother's maternal grandfather (5)
Bride's father's maternal grandfather's grand father. (6) Bride's father's maternal grandfather's
maternal grandfather. (7) Bride's father's maternal grandmother's grandfather (8) Bride's
father's maternal grandmother's maternal grandfather (9) Bride's mother's grandfather's
grand father. (10) Bride's mother's grandfather's maternal grandfather (11) Bride's mother's
grandfather's maternal grandfather (12) Bride's mother's grandmother's maternal grandfather
(13) Bride's mother's maternal grandfather's grandfather (14) Bride's mother's maternal
grandfather's maternal grandfather. (15) Bride's mother's maternal grandmother's grandfather
(16) Bride's mother's maternal grandmother's maternal grandfather.
Besides the girl should not be mtri sapinda and the girl should not be the child of stepmother's brother (Kath-mm)
O'Malley, L.S.S., Indian Castes Customs, p.57
JBORS Vol. III, p.516.
JBRS, Vol. XXXII, p.55. Also, Thkura, U., History of Mithil, p.357ff.
Jh, Parmewara, Mithil Tattva Vimara, p.84.
128
56
Ibid., p.84.
129
establishing marriage relationship with the upper class Mlas. Those who
failed to establish such relationships with the Mlas of an equal status for at
least three generations, came down as ghastha or fallen from the original
track. If a man of lower mla continued to establish marriage relationship with
upper class Mlas, his social status came to be upgraded in due course and
this could be done through the system known as Vyavasth or the price paid
for either coming down or going up, in the inverse ratio, or vice-versa. The
natural result was that the older flexibility of determining social status on the
basis of good works gave way to that on the rigid criterion of birth alone. We
are told that even the founder ruler of Darbhangrj, Mahevara Thkura,
could not be excluded from social discardation. His son Subhnkara Thkura
had to face considerable difficulties in settling his marriage in good family
owing to the not very high social status of his maternal grandfather. He had to
shift his residential and official headquarters to Bhaura near Madhubani.57
The Panji institution led to the growth of two functional classes namely
the Panjikras and the ghatakas58 (Marriage contracts), in due course of time.
These do not form separate castes, but they are a section of the Brhmaa
community. The Pajikra keeps genealogies and issues swastipatra which is
like permit for a marriage. The ghatakas help the parties in negotiating
marriage. The permits for the marriage of the Brhmaas are issued after the
verification of the seven principles fixed by the Panji system, as already stated
in this chapter, through Panjikras.
No marriage can be performed without undergoing the process of
Siddhanta. Brhmaas of Mithil decided to hold annual meetings during the
marriage season where the Panjikras would assemble for performing the
acts of 'Aswajanapatra' (marriage certificate) and 'Siddhanta' (marriage
57
JBRS, Vol. XLVIII, 1962, p.28. Also Mithil Bhrati Ank-4, 1977, p.86.
58
Jyotirivara, Vara Ratnakra, Cal., p.27. "Nradak sahodar aisan ghatak". Also, Grierson,
Bihar Peasant Life, p.373.
130
permit).59 Such places were six, viz. Paratapur, Sajuar, Rosera, Sahasaula,
Banagon Mahii, and Sourath. During the time of Maharaja Chhatra Singh
Bahadur (A.D. 1807-1839), out of six places however, the meeting of Sourath
alone was organised yearly which is still continuing.60 In ancient times when
the brhmaas of Mithil could not go from village to village in search of
brides or bridegrooms for their sons and daughters for fear of being
interrupted in their daily performance of the agnihotra ceremony (i.e. the
ceremony of offerings of oblations to the consecrated fire), they founded a
'Dharmaketra' in the village of Surath in the district of Madhubani (which was
formerly a part of Darbhanga).61
Vidypati too has given importance to genealogical records. Akulina
deserved no sympathy from him. Caste and creed were the determining
social factors of life.62 According to Vidypati, a man born of infamous lineage
was bound to turn out evil minded.63 According to our poet, a country where
the caste rules are not observed is a mlechcha country.64
Hence, it is obvious that the contemporary writers like Jyotirivara,
Vidyapti, Vcaspati etc., thus, were supporters of the idea of Panji
prabandha in some way in Mithil during the period under review. Even during
the reign of Harisimhdeva books on Smtis and nibandhas were written and
compiled for the protection of orthodox social setup in Mithil.65
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
Jh, Paramewara, Mithil Tattva Vimara, p.184. Also, Grierson G.A., Bihar Peasants Life,
p.375. Grierson writes that "once a year, there are great meetings of these Brhmaas at
Saurth, near Madhubani and other places, where Panjirs assemble and write up the
registers. They also arrange after consulting their registers and give certificates to the parents
certifying that the marriage is lawful, and that the parties are not within prohibited degrees of
affinity. These certificates are called Adhikr Mla or Asujan Patra. The settlement of the
conditions of marriage is called Siddhant".
Ibid., p.184.
Singh, S.N., History of Tirhut, Calcutta, 1922, p.199.
Mitra and Majumdar, Vidypati, No.458, "Akulina sayan yadi kaya sadavawa". Also,
Vidypati, Purua Parik, Pat., Tale 6.
Ibid., Pat., Tale 13.
Vidypati, Dnvkyaval, pp.10-11
Jh, Paramewara, Mithil Tattva Vimara, Pat., p.80
131
66
67
68
69
70
Ibid., p.87. Also Ras Behari Dsa, Mithil Darpan, pp.11-16. Also, J.K. Mira's History of
Maithili Literature, Vol. I, pp.38-38.
Jh, Ghanananda, Ghatakraj, p.27, as cited in R.K. Choudhary's Mithil in the Age of
Vidypati, p.115ff.
Jh, Paramewara, Op. cit. p.87ff. Also Ghananand Jh, Ghatakraj, p.39. Also Roy's Maithil
Brhmaa ebam Kara Kyasthaka Panjikaran, p.62ff.
Dsa, Ras Bihari, Mithil Darpan, II, p.15ff.
Verma, Vinod Bihari, Kyasthak Panji Prabandha, p.47ff.
132
71
72
73
133
rotriyas, and (iv) Kastha rotriyas.74 The king applied very democratic
methods. According to Vcaspati Mira, he laid down nine virtues as the
criteria for the kulaji. The brhmaas who possessed all of them were called
kulinas: Those who possessed only eight virtues were called Saddha
rotriyas and those who possessed seven virtues were called Saddhya
rotriyas. All the remaining Brhmaas were in the grade of kastha rotriyas.
The kulajis are, however, unanimous, rather a rare thing, that the rank of
kulina was personal and the distinction was conferred upon only sixteen or
nineteen Mlas.75
Placing all the kulinas in the same grade the king allowed them to
marry the daughters of non-kulinas. It was Lakamaa Singh who deviated
from old practices and then made the system a complex one. Lakamaa
Senas periodical classification is known as samkaraa.76 Abstruse
philosophical ideas were also introduced into the system of kulinism during
the reign of Lakshamna Sena. There was still one saving grace. Kulinism had
not yet become a hereditary rank. Thus, during the period under review the
Panji of Mithil and the kulaji of Bengal clearly show cultural ties between
Mithil and Bengal during the period under review.
R.C. Majumdar opines that the reorganisation of the society in Mithil
was not followed on the pattern of kulinism prevalent in Bengal.77 In Bengal
74
75
76
77
134
there was a dearth of the pure Brhmaas (Sadbrhmaa) and, hence, five
Brhmaas belonging to five gotras were invited from kanyakubja by Ballla
Sena for settling down in Bengal and they were given handsome property by
the king. The offsprings of these Brhmaas who protected the purity of the
blood came to be known as kulina. In Mithil there was no dearth of pure
Brhmaas and class division, too had a different pattern over there.
Risely, following G.N. Datta, believes that The system of kulinism was
borrowed some centuries ago by the Brhmaas of Bengal from Mithil. U.
Thkura observes, As we know that the Bengali kula panjika texts are known
after some avowedly Mithil Smti nibandha authorities on marriage, such as
Hari Mira, Vcaspati Mira, etc.78 The earliest kulaji texts do not go beyond
the later half of the 15th century A.D. where as Maithila texts of the Panjikras
date back to the 14th century A.D. Following, N.N. Basu, Thkura again
claims that the system of keeping genealogical records among the Kyasthas
of Assam could have been borrowed from Mithil. It is not known when
exactly kulinism went to Bengal from Mithil. However, it appears that it went
there when Bengali scholars used to haunt Mithil as students of nyya,
mms and dharmastras. But the most remarkable aspect of kulinism in
Bengal is that it existed there in exactly the same form as envisaged by
Kumrila in his 'Tantra Vrtika. In fact, the mahkulna of Kumrila was not
different either in form, substance, or usage from kula of Bengal which
considerably influenced the social life in Gujarat, Maharashtra, Assam and
Orissa and other parts of India in later days.79
As regards the social significance of the Panji system of Mithil,
Jaykant Mira observes, The Panji prabandha is one of the most important
forces in Maithila life A sympathetic appreciation of the old custom, which
78
79
135
has in the past played an important part in preserving the social order and
encouraged a healthy rivalry for virtuous and noble life, should, however,
prevent us from merely condemning it blindly.80 Ramanth Jh describing
this institution says, It constitutes an important landmark in the history of
Mithil. It was primarily a measure of social reorganisation designed to
conserve the purity of Mithil race and to uphold the distinctive characteristic
of Mithil culture, but it set up such new standards of social values that, in
effect, it revolutionised the entire outlook of the society and set the future
destiny of Mithil ...It has weathered all storms that have blown over Mithil
without its roots being shaken, much less uprooted.81 Thus, from several
accounts, it appears that the institution of Panji was a land mark in the social
history of Mithil. Though the institution today has lost its old form and
importance, it can be credited, with saving the community from disintegration
and could keep it closed and compact.
In the field of education also, it can be said that Panji encouraged
higher education and learning in Mithil. Mithil became one of the important
places of learning in India during the period under review. Students and
scholars came from Navdvipa, Ka, Kamrup, Utkala, Bengal, etc. to study
nyya and darshana with the scholars of Mithil. A number of scholars like
Gokulanth Updhyya, Acala Updhyya, Harihara Updhyya, Vcaspati
Mira, Umpati etc. who belonged to the upper echelons of the Panji became
famous in the realm of education and learning. During the reign of
Harisimhadeva books on Smtis and nibandhas were written and compiled for
the protection of orthodox social set up in Mithil.82
Thus, in the 18th century, Mithil emerges as the acknowledged head,
both secular and religious, to the north of the river Sarju. The rotriya rulers
80
81
82
136
83
84
85
Ibid.
Jh, J.S., Education of Bihar, Pat., p.2.
Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, p.375
137
138
divisions and the system further created classes within class which fostered
jealousy and hatred and virtually each section tried to beat down the others.
The earlier flexibility of kulinism disappeared in course of time and importance
came to be attached to a person born in high mlas. During the period of
Maharaja Madhava Singh (C.1780., A.D.) the rotriya community formed a
separate organisation known as Sotiai sabha. Maharaja became head of this
organisation and made rotriya an endagamous community in the society.
However, such sabha has no control over this community and rotriyas even
make marriage relationship with other groups of the Brhmaas.
Further, it enjoined that marriages must be arranged between members
of the same subclass or else they must face excommunication and humiliation
by the members of their own subclass. This created a barrier between man
and man and violation of the new social rule led to social ostracism.87 The
kulinism also led to excessive orthodoxy.
Panji Prabandha, in course of time, encouraged child marriage,
polygamy and the system of dowry. The institution of kulinism was
responsible to a great extent for the pathetic condition of the women,
particularly the degeneration of the institution of marriage, during the period
under review.88 The condition of women became worse. Daughters could
easily be sold away by their parents for few coins. The matrimonial alliances
turned in course of time into monetary alliances as higher groups demanded
money from the lower groups.89 Thus, it encouraged the system of dowry
which might have affected the economic life of the people of Mithil during the
period under review. A new class named bikau emerged on the scene.90 A
new ferocious monster of 'bikaus' (the vendors who married sometimes as
87
88
89
90
139
many as forty to fifty wives) was born. This emerged in the worst type of
polygamy which gradually became the order of the day. Some of the wealthy
persons who found a lower birth in the Panji structure of Harisimahadeva tried
to improve their position in the eyes of common people by contracting
relationship with Brhmaas of high rank. At that time the rotriyas and
Yogyas commanded great prestige. Even, otherwise influential, zamindars of
the lower order of Brhmaa could not hope for such prestige. But money
showed its power and gradually a way out was found. Now a Brhmaa of low
order could also improve his position by matrimonial relationship with
members of the superior order. The affluent among them began to avail
themselves of this facility for upgradation. Because of the great esteem in
which the Brhmaas of high rank were held they were really very few of
them who could be purchased to degrade themselves by contracting marriage
relationship with low Brhmaas for the sake of money. The result was that
the demand of this small section rose very high. The society gave such an
undue prominence to these Brhmaas that they made marriage a
profession. They came to be known as bikaus, that is, purchasabIe. But they
differed from the purchasable commodity in one respect. Even after receiving
their prices in full they were never under the disposal of the purchaser. They
sold themselves only for the marriage.91 The people of this class started
marrying for the sake of money and prestige which led to the worst kind of
polygamy in coming years. Though inadvertently, the Panji prabandha
contributed to the degradation of the social status of women in Mithil during
the period under review.
Hetukar Jh argues that Panji Prabandha had its genesis in the then
social structure where the notion of the purity of birth was based on the purity
of caste. Introduction of the institution of Panji led to the degeneration of the
Maithila culture whose primary characteristics had been learning and
91
K.P. Jayaswal Commemoration Volume, Pat. 1981, p.533ff, an article of J.S. Jh.
140
character in the fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries. This also led to the
vertical hierarchization of four classes of Brhmaas (rotiyas, yogyas,
panjibadhhas, jaibrs). While quoting Ramnath Jh, he maintained that the
panji system became the fundamental basis of the identity of the Maithilas.
The Brhmaas and the Kyasthas got a place in the Maithila identity
whereas rest of the classes were deprived of the same. Besides, the social
stratifications within the Brhmaas and the Kyasthas had vacant the feeling
of collective community which acted as blow to Mithil's cultural and
intellectual asset. It had serious ramifications on the inter-personal and intergroup interactions which came to be based upon the considerations of the
purity of caste.92
SOCIAL ORGANISATION OF THE HINDUS
The social aspect of the Hindus of medieval Mithil can be studied
through the institutions of castes and sub-castes. The system engendered
pride among the higher castes and induced a spirit of inferiority and servility
among the lower caste. This aspect is present in almost all the writings of the
period. As numerous castes and subcastes existed during the period, the
Nibandhakras of Mithil tried to fit in these numerous castes within the
framework of the traditional four varas. Vidypati, relying on the Viupura
points out that a country is a mlecha country where caste rules are not
observed.93 Therefore, one should follow the path of the VeDsa as that was
the only way of righteousness.94
The Smti works of Caevara, Vidypati and Vcaspati speak about
the four-fold social structure based on Varnramadharma besides an
92
93
94
Jh, Hetukar, "Chaudahavin-Pandrahavin Sad Aura Uske Bda Mithilk Smjika Sthit: Ek
Samjastriya Avalokana" (Adhyakshiya Bhsana). Dwitiya Dwivarika Rtriya
Sammelana, Mithil Itihsa Sansthana, Darbhang, 2-3 April, 2011, pp.11-12.
Dnavkyvaliof Vidypati, (ed. Feni arm), Banaras, 1940, pp.10-11.
Prijtaharaa, (ed. George Grierson), p.30.
141
indefinite number of despised castes. Digest writers of Mithil did not subvert
the supremacy of the Brhmaas. As in ancient times we are told of their
unimpeachable conduct and integrity of character. Caevara presents to us
the same strenuous and honest life led by a Brhmaa as in the days of
Daka who observed from sunrise to sunset, the Brhmaa should not
remain idle for an instant, and he should devote himself to his compulsory,
occasional and optional duties, as well as other blameless occupations.
Caevara upholds before us the noble qualities of a Brhmaa. He was to
repeat everyday either the Veda or the Puruaskta hymn or the Puras
according to his academic attainments.95 He had to take meticulous care for
his metier. He was not to serve others, not to follow vile profession and
neither to become a physician nor a usurer nor sell medicine.96 In normal
times, he was not to sell mustards, curds, salt, lac, wine, meat, cows, horses,
elephants, oxen, perfumery, black antelope skin, linen, blue clothes and not to
deal in men and women.97 In extraordinary times he was permitted to become
a cultivator or trader on certain conditions. If he became an agriculturist he
was to give 1/6th of the produce to the king, 1/20th to the gods and was
allowed to retain 1/30th of the produce for himself.98 pastamba, Vasiha and
Yjvalkya had earlier forbidden Brhmaas to transact in men, liquids,
colours, perfumes, food, skins, red and black pepper, corn, sesamum or rice,
curds, milk, clarified butter, wax, honey, lac, blankets, silken cloth, indigo, salt,
oilcake, medicines99 etc. Failing to live by the permissible professions during
emergency, a Brhmaa could beg or take up arms in self-defence.100 In view
of such an ideal conduct, it is not surprising if legists continued to prescribe
95
96
97
98
99
100
Ghastha-ratnkara, ed. Mm. Kamalakra Smrtitrtha (B. I., 1928), pp. 248-249.
Ibid., pp.451-452
Ghastha-ratnkara, ed. Mm. Kamalakra Smrtitrtha (B. I., 1928), p. 439.
Ibid., pp.430-431.
Ibid., pp.435-437.
Ibid., quoting Gautama, p.450.
142
Vivdacintmai, translated into English by G.N. Jh) pp.147, 152, 158; Daaviveka ed. by
Kamalakrsna Smrtitirtha), intro. Pp.x-xi.
102
Puruapark (ed. Ramantha Jh, Darbhanga Series No. 1960), III. 16, Maith. Trans.,
p.262.
Mira, J.K., History of Maithili Literature, vol. I., pp. 27-31.
103
104
Ghastha-ratnkara, pp.469-470.
143
Kacchawha,
Cauhn,
Candella,
Gulahauta
(Guhilot),
Pmr
(paramra), those descended from Raghu, Sun and Moon. The another clan,
Gndhavariyas held sway over the greater part of Mithil in the middle ages
and their descendants are still living in the district of Darbhanga, Saharsa and
Purnea.106
The Vaiyas held the third place in social set up. Their occupation was
mainly trade and commerce and also money-lending and agriculture. If the
number of wives possessed by a person be any indication of social status, the
position of the Vaiyas may have improved a little between the days of
Caevara and Vcaspati Mira. Vcaspati tells us that the Vara Ratnkara
(of Caevara) on the basis of the Vedsa declared that a Vaiya was not to
have more than one wife. But Vcaspati himself quoting a text of the
Mahbhrata is inclined to permit a Vaiya to have a second wife, though she
must belong to Sdra caste.107
Digests of Mithil repeat various forms of disabilities from which Sdras
suffered from ancient times. Authors of these texts quote a large number of
older works to prove that the Sdras are born for servile work. Punishment is
recommended for those Sdras who adopt the livelihood of Katriyas and
Brhmaas. But they are allowed to trade in articles like salt, honey, curd,
liquor and clarified butter in normal times.108 Commenting on a verse of
105
106
Varratnkara, (B.I. ed. S.K. Chatterji and B. Misra), p.61. Jotirvara, of course, wrongly
states that Chola, Sena, Pla, Ydava, Nanda, Pupabhti, Puiriyn, Vardhan and people
of Khurasna (=Khorasan?) were Rjputs.
Cf. Chaudhary, R.K., op. cit., p.132.
107
Vivdacintmai, p.243.
108
Ghastharatnkara, p.479.
144
Vysa, Caevara states that a dra does not incur blame by selling liquor
and meat.109
A comparative study of digests current in Turko-Afghn times shows
that the lot of a dra of north Bihar was better than their counterparts in other
parts of north India. No doubt, Caevara and Vcaspati repeat that he has
no right to listen to or recite the Vedsa.110 The authors of the Ktya-kalpataruBrahmacrika and the Bihaddharma Pura not only forbid the dras to
study the VeDsa but also deny privilege of studying the Puras and other
sacred texts.111 But the Maithila nibandhakras were a little more liberal and
none of them hold that the dras should be debarred from studying the
Puras or sacred texts other than the VeDsa. Parara-Mdhavya
prescribes that in no circumstances should a Brhmaa eat the food offered
by dra.112 He also did not like that Brhmaas should live in the house or sit
in the same cart which has been occupied by a dra. But Caevara is
broad-minded and practical enough to allow Brhmaas to accept uncooked
food in normal times and cooked food in abnormal times offered by cowherds,
peasants potters, barbers and dras in general.113 Commenting on the
verses of Yama, he further observes that the prohibitory rule applied to asat
or condemned dras alone. In other words, he does hesitate to allow a
Brhmaa to partake of food given by a dra in order to gain cows, lands
and so forth.114
Caevara distinguishes between good and condemned dras. Their
distinctiveness lies in the articles they sold. Good dras are forbidden to
109
Ibid., p.480.
110
Vivdacintmai, p.243.
111
112
113
114
Ghastharatnkara, p.337.
Ibid., pp.334, 336.
145
trade in lac, meat, honey and madder.115 But we are not told which categories
of persons belonged to either of the sections. Whether Kyasths belonged to
the class of good dras is unknown to us. This much is certain that because
of their misuse of administrative posts for personal gain, Caevara looks
upon Kyasths as a vicious element in the State.116 Vidypti also tells us that
they are usually government servants, who practise cruelty to animals, gather
wealth in an unscrupulous manner and covet wives of others. When there
was a departure from such a normal conduct he praises that Kyastha. We
cannot say on the basis of relevant materials as to how far the charges
against them are true. But the Mtangkuumnjali of Ghannanda Ds
composed in aka 1682/1760 A.D. eulogises his ancestors who belonged to
the Karaa Kyastha family of Ambah.117 They were famous for their
learning and grant of charities. His sixth ancestor Mukunda was well versed in
Political Science. His son Jagada was not only a repository of good qualities
but also well versed in the philosophy of Ka.
Digests-makers of Mithil do not acquaint us with the distinction
between mixed and despised castes. Jyotirvara mentions a large number of
people belonging to the manda jt or low castes.118 It is surprising to find that
teli (oil pressers), tti (weavers) and gora (cowherds) have been mentioned
along with dhnuk agricultural labourers) camra (cobblers), ui (dealers in
wine) and hdi. In the forests lived many mlecchas or mixed castes like Koca,
Kirta, Kolha (=Kol ?), Bhil, asa (= Khasa), Pulinda, avara, Chairanga,
Goha, Voa, Nea, Pahali, Podha, Donavra, Sgara, Vntara etc. Along
with the aboriginal tribes like Gonds, avaras, Kirtas, and Bhillas, mlecchas
115
116
117
118
146
like Patagoa, Vavvora, Pukkasa, Pacri, Meda, Mangar, etc. inhabited the
hilly regions.119
The society based on the Vararama ideal as depicted in the
contemporary writings was neither peaceful nor happy as we know that
Mithil was surrounded on all sides, by the enemies, internal and external.
The social relationship was determined by economic tenets and while there
were all the evils of luxurious courts, the outcry of the shocking poverty was
not absent. The criminal classes, referred to by the Vararatnkara, speak in
the tone of the lower cultural ladder. The depressed and backward classes
had possibly no say in the social matter and an evidence in support of this is
furnished by the Likhnvali. Since the Brhmaas occupied a prominent place
in the society, they were patronised by the ruling authority. They also
influenced the king and the royal policy as well. The social picture can be
further gleaned through the pages of the Dhrtasamgamanaka and
Pachasyaka of Jyotirivara. The dras and the untouchables were the
worst affected. Those, who caused injury to others, were declared 'bhtyas' by
the king.120 The contemporary evidences reveal to us that highest duty of a
dra was to serve the Brhmaas as it ensured for him supreme bliss;
whereas service to the Katriyas and Vaiyas ensured his occupation.121
Caevara has prohibited the sale of five specified classes of commodities
by the dras in normal times.122 The dras do not become an outcaste
even by selling meat. Some times laxity of rules is also discernible. According
to Caevara, the food of a good dra may be taken for the purposes of
gaining cows, lands etc.123 Provisions for emergency have also been made.124
119
120
121
122
123
124
147
Even the laws were not favourable to the dras.125 Even if a Brhmaa
reduced a dra to slavery, the former was exempt from punishment.
Vcaspati holds that it is meant simply to deprecate the condition of a
dra.126
The Karaa-Kyasthas in Mithil also played a prominent part in the
then social polity. Like the Brhmaas, they were also influenced by the social
reorganisation introduced by Harisiahadeva. The main function of the
Kyasthas was to write and prepare documents of the state under the direct
supervision of the ruler. The Smtis of Yjavalkya, Uanas and Vedavysa
refer to Kyastha as a caste. During our period, the Kyasthas in Mithil
came to be recognised as a caste and there is a lot of reference about them
in the contemporary literature. In Mithil, the Karaa Kyasthas dominated the
scene. Karaa, as a caste, finds mention in the Smtis. According to the
Prabandhacintmai, the prime minister of Lakmaasena, Umpati, was a
Karaa Kyastha. Karaa Kyasthas, believed to have accompanied their
Karta masters from the south, dominated the scene in the courts of the
Senas of Bengal127 and the Karas of Mithil. Both Baudsa and his son,
rdharadsa, the famous author of Saduktikarmta, were associated with
the Sena Court of Bengal. Vidypati, in his Purua Park, has given a
detailed account of the Kyasthas of Mithil. A Kyastha belonged to a scribe
caste. Kyastha, as a caste, also did the teaching work.128 Kyasthas,
generally, did not enjoy very good reputation and in this connection, Vidypati
gives an example of Sakra, said to be the minister of a Nanda king of
Kusumpura.129 Certain good qualities of a Kyastha have also been brought
125
Vivdaratnkara-146. For sale and purchase of the dras-Cf. Likhanval-No. 60, 55.
126
127
128
129
148
149
134
135
136
nd
Askari, S.H., Islam and Muslims in Medieval Bihar, KPJRS, Patna, 2 edn., 1998, p.111.
Ibid.
Buchanan, Francis, An Account of Purnea district in 1809-10, BORS, Patna, 1928, pp.19697.
150
ii.
The Dhuniyas who cleaned cotton wool and rendered it fit for being
spun or sown into quilts;
iii.
Tailors or Darzs, who were often excluded from the communion of the
'faithful';
iv.
Washerman or Dhobs;
v.
Barbers;
137
138
139
140
141
151
vi.
Shoemakers or mochs;
vii.
viii.
ix.
x.
Dyers or Rungrez;
xi.
xii.
xiii.
Majzub, Diwn and Qalandars. The first two were religious recluses and the
Qalandars were described as those who had their heads, eyebrows, and
beards clean-shaven and were quite oblivious of the obligatory duties of
Islm. There were also Muwallahs (distracted with love) with strange practices
of the own, not abstaining even from forbidden drinks. Unfortunately the
information about them, especially about an institution as important and
common among the Muslims as slavery and about the large mass of ordinary
classes, including the converts, is very scanty in the religious literature of our
period.
We come across people like chkras, nafars, khadims (servants,
attendants), jria and kanz (slave girls and female servants), nalain doz
(shoe-makers), and prah doz (patchers, tailors). There is an interesting
reference in Bahr-ul-Maani to Muslims being employed as servants by the
Hindus.142
142
152
SLAVERY
The period under review witnesses the existence of slavery in Mithil. It
was an established institution. Our digest writers refer to four classes of
slaves, viz. one born in the household, one purchased, one acquired and
one inherited, who are to be released by the master's favour. Upendra
Thkura has pointed out that the slaves were a product of the feudal order,
had nothing of their own and were completely at the mercy of their owners
who could dispose them as they pleased to, like so many commodities.143 The
surfs and slaves in Mithil were known as Bahiys. We learn the Krttilat that
slavery was an important feature. It has been held that in a slave-holding
society the ruling classes get used to highly undemocratic ways of life and it is
prejudicial to the social well-being of the society.144 The Likhnval of
Vidypati enhances our knowledge of slaves. Letter Nos. 55 and 84 of the
Likhnval,145 slaves, dated 299L.S./1418 A.D., indicate the prices of slaves.
Letter No. 55 describes about a dark-complexioned Kaivartta slave, aged 44,
who was sold at rupees six. His fair-complexional wife, aged 30, faircomplexed son, aged 16, and dark-complexioned daughter aged 4, were sold
at rupees four, three and one respectively. A slave had to do ignoble types of
jobs. Letter no. 55 informs us that a slave could be engaged in ploughing the
fields, carrying palanquins, drawing water or removing food-leavings. Some of
these low kinds of work (aubha karma) are also mentioned by Vcaspati. A
slave, if fortune smiled upon him, could expect manumission. Letter no. 67
tells us of a fortunate slave who was freed in token of his faithful services.
The practice of slavery was also widely current among the Muslims in
Mithil.146 The only marked difference was that while in the preceding ages
143
144
145
146
153
the Calas and the downtrodden dras were the victims of slavery in the
period under review even the Dhnuks civilized dras who were invariably
employed as domestic servants) came to be ranked with them by the lawgivers of the land.147 As we know from the contemporary social relationship
existing between different classes of people, the slave had no social standing
whatsoever. These slaves were responsible for the filling of the land, sowing
the seeds and reaping the harvest for their masters. Thus, it is clear that the
institution of slavery was one of vital importance in the economic set-up of the
age when the slaves produced and other enjoyed the all round comforts of
life.
POVERTY
Evils of poverty in Mithil society has been rightly portrayed by
Vidypati. He says that poverty was one of the main causes of economic
troubles and social immorality. According to Vidypati, 'politics and economics
were closely interlinked and both influenced each other in the then situation.
Political conditions had repercussions on the socio-economic life'.148
Vidypatis writings owed their origin to the social needs of the people
of Mithil. The depiction of the life of a Mahdeva is nothing but a fine
representation of the life of a poor common householder of Mithil.149 The
condition of a common man of Mithil as described by Vidypati in the 15th
century, holds good even today.150 A poor man lied in broken thatched
147
Ibid.
148
149
154
houses, mostly in delapidated condition, and there was hardly any certainty
about his two meals. The neighbours were so crude as not to lend even a
pie.151
The economic divisions in the society were attributed to fate.152 It need
hardly be emphasised that Vidypati was pained to see the glaring social
inequalities and his pathetic lines show the extent of misery that a common
man had to experience while the rich persons were rolling in wealth. There
was no end to peoples misery.153 The poor people were subjected to all kinds
of extortion and exploitation. At times they were even deprived of their
vocations or means of maintenance.
In a poverty-stricken society, an ordinary human being was nothing
more than a fallen154 creature and if he, at all, wanted to rise above this state
of affairs, he should turn his attention towards god. It was through the idea of
Dharma that a general contentment was seen prevailing among the people
whose initiative was not allowed to take shape and the poor people were
advised to stand by their Dharma or duty.155 The king was the upholder of the
151
152
153
154
155
155
157
158
159
Nerukar's edition of Purua park 115 Plotting against king was considered a sin. pp.910.
Ibid. 112 For sentiments of Vidypati on non-Violence.
Cf. JBRS-XXXIII, 62-63.
Koktik dhoti patuw sg| Tirhuti geet barai anurg||
Sundar amaot fok makhn| khirsa ker laduvi pakwn||
Devi upsan sabh keo jn| pabani sarho chauthi chbn||
Kadali thamhak bhojan pt| kriya karma mein ujjwal ht||
Bhv bharal par taruni rup| aetebe tirhut hoichh anp||
The Laws of Manu, Ch. V, Secs. 147-149 and Ch. IX, p. 329 as quoted in the Sacred Books
of the East (ed. F. Maxmuller), Vol. XXV, Oxford, 1886, p.19. Also Pandit Rameswar
'Manusmtah, Bombay, 1922, p.242.
Pith rakati kaumre bhart rakshati yauvane,
156
(ii)
(iii)
160
161
162
163
164
165
157
(iv)
(v)
Except wife..., other women, like flowers or betel, are but source of
pleasure for a moment,168 and
(vi)
In their happy delights doth a woman count upon the kindness of her
husband.169
From the description of Vidypati given above, it seems that the
function and position of a woman were subordinate. In the long run they came
to be known as servants of the male and dependent upon him at every stage
of life. Women's life was a state of perpetual wardship and social laws and
customs stamped them with a sort of mental deficiency.170 Radhas
characteristic confession of her own sex is a clear indication of the social
status of women.171
Social inequalities, like the purdah system, the child marriage, the
system of dowry, divorce, widowhood, and prostitution have brought the
womenfolk to brink of degradation in such a way that they did not even wish
to be born a woman. Such feelings can be gleaned through the folk songs.172
A female child, after her birth generally received a cold welcome not only from
the male members of her family but also from her parents, including the
childs mother who deemed it a great honour and derived considerable
satisfaction if she gave birth to a son.173
166
167
168
169
170
171
172
173
158
As regards the Purdah system many factors were responsible for its
growth in the Hindu social life of Mithil. The Hindu women in Mithil,
specially belonging to the upper and well-to-do section, observed purdah
strictly. They took to purdah as the insignia of respectability. The Hindu
women therefore put a ghunghat (a less elaborate form of purdah) to veil
their faces whenever they saw strangers. Vidypati has referred to the custom
of ghunghat174 or veil. However, Lakhim Dev, the chief queen of Shiva
simha, and Viswasa Devi, seem to have been exceptions to the rule as they
did not practice the system of veil. Like their Muslim sisters they went out of
their houses on special occasions in covered and well guarded palanquins or
litters which were known as 'plak' or 'Dols'.175 Thus, it appears that a less
elaborate form of purdah commonly known, as ghunghat was very popular
among the Hindu women of Mithil in the period under review.176
On the other hand, the women of the middle and the lower strata of the
Hindu society were free, the latter being the freer, from the bondage of this
custom. The vast mass of the peasant women did not wear any shroud or veil
of a specific kind as they did not confine themselves to their houses.177
The Muslim women also observed purdah more strictly than their Hindu
sisters. Laws of Islam command the Muslim women to move only with the
veils on.178 Referring to the rigidity of the purdah system among the Muslims
174
175
176
177
178
mentions that if a Hindu woman gave brith to daughters in succession, she was liable to do
some penance (Ain III (J & S) p.242.
Mitra and Majumdar, Vidypati, No. 875, "Shirlel ghunghat sari". Also Rakesh Ram Ekbal, op.
cit., p.136.
References to these kinds of palanquins are available in the contemporary literature, e.g. :
th
Kabir; by Hazari Prasad Dwivedi, Bombay, 5 Edn., Pad-218, p.349. Also Ram Ekbal's
Maithili Lok Geet. P.103, "Sajat doli Chandola Plki".
Refer to Jh, Subhadra, Songs of Vidypati, p.14 : O fair woman! Cover your face with the
skirts of your cloth; the king hears about the theft of the moon". Also, refer to Ram Ekbal's
Maithili Lok Geet pp. 50-52 Here a wife does not recognize her husband because of veil.
"Putahu ohe chathi hamro betuwa ahanke Purukha Chathi he."
Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, p.155.
Hughes, T.P., Dictionary of Islam, 1885, p.678.
159
Manucci says It is true that the Mohamedon women do not allow their faces
to be seen by anyone, it being contrary to their law to allow themselves to be
seen with an uncovered face.179 Thus, the system of purdah was strictly
observed among the Muslim women and no decent women came out in public
unless clothed in a Burqa (veil).180
Mention may here be made of the institution of marriage vis--vis
women among both the Hindus and the Muslims in Mithil during the period
under review. Throughout the pages for which literary tradition is available in
India, and for that matter in Mithil, marriage has been highly spoken of.
Among-the Hindus of Mithil, Vivh is generally considered as obligatory for
every person because in the first place the birth of the son is said to enable
one to obtain Moka.
Early marriage had become almost a universal feature in contemporary
Indian social life. Medieval Mithil was not an exception to it. The description
of Vidypati and other contemporary works inform us about the child marriage
during the period under review. The Smti writers brought down the
marriageable age during the medieval Mithil and divided the marriageable
girls into five classes according to their ages:
(i)
Nagnika or Naked.
(ii)
(iii)
(iv)
(v)
Vidypati and other folk songs. Manucci, speaking about the early marriages
179
180
181
Storia, I, p.62.
OJh, P.N., Glimpses of Social Life in Moghal India, p.63.
Pande, H.B., Hindu Sasakras, pp.331-336.
160
prevalent among the Hindus, observes thus: "Often their daughters married
even before they have learnt to talk".182
The more orthodox section, namely the Brhmaas, of Mithil would
have justified the practice of early marriage by regulation regarding this
important question runs thus, "A man aged thirty years shall marry a maiden
of twelve who pleases him, or a man of twenty four a girl of eight of age; if
(the performance of) his duties (otherwise) be impeded, (he must marry)
sooner".183
The codes of Manu might have encouraged among the Hindus of
Mithil the practice of the old men marrying young girls. In Mithil during the
period under review, child marriage or unequal thing was a normal thing. The
problems of 'Bl Vivh as well as the Anmel Vivh have been so acute in
Mithil that several folk songs have been composed on this line which are
sung on many occasions. Vidypati informs us that because Anmel Vivh
the position of women was pitiable in society during the period under
review.184
Various references to early marriages or unequal marriage in the
contemporary literature are available with us. For example, Vidypati gives
reference to such an unequal marriage in a folk song. In this song a married
young lady whose husband is simply a kid and her junior in age, is lodging a
182
Storia, III, p.54. Also p. 59 where he mentions that the normal age for the marriage of the
daughter of the Brhmaas was four or five years and in some case, a marriage could be
postponed upto ten years of age but not beyond that.
183
Manu, IX, 94, p.344.
184
Rakesh Ram Ekbal, Op. cit., p.157 (Vidypati)
"Hamnahi ja rahab yehi angin
Jaun bdha hoyat jamya".
Again p.173
"Kehi khojala vara kehi dhundhal vara
Kehi budha layala balaya ge mayee.
Kakra maru kakara gariyau".
161
complaint with her father that you keep a milking cow and give milk to your
son-in-law (her husband) so that he will soon become young.185
Polygamy was almost an order of the day especially for the upper
classes of the society in Mithil. Ramanth Jh, in his introduction to the
Purua Park, informs us that the poet Vidypati had two wives and
ivasimha the patron of Vidypati also had six wives.186 Keshav Dsa187 and
Bihari Lal188 also refer to the prevalence of this practice among the rich and
the well to do sections of the society.
Because of Panji Prabandha social stratification of Mithil in the period
concerned was encouraged which helped in spreading the polygamy at a
large scale. The kings, ministers and Zamindars married a large number of
wives of all ages and to some extent maintained some kind of a harem.189 The
185
st
Refer to Vidypati ki Padavali, ed. Mathur, B.K., Delhi, 1 Edn. 1952, Pad. 258, Bal Vivh,
p.460; here we find a married girl talking to her handmaid thus : "O Sakhi! My life is good for
nothing, and I am completely mature and young while my husband is, now an ignorant infant.
May be it is due to some bad deeds committed in my previous birth. My other handmaids
used to please and attract their husbands by wearing beautiful clothes from south (Dakshin
Desha), but what use the good dress and toilets have for me. I felt red hot even when I had a
momentary look at my infant husband. O handmaid my husband is so innocent looking that
when I visit the market carrying in my lap, men come to me and ask, "O beautiful woman, is
this child yours? O handmaid, I, on my part, said "the ignorant is neither my husband's
younger brother, nor is he my younger brother. Due to some sins committed in previous birth,
this child happens to be my husband. The poem runs thus :
Piy mor blak ham tarui|
kaun tap chukalahun bhelahun janan||
Pahinlel sakhi ek dakinik chr|
piya ke dekhait more dagadh sarir||
189
Jh, Ramnath, Introduction to Purua Park, p. Also Jh, P., Op. cit., p.95.
Kavi Priya", Prayag, 1954, Doha 20, p.125.
Bihari Ratnkara, Banaras, 1951, Doha 40, p.23. Also Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, p.258
(when one has two wives, the wives are mutually known as 'South' or 'Soutin').
Mithil Bhrati, Ank 1, 1969, p. 19 ff.
162
kulin brhmaas (bikaua) also used to marry a large number of wives. This
also helped form the bikaua institution in medieval Mithil.190
A bikaua was one who came from the upper stratum of the Brhmaa
hierarchy and got married due to consideration of wealth in families which
were placed lower down him on the same hierarchy. Social recognition was
also one of the main reasons for the origin of this system.191 It has been said
that while KuIinism in Bengal is attributed to Ballla Sena, Polygamy in
Mithil, popularly called bikaua system, was a malignant off shoot of the
Panji-Prabandha. Referring to the practice prevailing in MithiI Buchanan
made in his report on Purnea district, that a man of high rank is often hired
when footless or even maribund, to marry a low child, who is afterwards left a
widow, incapabIe of marriage for the sake of raising her fathers family.192 It is
said that in the bikaua system the wives lived even with their parents and
such wives were called kanyadani. The husband used to visit the places of
his wives in rotation.193
The occasion of a marriage ceremony was a great event in the family.
Jyotirivara has enumerated a number of ceremonies connected with the
marriage system of Mithil.194 A Vivha mandapa (wedding pavillion was
made for the purpose.195 Kohabara (nuptial room) had acquired sanctity in
the social life of Mithil. Vidypati196 has also referred to the existence of
kohabara in his writings. All religious ceremonies relating to the marriage
190
191
192
193
194
195
196
163
were performed in the kohabara and for four days complete abstinence was
expected from the newly married couple. Vidypati has also referred to the
custom of spreading lv (fried rice) and to use of sindura (red vermillion) on
this occasion.197 A vedi (sacrificial post) within the mandapa was also
constructed around which was spread a handful of lv.198 According to
Jyotirivara, sas, sankh and son were necessary for the sindurdna
ceremony. (i.e. wedding ceremony).199 New earthen pots with religious and
social sanctity attached to them known as purahari or ptila were also
considered as it is today necessary for the purpose. Dpa (earthen lamp) was
considered to be a sign of happy future conjugal life. The whole thing was
beautified by a set of varied folk drawings and paintings popularly known as
aipana which was and is yet regarded as sacred for all auspicious occasions
in Mithil.200
The complete formality of marriage has been nicely depicted in the
contemporary literature especially in the poetry of Vidypati. The auspicious
day begins with the sohga song and as soon as the bridegrooms party
known as barti arrives the parichhana ceremony takes place.201 There has
been hardly any change in all these customs in the villages of Mithil so far.
The participating ladies carry a kalaa pallava and thl full of other items
including dpa and receive the bride groom with auspicious incantations. After
the formalities both the bridegroom and bride are taken to the vedi and then
the gethbadhana takes place. The marriage dpa is kept burning all through
197
Mitra and Majumdar, Vidypati, No.231, "Lava bikharal belik phool, kesar kusum karu
sindurdan". Also Grierson, Op. cit., p.369.
198
Ibid., No. 903, "Bedi dela lava chhiriyayal." Also Vara Ratnkara, pp.64-64. Cf. Ram Ekbal,
Op. cit., p131. "Marwa" p.139 "Vedi"!
199
200
201
164
for four days in the kohabara.202 The chaturthi i.e. fourth day of the wedding
ceremony is celebrated with due pomp and elate and sindurdna is again
made on that day in the real sense. Kanydna is said to have reached its
fruition on that particular day when the couple supposedly breaks the period
of abstinence. The marriage ceremony ends with dwirgamana ceremony,
which used to take place after a lapse of some time convenient to both the
parties (i.e. departure of bride).203 A particular type of folk song namely
Samdouna was sung by the women of Mithil at the time of departure of a
bride (dwiragamana). These folk songs describe the pathetic condition of a
bride and her parent because of separation.
The marriage ceremony of the Muslims was also accompanied by
numerous rites. Among the Muslims of Bihar there were two kinds of marriage
ceremonies, i.e. sharai and urfi or religious and commercial. The more strict
and educated members of the community followed the former and the
common people the latter.204 When the time of marriage approached the
parties either orally or in writing fixed a date for it. After the interchange of the
letters, the bridegroom sat in manJh, and after performing several customs
the ceremony of the 'nikh or the religious marriage was performed. Thus, as
among the Hindus, marriage was both a social and religious customs and
formed an important event in the lives of men and women.205 It was
202
203
204
205
Refer to Songs of Vidypati, p.34. It refers to the marriage Vedi, pigrahaa, kalash,
purahar, aipan. Cf. Rakesh Ram Ekbal. Op. cit. p.151.
Bihar Peasant Life, Grierson, p.357 ff. Grierson has brought to life the following terms
connected with wedding ceremony in Mithil, i.e. Chumaon, marba (a bambooshed in the
court yard), kohabara, achchhat, gethabandhan, sindurdan, labachhitai, chaturthi, etc. Also
refer to Ram Ekbal's Maithili Lok Geet, p.197. "Subhaga Pavitra bhum, Mithil Nagari hamro
ke kahan nene jayeech re rahanya.
Ibid., p.374
Greirson, Bihar Peasant Life, p.375 ff. Here he has brought to light with the help of Qazi Syed
Raza Hussain of Patna City, the following terms connected with the wedding ceremony of
Muslim : Nisbat (arranging the preliminaries), Mangani (betrothal) Wada Ka rukka (the letter
of promise), Mayun or ManJh (the going into retirement of the bride and the bride groom),
sayabandi (the erection of canopy), Pir ka Naija or balai miyan (the songs of balamiyan),
bariyat (the marriage procession), Nikah (a religious marriage), Chauthi (or the ceremony of
the fourth day).
165
206
207
208
209
210
166
privileges enjoyed by the women and were required to pass their life in
austerity attended with fasting, vigil and numerous other restrictions. Widow
marriage was, however, prescribed among certain lower castes. Such second
marriage of a Hindu widow was called sagai, sambandh or 'samadh.211
Thus, widow-marriage, though prevalent among the lower order, was strictly
prohibited among the higher castes.
The practice of sati was not unknown in Mithil.212 Ramanth Jh in his
'introduction to the Purua Park of Vidypati' has written that after the long
period of mourning Lakhima burnt herself with the kua (straw grass) body of
her husband.213 Vidypati also refers to the prevalence of the Sati system
which has been looked down upon. The Brhmaa priest played a prominent
part in sati sacrifices. The queen of Raja Puruottama Thkura of the
Khadavla dynasty is said to have practiced sati on the death of her
husband; Rghava-Priya, the wife of Raja-Raghava Simha also burnt herself
to death on the funeral pyre of her husband. There is yet a sati temple
(Matha) extant on the place of her funeral to the south of Bhaurgarhi (the
fortress of Bhaura). There are no images of gods in the temple except two
small clay-mounds. But it seems that the Practice of sati was confined only
to the Brhmaas and the Katriyas and was not as widely current in Mithil
as in Bengal and else where.
Mention here also may be made of another dreadful social custom
known as jauhar. This custom usually occurred in course of war. Mithil
during the period under review had to face few Muslim invasions, of course,
not like the other parts of the country, Thus, the practice of observing jauhar
211
212
213
Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, p. 358. "Beva ranr vidhawa". Also, Careri, Travels, pp.256-57,
gives a list of certain low castes among the Hindus permitting remarriage.
U. Thkura, History of Mithil, p.366. Bhairav Singh's two wives became sati on the bank of
the river Bagmati, Lakhima is also said to have become sati. Cf. Diwakar, R.R., Bihar
Through the Ages, p.27. JBRS. Vol. XLVIII, 1962. Parts 1-4, pp.70-71; Also U. Thkura's
History of Sucide in India. Chap. IV. For details.
Jh, Ramanth, Introduction to Purua Park, p.31.
167
might have been much less frequent here than elsewhere. Vidypati in his
Purua Park has referred to this system as a symbolisation of the dignity of
womanhood. Thus, jauhar does not seem to have been unknown to the
people of Mithil.214
The question of sex has confounded man and has engaged his
attention and concern perhaps since Adam and Eve. It presented the problem
of discipline and organisation to promote social harmony, Hence the
institution of marriage. However, marriage could not completely meet the
sexual needs and demands of all. So there arose a class of women to cater to
the needs of satisfaction which in due course emerged as public women in
society. Thus the prostitute has been a universal being throughout the
civilization.
Prostitution was almost a recognised institution in medieval India. From
the contemporary sources it appears that prostitution was prevalent in Mithil
also. Vidypatis description of the harlots, as the highest treasures of
passion, point to the existence of this system in the society. It should be noted
here that Vidypati mentioned three types of women in Purua Park viz, (i)
ones own, (ii) women belonging to others, and (iii) women that are common
property. The last one is a harlot and her main desire is to acquire many by
any means. She does not show any hatred to a rich man, even if he is
worthless, but she shows no affection even to a worthy poor man.215
Jyotirivara has also given a detailed description of the prostitutes and the
light women. He considers Vasant Sena to be the best among the
prostitutes. It may be noted here that from an account of the gambling house
he passes to an account of a Vey and then gives the description of an old
214
Vidypati, Purua Park, Maithili Akadami, Pat., pp.18-19. "Tato bayamapi birastri
yanochitam hutasnpraveshmacharikshayam." For details see Thkura, History of Suicide in
India, Chap. IV.
215
168
216
217
218
219
220
Ibid., p.27.
Jyotirivara's Dhurtasamgama ntaka, Allahabad, 1960. Also R.K. Choudhary's Mithil in
the age of Vidypati, p.158.
Vidypati's Kirttilata, ed. V.S. Agrawal, Jhnsi, Doha 113-118 pp. 78-79. Also refer to
Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, p.359, (rakhelin, randi, etc.).
Vidypati, Kirttilata, Jhnsi, 1962, Doha 138, p. 85 : "Sakhijan Prerante".
Ibid., Doha 132-33, pp.82-83 where Vidypati refers to the public women thus : Lajja krittim
kapat taruna, Dhannimitte dhae prem, Lobhe bina saubhage Kaman, Bina swami sindur para
parichaya apman".
169
222
Vidypati Sanskrit Granthavali, Prathama Bhaga, p.83. Also Vibhgasr of Vidypati, Maithili
Akadami, Patna.
Rakesh, Ram Ekbal Singh, Maithili Lok Geet, p.104
170
ornaments, both belonging to the upper class and to the vast mass of the
commoners during the period under review.
Dietry habits and dishes in Mithil have been described by many
writers. Caewara, Vidypati and other Nibandhkras of Mithil have
repeated the old rules relating to the popular and peculiar food and drink.
Rice, fruits, vegetables and milk were the main items of diet in North India and
especially in Mithil. The dishes were mostly contained with different kinds of
cooked rice223 (Bht), Sg, ghee, (or butter), milk products, various kinds of
sweetmeats and plenty of sugar. Several fragrant and pleasant varieties of
rice were noticed by Malik Muhammad Jysi, some of which are produced in
Mithil even now.224 Grierson has also given a long list of varieties of rice.225
Thus, the main diet of the people was rice. Jyoitirivara mentions flattened
rice (Chur, Chividyani) and fried rice (farhi).226 In describing the characteristic
curd of Mithil his joy knew no bounds. Tulsidsa has also described the
popularity Dadhi Chewur of Mithil.227 Thus, a fine variety of Chur (parched
rice) with a heavy coat of thick curd and cream seems to have been a popular
food of Mithil. Other items included Mungba, Ladavi, Saruari, Madhukupi,
Matha, Fena, Titwa, Jhiliya, etc. Jyotirivara took delight in describing these
items in feasts of Mithil.228 At a feast, various kinds of milk preparations were
taken by people in addition to different kinds of delicious sweets, such as
223
224
225
226
227
228
171
233
234
235
236
237
238
172
prepared from pulse of mung with spices and fried in ghee or oil in shape of a
lump), Khirsa (Chhena or cheese), Ghewar (a sweetmeat made of
wheatflour), Gulab Jamun (a sweetmeat made of dry curds Chhena), Chhena
bara (a Bengali dainty adopted in Bihar), Parakiya (balls of flour with fruits,
and cream inside, cooked in clarified butter), Barphi (a white sweetmeat made
of wheat flour, milk and sugar), Bari (bass of urid, mung or gram flour fried in
clarified butter or oil) and Khaja (a sweetmeat made from wheat-flour, etc.).239
A long list of eatables has been given in Dnvkyaval240 Mudga,
Masura, Kultha, Turri, Rahala, Yava, Tila, Godhume, etc. Even in some
philosophical works articles of food used in Mithil have been frequently
mentioned. Vcaspati mentions in his Ktyacintmai the names of the
following vegetables: Ola, Kemukam, Vastukam, Sarshapam, Kalam, Nibam,
Jaya, Salainchi, Thilmochika, Patola, Saulapham, Guduchi, Bhantaki and
Sunishannaka.241 Vcaspati forbids one that Sema should not be taken in
Kartik masa.
Vegetables of different kinds are referred to in the contemporary
literature. These are pumpkins of different kinds; turai, ramjhumni (Ladys
finger), Karaila, Sag, Sim (Simba, Bean both black and white); turnip, carrot,
onions, garlic, ginger, poppy seeds and spices like mauri, methi and mangrail
were also grown.242
Fish and meat were not usually eaten by Brhmaas outside Mithil in
particular and North-Eastern India in general. In Bengal the practice of fish
239
240
241
Jyotirivara, Vara Ratnkara, Maithili Akadami, Pat., p. 19.: Faruhi, Bhuja, Bovali, Karhal, . .
Methi, Mangraila, Manyeccha,. Nasune, Pasta, pyaju, etc.
173
243
244
245
246
247
248
249
174
251
252
253
254
255
175
given above, which may be accepted for Mithil in our period also. The food
habits in India, especially in Mithil was so peculiar that these travelers could
not ignore them in their accounts.
Fruits, green and dry of different varieties constituted an important item
in the diet consumed, especially by the well-to-do classes, both among the
Hindus and the Muslims. The fruits which were generally grown and known to
the people were mango, date, plantain, karanj, coconut, banana, orange,
melon, pomegranate, kharbuja, fig, lemon (currant), dakha, sugar-cane,
kakola (kankola=sitalchini), jamun, jackfruit, and many others.257 Banana trees
seem to have grown in almost every garden of Mithil.258 Hazipur (in Bihar)
was famous for jackfruits (kathal) and barhal (a small round fruit) and
Champaran259 for long pepper and Tirhut260 for oranges. Dried fruits like
raisin, date, and almond are noticed by Amir Khusro in Bihar261 which were
used by both Hindus and Muslims. Referring to the mango, Ibn Batuta writes
thus: When in autumn the mango is ripe, it becomes very yellow and is eaten
like an apple, some people cut it with a knife and others suck it to the
finish.262 Mango was a very popular fruit of Mithil during our period and in
fact its trees were grown in almost every house of Mithil.263
The use of betel-leaves (pan) in Mithil was very popular both among
the Hindus and the Muslims during the period under review. The people of
Mithil were adept in the use of betel-leaves and the Vara Ratnkara has
prescribed a number of methods for the use of betels.264 Jyotirivara has
256
257
258
259
260
261
262
263
264
176
265
266
267
268
269
270
Ibid., p. 13, : Mukatak Chuna, Sindhuka Kandakola, Sinhal Dwipak jati fal kanchik Mukimen.
. .ekone Sonjoge lagawal Pachfal.
Sarkar, J.N., Glimpses of Medieval Bihar Economy, Cal. P.8.
Dharmaswamin, KPJRI, p. 97. Also, Vidypatis Purua Park, Pat., p. 1.74. Karpurena
bina na puritam butambul purna mukham,
Refer to Mahakavi Vidypati Padavali (Vasumati Sahitya Mandir), Cal., II Edn. 1935, Pada
31, p. 25.
Jyotirivara, Vara Ratnkara, Cal., p. 13 Swargak durlabh ayesan pan.
Refer to Dewal Rani Khizr Khan of Amir Khusrau, Aligarh 1917-19, p.45.
177
Muslims that the famous Amir Khusrau of Delhi gives us a detailed account of
the forty two virtues of the 'pan' and mentions, afterwards, some of its
defects.271 Vidypati in his description of Jaunpur has given a vivid account of
the contemporay social custom.272 Pan-offering was thus common both
among the Hindus and Muslims in Mithil during the period under review.273
The produce of Makhna (a water fruit) was very special to Mithil. A
typical local product, Makhna is cultivated on a large scale even today. The
fruit is eatable after a process of culturalisation generally done by the
fishermen. Makhna is considered a pure object worthy to be offered even to
gods and goddesses.274
Referring to the habit of drinking among the Hindus, Alberuni says thus,
They drink wine before having eaten any thing. Then they take their meal.275
The Ghastha Ratnkara of Caewara refers to the three types of wine or
sura which are Paisti (those prepared from the rice flour), Gaudi (from
molasses) and madhavi (prepared from honey and madhuka flower). It
appears that the nobles and aristocrats, used to take opium as stimulants.276
The cultivation of and trade in opium in 16th century has been referred to by
Fitch and John Marshall. Fitch found the opium trade in Patna during the reign
of Akbar and John Marshall was of the opinion that the best opium used to
come from Patna and that from Monghyr was not so good. In Tirhut at a
slightly later date as described by U. Thkura, the opium factories were
established at Bidupur (about seven miles east of Hazipur), Lalganj (about
271
272
273
274
275
276
178
281
JBRS, Vol. XLVIII. Also refer to Griersons Bihar Peasant Life. p. 241.
Griersons Bihar Peasant Life, p. 79.
Caevara, Ghastha Ratnkara, pp. 352-67.
Refer to Ram Ekbal's Maithili Lok Geet, pp. 161, 164, 165 for bhanga. For Bhang and
Dhatura taken by Madhav, refer to Padmapurana or Mansamangal by Kavivar Vijaya
Gupta, Cal., 13th Edn, pp. 10, 12, cf. Geet Vidyapali, Benares, 1978, p. 765. Also, Mithil
Bharati, Ank I, Part 3.4, September-Dec., 1969. P. 211. Here Lakshmi Nath Gosanyi is
cited thus :"
Mundak Mal Baghambar Odher, Bhangak Jhora Ek Kankh Tar Rahiya, Again Dulha Aisan
Karab Na Mayee, Tumba Bhari Bhari Bhang Bhakosathi. .."
st
nd
Refer to Vidypati's Krttilat, Sahitya Sadan, Jhnsi, 1 Edn., 1962, 2 Pallav, Chhanda 28,
Doha 178. p. 101 where Vidypti says "The Turks even lost their property and wealth in
drinking wine". Also, Ibid, Doha 174, 180 pp. 98 and 102 for Bhng.
179
282
283
284
285
180
(broken pulse or rice) bread286 and rice gruel among the Hindus and pich or
ogra among the Muslims.287 However, it appears that the most popular food of
the poor section of the society was maru (Eleusive coracana). There were
many popular sayings concerning it. The following may be quoted:
Jab maru ke gachhi bhel,
Dhiy puta sukh sukh machi bhel,
Jab maru men bl bhel,
Dhiy put ke gl bhel.
(When maru began to sprout the children dried up like flies (i.e. their food
had been used for the seed grain); but when the maru came in the ear, the
children got (fat) cheeks).288 Then again
Kodo marua ann nahin,
Jolha Dhuniy Jan nahin.
(Kodo and marua are not really food grains (i. e. they are despised as poor
mans food), just, as weavers and cotton carders can never be cultivators).289
The diet of the average Muslims, like that of their Hindu counterparts,
was also very simple. Among the Muslims it consisted chiefly of 'Nan' (fried
bread), Kabab'290 (roast), chicken, Qma (mined flesh), and rice (brinj) with
onion291 in sufficient quantity. The food of the Muslim sufis (saints) consisted
mainly of Makiyan (cooked fowl), Branjpokhtan (cooked rice), Sheer Brinj
(kheer), Dogh or yoghurt (curd), and Nn (fried bread), Phirni or Shirni'292
286
287
288
289
290
291
292
181
(prepared from rice, milk and sugar) and Halwa. Besides, they were also used
to taking Shorba (soup of meat mixed with spices) during the period under
review.
Sharafnama-i-Maneri, oft quoted Persian lexicon by Ibrahim Fawwam
Qaruai, named after the greatest sufis saint of Bihar of the Firdausi order, also
informs us regarding some Muslim habits of food. We can consider only a few
here. Pesh-Khurd (foretaste) was the item of food taken first (bar Sabil-iChashni) to excite relish or flavour; a kind of juice or syrup. Nashta
(breakfast) is said to be 'Ahar or Nihar. Nanwa was breaker of bread. There
are references to Nan-i-Tanur (bread baked in oven); Nan-i-Abi (bread
kneaded with water); Nan-i-Taftan (a particular kind of bread); Nan-i-Tunuk
(thin bread); Nan-i-Khamiri (livered bread); Khapak (a big loaf). Nan-iKashkin or Kaskin meant a barley bread or bread made of wheat, barley,
bean (baqla) and vetches fried with onions, and purslain: Nan-I-Khurish (a
sourish kind of tonic for creating an appetite or promoting digestion); also
Muzawwar (gruel or broth for the sick); Muzwwir stands for a liar, a knave,
cheat and falsifier.293
From the same source, many kinds of sweet meats have come to be
known, such as Halwa-I-Shakar (a confection or sugar); Halwa Sohan;
Halwa Birinj (a sweetmeat made of barley and sugar), Bugura (a certain
kind of paste, dressed with gravy and milk); 'Patuda or Faluda (a sweet
flummery, dish made of starch, honey and flour; also beverage containing a
mixture of grated apples with sugar and cardamoms; (a kind of jelly);
Bushnazha (a pastof meat and date syrup); Shakarbarg (a sweet made of
almonds and sugar); Shakarpara (lump of sweets): Shakarqalam (a kind of
sweetmeat); Shakarpanir (a sweet kind of cheese); Jaliba or Jalibi; Tatmaj
(thin slices of paste vermicelli); Takhmreja' (an omlet); (also hashed meat
upon which eggs are poured and fried); Polani (pottage); Dam-i-Pokht (a
293
182
294
295
296
Ibid., p.578.
Jyotirivara, V.R., Cal., p. 33.
The first list contains thirty kinds of silk clothes which seem to have been used by the upper
class people of the society, during the period under review. The varieties of silk used were
dukula (linen of cotton cloth), kauma (silk or linen), kaueya (made up of cocoon silk),
kanakapatra (gold coloured silk or silk with leaf design in gold), Vicitra (extraordinary) variety
of meghavara (black silk of Bengal, looking like the colour of cloud), meghaudumbara
(another variety of black silk) Saram or Kharm (a variety of red silk), karpoor chauka (silk as
white as camphor or chequred camphor white silk), karpoor-tilaka (camphor white silk
decorated with rosettes), Gagsgara (a fine silk produced in Bengal or gauge silk), etc.
Added to this list are Suryabandha (silk decorated with solar pattern or embroidered silk),
Gajabandha (silk embroidered printed or woven with the figure of elephants and processed in
tie-dye technique), Ahinavala (silk manufactured at Anahilwada in North Gujrat), Devanga
(brocaded with silk), scipal (narrowpiece of embroidered silk used as dupatt), Pacauma
(five coloured silk), sonapal (silk of Sonargaon in Dacca), gajipal (silk of Gajipur, U.P.),
Kadalgarbha (silk as soft as the interior of the banana, tree), muktapada (silk with brilliance
of pearls same as Muktajar of Orissa), Malvidyadhar (silk containing a row of flying figures of
the heavenly musicians called Vidyadharas), Srikanha (a variety of silk), Lakamvilsa
183
The
description
of
Jyotirivara
also
confirms
that
the
craftsmanship of the worker and the tastes of the consumer was varied and of
a high standard. Vidypati has also given a long list of popular dresses.
According to his Krttilat in the market of Jaunpur the merchants sold the
Turk camphor, saffron, articles of perfume, cowries, neta silk and black silk
(kajalambara), favourite of the Turks.297 The garments made of neta (netra)
silk are also mentioned in Vidypatis Padvai.298 Blue silk (nil patora) was
very much liked by women. In the Krttilat the terms Divyamabara is
(poetic name of a variety of silk cloth), Vicitrangada (figured silk) and Cakrevari (a variety of
silk from Bengal).
The second list contains the names of the country-made silk (desiyapattavastra). Perhaps
these varieties were inferior to Pattambara. This list include some varieties of silk which were
manufactured in the Mithil region. Twenty-three varieties are mentioned in the list and they are
tancerea (silk produced in Tanjore), Gagaura (silk produced in one of the Mithil regions),
silahati (silk produced in Silhat), ajayameru (silk of Azmer), gandipuri (silk of Andhra Pradesh),
rajapura (silk of Rajpur in Goa), Jagadharpur (silk fiom Jagadalpur, in Madhya Pradesh),
kanchivani (silk produced in Kancipuram or Ganjivaram), colapatana (silk of chola country), dvara
vasa (silk of Dvarasamudra or Hoyasala country), misa-santosa (probably silk from Santos in
East Bengal), Sadap (silk manufactured in Cuddapah district in Andhra Pradesh), patora (a
variety of local silk), mangala (silk of Mangalore or auspicious garments), parijta (silk having the
design of Parijta flower), mai (a printed variety of silk), manijata (another variety of printed silk),
sarvanga (a special variety of silk), rpamanjar (also a special kind of silk), samvalahar (silk
manufactured in Sambalpur, Orissa), Suryamandal (silk with sun design or red silk),
candramandal (silk with moon design or crescent or white silk design) and taramandal (blue
coloured silk). Since the Vara Ratnkara describes these varieties, it may be assumed that they
were in use in Mithil in our period, probably among the upper class of the society.
Jyotirivara also informs us about thirteen varieties of cotton clothes or plain clothes
(nirabhusana). They are kmaruvala (cotton cloth of Kamrup, Assam), Bengla (cotton cloth of
Bengal), gunjar (cotton cloth of Gujrat), Kathivla (cotton cloth of Kathiavara), Telakanta (cotton
cloth), Kanchi (cotton cloth of Kanjivaram), nichadhi (a variety of cotton cloth), jili (another variety
of cotton cloth), varahathi (sari measuring twelve hands), majhottari (sari of the medium size),
and Jhrn (fine muslin).
The fourth list is entirely devoted to netra silk. It was brown (harina), purple (vangana), dark
brown (nakhi), sarvanga, heavy (guru), bleached or embroidered (suchina), silvery (rajena), five
coloured (Pacaranga), indigo blue (nila), green (harita), yellow (Pita), red (lohita) and variegated
(chitravarna). Besides these the Vara Ratnkara also mentions sakalata which means cloth of
preign origin.
The Vara Ratnkara also refers to the dress of an ascetic which comprised kopina,
antaravasa and vahirvasa. From above description of Jyotirivara, it seems that nobles,
merchants and other richer sections of the society favoured more clothing, rich apparel silken
stuffs and other varied types of dresses. For detail, refer to Vara Ratnkara, pp.32-41.
297
Vidypati, Krttilal, p. 37.
298
Refer to Vidypatis Padval, ed. by G. Singh, p. 62.
184
299
300
301
302
Mitra and Majumdar, Vidypati, No. 67. Also Geeta Vidypati, Dubey, M.N., 1978, Doha-620,
p.609: "Nivi vandhan hari kiya kari dur".
Mithil Mihir, Mithilnka, 1935, p.158. Also Grierson, op.cit., p.144. Also Rakesh Ram Ekbal
op. cit., p.157 "dhot lot Poth Patr Seho Saba lebenolh chinbaya". (Vidypati).
Mira, V., Cultural Heritage of Mithil, p. 351. Also, Vidypati's Krttilat, Jhnsi, p.96 for
paijjalla.
Bengal past and Present, Vol. XIII, 1916, Part I. Chap. VII, p. 8.
185
303
304
305
306
307
308
309
Ain II, (J & S) .1949, p. 134. Also Ibid, III (J & S), p. 293 for a description of the scanty
clothing of the Brhmaas.
OJh, P.N., North Indian Social Life, 1st Edn, Pat., p. 31.
Kavi Priya, p. 169 Also OJh, P.N., op. cit., p. 32.
Ain. I. (Bloch). p. 96.
Mandelso, p.64.
Ain. I. (Bloch), p. 96.
Indian Travels, p. 51.
186
312
313
314
315
187
advised a young disciple, Qazi Zainuddin to wear such garments worth three
jitals for the sake of economy and contentment and not to go in for costly
garments.
Women's dress during the period under review differed according to
their socio-economic status and the environment to which they belonged.
Besides, the costumes of the Hindu and the Muslim ladies were not similar in
many respects. A lady while going to meet her lover generally wore a white
silk (dhaval vastra), black silk sari (shyamala-vasna), or blue silk sr316 (nl
vastra). Radha also wore a blue silk sari (nla vasna) or a yellow silk sr
(pitambar) but her normal dress was probably a sari and bodice (kanchuka).317 The deserted ladies, however, wore white srs while a yogin wore
red garments (arunavasna).318 It is said that once Krishna appeared in the
garb of a woman just wearing a red sr and Kanchuki.319 This shows that
red sr and bodice was the common female article. The dress of a young girl
was ghghar and red bodice.320
The upper class ladies wore embroidered Chinderi, coloured bodice
(Kechu) while poor ladies wore plain and simple dress.321 Chundari is the
most covetable piece of female article and it finds its place in the mirror of the
folk mind, i.e. the folk songs of Mithil. Chundari' figures as the garment
marked as a present to a female. Choli or 'Angi is also referred to as part of
females apparel.322 'Angia' was also known by the name of kanchul and
kanchuk.323
316
317
318
319
320
321
322
323
Bhatia and Joshi, Vdyapati aur Unaki Padavali, pp. 154, 203, 355.
Ibid., pp. 323, 325.
Ibid., p. 493.
Ibid., p.495.
Rakesh Ram Ekbal, Maithili Lok Geet, pp. 55-95.
Rakesh, Maithili Lok Geet, p.344.
Jyotirivara, Vara Ratnkara, Cal. p. 35.
For Kanchuli refer to Mohammad Jayasi's Padmvat, Jhnsi, p. 327.
188
Thus, it seems that Saris of different colours and an angi (i.e. small
jacket or brassiere) was a common dress of Hindu women. Malik Mohammad
Jyasi has informed us about varieties of saris used by the women in the
states of present Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. These were Jhilamila (a kind of
soft and fine texture sari), 'pemchha (printed silk sari), Doriya (A kind of
cotton sari), Bidri (a sari of five fabrics) and kankregi sari (a fine sari with
black colour).324
The Muslims ladies were mainly distinguished by their alwrs325
(breeches) or pyjms (Suthanis) and shirts with halflength sleeves. Ladies
of higher classes were also habituated to wear qabas. The dancing girls or
harlots wore very light and reticulated dress mostly of silken clothes in order
to look attractive. Because of purdah, burq326 was also used as almost a
kind of dress by Muslim women during the period under review. Poor women
were habituated to move barefooted, but the rich ladies generally put on the
shoes of varied designs and colours.327
Toilets and Ornaments
There were various device to enhance men's (especially of higher
classes) physical charm and their attractiveness. The combing of hair and the
use of rich scents and fine dresses were deemed to be indispensable signs of
respectability and a high social status.328
Besides numerous perfumes and scented articles like mrigmada329 or
kasturi (musk), candana'330 (sandal wood), karpoora (camphor), kumkuma,
324
325
326
327
328
329
330
189
etc., were also in common use for shampooing the king and the upper class
people of the society during the period under review. The poor people,
however, were contented to use mustard oil i.e. (karua tela) as referred to by
Vidypati.331 As a rule, the Hindus wore a tilaka (frontal mark) on their
foreheads. In Mithil the tilaka mark was considered as an auspicious sign
and the custom of putting on tilaka mark was prevalent in all parts of the
region.332
The styles of shaving among the Hindus and the Muslims were quite
different as the former generally kept long hair on their heads, while the latter
normally had regular shaving. Few of the Hindus except the Yogis kept long
moustaches as a sign of bravery and manliness. We have a reference of a
barber in Jyotirivaras Vara Ratnkara who used to serve the king in his
court.333
Various types of ornaments were also worn by the males of Mithil.
However, it appears that it was more common among the king and the upper
class people of the society. The males wore chain (sikar), ring (angh),
armlet (ananta), etc. The Brhmaas of Mithil wore round ring of gold
(Kanausi) also.334 The fashion of wearing ornaments by the common man,
however, was not very popular in Mithil during the period under review.
Among the children, bl, chain and light bl and lawanga was, of course,
very popular.335
Women, in general, were fonder of various types of toilets and
ornaments than men, Contemporary literature supply numerous references
regarding women's ornaments of Mithil. Indian women knew about sixteen
331
332
Refer to Mahkav Vidypati Padval, Cal., 3rd Edn. p. 26, Also Vara Ratnkara, Pat., p 30.
333
334
335
190
339
Krttilat, Sahitya Sadan, Jhnsi, 1st Edn., p. 84, cf. Vara Ratnkara, Pat, p. 112.
340
341
342
191
brows and hair.343 Their hair was always well-dressed carrying an aroma of
sweet smell, caused by the use of different kinds of perfumed oils and
Candana.344
The use of Darpaa (looking glass) was indispensable from toilet.
Whenever a woman was to apply powder or rouge to her cheeks, tilak mark
on her forehead, unguent to the eyes and vermillion in the middle parting of
her hair, she did so with the help of a mirror.345 Mirror of brass or bell metal or
gem were in use.
The use of vermillion was compulsory for a married woman popularly
known as suhgina.346 Putting sindra (vermillion) into the hair parting was
considered auspicious by the Hindu ladies. The widow threw away all her
ornaments and jewellery and wiped out the scarlet line of vermiilion from their
head.347 Collyrium and menhadi were very popular with the women in our
period. Menhad was used to paint the palm, nails and legs and is still very
popular in Mithil.348 Women of Mithil through the ages have always exibited
a special weakness for a variety of ornaments, and it continues even today in
some form or the other. To a married Hindu woman, in particular her sohga
signified the use of ornaments on almost all the limbs of her body from the top
to the toe. It was only when she unfortunately became a widow that she threw
away all her ornaments and jewellery, broke all her bangles and wiped out the
vermillion mark from her head.349
343
344
345
346
347
348
349
192
According to Vara Ratnkara female ornaments included khuti (hairpin), sinkari (ordinary
chain), 'suta (gold string), ekvali (necklace of one string), churi (bangles), balya (bracelet)
mekhata (girdle), tika (head ornament), padamasutra (necklace with lotus shaped
pendant), savana (ear ring), kankana (gold bangles) and nupura (anklet). Generally
women belonging to upper class adorned themselves with a golden chain (sonak dora) and
earrings (kudala). Most of the above varieties of ornaments were inlaid with diamonds,
pearl, ruby, gem (mukta). They were manufactured out of gold (suvara) and silver (rajata).
This shows that the people of Mithil possessed various kinds of precious and semi-precious
stones and ornaments of gold and silver.
The Vara Ratnkara further gives the description of the ornaments worn by the different
classes of people. The prostitutes wore various kinds of ornaments to attract different sections of
people. The noble ladies wore bracelets (kankana), bangles (churi) and hand rings (valiya) while
the dancers wore bangles (churi) handrings, valiya, girdle, mekhala, earrings (kundala), anklets
(nupura). The traders and merchants were experts in examining the different varieties of precious
and semi precious stones like diamonds, gems, etc. A bard has also been described as learned
in the science of gems.
Vidypati also gives names of various kinds of ornaments. These are Candramai chuda
(moon-shaped head ornament inlaid with gems), ghungharu (anklets producing jingling sounds),
hra (chain), manikundala (earring), gaja-motik hra (chain made of gems obtained from
elephants), motimahra (pearl chain), nivi bandha (girdle), mukta-hra (pearl chain), valiya
(handring), mngtk (head ornament) and motikmla (necklace of pearls), etc. for details refer
to Jyotirivara, Vara Ratnkara, Cal., 1940, pp.4, 26, 40, 44, 60; Dubey, M. N., Geet Vidypati,
Varanasi, 1978, Doha-442; Also Rakeshs Maithili Lok Geet, p. 55. Pahirelani kanganm; J.
Miras and A. Jhs Vidypati Sanskrit Granthval, Bhag-2, Dar., p. 176.
351
Rakesh, Maithili Lok Geet, pp. 28-29, 46, 55, 56, 64.65, 76, 92, 146, 220. cf. Vidypati K
Padval, Bharati (Bhasha) Bhavan, Delhi, p. 251 Also Vara Ratnkara, Cal. for Kangan.
352
Rakesh, Maithili Lok Geet, p. 282 ff.
193
and Kanha (a kind of silver necklace). The folk songs of Mithil also inform us
that tk of Bankipur or Kankana of Katak and pearl of Surat were very
popular among the women of Mithil.354
While describing the ornaments worn by people in the region of present
North Bihar, Grierson also gives a long list of ornaments worn by them. These
are, especially for women, mngtk (ornaments for the head), tikul (spot
worn on the forehead), nathi (a nose ring), karafula, bl, jhumak, kanaus,
sikari (all are ear ornaments), hansul, tawaka (worn by the Muslim women),
suti, katsara, hra, motimla (neck ornaments), bjubanda, badm (on the
fingers), paijn, ghungharu (the feet ornaments), bichhiy (toe ornament)
etc.355
It is thus clear that ornaments in our period provided the maximum
degree of attracton for the women of the different classes of Mithil, and
without them perhaps they would not even dream of enjoying the pleasures of
life. It appears that ornaments made of gold and gems were limited to the
upper class people of the society in general, while the lower class satisfied
themselves with the ornaments made of silver, cowrie, etc.
353
354
355
Ibid., p. 230.
Ibid., pp. 344-402.
Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, Delhi, pp. 152, 156. Also Mithil Mthir (Mithilnka), 1935, pp.
158-179.
194