A History of Sanskrit Literature-Vol 1

A HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE
CLASSICAL PERIOD
VOL.
General Editor:
S.
N.
DASGUPTA,
C.I.E., M.A.,
PH.D. (CAL.
et
CANTAB.),
HONY. D.LITT. (ROME)

LATE GEORGE
PROFESSOR OF MENTAL AND MORAL SCIENCE, UNIVERSITY OF CALCUTTA

AND LATE PRINCIPAL, GOVERNMENT SANSKRIT COLLEGE, CALCUTTA
Contributors to this Volume:
S.
N.
DASGUPTA,
C.I.E., M.A., PH.D., D.LITT.
(Preface, Introduction, History of
S.
A {arpfeara
Literature
and
Editor's Notes)
K. DE, M.A., D.LITT. (LOND.)
PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT AND BENGALI, UNIVERSITY OF DACCA

(
History of Kavya Literature )
UNIVERSITY OF CALCUTTA
1947
(PRINTED IN INDIA)
FEINTED AMD PUBLISHED BY NISHITCHANDRA SEN,
SUPERINTENDENT
48,
(OFFG.),
CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY PRESS,
HAZBA ROAD, BALLYGUNGR, CALCUTTA.
1343B~-Jime, 1947
A.
CONTENTS
BOOK
CONTENTS, PREFACE AND INTRODUCTION

PAGE
CONTENTS
...
...
...
...
iii
PREFACE
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
xiii-li
INTRODUCTION
1.
GENERAL REMARKS
Functions of the sutas
sutas
heroic poetry
Alamkara
character
...
as "ornate poetry" untenable
Kavya
Direct evolution of classical

literature
Literature
in
style
Kavya
first
Christian era
...
literature
six
hundred
...
years of
...
Greater complexity of style in later times
Some
characteristics
social restrictions
The development
Effect of
of
Sanskrit
on sociefy
xiv
xv
xvi
from the Vedic
...
the
...
...
xiii
of
...
...
in earlier literature
Continuity of the
of
...
...
indispensable
Sanskrit Poetry
Identification of
repositories
...
an
not
Artificiality
not
poetry
xvii
...
xviii
the
...
xix
...
xix
religio-
...
Dharma$dstra and the

patternisation of life on literature
of the
...
...
xxi
Srayti
xxv
...
xxviii
Varnasraraa ideals in Kalidasa
...
...
xxx
Restriction of the scope of free love
...
...
xxxii
...
xxxiv
...
xxxv
Nature of the theme of subjects chosen

K&lidasa's treatment of love of romances
The
plot of
nath
the Sakuntald, and the view of Rabindra. . .
xxxvi
CONTENTS
IV
PAGE
Patternisation and insulation of Indian Society
...
xxxviii
Function of poetry
...
...
xl
Relieving features of Sanskrit poetry
...
...
xli
Transcendent object of literary

Aesthetic emotion
...
...
...
xli
...
...
xliii
...
...
xlvi
...
...
xlix
...
art
Concept of Indian drama ...

The Mahdbharata and the Rdmdyana
The essence
of
Kavya
as the heightened expression
of experience
2.
...
...
SOCIAL BACKGROUND OF LITERATURE
...
Choice of subjects Literature. and Life

Fashionable life in early India
Early academies
Life at the time of
Barm
Gradual separation of
villages
Puranic legends
Love
...
Iv
...
...
Ivii
...
...
Iviii
from the
life
in
the
...
the source of the plots of
in Sanskrit poetry
Hi
...
...
Rasa and Rasabhasa
lii-cxxvi
...
city life
...
...
...
Kavya
Ix
Ixii
...
...
...
Ixiii
...
...
...
Ixiv
Growth of Indian civilisation from Vedic literature

...
The characteristics of Indian temperament
...
...
Race peculiarities in the literature
...
dharma
...
...
The idea of
Ixv
Ixvi
Ixviii
Ixxii
Secular outlook and the doctrine of Trivarga
...
Ixxiv
Dramatic
...
Ixxvii
art
Religious temperament and

of plots
Drama
...
...
...
its effect
...
...
types and characteristics
on the choice
...
...
Ixxix
...
Ixxxii
...
Ixxxix
Patternising tendency of Indian culture
...
xc
Continuity of Indian culture
...
...
tfciii
...
...
xcvi
The
place of love in literature
Ideal of
dharma
Types of
in
literature
Political conditions
law and
politics
...
...
...
...
and the early poetry
...
xcix
...
CONTENTS
iv(a)
PAFE
Greek
Little
on
influence
literature
Extension of
Indian
Empire up
Literature at the time of Kaniska
ciii
...
Khotan and
to
...
Afghanistan
and
...
...
Indian
culture
...
...
civ
...
...
cv
...
...
Rise of the Guptas
...
Fa Hien's evidence regarding India's social condi...
...
tions and literature of the time
cvii
...
Gupta civilisation and colonisation by Indians
Development of literature from the 7th to the 10th
cxi
...
cxiii
...
...
century
Political and literary contact with the
cix
neighbouring
...
cxv
...
cxvi
General review of the growth of Sanskrit literature

a standardised language
...
Literary Prakrt
cxvii
countries
...
Political condition in India after
Was
...
Harsa
Sanskrit a spoken language ?
cxx
...
cxxi
Difficulties of appreciating Sanskrit poetry

r
...
cxxv
Nature in Sanskrit poetry
...
cxxvi
BOOK
...
...
II
KAVYA
CHAPTER I
1.
The
*^2.
The
^ 3.
The
*
CHAPTER
II
ORIGINS AND CHARACTERISTICS

Origin and Sources of the Kavya
of the
Origin and Characteristics of the
Drama
1.
A^vaghosa and
The Avadana Literature

The Literature of Tale and Fable
...
(a) The Pancatantra
4.
his School
The Brhatkatha of Gunadhya

The Dramas Ascribed to Bhasa
(6)
Kavya
18
...
42
...
...
69
...
...
81
...
...
b3
...
...
86
...
92
...
101
FROM A^VAGHOSA TO KALIDASA
2.
3.
...
Environment and Characteristics
...
...
CONTENTS
iv(b)
PAGB
'CHAPTKR III
KALIDISA
CHAPTER IV
SUCCESSORS OF KALIDASA IN POETRY
1.
2.,
-^3.
The Erotic Satakas of Amaru and Bhartrhari

The Stotra-Satakas of Bana, Mayura and others
The Mahakavya from Bharavi to Magha
118
...
156
...
166
...
173
W<z) Bharavi
...
...
...
177
^(b) Bhatti
...
...
...
183
...
...
*-{c)
Kumaradasa
v (d) Magha
4.
...
...
...
The Gnomic, Didactic and
'CHAPTER
Satiric
SUCCESSORS OF K&LID&SA
Poems
...
185
...
188
...
194
PROSE AND
IN
DRAMA
The Prose Kavyas
1.
of
Dandin, Subandhu and Bana
^(a)-Dandin
() Subandhu
...
...
...
207
...
...
...
217
...
...
...
225
...
239
...
239
The Dramas from Sudraka
2.
-Aa) Sudraka
(b) The Authors
to
Bhavabhuti
...
of the
vilasa
M<0 Harsa
200
...
Gaturbbani and the Matta...
...
...
248
...
...
...
255
...
...
...
262
(d)
Viâkhadatta
(e\
Bhattanarayan^
...
...
...
27 1
Bhavabhuti
...
...
...
277
...
298
\jf)
(g)
Yasovarman, Mayuraja and others
CHAPTER VI
THE LATER DECADENT POETRY AND PROSE
'
1.
General Characteristics
...
The Mahakavya
Poems with Historical Themes
Shorter Poems
...
(a) The Erotic Poetry
The
Devotional
(b)
Poetry
3.
4.
...
...
...
304
...
...
316
...
...
345
...
...
364
...
...
375
CONTENTS
iv(c)
PAGE
The Didactic and Satiric Poetry

The Anthologies and Women Poets
(c)
(d)
Prose Literature
5.
(a)
(fc)
(c)
CHAPTER VII
398
...
411
418
...
...
The Popular Tale

The Prose Kavya
The Campu
...
...
...
...
420
...
...
...
429
...
...
...
433
...
441
THE LATER DECADENT DRAMA
1.
General Characteristics
2.
Murari and Rajasekhara

...
...
Dramas with Legendary Themus and Comedies of
3.
Court-life
Dramas
4.
of
The
6.
...
...
Middle-class Life
Historical Interest
5.
...
Allegorical
Drama
...
449
462
and Plays of Semi-
...
...
...
474
...
...
...
479
...
...
487
...
...
501
Erotic and Farcical Plays

Dramas of an Irregular Type
BOOK
III
HISTORY OF ALAMKARA
CHAPTER
LITERARY AND CHRONOLOGICAL RELATIONS
Vyakarana school and Alamkara school

Alamkara-dastra
its
name
...
...
...
513
...
...
517
Early Origin of the Alamkara

Earlier Writers on Alamkara -âstra
...
...
520
...
...
525
Udbhata
...
...
533
...
Alamkara in the Agnipurana ...
Dhvanikara
and
Auandavardhana,
Abhinavagupta
...
538
...
5 JO
Rajasekhara
Bhattatauta
...
...
...
...
546
...
...
...
...
548
Kuntaka
...
...
...
...
548
Dhanafljaya
...
...
...
550
...
...
CONTENTS
iv(d)
PAGE
Mahimabhatâ
...
...
...
...
551
Bbojadeva
...
...
...
...
552
Ksemendra
...
...
...
...
554
Mammata
...
...
...
...
556
...
...
...
...
55(>
...
...
...
...
559
...
...
...
...
559
Jayadeva
Bhanudatta
...
...
...
...
560
...
...
...
...
561
Vidyadhara
...
...
...
...
561
Vidyanatha
...
...
...
...
562
Vagbhata II
...
...
...
...
563
Vigvanatha
...
...
...
...
563
Ke6avami6ra
...
...
...
...
564
564
Buyyaka
Vagbhatal
Hemacandra
Appaya Diksita
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
565
...
...
...
566
Jagannatha
Later minor writers
CHAPTER
PRINCIPLES
II
TASTE
LITERARY
OF
AND
CRITICISM
Introductory
...
...
...
...
567
Vakrokti
...
...
...
...
536
592
Theory
Dhvani
of
Rasa
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
004
...
...
610
BOOK IV
EDITOR'S NOTES
Some
Earlier Writers
...
...
614
...
630
...
650
...
...
654
...
...
654
'...
...
656
Bhattikavya and other cognate Caritakavyas

Sanskrit
Theory
Sakas
Drama
of the
Greek Origin
arid the Sanskrit
of the Indian
Drama
Buddhistic Dramas
..."
Lyric Poetry
...
...
...
...
...
Drama
CONTENTS
iv(e)
PAGE
Amaruâtaka
...
...
...
...
Bhartrhari
...
...
...
...
Gnomic Poetry
...
...
...
...
668
669
673
...
...
...
r>76
...
...
...
...
683
685
...
...
687
...
...
...
...
696
708
Historical
Kavyas
Prakrt
...
Celebrated Writers of the Past
Gunadhya
...
...
Pancatantra
...
...
Bhasa and the Dramas assigned

Kalidasa
Little
to
him
Known now
ViSakhadatta
...
...
...
Murari
CaturbhanI
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
728
754
755
756
756
760
760
761
Subandhu
Bana
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Sudraka
Harsa the Dramatist
Bhattanarayana
Bhavabhuti
...
...
...
...
76*2
...
...
...
...
Kumaradasa
...
763
763
764
765
765
766
766
767
Nilakantha Diksita
Mahendravikrama-vannan
...
Venkatanatha
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
"...
...
...
...
...
Udayasundarl-kAtha
Udayavarma-carita
...
...
...
...
Kumarapala-pratibodha
...
...
...
Kupaka-satka
...
...
...
...
Partha-parakrama
Nara-narayanananda
...
...
...
...
...
...
Srinivasa-vilasa-campu
...
...
...
...
Nalabhyudaya
Katha-kautuka ...
Eastraudha-vamâ
Kamalim-kalahamsa
B 1343B
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
768
769
770
770
771
771
772
772
CONTENTS
iv(f)
PAGE
Acyutarayabhyudaya
...
...
...
772
Anandakanda-catnpu
...
...
...
773
Narayamya
...
...
...
774
...
...
775
...
...
777
...
Bharata-carita, Gandraprabha-carita, Kavya-ratna
and Bala-martanda-vijaya
...
BOOK Y
INDEX
...
...
PREFACE
The
information
regarding the existence of Sanskrit

and the literature of the Upanisads was carried to the West by
first
the Latin translation, by Anquebil Duperron, of the 50 Upanisads

from the Persian translation of Dara Shiko which at once
elicited
a time
the highest approbation of Schopenhauer.
when
it
was openly doubted
in
There was
Europe whether there was
any genuine Sanskrit language and the distinguished English

philosopher Dugald Stewart (1753-1828) in one of his papers
described
Sanskrit
as
indefatigable work of Sir Wjlliam
made Sanskrit known
Jones, Colebrooke and others
Western world.
to the
language with
descendants represents the easternmost
nised that
the
But the
the .Brahmins.
of
forgery
Sanskrit
was then recogold and modern
It
its
branch of the
Indo-
Germanic Aryan stock of speech. Numerous special coincidences

of language and mythology between the Vedic Aryans and the
people of Iran also prove incontestably that these two members
of the Indo-Germanic family must have lived in close connection
for
some considerable period
after the others
had separated from
them.
The origin
when European
of
scholars
became
the ancient languages of India.
had been unable
philology dates from the time
comparative
acquainted
accurately
Before this the classical scholars
between the then
to determine the true relations
known languages
of the
Aryan
with
stock.
It is
sally recognised that Sanskrit is the eldest
mother-tongue of the Aryan people
and
now almost
univer-
daughter of the old

probably
other six
But none of the

surviving daughter.
members of the family has left any literary
their original features have to be reproduced as
the
only
principal
monuments and
best
as
possible
from the materials supplied by their own daughter-languages.
PREFACE
VI
Such
the case
is
with regard to the Iranic, Hellenic,
The
Celtic, Teutonic and Letto-Slavic languages.

Indian speeches is to be found in the Rgveda.
of
the Rgveda,
of
the
language
Saipbitas, the
however,
effected
In the language
one can trace a gradual and steady development

of
the
classical
through the
Sanskrit
the modifications that are
as
spontaneous
by popular speech. It has been controlled by tradition and
grammatical
studies.
Changes
in the speech of the
are largely prevented by the sacred devotion to
further
later
The development^
Brahmanas and the Upanisads.
not as
is
Italic,
oldest of the
supplemented by the work
whose analytical
West up
of
it
upper classes
and this was
the early grammarians,
surpassed anything achieved in the

The Sanskrit grammarians tried
recent times.
till
skill
as far as possible to
far
remove
irregularities
and they hardly allowed
new
formations and this preserved to a very great

extent the purity of the language and its well-ordered nature
which would otherwise have been impossible. The conservative
any scope
to
tendency of Indian literary culture, which we have tried to

demonstrate in the field of the development of Sanskrit literature
in
the
Introduction,
remarkably manifested also in the
is
permanent form that has been given to the Sanskrit language.

The word samskrta means purified and well-ordered. By 150
B.C.,
the
works
of
the
grammarians, Panini,
the
a stereotyped
and
attained
Patanjali,
language
Katyayana
form which remained the same throughout the centuries, though
it remained
It can hardly
the literary language of the people.
by
joint
be doubted that though Panini recognised fully the Vedic accents

and forms, yet in his time it was Sanskrit and not the older
Vedic languages that were spoken.

Yet Sanskrit cannot be
regarded as an artificial creation of the grammarians, for its
development from the Vedas through the Brahmanas and the

Upanisads can be clearly traced. The Sanskrit language, which
Panini calls bhasa, or speech,
is
the Upanisads and the Brahmanas.

is
closely akin to the language of
Though
this
bhasa Sanskrit
not so luxurious in form as the Vedic Sanskrit, yet there
is
PREFACE
no
Vll
symmetry and there is a profusion

forms which makes the study of Sanskrit
of nipatas or
artificial
irregular
so
bewilder-
ingly difficult to students.
was indeed the language not only of Mvya or

but of all the Indian sciences, and excepting the Pali
Sanskrit
literature
of
the
Hmayana
Buddhists and the Prakrt of the Jains,
was
it
the only language in which the whole of India expressed all her
best thoughts for the last 2 or 3 thousand years, and it has united
the culture of India and given

differences
of
it
popular
economical and other differences.
general
a synchronous
form in
speech, racial
and geographical,
spite
of
one ground that has

made it possible to develop the idea of Hindu nationhood in
which kinship of culture plays the most important part. Under
the shadow of
one Vedic
It is the
religion
many
had indeed developed

Vaisaava, Sakta, etc., and
there
subsidiary religions, Saiva,

within each of these, there had been
many
sects
and sub-sects
which have often emphasised the domestic quarrel, but in

of
it
all
mother
there
is
a unity of religions
and secular culture had been Sanskrit.
of all religious
Variations
among
spite
the Hindus, for the
from
Sanskrit as determined by Panini, Katyayana and Patanjali may occasionally be noticed in the Ramayana,
the Mahdbharata and some of the other Puranas and Patanjal
also noticed
it
when
he
kavayah kurvanti and

sometimes indulges in such
said chandovat
an early poet such as Kalidasa also

Lesser poets who wrote inscriptions also often
poetical licenses.
showed their inability to conform to the grammatical rules of
Panini.
suffered
noted
But apart from this the Sanskrit language has not

any change in the course of ages. It must, however, be
that
the
technical and non-Brahminical works sometimes
reveal a laxity of Sanskrit speech
and in the case of the early
Buddhist writers there was an intentional disregard to the rules

of Panini, probably in their effort towards the simplification of
the Sanskrit language.
The most notable example
of this is the
gatha language of the Lalitamstara and similar other works.

Sometimes even later Brahminical works which tried to bring a
PREFACE
Vlii
of
halo
made
often
antiquity,
lapses in order to force
upon the
be found in
people the imeprssion of their archaic nature as may

many of the Tanfcra works, or in the works of divination and
incantation as found in the
Bower manuscripts where
there
is
ample evidence of Prakrtism and careless Sanskrit. Instances,

however, are not rare where actual Prakrt forms were Sanskritised.
The incorporation of Dravidian and other words into
The words formed by

supply innumerable instances of how current
Sanskrit has also been widely recognised.

the unadi suffix will
*>>
words gained a footing into the Sanskrit language and fanciful

derivations were attempted to justify such uses.
'
Not only
and
the
was Prakrt used
in fairly early times
but
prasastis
it
was
for the
edicts
also used in writing poetical
and
The word Prakrta is seldom used

prose kdvyas in later times.
Its real meaning
in early Sanskrit in the sense of a language.
'
is
sense
in
natural/
and
prdkrtamdnusa
a
man
called
in
normal/ and
Vedic literature in
the
Srautasutras
1
'
'
original/
is
the
because
also
used
in
street.'
it
has
Pischel
been
derived
without any special
the
The word
Mahabhasya.
'
'
of
from
samskrtam
But there
where the Prakrt
and
Prdtitdkhyas
an ordinary man or
Hernacandra says that Prakrta is so
the sense
the prakrti or source (prakrtih
dgatanca prdkrtam).
the
in Patafijali's
has been used in this
it
is
Sanskrit
tatra
another
which
bhavam
view
as
i?
tata
held
by
coming from nature
But it
the folk language.
'
is
derived as
instruction,
i.e.,
impossible for us to decide in what way the Prakrt language

In the writings of the Prakrt grammarians and writers
grew.
is
on Poetics,
the term
denotes
number
of distinctly artificial
which, as they stand now, could hardly have been

Sir George Grierson divides Prakrt into
spoken vernaculars.
3 stages, first, the primary Prakrt, from which the Vedic language
dialects,
and Sanskrit were derived; second, secondary Prakrt, consisting

of Pali, the Prakfts of the grammarians and literature and the
Apabhramâs the third Prakrt consists of the modern vernaculars.

But the inscriptions of A3oka show at least the existence
;
PREPACK
of
three
was the
official
and the
Here we
Sauraseni
and
the
tradition
the
Jaina
delivered in
old
now
MagadhL
doctrines
PaiâcI
of the old Prakrts
and
I,
post-A3okan
A^vaghosa
of the
very
much
written
are
were
Svetambara
of the
were
texts
the current
to
Mahavira
in
influenced
in
Jaina
Sauraseni.
though only few books

are now available.
PaisacI was probably
consist
Prakrt
of
Vindhya
The
regiofi.
characteristics
transformation of the
in the
largely
and au, and
ai
been
later
form
the language current in the
by
preached
Digambara scriptures
a
also
is
written in this dialect
vowels
of
According
available have
Maharastri, while the
which
the old Ardha-magadhi, the old
find
by the Maharastri and the
capital
the
find
Ardha-mlgadhi but the scriptures
Jainas chat are
The
next
and the Prakrt
inscriptions
A.D.
1st century
We
dialects.
the
Empire, the North-western
of the
lingua franca
Western
Prakrts in the
Eastern dialect of
the
dialects,
IX
in the reduction of the sibilants
and
nasals with also other
Literature of a
changes in consonants.
secular character might have been composed in old Praskrts until
the 2nd century A.D.
But about that date new changes were
effected leading to the
transformation
This
stage of development.
of the old Prakrt to a
resulted
Maharastri in the dominions of the
in
new
the formation of the
Satavahanua
in the
South-
west and the rise of the Magadh!

noticed in the dramas of
and the Sauraseni, as may be

Bhasa and Asvaghosa on the one hand
and Kalidasa on the other.

the
Maharastri
lyric
in
the
By
century A. Q. we find
Hala. The Maharastri
the '2nd
poems
of
Prakrt became important as the Prakrt of the dramas and of the

The SaurasenT was but occasionally used in verse
epic poetry.
and sometimes
in
allied to Sanskrit
the
dram.i.
The SaurasenI
thin the Maharastri and
it
is
more
closely
was generally used
dramas by men of good and noble position. The MagadhI

on the other hand was reserved for people of low rank. The
in
Natya-$astra speaks, however, of different types of Prakrt such as

Daksinatya, Prdcya, Xvantl and Dhakkl, which are the different
type* of the SaurasenI, though
Candatt and Sakarl are types of
PREFACE
the Magadhi.
The Prakrt
not be assumed to be the
of the verses of the Natya-tastra
Prakrt
well be regarded as a variant
&aurasenl Prakrt
is
closely
of
which
for literary purposes
few Histories of
fype but
different
it
may
The poetry
the Sauraseni.
akin to the Maharastrl.
note has been added regarding

of
of a
need
of
separate
the Apabhramsa, the importance
may now
Sanskrit
be ignored.
Literature, such as History
by Maxmiiller, History of Indian

Literature (1878) by Weber, Indiens Litteratur und Kultur (1887)
of Sanskrit Literature (1860)
by L.
V.
Schroeder,
Literary
History
India
of
by
Frazer,
History of Sanskrit Literature (1900) by Macdonell, Die Litteratur

des alien Indiens (1903) by Oldenberg, Les Litteratures de
VInde (1904) by V. Henry, G-eschichte der Indischen Litteratur

Sanskrit
Winternitz,
by
Sanskrit
Literature
(1928),
Drama
as
well
(1924),
as
of
History
Sanskrit
Classical
Literature by Keith, and Geschichte der
Sanskrit-philologie
Indischen Altertumskunde
(1917,
Vol.
and
L920,
und
Vol. II)
Of these, Winternitz's work

by Windisch, have been written.
in three volumes seems to be the most comprehensive treatment.
The
of
had completed the English translation

volumes under the supervision of Professor
Calcutta University
the
two
first
The English translation of Volume IIT

little when Professor Winternitz died.
The
Winternitz himself.
had advanced
Calcutta University had then
entered into
correspondence
some European scholars about the supervision

of
Volume
III.
with
of the translation
This
correspondence having failed, I was

undertake the work and
University to
by the
was proposed by me that as the translation of Volume III had
only advanced but little, it would be better to plan another work
approached
it
dealing with the subjects that form the content of Volume III
of Professor Winternitz's work.
It was also felt necessary that
the title of the book, as it appeared in Professor Winternitz's
work, History of Indian Literature, should be changed to History

" Indian Literature " is too vast a
as
of Sanskrit Literature
,
subject to
be taken
up as a sort of appendage
to the history of
PREFACE
XI
As my
Winternitz had done.
hands at the time were too full with other works, it was arranged
that under my chief editorship within an Editorial Board the
work should be done by subscription by the scholars of Bengal.
Sanskrit literature,
Volume
as
Prof.
with Kavya and Alamkara and Volume II is

In Volume I f
expected to deal with other Technical Sciences.
I had the good fortune to get the co-operation of Prof. Dr. S. K.
I
deals
Da
But for his valuable

in writing out the portion on Kavya.
scholarly assistance and promptness of execution the publication
of Volume 1 might have been long delayed.
I have tried to
De's
supplement Prof.
additional
Editorial
with
treatment
Notes and
an
Introduction and
expected that these may also

prove helpful to students. Our indebtedness to Prof. Wjnternitz's
German Edition, Vol. Ill, and Prof. Keith's works, as well as to
other Western and Indian
it is
For
scholars, cannot be exaggerated.
was not possible to go into greater details

space
the
Alamkara-Sastra, but I hope that what appears
regarding
there may be deemed sufficient for a general history of Sanskrit
want
of
it
The Introduction
literature.
perspective for reviewing the
background
appreciation
of
of
racial,
which
intended
to
give
history of Sanskrit
social
I
is
and
consider
historical
essential
proper
literature in its
environment,
for
grasping
an
the
significance of the Sanskrit literary culture.
be regretted that some of the contributions, such as

those on the Historical Kavyas, or the elements of literature in
It is to
the Inscriptions, or the Prakrt literature, could not be incorporated in the present volume l though these should have been included
This was due
here.
to
the
fact that those
contributions
that
were
these will
expected, however,
the meanwhile, both in the body of
la
appear
the book and in the Editorial Notes some general estimates have
been taken of these, though very little has been said about the
not received in time.

in
Volume
It is
II.
elements of literature in Inscriptions.
By way
section
that
B(l)
of confession of a hasty observation in the
the
1343B
Latin
Alamkara
word aurum may be connected with the
word alam in Sanskrit
beg to point out that since that section

has been printed, an eminent philologist has assured me that
neither aurum is Latin nor can it be philologically connected with
alam
in
In
Sanskrit.
conclusion, I like to express
my
thanks to Mr. Krishna-
gopal Goswami, Sastri, M.A.," P.R.S., Smriti-Mimansa-Tirtha,

Lecturer in the Post-Graduate Department of Sanskrit of the
University of Calcutta,
aad a detailed Index
who has kindly prepared
for this
a list of contents
volume.
S.
N. DASGUPTA.
NOTE
Since on account of circumstances over which there was no
control the publication has been unusually delayed for nearly six
years, I owe an apology for my inability in bringing the work
up
to date.
University of Dacca,
1948.
__
S.
K. DE.
INTRODUCTION
Vol.
in
Winternitz,
Indian Literature
Ill
German
of
Edition,
Sutas as the representatives of
who
the
They
able to
sing
their
own
closer
to
They
also
also
went forth
of
"the
speaks of
heroic
poetry
and sang
to extol
so
battle
of the sat as
accord ing to
Winternitz.
be
as to
heroic deeds of the warriors from
the
of
to
Function
History
old
in the court of the princes
lived
them.
in
bis
These
observation.
bards
court
stood
warriors than to the learned Brahmins.
the
acted
charioteers
as
the
of
warriors
campaigns and took part in their martial
their
life/'
But
Winternitz
from which he draws

traditional
any reference
give
his views about the
of
keeper
not
does
heroic poetry.
suta
The
the
as
siiia
occurs
along with the rathakara and karmara in the AtJiarva
Veda
III,
Gautama
5,
7.
6,
(IV. 15),
We
find reference to this suta in
Baudhayana
(10, I. 9. 9.), VaSistha
Mann (X. II), Visnu Dh. S. (XVI. 6),

the Suta-samhita, where he appears as
and
Yaj. (I. 3.),
a pratiloma caste born of a Ksattriya male and a
(XVIII.
6),
Brahmin
(III.
the
female.
that
7)
Puranas,
says
in
suta
Visnupurana and the Agnipurana.
the
sutas
chariots
(X.
13)
to
and according
it
was a
king of his duties
Manu
to the
part
Suta
in
(X. 47)
The duty
was
to
of
drive
Vaikhanasa-smarta-sutra
of his livelihood to
and cook food
Karnaparva (XXXII,
also
a
pratiloma
as
sacred in
to
been
has
referred
the
according
Arthasastra
his
Romaharsana, called
was not born out of
The
marriage.
Kautilya
for
him.
remind the
According to
46. 47), Sutas were the servants
Sutas were
not
repOBit o r i e a of
heroic
poetry.
INTRODUCTION
XIV
the
(paricdrakas) of
(Ch.
purdna
Sutas
the
I.),
learning
Sutas
that
and
books.
had
any
used
men
pedigrees of kings and great

of
According to Vayu-
Ksattriyas.
the
the
of
glories
do we find
But nowhere
work
other
the
preserve
and also the traditions
than
kings
those
part of
the
above or that they ever played

reciting
to
were
or
said
a bard
in
any
His chief duty

was the taming of elephants* driving chariots and
The difference between suta and rathariding horses.
sense the depository of heroic poetry.
that the former was born from
kdra
is
and
Brahmin
female
in
wedlock,
Ksattriya male
the other out of
wedlock through clandestine union.

Artificiality
not an in-
dispensable
character
of
Sanskrit
rjij ie
were
bards
these
that
theory
^
superseded by
J erudite Lpoets also demands
It is
doubtful
also
described
fights
and
that
affirm
to
the
gradually
*
confirmation.
poets
from hearsay.
battles
from the Mahabharata and the
always
Judging
state of events
given
in
and naksatras which synchronise

throughout the whole book, one should think that there
were either dated notes of events or that the poets
it
in
terms of
tithis
themselves according to some definite traditions synchronised the dates.

Again, we know so little of the
earlier poetry that we have no right to say that in
earlier poetry greater stress
tion.
from
The
the
Rdmdyana
artificial
6th
or
laid to
poetry began at a
7th
the
nor in
was
the
century.
form and erudi-
much
later date,
Neither in
Mahabharata do we
the
find
any
Whatever may have been said
the Tantrdkhydyikd (1.321), the Mahabharata is
influence of artificiality.
in
regarded as an itihasa, and seldom regarded as a kdvya

which place is assigned to the Rdmdyana. It is also
doubtful (at least there
panegyrics were the
is
hardly any evidence) that th$
It is also
kdvya.
wrong to hold thatthe Kdvya style means an ornate style.
first
thing
of
XV
INTRODUCTION
At
least
there
is
none
the
of
hardly any evidence in
therefore, is
its
favour.
and
Winternitz,
"
The more
wrong when he says,
his
ornate
of the poet, the more
entirely
and the more
expressions,
'
'
strenuous the effort
more did the prince

Sanskrit
view
hold this
rhetoricians
Bhamaha
rhetorician
He
regarding kdvya.
work
difficult his
feel flattered
by
holds
says that even
of art, the
The
it."
earliest
different
view
if
kdvya requires
a Sdstra, then it would
P etry
explanatory interpretation like

indeed be a matter of great regret for the
This
common man.
Bhamaha thought that kdvya
signifies that at least
should be written in such a manner that

intelligible
to
all.
indeed
different
of style
which
is
and children,
says
He
types
says
of
further
style but
it
is
sweet.
it is
Thus,
be
there
are
that
only that type
intelligible to the ignorant,
that
should
to
II.
in
mddhuryam abhivdnchantah prasddam
dhasah
he
1-3,
ca sume-
xamdsavanti bhuydmsi na paddni prayunjate
kecidojo'bhidhitsantah samasyanti bahunyapi
ndtisamastdrtham
II
travyam
II
kdvyam madhuramisyate
dahgandbdlapratitdrtham prasddavat
It
women
cividva\
II
should be noted that this opinion of
Bhamaha
is
based upon the study of previous good poetry and the

Thus, he says in the colophon
opinions of other poets.
of his
work
avalokya matdni satkavlndm avagamya svadhiyd
kdvyalaksma
ca
sujandvagamdya bhdmahena grathitam rakrilagomi-
sununedam
This opinion
the
-writings
Bhamaha.
of
may
be
other
confirmed by reference
rhetoricians
It is a pity that
who
followed
Winternitz should
IdentificA-
to
have
such an unfounded and uncharitable opinion of Indian

It is also difficult to imagine why Winternitz
poetry.
of
o n
i v y a as
"ornate"
p o el
r y
untenable.
INTRODUCTION
XVI
should render kavya as ornate poetry, which he

as that in
which "the poet makes
defines
ambi-
his highest
it
tion to astonish his readers or hearers

as original and as
by as numerous,
His
elaborate similes as possible/
1
remarks about ornate poetry apply only to the poets of

a degenerate time,
Bhatti's
of
view
poetry.
when
the true ideals
of
real
poetry
and when the poets had to pose

themselves as great pundits.
It is no doubt true that
many of the famous poets like Bhatti, Magha or Sri-
was
sight of
lost
harsa follow the worst standard of
poetry and
artificial
indeed Bhatti boasts that his kavya
such
is
not intelligible without
that
it
is
explanation
yet it must be
out
this
that
was
not
the
pointed
opinion of the critics
;
and that for that reason kavya style should

not be confounded with artificiality. During the period
of literature
that
many
was such an
of these poets flourished there
ascendancy of the scholarly philosophers, that the poets

often thought that learning was greater than poetry
and they
tried
to
poetry.
But
do not see
can be regarded as
in
the
their
pose
same sense
how
in
like
poet
which Mahaksattrapa
daman's inscription-texts can be regarded

Alamkara
Asvaghosa
ornate
of
representative
Prof. Winternitz contended
that
their
through
learning
to
poetry
Rudra-
as ornate.
know
of
the
earlier
erature.
we must know
the origin of the

Alamkara literature and he seems to imply that that type
origin of ornate poetry
of literature
may
be called ornate in which an acquaint-
ance with the Alamkara literature or
its
principles
may
He held further that surely Valmlki

be presupposed.
But what
did not as yet know any manual of poetics.
is
the reason for such an
assurance ?
We
know
that
upamas were well-known even in Vedic times and

Yaska deals with upama in a fairly systematic manner.
Panini also seems to be fairly acquainted with some of
the fundamental types of upama.
We
have also reasons
INTRODUCTION
kvii
alamkara type of thought had its

We do not also know
origin in the Vyakarana school.
that there were no treatises of alamkara written before
to believe that the
Viilmlki.
The comments
made above
that have been
show
will
that the theory of ornate poetry (kunstdichtung)
beset
is
Birect evolution of
the
style
with
many
Though
difficulties.
needless to
it is
trace
the
classical
from
Vcdic
literature.
the origin of Sanskrit
Brahmanas,
it
to
Kavyas
Vedas or
the
the
cannot be decided that some of the early
Katha, Mundaka and the fivetdtvatara contain verses in the classical style.
Indeed the
Upanisads
like the
Mahabharata and the Gita may be regarded

of the classical style which had
style of the
as the prolongation
at the
begun already
time
the early literature the
(though the latter
is
of
pyanjana
is
which
of
life
to
quoted
demonstrate the theory
is
Though
there
Mahabharata
removed from that
not far
we can hardly
has shown,
to
Kavyas
out
pointed
by
Dr.
Sanskrit
Kavya
century A.D.,
proposed
It
be
supported.
properly
See Mahabharata, Striparva, Chap.
karsl, etc."
Also,
Santtparva
These have bien referred
De
by
is
1843B
has also
theory of
or 6th
5th
the
in
Maxmiiller,
cannot
no
extant
verse
that
17.'*
ay am sa rasanot-
and
1'2.
verses 45 and
46,
Apad lharma, Chap. 153, verses 11
to in tlie Kdvyapraktita, Chip.
as examples of gnnibhuta vyahgya, and Chap. IV, as

vyafljand.
It
the
that
true
XXIV,
of Kalidasa.
trace the origin
Prakrt sources.
as
the
in
of
Renaissance of
time have
later
and (junibhtita-ryanjana.
Sanskrit
been
much
atmosphere
lays greater stress on the practical problems
and conflict of ideals, yet the atmosphere of
Rdmdyana
As Dr. De
of
the Mahabharata
must be regarded as
the Kavya form that is available
Mahabharata
difference
Among
Upanisads.
called itihasa)
Rhetoricians in
verses from the
the
Kamayana and
the earliest literature of

to us.
of
V,
example of prabandha
The theory
the Renaissance
of Sioskrit
of
literature
untenable.
INTRODUCTION
XVlll
importance are available before A6va-
kavyas of any
But there are plenty of references scattered

ghosa.
over which suggest the existence of 'a fairly good field
of
Kfwya literature during the 5th to

Even Panini is said to have
B.C.
and Pataujali
called Jambavatlvijaya
the 1st
century
work
written a
refers to a
kdvya
by Vararuci.
Continuity
of the
Kavya
literature.
refers to three
also
Patanjali
akhyayikas, Vasava-
Sumanottara, and Bhaimarathl, and two dramas

called Kamsabadha and Balibandha.
He also quotes a
datta,
number
from which the continuity is apparent.

mentions Mvya-Mrana as a subject
of verses
Lalitavistara
also
which was studied by Buddha. These and various other

reasons adduced in the text show fairly conclusively the
existence of
to
literature
2nd century A.D.
the
that
Kavya
the
from the 2nd century B.C.

It has already been noticed
the Upanisads
may well
have been included in a classical work of Mvya in later
But most of the literature has now been lost.
times.
Continuity
of the
style.
Kavya
many
of
verses
of
Avaghosa's Kavya as well as Kudradamana's

inscriptions show an acquaintance with the principles
The Prakrt
of alamkara.
inscriptions of the
centuries of the Christian era as well as
the Buddhists or the verses
Jatakas
the
all
reveal
the fact
found
later
first
many
in
two
texts of
the
Pali
that they were written on
model of Sanskrit writings of their time.
The
writings of Matrceta, Kumaralata, Arya-6ura, so far as

they have been recovered, and the verses that are found
in the
Camka-samhita
Kavya
style
was
not have been

texts at the time.
erotics,
were
all
also
confirm
flourishing at the
case
if
There
is
the
dramaturgy,
the
art
there
the view that the
time and this could
were no
poetical
also reason to believe that

of
dancing and singing
keeping pace with the literary development of
the time.
INTRODUCTION
But
XIX
definite dates of the poets in the history of Indian
The Aihole inscription

of 634 A.I), mentions the names of Kalidasa and
Bbaravi and we know that Bana flourished in the
literature are difficult to be got.
Literature
in the first
hundred
six
years of the
Christian
era.
7th century A.D.

They are the two fixed landmarks
in the
The
early
chronology of Sanskrit poets.
that
we
Bana
of
testimony
of
find
time prove fairly

centuries
may
as well
the
be
as
existence
regarded
literary
references
the
poets at
4th and 5th
the
as a very prominent period
This gets further confirmation
from the evidence of inscriptions

fine
many
conclusively that
of literary production.
the other
of
which
are written in
Already from the
style.
evidence
of
Bhamaha we know that many writers on alamkara had

flourished before him and that he had drawn on them
The panegyric of
in the composition of his work.
Samudragupta by Harisena (about 350 A.D.) may be
taken as a typical case.
But from the Oth century onwards
we
find
complexity
manifest a tendency for display of learning

and scholarship and skill in the manipulation of Mords
and verbosity and a studied use of alamkaras. We know
poets often
Yasubandhu had written his

Abhidharmakosa. in this great work he mercilessly
criticised not only other schools of Buddhism but also
that in the 4th century
the
Hindu
schools
of
philosophy,
such as Samkhya,
Dinnaga and Vatsyayana

flourished about the 5th century A.D. and from this
time onward the quarrel of the philosophers and learned
Vaisesika
and the
like.
scholars of divergent
schools
importance that
practically
it
began
to
grow
into such
influenced every other
department of thought. The old simplicity of

which we find in Patanjali and Savara had
disappeared.
Saiikara
and
Jayanta
probably in the 7th and 9lh century
Greater
that the
who
style
now
flourished
are indeed
noble
of
style in
later times
from
sim.
plicity
pedantry.
to
XX
INTRODUCTION
exceptions, but even then the difference

style
and that of Patanjali and Savara,
between their
is
indeed very
Learning appealed to people more than poetic

freshness.
We can well imagine that when most of
great.
the
in
flourished
poets
great
the
court-atmosphere
where great scholars came and showed their skill in

debate and wrangle,
learning and scholarship was
more appreciated than pure fancy of poetry. Rabindranath draws a fine picture of such a situation in which
Learning
he depicts the misfortune of the poet Sekhara.

^ r De has in a very impressive manner described
the court atmosphere and how it left its mark on
-
As a result of the particular

Sanskrit poetry.
in the court atmosphere the natural spontaneity
poet
was
at
pure
the
was given more importance than the
of genius.
Thus, Mammata, the celebrated
rhetorician in discussing the
that
poetic
a study of
human
say?
of
The learning and adaptation
a discount.
to circumstances
flow
demand
power
is
nature of
poetic
the skill that
powers
derived by
is
behaviour, learning, familiarity with

literature, history and the like, training taken from one
who understands
literature
and exercise. 1
There was
other important thing for a court poet that he

should be a vidagdha or possess the court culture, and
Dandin also says that even if the natural powers be
the
slender, one
may make himself
of the vidagdha
suitable for the
company
This shows
through constant practice.
that learning and exercise were given a greater place
importance
genius.
became
than
As a
the
natural
spontaneity
of
of
poetic
Sanskrit poetry not only

followed a traditional scheme of
result of this
artificial
but
description and an adaptation
of
The magic
things.
of the Sanskrit language, the sonorousness of its wordloka&strakSvjSdyavekgaQit

Hi hetusladudbhave
II
INTRODUCTION
jingle also led the poets astray
amusement
and
XXI
them to find their

But whatever may
led
in verbal sonorousness.
be said against long compounds and punsjt^cannot also

be denied that the Sanskrit language has the special
genius of showing its grandeur and majesty through
a noble gait.
An Arab horse may be more swift
and
purposes but a well-adorned

elephant of a high size has a grace in its movement
which cannot be rivalled by a horse. These long
effective for all practical
compounds even in prose give such a natural swing

when supplemented with the puns and produce an exhilaration which, though
type, has yet
which
in
The
place
Bana and
of
well illustrated in the writings
is
many
its
not be exactly of the poetic

in the aesthetic atmosphere
may
inscriptions.
which the Sanskrit Kavyas are

generally written renders the whole representation into
which stand independently
little fragmentary pictures
sloka form
by themselves and
of
in
this often prevents
a joint effect as a unitary whole.
plot
the
Some cbaracterisiics
of Sanskrit,
poetry.
development
The
story or the
becomes of a secondary interest and thejuain atten-
tion of the reader is
drawn
the writer as expressed in

also
to
to the
little
effusions
poetical
pictures.
It
is
of
curious
notice that excepting a few poets of the type of
the
rugged, the noble and the forceful

elements of our sentiments or of the natural objects
Bhavabhiiti,
could
hardly be
failed
in
His description
of
Madana
on us and
dealt
with success.
his description of sublime
of the lamentation of Eati at the
in the
it
Even Kalidasa
and sombre scenes.
Kuniarasambhava has no
seems
to
death
tragic effect
be merely the amorous sentiment
twisted upside down.

In studying the literature of a country, we cannot
very well take out of our consideration a general cultural
ReJigiosocial
trictions
society.
history of its people.
The Aryans
after their migration
res-
on
XX11
to
INTRODUCTION
India
bad come
to
live
a country peopled by
in
own
aliens having a culture far below their
the
probably
tastes
were
before
them
races.
It
Dravidians)
the
cultural
The
different.
entirely
was
whose
problem
of
was the main concern
of
(excepting
and
great
other
problem
the
fusion
of
the
leaders
of
society to protect the purity of the race, its culture

religion as far as possible.
They initiated the
and
system
varnasrama and enunciated rigorous regulations for
the respective duties of the four varnas.
There is
of
ample
evidence
girls of
lower varnas which was allowed at one
Smrtis that inspite of the

rigorous regulations, these were often violated and as
time passed on, rigours increased.
Thus marriage with
in
the
stage
was entirely stopped in later times. There is, however,

evidence to show that marriages took place not only
with the girls of lower varnas but many kings had
devoted Greek wives.
But still the problem of fusion
of
races
gradually
increased
when
the
Huns, the
Scythians and the Greeks not only entered the country

and lived there but became Hinduised. So long as
were given to military

adventures and the people as a whole entered into
commercial negotiations and intercourses with different
many
rulers of
countries
the
country
and established settlements
the balance or
the
in different lands
equilibrium of society had a

Intercourse with other people
dynamic vigour in
the mental
on equal
terms expanded
f
^
it.
stagnating
effect
of the
rigorous
of smrti.
vista,
but when,
.
unknown, there came a period of stagnation

and people became more or less narrow and provincial,
In
they lacked vigour and energy of free thought.
society the rigour of social rules increased, and people
for reasons
followed these rules inspite of the fact that obedience to

such rules was in direct contradiction to the professed
systems of philosophy.
Philosophy became divested of
INTRODUCTION
social life
xxiii
and whatever divergence there might have
been in the philosophical speculations of different sects

and communities they became equally loyal to the
v
same smrti laws.
When
the
smdrta
followed
on the belief that they
injunctions of smrti
all
the
ema-
from the Vedas, the Vaisriava followed the

same smrti rules on the ground that they were the
command meats of God. The maxim of the Mlmdmsd
nated
was that no smrti laws would have any validity if

But there were
they are not supported by the Vedas.
smrti laws about which no evidence could
many
really
The
be found in the Vedas.
legal fiction
was invented
that where corroborative Vedic texts were not available,
one should suppose that they existed but were lost. The
whole effort was suicidal. It denied in principle the
normal human
With
fact that society is a
human
institution.
change of condition and circumstances,

material wants and means of production and external
the
influences of diverse kinds,
man must change and
the change of man, the social

obligations
must
also
change.
institutions, duties
The attempt
movements
must adapt themselves to the conditions that
with iron chains
with
and
to bind
of society, so that these
all
prevailed
Vedic times, was like the attempt of the Chinese to

make the feet of the ladies manacled in iron shoes, so
in
that
when
the
grew
lady
to
the
adult age, her feet
remain like those of a baby. This extreme

conservatism of social laws had an extremely depressive
effect as regards the freedom of mind and it enslaved
should
the temper of the

older
traditions
wisdom.
The
mind and habituated

at
the expense of
elasticity of
it
to respect the
common
mind that we
sense and
find
in
the
Mahdbharata soon disappeared and people got themselves

accustomed to think in terms invented for them by their
predecessors.
Yet
it
is
not true that they were always
INTRODUCTION
faithful
and
loyal to the
customs of Vedic times*
Brahmin or community of Brahmins

make a smrti law which proved binding
Any
of influence could
to
successive
This may be illustrated by the

generations of people.
case of beef-eating.
Beef-eating is a recognised Vedic
custom and even to-day when marriage ceremonies are
performed, there is a particular mantra which signifies
that a cow has been brought for the feast of the bridegroom and the bride-groom replies out of pity that the
cow need not be butchered

according
yet
is
to the
for
his
gratification.
But
smrti, cow-killing or beef-
later
regarded as one of the
major crimes.
Again,
while sea-voyage was allowed in ancient times and
therefore had the sanction of the Vedic literature, it ha.*
eating
The list of kaliprohibited by the later smrti.

of drawing up a
as
instances
taken
be
all
varjyas may
..been
tighter noose at the neck of the society. Thus, there
was
not merely the convenient fiction on behalf of the .smrti

but even injunctions that were distinctly opposed to the
older Vedic practices,
by the
which were forced upon the people
later codifiers of
It is difficult to
smrti for the guidance of society.
how
understand
the injunctions of the
smrti writers derived any authoritative value.
Probably
some cases many older instances had gone out of

practice or become repugnant to the people, or that the
codification of some smrti writers might have had the
in
backing-of a ruling prince and was for the matter of that
But
held sacred in his kingdom.
that
some
smrti writers had
it
may
also have been
risen to great
eminence
and authority and by virtue of the peoples' confidence

in him, his decisions became authoritative.
In the case
of
Raghunandana,
years ago,
we
who
lived in
Navadwipa about 500
by personal influence or by
making his views and inter-
find that either
propaganda he succeeded in
pretation stand supreme in Bengal in preference to the
xxv
INTRODUCTION
Views of older smrti authorities like Yajnavalkya or

Vijftane^vara.
Dharmaastras were probably
in
existence before
but the important

Dharmatastras of Gautama,*
_r
and
Apastamba probably flourished betBaudhayana
ween 600 and 300 B.C. Before the Dharmagastras or
Yaska,
'
Dharmasutras
the
we have
the
Grhyasutras.
The
Hiranyakei Dharmasulras were probably written someThe Va&stha

about the 4th century A.D.
times
Dharmasutra was probably in existence in the 1st or the

2nd century of the Christian era. The Visnu Dharmasutra had probably an earlier beginning, but was
thoroughly recast in the 8th or the 9th century A.D. The
Harita was probably written somewhere about the 5th
The versified tiahkha is probably a
century A.D.
work
of later date
We
version.
though
have then
it
may have had an
the
earlier
smrtis of Atri, U6anas,
Gargya, Cyavana, Jatukarna, Paithlnasi, Brhaspati, Bharadvaja, Satatapa, Sumanta, of

which the dates are uncertain. But most of the
Kanva, Kagyapa,
smrtis other than the older ones were written* during

the
period
number
1000 A.D.
In ancient times the
must have been very small and the

limitations imposed by them were also not so
Thus, Baudhayana speaks only of Aupajangham,
great.
Katya,
Kagyapa,
Harita.
Manu
to
of smrtis
extent of
Manu,
400
Gautama,
Prajapati,
Maudgalya,
Vasistha mentions only Gautama, Prajapati,

Yama and Harita. Apastamba mentions ten.
speaks of only six besides himself, such as, Atri.
Bbrgu, Vasistha, Vaikhanasa and Saunaka. But in all

their works the writers are mentioned only casually and
there is no regular enumeration of writers on
Dharma
in
one place. Yajnavalkya is probably the earliest writer

who enumerated twenty expounders of Dharma. Kumarila
who
D
flourished in the 7th and the 8th century speaks
1843B
the
sattra
and
INTRODUCTION
XXVI
of
18 Dharma Samhitas.
We have then
Samhitas which in addition

contains 6
more.
There
is
the 24
Dharmd
to
Yajnavalkya's list
another smrti called
Sattrimhnmata quoted by Mitdksara which contains

The Vrddhagautama Smrti gives a list of 57
36 smrtis.
dharma-sastras and the Prayoga-parijata gives a list of

18 principal smrtis, 18 upasmrtis and 21 smrtikdras. The
Later Smrtis
Nirnayasmdhu and the Mayu hh a of Nllakantha gives a

Thus as time advanced the number
list of 100 smrtis.
of smrti authorities increased
and there was gradually
more and more tightening. TheManusmrti had probably

attained its present form by the 2nd century A.D. and
the Ydjflavalkyasmrti was probably composed in the 3rd
find that though the smrtis had
oHth century A.D.
We
and were supposed to have been

based upon Vedic injunctions and customs, yet new
at an early date
begun
sprang up giving new injunctions

which can hardly be traced to Vedic authorities. Many
of the older authorities were again and again revised to
smrti authorities
harmonise the changes made and these revised editions

passed off as the old ones as there was no critical
apparatus of research for distinguishing the
the old.
The Puranas
many
new from
also indulged in the accretions
materials of the Dharma-tdstra.
From
of the
the 10th
century onwards we have a host of commentators of

A
smrtis and writers of digests or nibandhas of smrtis.
peep into the smrtiastras and nibandhas of later times

shows that there was a regular attempt to bind together
all
possible
actions
of
men
of
different castes
of
by rtgorous rules of smrtis. Such an attempt

naturally has its repercussions on the mental freedom
society
and spontaneity of the mind of the people.

This tendency may also be illustrated by a reference
to
the
development
of
the philosophical
literature.
INTRODUCTION
It is curious,
XXVli
however, to note that though the Indian
systems of philosophy diverged so diametrically from

one another, they all professed to be loyal inter-
Loyalty to
the past, the
chief characteristic of
Indian
culture.
preters of the Upanisads.
Saiikara'sown interpretation
of the Upanisads consists chiefly in showing the purport

of the Upanisads as condensed in the sutras.
The
Brahmasutra
discussions
itself
says that there
is
no end
to logical
and
arguments and no finality can be

by logical and philosophical debates. It is
always possible to employ keener and keener weapons of
subtle logic to destroy the older views.
The scope and
reached
area of the
must always be limited

the Upanisads, which alone
of logic
application
by the textual testimony of

is the
repository of wisdom.
the
same Upanisadic
It is curious to note that
text has been interpreted
by some
writers as rank nihilism, by others as absolutism and by
others again as implying dualism, pluralism or theism.

But the spirit was still there that the highest wisdom
and truth are only available in the Upanisadic thought.

So great has been the hold of the Upanisads on the
Indian mind that even after centuries of contact
the Western world,
with
science and
mind has not
philosophy, Indian
been able to shake off the tight hold of
the Upanisads
on
its
its
The
late
poerTagore,
be probably the greatest poet and
thinker of our age, drew most of his inspiration and
ideas from the Upanisads. In all his writings he largely
who happened
thought.
to
expanded the Upanisadic thought assimilating with it

some of the important tendencies of Western biology
and philosophy, but always referring
to*
Upanisads or
interpreting them in that light for final corroboration.
The
and
collapse of the Indian genius in formalistic lines
in artificiality in
social
customs,
behaviours and
actions, in philosophy and in art, is naturally reflected

in the development of the Sanskrit literature of a later
INTRODUCTION
XXV111
age.
In the earlier age also the reverence for the past
had always
its
influence on the genius of
the
poets of
the court
It may be presumed that

succeeding ages.
atmosphere of the Hindu kings was always dominated
by a regard
for the
tightgrip
of the Smrtis
affected
freedom of
ening
the grip on the
mind
poetical
pat-
teroised
was
it
also
to follow the past
was
so
much
practice
was
the
established,
rhetoricians
and made it a pattern for all kinds

Just as the various writers on Smrti had
recorded this practice
life.
of literature.
tried to record the

all
customary practice and behaviour of
the daily actions of
all class
of people, so the rhetori-
cians also recorded the practice of

this served as a
Its
as
This tightening of
impressed upon the people that when after an age the
thought
and
Hindu Dharmatastras
the general attitude of the people.
The
pattern
or
guide
the
past poets
for
the
succeeding generations.
When we read the works on rhetoric by
effect
on literature.
and
poets
of
Bhamaba,
Dandin, Vamana, Udbhata and Rudrata, and other

writers of earlier times, we find discussions on Kavya
of a structural nature.
They discuss what constitutes
the essence of Kavya, the nature of adornments, the
relative importanceôf the style, the adornment and the
like, or
whether or not suggestivity or rousing of senti-
ments should be regarded as being

tance in
literature.
good
enumeration regarding
of
primary
But seldom do we
requirements of the
imporan
find
various
kinds of poetry, mahakavya, khanda-kavya, etc., or a

detailed description of the patterns of the different kinds
-
and heroines, or an enumeration

of the subjects that have or have not to be described in
works of poetry. These patterns, when enumerated by
the rhetoricians, become patterns of poetic behaviour
of characters of heroes
which must be followed by the poets and loyalty to

these patterns became often the criteria of good or bad
of conduct
poetry, just as the patterns
recorded
in the
XXIX
INTRODUCTION
Smrti-tiastras
became the
criteria of
good or bad conduct
of the people.
It
must
number of injuncSmrti-$astra
demanded a
the
also be noted that as the
and
tions increased
as
Patternisation
of
life
explains
monotony
complete patternisation of the conduct of all sections of

people, freedom of life and behaviour gradually began
to disappear.
In whatever community or clan of people
one
may have had
would find
chance of enquiring into, one

same pattern of behaviour as was
the
running through the ages. It was an attempt towards a

mummification of social life from which all novelty was
gone.
Even
if
was anywhere any
there
the pattern, the
poet
could hardly
violation
utilise
of
without
it
shocking the sense of decorum and religious taste of the

Thus, the poet had hardly any field of new
people.
The
became graduencased
within
the
iron
of
the laws of
ally
casings
Thus Kalidasa in describing his ideal king
smrti.
experience.
freer life of older limes
Dillpa, says that his subjects did not deviate even by a

line
from the course that was followed from the time
Manu.
It is
thus easy to say
is
spontaneity or change or variety in

reflect
any new problems of
follow
artificial
patterns
through centuries.
fact that the
when
that
changeably patternised and there
life
is
of
un-
no freedom and
life,
poetry
cannot
and necessarily it must

which had been current
life
This was further enhanced by the
same tendency
of
working
after a
pattern
out of a reverence for the past also intellectually compelled the poet to look for the pattern of his work to
earlier poets or to generalisations
made from them
recorded in the Alamkara literature.
here that the reason

like the
why
Ramayana and
I* wish
the earlier Sanskrit
to
as
affirm
literature
the Mahabharata and the works
Sudraka, Bhasa, etc., are more human, and the reason

why poets of a later period became gradually more and
of
regarding
choice of
subjects.
XXX
INTRODUCTION
more
and
artificial, is largely
social life.
exception, but
due
may
Kalidasa, however,
it
seems that
For
this
Raghuvamsa and
to inspiie the
still
reason
be taken as an
time the ideal of old
in his
varnaframa-dharma seemed
the people.
to the stagnation of society
two
in
Abhijftana-talmntala
of
ideal
his
of
works,
he had
taken
theme
of antiquity and of history.

Thus in Raghuwhich
is
a history of the kings of Kagbu race,
vamsa,
he seems to have invented many episodes of the kings
of the past about
whom
able in Valmiki.
It is
practically
curious to note,
though he practically passed

life
to
no record
off
avail-
is
however,
the scenes
of
that
Rama's
depicted by Valmiki, yet he expressed his gratitude
him
to the extent of
comparing his work as being
merely of the type of passing a thread through pearls

through which holes have already been made by
Now, what may
Valmiki.
be the secret of Kalidasa's
feeling of gratefulness?
Kalidasa a
.Now
seems to
it
me
that
Dillpa,
Kaghu, Aja,
portraycrof
VanjaSrama
ideals.
and
Dasaratha
Ramacandra
are
really
the
pivotal
we take the lives of

Raghuvamsa.
them all and roll them up into one, we can very well have
a faithful picture of an ideal king, who is devoted to the
characters of
rules of
If
varnasrama-dharma
in the character of
Throughout the Ramayana,

Kama, beginning from the episode
.
marriage to the killing of Sambuka, we have the

picture of such a king, who is loyal to his father,
loyal to his people, who marries for progeny, shows
of his
heroism by conquest and carries the fruits of civilisation

to other~countries.
What Kalidasa meant by threading
the pearls
is
that he
great ideas of
has really rolled up
into
Valmiki and manifested them
one
in
the
the
beginning from Dillpa. His

success with these two Kavyas was largely due to his
character of different kings
natural genius and
also because the thing he
took
up
INTRODUCTION
was hallowed with the glory of the past. In Sakuntala

he staged his theme in a fairly supernormal manner,
It was a prolongation of earth to heaven and as such
it
We find
was not normal or natural.
here
the
also
king to varmframadharma and the romance with Sakuntala was also not
same
loyalty on the part of the
Sakuntala was the
clearly of the ordinary social order.
daughter on the one hand of Vigvamitra and on the

other, of Manuka, of an -ascetic Ksattriya and a heavenly
nymph. As such the love was not unsocial. In the
other drama
Vikrarnorvasl also, he availed himself of a
Yedic story and described the love of the king with a

Had Kalidasa been a modern man,
heavenly nymph.
he
should
different
have
manner.
probably
staged
was
in
some amount
conditions did not allow him to
Believer as he
of free love, the social
drama
his
in
depict it otherwise than with an Apsara.

According to
the older smrtis and traditions available to us, we find
that a
love
affair
with
allowable
thoroughly
love affair described by
in
daughter was
social practice.
In the third
courtesan's
Kalidasa, he takes a Yaksa
and
his wife. In the fourth love affair in Malavikagnimitra,
which was
his maiden work, he was not so daring and

took opportunity of the fact that it was the constant
practice of the kings to have more than one wife.
In that case also, Malavikfi was also a princess.
She
was brought
by circumstances of an unnatural character and though the queen had protected

in the family
her from the sight of the king, he accidentally saw her

The
portrait and gradually fell into love with her.
parivrajika performed her part
what foreshadowed
affair that
in the
in
the
Kamaastra.
Kalidasa describes
manner
The
some-
other love
was that of Siva
Parvati and here also only in the 5th canto, that

find a grfeat ideal
depicted in the effort of ParvatI
and
we
to
love.
INTRODUCTION
Jcxxii
through penances, such proper worth as may

make her deserving of her great husband, and this is the
attain,
most important message
of the book.
the
Otherwise,
Kavya, as a whole, falls flat on our ears. The 1st nnd the
2nd cantos are bores. The 3rd canto attains some vigour
and the 4th canto
mere parody
is
conse-
of the tragic
quences following the effort of Kama to fascinate Siva.

The 6th and 7th cantos can well be read or omitted.
We
when
thus see that the divine episode, even
deli-
neated by a master genius like Kalidasa, really failed

Its value with
because it had not the realities of life.
us
win the heart
cannot really
idea that
it is
woman
with a
that
idea
the great
is
beauty
physical
itself
by
and
of great souls
the
also
only then when a great soul is wedded

who by her moral austerities can make
pure and
purity and spiritual
her
husband through
greatness and the crucifixion of the
baser tendencies of
life,
herself
attract
her
that
leaders
great
of
nations
such as Karttikeya can be produced.

Patterniaatiou
of life
by the
Smrtis
restricted
to the scope
of free love
a natural
desideratum
for the deve-
lopment
poetry.
of
A member
get married
the very day he ceases to be a Brahmacarl according to
maxim
the
of the higher
that one
caste
cannot
to
is
even
stay
a day without
belonging to an arama. Such marriages would naturally

be arranged for him by his parents and relations and
after that he remains absolutely loyal to his wife,
if
there
is
hardly any room for any intrigue or romance.
Sanskrit
poetry
generally
which
holds
within
it
charm
almost inimitable by any other

patternised form of
language, but owing to the
life enjoined by the smrtis, the scope of life depicted
or
attraction
in the
honest
is
Kavyas became
life
so
formulated
once and for
the codes of
cannot be the
all,
free development of
some extent has
in
narrow and limited.
to
poetic
art.
be tolerated
fit
duties,
The
fixed
atmosphere for the
Freedom
in
of
society
love
to
and boys
INTRODUCTION
and
have
girls
XXXU1
remain unmarried up to an adult
to
age in order that love episodes may be possible. Where

the girls are married before they attain their puberty
and when such marriages are
arranged by their
and when
relations
not
are
recognised, the
of
love
illicit
with
in
nymphs
some instances
to find
or
spheres
royal
heavenly
one
has
to
or carry on with the tales
or the Mahabharata.
of the
Rdmdijana
Taking sex-love
that
sphere of love poetry naturally
One has
becomes very limited.

deal
forms of non-marital love
other
the
beginning
behaviour to
the Christian
only for pleasure.

of higher or
lower
Yet in ancient times
towards
the
much wider
that
sex
recognised
for sex rela-
freedom was
era, says (1.5.3)
who
are not
untouch-
to
The
is
without
find
widows prepared to marry

recommended nor prohibited. It
neither
is
we
illustration,
probably
lower caste,
girls of
prostitutes and
to
again,
of
way
Kamasutra, written
of
ables,
by
institution
was
orders
of
prostitution
allowed
in
society
much
Thus when Carudatta in

objection.
Mrcchahatika was challenged that how being an
honourable
man
not of
character.
had kept a prostitute though he

had his wife, he says, " yauvanamevatraparaddham na
caritraw."
"It is only the fault of my youth and
find
my
in the
he
"
In
the Yajfiavalhya
also
we
Vyavahara-adhyaya, Chap. 24, that primary
and secondary sex behaviour were only prohibited in

relation to married
women, girls of higher castes
and also other girls against their wish. There was
thus
fair
amount
a study of the
of
latitude
for
Kuttanlmatam shows
were sometimes smitten
with
free
love
and
that even prostitutes
love
though it is their
profession to attract young people and deplete them of
their riches.
The
fact that the transgression
of
young
avaravarndsu aniravasit&su vetyatu punarbhftsu ca na

siddhah sukharthatvat,
1343B
rfiffo
na prati-
tioo.
XXXIV
INTRODUCTION
with regard to the
girls
kissing,
was
secondary sex acts such as
embracing and the
treated
very
Yajfiavalkya
and Mitaksard.
Yajfiavalkya
(Acdrddhydya
vyabhicdrdd
gression the
The
tion.
of
fact
unless
Latitude of
later
on
out
ruled
in practice
through the
influence of
Smrti
the
laws.
free
bore fruit, was
i.e.,
(1.3.72) says,
the case of trans-
by the next menstruathat there were so many kinds
advanced
in
later
with
existence
the
particularly
in ancient times than
of the Smrti
it
in
gdndharva marriage shows that

marriages
of
was much
life
freer
As the rigours
days.
time and
tried
to
behaviour and as social customs
social
that
Vivdhaprakarana)
is purified
also
and
marriages
from
seems
it
Again,
women
suddhih,
woman
by reference to
Thus Yajfiavalkya
treated very lightly.
rtau
by other young men
realised
is
lightly,
transgression of married
like
stifle
became
more and more puritanic and these again reacted upon

the writers of the Smrti and influence them gradually
to tighten their
social
and
life
noose more and
more,
the
cifrrent
of
became gradually more and more stagnant
unfit for free literary productions.
This also explains why the poets so often took the

theme of their subject from older Kfwyas and Puranic
legends.
In
itself
there
be nothing wrong
may
in
taking themes from older legends, provided the poet

could rejuvenate the legend with the spirit of his own
times.
Plutarch
Shakespeare also drew from the legends
and
other
the general scheme

1
of
older
writers.
the story
is
But
pdvakah sarva-medhyatvam medhyd vai yositohyatah
II
Yajfiavalkya,
somagandharvavahnayah
strirbhuldvd
though
the same, yet the
somah Saucarp dadavasdrp gandharvasca hibhdm giram
yathdkramar(i
madhura-vacana-sarvamedhyatvani. dattavantah
spar baling ana diu medhydh ttuddhah smrtah
of
tasmdt
I. 3.
71,
tdsdm
striyah
tiauca-
tarvatra
II
~Mitak?ara, 1.3.71.
1NTRODUC riON
XXXV
characters have become living because Shakespeare lived
own
through these characters in his
imagination
and
own
Mfe
his sparkling genius took the materials of his
from the
social surroundings
rekindled
was
in
mind
the
of
became
and
imagination
In
was displayed
that
poet,
dramatic creations.
it
the
in his
of the Indian poets,
case
legend was drawn from older Kavya or Puranic
the
but
myths
the
had but
himself
poet
little
to
life
the story (because in the social surroundings
infuse in
in
which
burning colour of the characters, lived through
this
the
emotion and
his
by
about him
which he
lived,
mind was not
free to
he
lest
move)
might produce any shock on the minds of his readers

who used to live a patternised life. The force of this
remark
will
be easily
Sanskrit poets
that
make
the
it
little
beautifully
rasabhasa,
and not
little affairs
The
pictures.
wherever such
may
i.e.,
deal
theme
central
they utilised the

ing
who
illicit
it
with
of
it
Abhijfiana-sakuntala,
Alamkara
made
tell
must be
draw-
us that
taken
literary aesthetic
real rasa or real aesthetic
poet like Kalidasa
Kavya and
big
described and howsoever
done,
semblance of
as
emotion
amorous sentiments.
successful
where though the
venture
love
in
was not
yet it was going to shock the mind of his audience.

In order to prevent such a catastrophe, he had to take
his heroine as the daughter of a Ksattriya and a
illicit
heavenly nymph and as Dusyanta was going to repress

his emotion because it bad no sanction of society
he
was
at
much
life
once reminded of the fact that his mind was so
saturated with the proper discipline of the
that
he
could
to proper action.
trust
his
out shocking
the cultivated taste.
love seldom
of illicit love only in
is
or love tin*
sanctioned
by the social
rules
could be described bj
poets with-
we remember
illicit
any
writers of
love
be
if
appreciated
No theme
of illicit love
Vedic
passion as directing
him
This very passage has been quoted

by Kumarila in defence of actions that may be done
Kalidasa 's
treatment
of love
of
romance 8.
INTRODUCTION
XXXVI
even without the sanction of the sastra in accordance
customary behaviour of those whose minds

are saturated with Vedic ideas through generations of
This also explains
loyal obedience to older customs.
with
the
Manu's injunction
of
saddcdra
as
being one of the
determinants of conduct.
Gandbarva
Kalidasa
al&o
the
out
bably
date in
Kalidasa 's
gandharva marriage
out
which was already becoming
of date at the time.
Pie had however in his mind the instinct of compunc-
time.
tion
marriages
were
pro-
of
arranged
man whose mind
surcharged with sentiments of loyalty to the Smrti-sdstras for staging such

He
a romance which was not customary at the time.
of
is
therefore introduces a curse of ancient times through the

fiery
wrath of Durvasa, creating a tragic episode which
he really could not bridge
except by the
very
unreal
staging of a drama by making the king travel to heaven

and kill demons there and meet Sakuntala in the
This exthe
plot of the
plains
Sakuntald.
For such a king who

heavenly hermitage of Marlca.
kill
demons there, one is
can travel to heaven and
But Kalidasa did not
prepared to give any license.
realise how unreal was this part of the drama when
taken along the natural and normal environment of the
Of course Kalidasa never hesitated to be
first part.
Sakuntala's familia-
unreal in his dramatic treatment.
with nature in the poetic fancy that nature
rity
loved her
is
expressed in a technique
unreal, viz., that of
making
the
which
trees offer
is
also
wholly
ornaments
for Sakuntala.
Rabindranath
has interpreted
it
in
as
his
criticism
of
the
drama
the conception
of
love has a natural curse
embodying
Kalidasa that mere carnal
is
chastened by self-mortification
would supplement it with a furthei
additional idea that this was probably Kalidasa's vievi
with
it,
unless
it
and tapasya.
in the case of
such weddings as are to produce grea!
INTHODtJCriON
XXXVll
He
sons like Bharata and Karttikeya.

this view
either
Vikramorvasl
in
not
is
or
loyal to
Malaviha-
in
In Sakuntala, however, it may rightly be

gnamitra.
argued that the conception bad taken place through
passionate love
of
state
when
pregnancy
Dusyanta's court.
was no
Rabindranath's
review of
and Sakuntala was in
It
may
fairly advanced
was repulsed from
she
Sakuntala
how
correct.
further be added that there
and attempt
wilful self -mortification
rouse
to
purity through a sense of value for a great love, as was
the case
of
tapasya in Kumara-sambhava,
for Sakuntala lived with her mother in heaven and was
Parvati's
pining through sorrow
naturally
Dusyanta and
of
separation
from
wearing garment for lonely ladies as
by the Sastras. Strictly speaking there

was no tapasya for love it was merely a suffering for
separation and as such we cannot apply the norm of
prescribed
Kumarasambhava
to the
From
drama $akuntala.
Rabindranath's view cannot
standpoint
be
this
strictly
For suffering through mere separation may

justified.
chasten the mind and improve the sterner qualities of
cannot fully affect the nature of the original
worth and such occasions of suffering may arise even in
love,
but
normal
it
circumstances.
Kalidasa believed
chastens love,
for
that
We
cannot
suffering
we do not
through
find
Vikramorvasl and the Mcghaduta.
more pertinent
to hold that the veil
hold
also
that
separation
case
of
it
in the
It
seems therefore
of
unreality
of
heavenly journey and meeting the son there were

conceived as improvements on the Mahabharata story
because the gandharva form of marriage had become
obsolete
and
to
make
a great emperor like
the
issue of
such
Bharata might not
wedlock
have pleased
Kalidasa's audience.
The
needs
unreality of Vilmnnorcati is so patent that it

no stressing. In the Raghuvamh also there
far
INTRODUCTION
XXXV111
Unreality
of KilidSsa's
plots as
are
many
Why
nature.
compared
with the
Kalidasa ?
plot of
dudraka.
which are wholly of a mythical

did this happen even with a genius like
episodes
Our simple answer
that
is
had
life
begun
People
patternised even at the time of Kalidasa.
would swallow anything that was mythical and that was
the only place in which there was some latitude for
to
bte
The normal
depicting emotions.
life
had begun to be
undramatic and uneventful. Anything beyond the

normal would have been resented as not contributing to
before
Overflow of
did
Kalidasa,
making the
love
his drama.
There,
we
drama
find
normal
passion in
the lyrics.
But Sudraka who
taste.
good
of
centuries
flourished
compunction in
a courtesan the chief theme of
not
for
feel
the
which
any
and the
first
is
surcharged
last
time,
with
the
realities of life.
But the Sanskrit poets being thwarted in dealing

with free passionate love as the chief theme of a glorious
Kavya gave indulgence
to the repressed sex-motives
gross descriptions of physical beauty and purely

side of love both
in
Kavyas and
long-drawn
in
carnal
also
in
genius of Sanskrit
has found a much
It is for this reason that the
lyrics.
writers
in
their
realism of
life
better expression in small pictures of lyric
in long-drawn
poems than
The
repressed motive probably

so often find carnal and gross
epics.
why we
human love so passionately portrayed.
do not for a moment entertain the idea
also explains
aspects of
I
Sanskrit poets as a rule had

or
suffered
from
any
important of
writers
Patieroisa-
and
tion
insulation
of
But the
ways
rasas.
on Alarpkara
sentiment to be
Indian
Society.
all
of
prudery.
be the
who
first
there
Indeed,
They
and most
have
been
had held the amorous
the only sentiment
patternised
of living
puritanic temperament
sense
regarded amorous sentiment to
that
form of society
where every action
be portrayed.
and the unreal
to
of
life
was con-
INTRODUCTION
krolled
by the
XXXIX
injunction of the smrti which
artificial
always attempted to shape the mould of
a progressive
the
pattern and model of a society
society according to
which had long ceased to exist in its natural environments and which was merely a dream or imagination,
hampered the poet's fancy to such an extent that
could seldom give a realistic setting to the creation
his
We
muse.
may
add to
it
it
of
the fact that Sanskrit
poetry grew almost in complete

other literature of other countries.
isolation
The
from any
great poetry of
Rabindranath could not have been created
if
he were
the Sanskritic tradition.

The
only in
society of the world and the poetry of the world in all
imprisoned
ages are
now
We
in our midst.
can therefore be almost
as elastic as we like, though it must be admitted that

we cannot stage all ouri deas in the present social
environment of this country. Here again, we live in a
Gradual
stratifica-
time when there are different strata

ing side by side.
The present
society stand-
of
80Ciey<
society
has unfurled
its
wings towards future progress and in such a transitional stage, the actual process of becoming and the
various stages of growth are lying one within the other.
This may be well illustrated if we take the case of men
and
women
society of
living in the
so-called polished
Chowringhee and
distant villages of Bengal.
immense number
and
the people living
We have now
in
polite
in
the
our midst an
of societies having entirely different
and perspectives. There must have been some

difference between people living in court atmosphere
and people living in hermitages far away from the town
ideals
such that the latter could hardly tolerate the former as

is
well-expressed in the words of Sarngarava and Sarad-
But on the whole there was a much greater

uniformity of society where all people followed the law
vata.
of smrti.
tion of
INTRODUCTION
xl
In conclusion I wish to suggest that the cause of the
Arti6ciality
and unreality of
life
in
the
depicted
the
Kavyaa.
and unreality
due to two facts
of the
artificiality
Kavyas is
of life from
life
the
depicted in
one, the gradual depletion
society due to the rigour
of the smrti
and
absence of any intercourse with any foreign literature,

and the other, the conservatism for which whatever
foreign
life
was known
to India could not in
any way
influence the character and perspective of the Indians.
In this connection
Function
of poetry.
different
poetry
replica
is
not out of place to mention
it is
that the world of poetry
was regarded
from the world of Nature.

to give aesthetic
of
new creation
The purpose of
as a
enjoyment and not
to give a
hard struggles of life, miseries and

But I have reasons to think that this does
the
sufferings.
not imply that poetry should be divested from life but

merely shows the spiritual nature of art which even
it
through the depicting of sorrows and sufferings produces

aesthetic
to
rouse our
is
to
the
as
it
is
pain
is a
of
its
vehicle.
world
from
This
the
the
produced by
upon
causes
poetry
alone distinguishes
world of
art.
Nature
uniform
is
of destiny
power
Thus
and
is
the material atoms, energy and the
and
and delusion,
direct
is
mainly
and everything else
joy
says that the world of
dependent
accessory
of
object
sentiments
become
material
Mammata
The
pleasure.
is
of
the nature
whereas
production
of
the
of
world
the
poetic
pleasure,
of
words
Muse and
is
through and through interpenetrated with aesthetic joy.

It is also thought that poetry must carry with it the
delineation of an ideal or ideals not
way
communicated by
of authorisation, injunction or friendly advice, but
by rousing' our sympathy and interest, our joy and love

It was therefore committed to the producfor them.
tion of something that would not in
any way be shock*
ing to the sense of the good as conceived by the people.
INTRODUCTION
But the
inspite
of
the
the
of
relieving feature
xli
conventional
Sanskrit
Kavyas,
subjects and
themes,
ways of description, is to be found in the fact that

most of the legends drawn from the Puranas or the
older
were
Kavyas,
often
such
the
that
Believing
features
of
Sanskrit
poetry.
people
with them and were used normally and

take
interest in the heroes and heroines
were familiar
habitually to
which were pretty well-known. People did not also

miss naturalness and reality because they thought that
into a new world,
in literature- they were entering
which was bound
to
Nature they knew.

of the
be
Sanskrit language,
music, the rise and

the elasticity of
from the world
different
The majesty and
fall
the
of the
the grandeur
sonorousness
rhythm
meaning and the
of
of
word-
rolling in waves,
conventional
atmo-
made it charming
The unreality and
conventionality appear only to a modern mind looking
The wealth of
it
with
modern perspectives.
at
sphere that appear in it have always

to those for whom it was written.
imagery, the vividness of description of natural scenes,

the underlying suggestiveness of higher ideals and the
introduction of imposing personalities often
charm
lend
great
to Sanskrit poetry.
The atmosphere
of artistic creation
a Sanskrit play, as distinguished
of ordinary reality
as displayed
in
from the
atmosphere
has well been described by Abhinava-
commentary on Bharata's Natya-Sutra.

Thus, Abhinavagupta says that the constitutive words
of a Kavya produce in the mind of the proper reader
gupta in
something
his
novel,
something that
is
over and
above
meaning of the poem. After the actual meaning of

words is comprehended there is an intuition by virtue of
which the spatio-temporal relation of particularity that
is associated with all material events disappears and a
the
state of universalisation is attained.
1843B
When
in the play of
The
tran-
scendent
object of
literary art.
INTRODUCTION
Xlii
tfafcunfa/aking Dusyanta appeared on a chariot following

a deer for piercing it with his arrows, the deer was
running in advance, turning backward its neck from time

to time to look at the chariot following it and expecting
a stroke of the arrow at every moment, and drawing its
hind legs towards the front, twisting the back muscles
and rushing forth with open mouth dropping on the way

the half-chewed grass, we have a scene of fear bat our
;
mind does not
refer
to the deer of
it
or place or to the particular

deer,
and we
any particular time
king who was hunting
have no idea of
any
fear as being of
the
any
particular kind or belonging to a particularly localised

The absence of this particularity is manifested
animal.
in the fact that
we have no
associated with
it.
manner
special
,
Display of
in
because this fear arises in
It is
which
feeling of sorrow or anxiety
it is
divested of
all
association
does not get mixed up with any of

our personal psychological feelings. For this reason the
aesthetic experience produced by literature, the sentiof particularity that
ment
it
through delineation in art, is

devoid of any association with any particular time,
that
is
realised
place or person. For this reason the aesthetic representation of fear or any other emotion is entirely different
from any
it is
any
real psychological
therefore,
devoid of the ordinary associates that accompany

real psychological
temporal setting.
the self
is
sentiment that
a real
as belonging to
its
And
sentiment.
is
felt
person in a particular spatioin such a fear
Abhinava says that
neither absolutely hidden nor illuminated
individual personal character (tathdvidhe
natyantamatma
artistic
personally
tirashrto
na vitesatah
hi
bhaye
ullikhitah).
creation and representation then appear
in
in
The
an
and darkness, shadow and illuminaatmosphere

tion in which the reference to the real person and the
of light
real time
and place
is
dropped.
As when we
ipfer the
INTRODUCTION
existence of
to
reference
so here also
smoke we
from
fire
fire
xliii
do
make any
not
or
any special smoke,

the aesthetic sentiment has no localised
any special
When
aspect.
through the gestures, of the players

sentiments are aroused in the minds of the
different
observers,
then
the
so
representation
divested of the spatio-temporal relations
intuited
^s
In the external world things exist in an inter-related

manner and the negation of some of these relations
The sort of
personality
roused in
art.
imply also a negation of the other relations. For this

reason when the mind becomes unrelated to the spatiotemporal relations and the actual personalities then the
sentiment that
the actual
is
roused
conditions
divested of personalities and
is
and the importance
of the
is felt
roused sentiment alone.
There
is
in
our
unconscious
mind an
instinctive
Aesthetic
emotion.
attraction for different kinds of enjoyment as well as sub-
conscious or unconscious impressions

of
When
satisfactions.
ciated
are
aesthetic sentiments as disso-
from their actual environments
roused in
the
kinds
of various
of
mind, these become
the
original
affiliated to or
reconciled to the relevant root-impressions or instincts
and that transforms the presentation into a real emotion

though they are divested from the actual surroundings
of the original.
It is
because the aesthetic emotion
is
roused by mutual affiliation of the representation and the
dormant root-passions which are common to all

that there can be a communion of aesthetic sentiments
in-lying
among
observers,
communication
which
the ultimate message of art-
eva
sarva-samajikanamekaghana*
sutardm rasa-pariposaya sarve?am
(ata
tayaiva pratipatteh
is
anadi-vasana-citrikfta-cetasam vasanaswiivadat)
We
thus see that
universalisation
is
of
(Jnivem*
two kinds.
li
On
the one hand, there
is
the universalisation of the
representation consisting of the depletion from
it
of the
sit ion
poetrj.
in
INTRODUCTION
xliv
conditions of
actual
On
personalities.
of
the other hand, there
is
is
with reference to
universalisation
The enjoyment
environment and the actual
the
more or
less of
the
another kind
its
enjoyment.
same type
for all
All persons have the

qualified observers and readers.
same type of dormant passions in them and it is by
with those dormant passions that the

aesthetic emotions bloom forth.
For this reason in the
being
affiliated
case of
all
emotion enjoyed
there
though
and readers the aesthetic

more or less of the same type
qualified observers
is
may
be individual differences of taste on
account of the existence of specific differences in the

dormant passions and the nature of representations.
In any
where such aesthetic
case,
emotion
not
is
bound with any ties and conditions of the actual world

it is free and spontaneous and it is not
trammelled or
any alien feelings. The aesthetic quality
camatkara manifests itself firstly, as an aesthetic
polluted by
called
consciousness of beauty, and secondly, as the aesthetic

delight, .and thirdly, as nervous exhilaration,
Abhinava
of
experience,
status
an
of
aesthetic
a
intuition,
tion,
unable to
is
memory
the
aesthetic
mere
actual
may
It
experience.
positive
or
define
state,
smrtirvd
tathdtcena
vd
called
imagina-
illumination
sakstitkara-svabhavo manasa-dhyavasayo
ud
mental
be
(sa
ca
samkalpo
sphurann-astu
api tu pratibhdnd-para-paryydyd sdksdtktira-
svabhdveyam), Our ordinary experiences are bound

with spatio-temporal environments and conditions.
In literature there cannot
be such obstacles.
When
any obstruction the rooted passions bubble

forth as aesthetic emotion we have the emotion of litewithout
At the time of knowing ordinary objects we

have the objects as actually transcending our knowledge
rature.
which have an objective
reality
and which cannot be
INTRODUCTION
xlv
When I see
caught within the meshes of knowledge.
a tree standing before me I can only see certain colours
spatially distributed before
me
but the actual tree
itself
beyond that knowledge of colour. Being connected

with an object which exists transcending my colour-
is
perception and which cannot be
exhausted
within that
colour-perception, our
knowledge cannot stand by itself

without that object. For this reason perceptual exSo
perience cannot wholly discover for us the object.
in our inner perception of pleasure
ego within us which

only so far as
which we
it
live.
unknown
is
related
is
For
unknown element,
or pain there
in itself
and
is
is
the
known
emotions through
to the
this reason here also there is the
the
which
ego,
not directly
is
Our experiences of pleasure and pain being

integrally related to it, we have always an undiscovered
known.
element in the experience of ordinary pleasure and

Pleasure and pain, therefore, cannot reveal thempain.
selves to us in their entire
reality
or
Thus,
totality.
both our inner experiences of pleasure and pain and our

of
experience
objective
things being always related to
something beyond them cannot reveal themselves in

their fulness.
Our knowledge thus being incomplete
runs forth and
tries
hundreds of relations.
For
itself
to
express
in
itself
through
our ordinary
Here our
experience is always relative and incomplete.
knowledge cannot show itself in its wholeness and selfcomplete
related
to
absolute
an
unknown to
unknown entity
is
is
this reason
Our knowledge
totality.
external
object the
Yet
that
knowledge manifests
is
therefore naturally incomplete.
itself
But
in
the
and
through
aesthetic
involving the
nature of
revelation
actual
object
always
which
on the basis of that
us.
it
is
It
of
relations.
manifested
within
It
can only express
manifold
is
itself.
its
without
constituent
INTRODUCTION
xlvi
content.
wholly unrelated to any locaThe aesthetic revelation is thus
It is, therefore,
lised object or subject.
quite untrammelled by any objective

Idealistic
outlook
of
Indian
Aesthetics.
the
t>y
wish
do not
recondite
analysis
But what
wish
into
further
any
Abhinavagupta.
literature,
to urge is that the writers of Indian
drama had not on the one hand the environment

ting
of a
social
their
that
life
where concussions
the
emotion as given
aesthetic
of
critic
great
enter
to
of the
tie.
consis-
was progressive and
of diverse
free
characters could impress
them and on the other hand they

the
main importance of literature
nature on
regarded
that
was not the
but they thought that

the creation
and
actuality
of
concreteness of real
the purpose
of
literature
life
was
an idealised atmosphere of idealised
emotions divested from
all
associations of concrete actual
"
Sanskrit
Thus, Dr. De says
drama came to possess an atmosphere of sentiment and
poetry which was conducive to idealistic creation at the
and objective
reality.
expense of action and characterisation, but which in

lesser dramatists overshadowed all that was dramatic
in it/'
Concept
Indian
drams.
of
According to the Sanskrit
Kavya is
what can
rhetoricians,
drsya and sravya, i.e.,

Neither the Sanskrit
be seen and what can be heard.
divided into two classes
rhetoricians nor the poets

tion between
them both
made any
essential distinc-
Kavya and drama, because the

is
to
create aesthetic
emotion by rousing
the dormant passions through the aesthetic

tion or the
tion
that
art-communication.
object of
representa-
Our modern concep-
show the repercussions of

of action and*re-action
a
conflict
through
cannot be applied in^ judging the Indian
drama should
human mind
in actual life
dramas.
The supreme
produces
the world out of
creator of the world,
Him
Brahman,
as the* representation of
INTRODUCTION
which has order and uniformity
magical hallucination
as
well
which
as
xlvii
of
unchangeable systems
same
the
is all
The
-temporary.
mayd and
a mirage or
moves
also
poet
and drawing upon the materials

a new creation which possesses
his
of the
its
but
relations,
is relatively
wand
magic
weaves
world,
own law but which
from any spatio-temporal bondage of particularity

the objective world.
It becomes spread out in our
is free
in
where the aesthetic delight

without being under the limitation
consciousness
aesthetic
may show
itself
of the objective
world and the ordinary concerns and
interests of the
subjective
dramas
at
Mudrardksasa which
Yet there are some
Mrcchakitika
the
like
least
mind.
satisfy
and
the
our modern standards of
judgment about drama.

Consistent
with
view that
the
drama
was
not
The
idea
behind the
regarded by the Sanskrit poets as a composition in

which the conflict of action and re-action and the
be delineated, the Sanskrit
struggle of passions are to
from showing any violent

action or shocking scenes or shameful episodes or
poets
as a rule
abstained
gross demonstration
of passion or anything revolting

on the stage. They had a sense of perfect
decorum and decency so that the total effect intended
in general
by the drama might not in any way be vitiated. Consonant with this attitude and with the general optimism
of
Indian thought and
process
ultimately
tends
philosophy that the worldto beatitude and happiness
whatsoever pains and sufferings there may be in the

way that Indian drama as a rule does not end
tragically
and to complete the
effect
we have
often a
benedictory verse to start with or a verse of adoration,,

and a general benediction for all in the end so that
the
present
impression
effect
of
the
on the mind,
drama may
leave a lasting
Indian culture as a rule
happy
ending of
Indiao
dramas.
INTRODUCTION
Xlviii
does not believe
is
and chance-occurrences
accidents
life
the world
that
disorderly and
that
frustrate good
may
and good intentions, or that the storms and stress

purposeless and not inter-related
of material events are
with the moral
dominant
man and
On
man.
belief
philosophical
material world
of
of
life
the other hand, the

that
is
the
integrally connected with the
is
that its
is
final
whole
destiny
the fulfilment of
purpose
%
development of man. Even the rigorous
SmrtUastra which is always anxious to note our
the moral
transgressions has always
No
of our sins.
enough
sins
to stick to a
expiation or by
the
are
its
transgressions can be strong
or
man
provisions for the expiation
be removed either by
Freedom and happiness
may
it
sufferings.
birth-right
of
men.
all
The
life
rigorous
imposed upon an ascetic is intended to bring such

as
beatitude
and
happiness
may be eternal.
Consonant with such a view

not
one of laying
accidental
the ideal of art should be
emphasis on
occurrences
the law and
on
but
changeful and
the
harmony
and goodness and ultimate happiness. When

we read the dramas of Shakespeare and witness -the
of justice
sufferings of
we
feel
King Lear and
different
an
of
Desdemona
philosophy.
that the world
is
redistribution
of energy, that
chaotic
of
effect
We
or of Hamlet,
are led to think
distribution and
accidents
and
chance
occurrences are the final determinants of events and the

principle
of the
fiction.
pious
committed
man's
moral government of the world is only

But Indian culture as a rule being
to the
values
as
principle
being
the poets and artists

to
any
accidents
not
to
moral
ultimate does
leave
chance occurrence.
do
of the
seldom
allow
the destiny of the world
Chance occurrences
ipdeed occur and.
within" our perspective
fulfilment of
they
when
the
may seem
and
whole
to
is
rule
xlix
INTRODUCTION
But
the world.
this
is
to Indian
entirely contrary
outlook.
Granting that in our partial perspective this

may appear to be true, yet not being reflective of the
whole it is ugly, unreal and untrue and as such it is
not
final
being manifested through
of
worthy
of
appeal
art
in
lies
goodness and truth unite.

to rouse our sattva
which in
from
their
which
to
Hindu theory
According
be any impure aesthetic
episodes.
drama
is
desertion
Thus
the
end
in
is
the
desertion
and
beauty
our
and
aesthetic
all
It
soul.
drama has
spring.
there cannot
of Art,
delight
delight beautifies and purifies

reason that even when the
effect of the tragic
supposed
are the final source
aspects
goodness
truth,
art is
It is these sattva qualities
quality.
the
the
where beauty,
region
The genuine
tripartite
art, for
is
for this
a tragic end the
softened and mellowed by other
Uttaracarita
of
the
But the
Slta.
pivot of the
effect of this
more than
mollified by the episode of the

which Rama's passionate love for Sita is so
excellently portrayed and by the happy manner in
which the drama ends.
is
third act in
We
regard the Mahabharata and the Rdmdyana

as the earliest specimens of great works written in the
kdvya
may
the
Though
style.
Mahabharata
underwent
probably more than one recension and though there

have been many interpolations of stories and episodes
yet
it
was probably
condition
even
substantially
before
the
in
Christian
well-formed
era.
have
prove that the Bhagavadgita was

earlier as a specimen of the Vdkovdkya literature
elsewhere tried to
much
which was integrated in the Mahabharata as a whole.

It is of interest to note that the whole tone of the
Mahabharata
Mahabharata
harmony with
that of the Gtta.
is
in
is
not called a kdvija,
it is
and judged by the standard of a kavya

1343B
called
it
is
The
an itihdsa
unwieldy,
The
bhdrata 9
its
dynamic
INTRODUCTION
massive and diffuse.
canons
the
But
and the
for
prescribed
follow
mahakavya
against
passions,
nature
come
actions and re-actions, of passions
and thoughts of diverse

constant conflict and dissolve
ideals
of
into
themselves into a flow of beneficent harmony.
changing
of
ancient India
life of
abounds also
is
different
cultures
society which
of
and decisive and

in
is reflected
it
as in a
no doubt descriptions of Nature,

of
but
in
passages
life
and character and the
one of
emphasis
It is a
and
customs
and
free, definite
It is
It contains
mirror.
it
manners
life,
ideals.
the entire
later
by
is
it
conflict of
criticism
any of
thoroughly dramatic in its

personages often appear with real characters
rhetoricians.
nature, its
does not also
It
and
love,
ideals
and
to
feel its
it
real
its
conflict of
shows a
state of
course
through a
chaotic conflict of different types of ideas and customs
that
is
trying
mark the character

Various
transition.
discussed
of
in
society
stereotyped ideals
here and dug to the roots
discovering in and through
them
of
as
it
state of
old
are
were for
a certain fundamental
principle
which could be the basis
society.
The scheme
of all morality
and
VarnaSrama-dharma was
of the
there and people
were required to do their duties

in accordance with their own varnas.
To do good
still
to others is regarded
in
the
Mahabharata as the
solid
foundation of duty.
Even truth had its basis in it.
But still in the cause of one's duty and for the cause
of right
and
justice
the
w?}s
always bound
any personal
interest in the
Ksattriya
to fight without attaching

fruits of his actions.
These and similar other principles as well as moral

stories and episodes are appended with the main story
of the
Mahabharata and thus
which holds within
it
at
least
it
is
a great store-house
implicitly
large part
INTRODUCTION
li
The
of ancient Indian culture and history of thoughts.
whole
style of the
the
of
style
Ramayana,
delightful and
order.
easy and flowing and there
is
seldom
The
much more
pedantry or undue ornamentation.
at
any attempt
is
reveals
it
however,
genuine poetry of the
reason
It is for this
is
the
that
first
Ramayana has
always been looked upon as unapproachable model not

only by lesser poets but also by poets like Kalidasa
and Bhavabhuti.
Bhamaha and
other
writers
the essential condition that
contributes
alamkara and kavya as well
of
to
approach
things,
the
new way
way one may heighten

Nature
it
of
value
which
In
what-
heightening
essence of vakrokti.
ever
fact of
of
constitutes
was a mere
atifayokti or the
also
charm
This over-statement
mean exaggeration but
not only
the
to
the value of that which
would contribute
to poetry.
In every type of poetry, even in svabMvokti, the poet

has to re-live within him the facts of Nature or the
ordinary experiences of life and it is by such an inner
enjoyment of the situation that the poet can contribute
a part of his
to
pective
ment
of
sun has
are
enjoyment and
experiences
through
set,
inner
the
which
it
Thus the
themselves.
there
birds
are
going
They do
state-
so-called alanikaras
are
gato'stamarko bhattndurydnti vdsdya pakqinah
II
II. 85.
kdvyavp vdrttdmendip pracakfate
"The
nests
"
not constitute
-Bhamaba,
fettp
Mere
to their
said sarvaiva vakroktiranaydrtho vibhavyate
ityevamddi
spiritual pers-
no sign that the
is
yatno'syarp kavind kdryah ko'larpkaro'nayd vind
cannot make literature.
mere informations.
kavya.*
1
the
facts in
lived
poet
own
The essence
K&vja as
of
the height-
ened ezpres.
is
over-statement of the actual facts.

does
however, that
think,
II
Bhftmaha,
II. 87.
often but
sion of
experience.
Ill
the signs which show
that
the
has
poet
re-lived
through his ordinary experiences with his aesthetic

An over-emphasis
functions and has thus created art.
them, however, or a wilful
of
pedantry which
But
indeed a fault.
effort at
does not contribute to beauty is

in a poet like Bana we find the oriental
grandeur
decoration which,, though majestic and pompous,
of
is
nevertheless charming.
SOCIAL BACKGROUND OF LITERATURE

The choice
of subjects.
if
we
various
take
kavyas
matter of the
review of the subject
'
and dramas, we find that the plots
a
Mahabharata, the Ramayana and sometimes from some of the Puranas, sometimes from the stories of great kings, or religious and
are mostly derived from the
martial heroes, or sometimes from floating stories or from

the great story-book of Gunadhya and its adciptations,
and sometimes from the traditional episodes about kings

and sometimes also from stories invented by the poet
himself.
But
centuries,
when
as
we move
through the
thought and views and
forward
the freedom of
became gradually more and more curbed, the choice

subjects on the parts of the poets became almost wholly
ideas
of
Ramayana and the Mahaevident to anyone who will read
limited tp the stories of the
bharata.
the
This would be
history
of
Sanskrit
literature
as
presented
here
together with editorial comments at the end of the book.

Works of literature are not mere plays of imagination or of solitary caprices of the brain,
but
they may
be said to be transcripts of contemporary manners or as
representing types of certain kinds of mind. It is some-
times held that from the works of
literature
form a picture of the modes
human
thoughts through the
of
progressive
march
one might
feelings and
of
history.
iNTftODUCTION
Maramata
liil
Kavyaprakasa says that krivya produces

fame, one can know from it the manners and customs of
the age and that
it
produces immediate artistic
in his
satisfaction of a transcendent order both for the
and
the
for
and
writer
instructive by the
also
is
it
reader
presentation of great ideals in a sweet and captivating
manner
like that of one's lady love.
We
can understand the history
any country only by regarding

a flower
product,
rising
as
it
were,
it
of
literature
as being merely a
the
of
upwards towards the sun
of
like
entire history
a gigantic
tree
with outspreading branches. 'It may be difficult to

follow the tree from branch to branch and from leaf
to leaf, but
which
the
it
the
belongs,
in
mark, the type to

One can classify
flowers.
left
its
the
of
histories
has
tree
its
various people by comparing

of the literature as much
the essential characteristics
as one can classify the trees through the flowers./
an
indeed true that

belong
his
to
age,
individual
poet,
may have
his
It
is
though he may
own
peculiarity of
which he may somewhat

such
But
transcendence cannol
transcend the age.
change the character of his mind whict
altogether
temperament and
is
interest by
a product of his society.

Genuine history does not
battles that are
of kings
so
if
fought,
we judge
consist of the wars and
the accession and

of
literature,
it
deposition
is
not mere
mythology or language or dogmas or creeds which may

be discovered from certain documents that constitute
but
literature,
general
if
it is
the
characteristics
we can
men
of an age can also
portray before our
Everything
exists
that have created
mind the
become vivid
individual
men.
only through the individuals and
must become acquainted with the
may
The
it.
typical individual.
we
We
discover the sources of dogmas, classify the poems,
History
INTRODUCTION
llV
the
realise
constitution
political
country or
with the linguistic
analyse the language in accordance

principles and so far
clear
the
the
of
ground.
But genuine
brought to light only when the historian

discovers and portrays across the lapse of centuries the
is
history
men as to how they worked, how

are hemmed in by their customs,
living
they
they
so that
feel that
we
felt,
how
we may
hear_ their voice, seeTBelr gestures, postures
and features, their dress and garment, just as we can do

of friends whom we have visited in the morning or seen
in the street.
we want
If
Alfred
like
to
de
imagine him,
Musset,
as
study
or
modern
Victor
Taine says,
"
French
Hugo,
poet
we may
in his black coat and
welcomed by the ladies and making every

evening his fifty bows and his score of bon-mots
in
society,
reading the papers in the morning,
not overlodging as a rule on the second floor
gloves,
and specially because

in this dense democracy where we choke one another,
because
gay
he
has
nerves
the discredit of the dignities
of
office
has exaggerated
his pretensions while increasing his importance and

because the refinement of his feelings in general
disposes him somewhat to believe himself a deity."
Then
again,
century,
a
like,
if
we take
a poet like .Racine of the 17th
we can imagine him

fine speaker,
to be elegant, courtier-
with a majestic wig and ribbon-
shoes, both Koyalist and a Christian, clever at entertaining a prince, very respectful to the great, always
knowing
as
at
his
place,
Versailles,
assiduous and
among
the
reserved, at
regular
pleasures
Marly
of
society, brimming with salutations, graces,

and fopperies of the Lords, who rose early in
polished
airs
the morning to obtain the promise of being appointed

to some office, in case of the death of the present holder,
INTRODUCTION
1\
and among charming ladies who can count their

genealogies on the fingers in order to obtain the right
of sitting at a particular
when we
read
So
the court.
in
place
also
Greek tragedy we must be able to
imagine of well-formed beautiful figures living halfnaked in the gymnasia or in the public squares under
the most enchanting panorama of views
nimble and
;
conversing,
strong,
waited on
temperate,
as
them
to give
understanding and exercise
and with no desire beyond attending to

We can get a picture of such
beautiful.
limbs
what
a
and
yet lazy
voting,
by slaves so
their
cultivate
leisure to
their
discussing,
is
Greek
from thirty
life
chosen
Plato
of
passages
and Aristophanes much better than we can get from

a dozen of well-written histories.
If
we wish to picture
beau in
mind the life of a city

jmcient India we cnn imagine him as having a
before our
house beside a lake with
rooms
for
for
bath
part,
garden beside
having
many
the
internal
people, for sleep
for
part
covered with a white sheet
on both
pillowed
it,
and
meeting
a house divided into an external and internal
his works, for
the
ladies.
His bed
is
made
fragrant with incense,

the head and the feet, and
sides,
very soft in the middle, with a seat for an idol or image

of
the
at
deity
head-side of the bed, a small table
with four legs of the same height as the bed on

there
in
are
flower-garlacds,
vesseI7~~a
on
little
sandal-paste,
fan,
fragrant
spitoon
peg in the wall; there
the grouncTTThe
is
'
Vina
a
little
spices;
'
is
number
which
wax
there
is
hanging on
of
pictures
hanging in proper positions in the wall, articles for

painting on a table, some books of poems and some garIan JsT
ful
The
covers
seats inTfie
outside
room
are covered with beauti-
in the verandah there are probably
birds in a cage and arrangements of diverse sports in
INTRODUCTION
Ivi
the yard, a jwing bagging jp a shady ^ place

elevated quadrangle for sitting at pleasure.
The beau
in
rises
the
offers his
morning ablutions,
morning,
and an
performs his
morning prayers and other
iÎigqusJdufi'^T^besmears himself faintly with sanjialwith the smoke

paste and wears clothes
fragrant
of aguru, wears a garland on his hair^ slightly paints
hisTipsfwith red, chewTbetel leaves, and looking at his
face at a mirror, ~^T~gb out to perform his daily
He takes his bath everyday, cleanses.his Jyjdy
duties.
with perfumes,
!,,
--
______
-i--*- <
-"
"*"""* ">""*""
himself
gets
massaged,
sometimes
"'
'
*..
shaves generally every three da^s,

in the middle of the day, in the
takes vapour-baths,
meals
takes his
afternoon and also in the night; after meals he would

either play or go to sleep and in the evenings gojput
The early part of the niight
clubs for sport.
tojbe
maybgipent
music jmd the night in love-making of

receiving ladies and attending to them.
in
j
He
arranges^ fg&tivities on the occasions of worship of

particular godjs; in_ the clubs he talks about literature
in small
groups,
he
sits
and indulges in
to gardens
together and drinks, goes out
On
sports.
festive occasions
in the
temple of Sarasvat! dramatic performances are

actors and dancers from different temples
held^jand
come and meet together

are
received and
generally
located
well
in
for
the performance.
attended
the
The
clubs were
houses of courtesan^ or in
special houses or in the houses of

club:
to.
Guests
some members
of the
These clubs were often encouraged by the kings

men more or less of the same age,
and in such places

intelligence,
time in
character
mutual
and
riches,
conversation
or
met and spent
their
conversation
with
There they discussed literature, or practised dramatic art, dancing, singing, etc.
They would
courtesans.
often drink wines at each other's houses,
INTRODUCTION
Ivii
Rajaêkhara describes the daily Jifej>f a poet.
He
the
rises in
including
morning,
performs
practices.
religious
in his study-room, he
his
Then
duties
morning
Life of
poet
aftc
RajaSekban
sitting at leisure
studies books relevant
to
poetry
about three hours and for about another three hours
for
he engages himself in writing poetry. Towards midday,

he takes his bath and meals, after which he again
engages himself in literary conversations and literary
In the afternoon, in
work.
with chosen
association
work done in the morning.

When a person writes something under the inspiration
It is thereof emotion he cannot always be critical.
friends he
criticises
the
fore desirable that he should criticise his
own work and
try to better the composition in association
He
friends.
then
re- writes
hours and
the
with chosen
work.
JJ
sleeps
the early hours of the morning

for
he reviews the work of the previous day. There are,
six
however,
in
who have no
poets
restrictions of time
and
engaged in writing poetry. Such poets

have no limitations of time as those engaged in services
are
of
always
some kind
or other.
Well-placed
princesses, daughters of high officials
well as the wives
of
women
such as
and courtesans as
gay people became often highly
learned and also poets.

It is the business
of
the
king
to
establish
an
When the king himself is a poet,

assembly of poets.
would
make
often
he
assembly halls for the poets
where
all
learned people assemble as well as musicians,
and gingers. lbe kings

Vasudeva,
Satavahana, Sudraka, probably all had established such
actors,
dancets
academies/)
It
is
of great kings learning
Kalidasa,
Mentha,
bad so often flourished.
Amara,
Bhattara Haricandra and

Ujjayini.
reason that in the capitals
for this
Rupa,
Sura,
Candragupta
Thus,
Bharavi,
flourished
in
So also Upavarsa, Varsa, Panini, Pingala,
Early
academies.
INTRODUCTION
1V111
Vararuci,
Vyacji,
Patanjali
and
others
in
flourished
Pataliputra.
We
know
from
Arthatastra
that
kinds of
all
teaching of fine arts and literature were encouraged

by the Mauryyas and that teachers of music, dancing,
were maintained out of the provincial

revenue.) The kings held in their courts from time to
time great exhibitions of poets and scholars, where they
acting,
etc.,
wrangled
literary
'*-
--
.-
with one another and vied for victory in

contests.
There were often Poet Laureates
"
~<
attached to the king's

court.
Srlharsa says
that in the
W
-"
9*Ha*n*""*~***"' **~court of Jayacandra a seat was reserved for him and he
'-*
was
two betel-leaves as a mark of honour,
offered
êt us look at the autobiography of Bana who lived
of
in the court of Srlharsa
the
in
J7th century.
He
tells
mother died when he was quite young and

his father also died when he was almost of the age of
us that
his
He was
studying at the time and he had

at home.
sufficient wealth to maintain himself
But
fourteen.
with the beginning of youth he was impatient and got

At this time he got a number
into naughty habits.
of associates
and
%k~oJL..associates
of the
the city
sort
friends.
that
of people
(A
little
life all classes of
Sanskrit
1
bow
mixed together^ Thus

his associates Candasena and
Brahmin
B^ra
father and
and Naray ana
learned ^schdar^
of
Bharata^Jjhe composer
songs, Vgyu-vikara, who was born in the
iha kalidasa-inenthav-atra'maiarfipa-sura'bhdravayah/
haiicandra-candraguptau parikitav'ilia
Myate
in
people
Sudra mother, the poet Isana,
who were
into the
give us an idea
that lived in the city and
he says that he had for

Matrsena, who were born out of a
a
scrutiny
Bana had may
vMlayam//
ca paâliputre sastrakara-parlkfd,
atro-pavar$a-var<av-iha pdnini-pihgalav-iha vyadify/
varamci-patanjali iha parikfitah khyatim upajagmuh//

r-Kavyarolmarpss, Ch,
INTRODUCTION
who made songs
family of those
and
two
lix
in Prakrt, Anarigavana
Katy ay anika and Cakravakika, Maûraka the forester, Candaka the seller of
"
Mandaraka the _jader, Candaka the
beteMeaves,
Sucivana,
ladies,
gbysician, Sudrsji the artist, Siddhasena the go'dsmith

and jeweller, Govinda the writer, Vfravarmaja the
,
painjgr,
Kumaradatta the varnisher, Jlmuta the drum-
Somila
mer,
<~
*
.
and Grahaditya Jhe

,..,."
..
the independent
artisan
*"
girl,
singers.
-***
MQ
Kuramnka
pipers,
Madhukara
_,!.
the
and Paravata,
of dancing,
Darduraka the teacher
Keralika the massage-girl, the dice-player Akhan<Jal#ka,
the
dancing-master Tandavika, fhe actor Sikhandaka,
the
nun J3umati, the monk_yiradeva, the dancing-girl
Haramika,
the' reciter
Jayasena, the
saiva Vakraghoija,
the enchanter Karalakesa, and the magician .Cakoraksa,
Being overcome by such an association he went out of

home for seeing different countries in an irrespon-
his
sible
He
manner and
then describes the
sacrifices
that
time returned to his country.

atmosphere of Vedic studies and
after a
prevailed
among
his
relations.
Their
houses rang always with the sound of Vedic recitations.

People had their forehead besmeared with ashes, their
The children^^who
long hairs were brown like fire.
came to see the sacrificial ceremonies, sat on different
There were little hollows which were softened
s^gs.
with the flowing soma-juice. Theârds were green
with grass. The signs "of dark deer were lying about
on wKiclT
lay the
sacrificial
cakes
and
sacrificial rice.
"The nwara paddy were scattered about on the sands.

Hundreds of holy^d[scipies were bringing the green
the yard was markku6a, thesacrificmljvood, qowdung;
of
cows that supplied
ed everywhere with the hoofs
milk for the

ficers
mud.
sacrificial
W^|i-
Many
of
the sacri-
besmearing their kamandalus with

Heaps of branches of fig tree were lying about
were busy
ix
brown by the
The whole ground was rendered

The smoke of the
sacrificial offerings.
clarified butter
had darkened the
for sacrificial
pegs.
foliage of trees.
We
cit/We from
have again in Harsacarita the description of

splendour and magnificence of the capital ând^ the
the tillages?
court of a
Gradual
Hindu king and the
how he encouraged
read Kalidasa
we
before,
that the
^court-Jife
as
many
to
and
artists
a city-life, \
court scenes
describing
find
removed by
and poets,
scholars
the pleasures of
scientists as also
description
As we
centuries
was not
so far
splendour and majesty from the life

of ordinary people, the citizens, the members of the
its
hermitage, and
hermitage of
at the
the like.j Dillpa ju iisujourney to the

Va&stha goes alone with his wife looking
village scenes
on the way.
His
and talking with the
personal
vigour of character
greatness,
rustic* people
strength
made such an appearance
and
of his
great personality that though alone he appeared as if he

was in accompaniment of a host of retinue and army.
'There
is
naive
in the portrayal of Dillpa
simplicity
and
Du?yanta, of Vikrama and Pusyamitra which

we cannot find in Bana's portrayal. As we move up
to
Bhasa,
we
find
court^^ôutaide 1
that
that
we
in
life
was more
general, whether^ in
akin to the description
in the Arthasastra, ^yith the difference

performances of Vedic sacrifices have a greater
find
prominence in the
in
that
the
Bana.
cannot
lives
of
kings than
what we
find
of
in Kalidasa or
lives
royal
in
the
Kalidasa
hermits
from the forest
} Already
portrayal
regard the
complacence.
city-life
Sarngarava
the court of Dusyanta as a
and the
and
hall
court-life
with
Saradvata think of
surrounded with
fire.
Neither Vikrama nor Dusyanta performs any sacrifice

and when Pusyamitra does it, he does so with a sense
of majesty
and greatness.
Entirely
different
is
the
INTRODUCTION
Ixi
age with whom

performances of sacrifices and gifts are almost a normal
the
portrayal
of
routine.
Even
kings of the
the great hero,
past
leaves
Raghu,
up
his all
after his conquering career in his sacrifice.
We
the
the
thus see that as we move along the centuries,
becomes
court-life
life
of
the
as
people
separation
new
of
description began to
types
of
separated
gradually
wholep With
from
this
characters and professionals
grow up and the court

atmosphere gradually became
diverse
atmosphere and the city

Yet
alienated from the life of the people as a whole.
the older Vedic life and its ideals, as they became more
and more hazy and dreamy, began to assume almost a
supernatural hold consisting of fear and hope for the
The influence of the legal literature
people at large.
with their injunctions and restrictions, became more

and more stringent and more and more stiffened and
inelastic as time
went on. (li seems that the people
as
a whole tolerated the court-life, but hardly assimilated

it
in
their
blood. \
An
artificial
division
was thus
emphasised as we take a
long perspective through the centuries from a position
of an early eminence.
With the inrush and settlement
created and more and more
supremacy and the practical destruction of

Hindu court-life the breakage became almost complete.
of Islamic
In a climate like that of India, people indeed appreciated the passionate side of life and even from the time
Mauryyas or even earlier than that, the courtesans had almost an unrestricted importance and the
of the
urban taste often descended into vulgarity.
We
have
the figure in terra cotta of a dancing girl discovered in

the Mauryya level in Patna, where the girl is wearing
shining apparels
over her body but
shown uncovered. /1\Iost

ancient art show the bosoms
breasts are
figures in
all
her prominent
of
of
the
woman-
young women
INTKObUCTIOfc
Ixii
in
an uncovered manner.) This
cription of
women's
More than
breasts in so
which are shocking
erotic verses
this,
we
with the des-
tallies
many
of our Sanskrit
modern
our
to
taste
.^
find Sanskrit poets vying
with one
another in the description of the most delicate acts of

sex-life illustrating, as it were, the descriptions
But be
Kama-sutra.
ment
of tEe audience had
and in order
a
as
it
drama or
may, the normal judg-
it
most often a sound inclination
to cater to this taste,
a kavya
in the
we
often
most often had a moral
find
that
lesson to
It
impart, though it ran always as an undercurrent.
is for this reason that stories from the Ramayana, the
Mahabharata and the Puranas played such an imporextenfliveij
the
tant-part for
formation
of
plots
In decadent times, most of
dramas.
Kavyas and
the dramas and
of
kavyas drew their inspiration from religious mythology.

In and through such religious mythology the poets
could gratify the expression of their erotic sentiments
and could
sentiments
also cater to kindred
audience without the fear of
In
appearing irreligious.
we
find
through the divine
became the
that
Sanskrit
erotic
personages
religious
creed
the
shocking their taste or
in Bengali poetry that flourished in the
centuries
among
of
and particularly
16th and 17th
sentiments
of
displayed
Krsna and Radha

particular
sect
of
Such expressions of eroticism were unmarital restrictions and it was supposed that
Vaisnavism.
related to
such dalliance between Krsna and Radha took place in

transcendental bodies to which criticisms from the stand-
point of ordinary mundane life were hot applicable.

They were the demonstrations of love in life divine and
enjoy them from an upper sphere of

with
which the carnal being is out of conspirituality
This idea of transforming eroticism into a religion
tact.
a devotee
had not
may
its
beginniag only in the 15th or 16th century
INTRODUCTION
can be traced in the Bhagavata and other literature as early as the 5th or 6th
literature of
Bengal but
it
century A.D.
It may be pointed out in this connection that sex
liberty in fields other than marital were allowed in
society
and accepted by the
legal literature,
though not
The
approved by the higher conscience of the people.
existence and persistence of niyoga for a long time in
Hindu society shows that even in marital spheres sex
liberty
was allowed
The
in a restricted form.
of various kinds of marriages
existence
and the legal rights allow-
ed to children produced in a non-marital manner also

illustrate the contention.
In pre-Christian times, the
Gandharva form
respectable and a
marriage was regarded as quite

girl of a certain age was given the
of
right to choose her
married her
own husband,
within
if
prescribed
the parents had not

find in
age.
We
Kalidasa that Dusyanta says that tradition goes that

daughters of kings had married according to the
Gandharva
custom and
that such marriages were

This shows that in Kalidasa's
approved by parents.
time at least the Gandharva marriage was going out of
fashion.
But in the story of Vasavadatta in Bhasa and
Avimaraka, it appears that no exception was taken

But for the restriction by
to the Gandharva marriage.
also in
the Privy Council the law of Gandharva marriage
still
Hindu Law. But as early as the

holds according
story of Vilhana we find that in spite of the provision
of Hindu Law the Gandharva form of marriage was not
to
recognised by the society.
But
side
by
side with
this
liberty
of
earlier times, the rules of Smrfci gradually
of
women more and more
marriage of
made marriage
binding before the attainment
Thus, excepting in the case of nymphs or

daughters of nymphs, or girls of kings,, from older
of puberty.
ve
8a*fk r it
INTRODUCTION
Gunadhya, themes of free love

between adult men and women are indeed very rare in
Sanskrit dramas.
The Malatlmadhava is a pratyrana
that of
stories, like
drama where the
or that type of
But though the
poet.
of
it
invented by the
plot is
story as a whole
is
new, elements
found in the Katha-sarit-sagara. In

Mrcchakatika we have a portrayal of love
are mostly
Sudraka's
between the courtesan Vasantasena and Carudatta*.
But
yet
we have
host
Sanskrit
of
verses
deal with the love of abhisarikas or those
which
women who
themselves come to the houses of their beloved at night.

In the Kama-sutra also we find that the houses of the
But there is
nagaras were visited by the abhisarikas.
hardly any instance, apart from the kathd literature,
wherein any respectable
has
girl
playing the part of ao abhisarika.
been
depicted
as
In the anthologies
and atakas we have almost a superabundance of love

poems which are apparently of a non -marital character.
But these are mostly
single
61okas
depicting
scene, portraying a passion, or a love situation,
any reference to the sort of persons between

love
was
love
without
whom
this
carried on.
Mammata makes
rasabhasa
between rasa and
a distinction
(semblance of rasa).
when
When
woman
has
love is expressed, or when

the expression of love be
with regard to intimate relations of a higher status, such
expression of love is shocking to the audience and is
many
lovers
or
illicit
love is not responded to, or
called
semblance of amorous
Thus, some of the best

1
if
erotic
sentiment
(rasabhasa).
poems have been counted
tadabhasd anaucitya-pravartitah
Kdvya-prakdta IV. 49.
anaucityarp ca sahfdaya-vyavaharato jfleyarpi yatra
te$am anucitamiti dhih.
tacca &fbgare bahu-viQayatvena upanayakadi-gatatvena nayaka-nayikanyataraguru-jana-gatatvena tiryagadi-gatatvadina ca nanaiva.
matravi$ayatvena
Uddyota commentary on the above as quoted

prakdfa.
in Jhalkikar's edition of
Kavya>
INTRODUCTION
by many
tanaya
modified
examples of rasabhasa. SaradaBhava-prakatana of the 12th century

as
critics
in his
this
Ixv
to a considerable
definition
and
extent
regarded that only when a description of love is such

that it creates laughter that it is called rasabhasa.
If we take the general sweep of the growth of
Indian civilisation
in
life
of
with the
India opens
poems
the
and culture we
called the. Vedas,
impressions
of
find
pretty
Hindu
that
vast
collection
which are surcharged with
Nature
in
its
beautiful,
tender,
and tempestuous aspects produced upon the

The
extremely sensitive minds of the Indian people.
terrific
Aryans when colonising in India came amongst people

who were either extremely barbaric and uncivilized,
or who, as in
were people
from theirs.
of
the four
Indus Valley and in the South,

who had a civilisation entirely different
the
The Aryans clung

varnas,
original
customs and
integrity
amongst an
their
to
preserved in the
to
order
their
to
hymns
Nature gods
to the
Vedas along with certain simple
It is difficult to
rites.
order
social
and
keep their
alien and barbaric people.
Their
rights
original religion consisted of
as
in
to their
Vedas
reconstruct
the nature of these
have become merged in the complexity

of rituals associated with the necessity of the preservarites
as they
tion of
way
The Vedic
evolved
by
and systematising these sacrificial
But as the Vedic families grew in number and
fire.
prose
writings
of elaborating
details.
expanded in different directions in the East and the

South a separate secular life evolved and differentiated
from the original Vedic structure and

to
various professions as cities began
Vedic
of
the
motive
early
hymns
original
it
gave rise to
grow.
was
The
religious
worship &nd as such Sanskrit literature has seldom been

able to free itself from the religio-raoral element.
But
I-1348B
Growth
Indian
of
civi-
lisation
from Vedic
literature.
INTRODUCTION
with the expansion of life two other motives differentiated
themselves in an absolutely clear and distinct form.
The Vedic
religion
had
its
magical element with refer-
ence to supra-mundane happiness and all through the

development of Indian religion and philosophy it had
never been able to get rid of this magical element. The
philosophy of the Vedanta, the Buddhism, the Yoga and
the Samkhya have always to depend upon the concept of
magic and illusion as the fundamental pivot of the
Natural
India.
superstructure of these philosophies.

But with regard to the mundane affairs, the Indians
have
been
always
absolutely
There
realistic in their conceptions.
concrete
definite,
and
no mysticism
is
whatsoever in Sanskrit poetry. They are all based upon

The inexhaustible
concrete and tangible emotions.
wealth of natural phenomena in a country of tropical
climate girdled by great mountain ranges, deep and
extensive oceans interspersed with long and wide rivers
where the seasons appear
in
so
marked
manner,
with glorious colours of the sky, the glowing sunshine,
silvery moonbeams, the pouring sonorous rains, the
and
green verdure, the blossoming fragrant

flowers of all hues and beauty ; where birds with brilli-
sweet
animals of
chirpings and cooings and

description, the beautiful antelopes, the
and sweet
ant feathers
all
majestic elephants and the royal lions

are abundant in the forests ; all these captivated the
fleet
steed,
sensitive
eyed
the
minds
damsels,
of the Indians as
much
as the gazelie-
with their ruddy cheeks
and
lips,
the
flowing raven hair, and healthy physique of emphatic

outlines of figure.
ThecbaracIndian tem-
men.
/Q
the other hand, the Indian
mind
is
subtle, deep,
logical to the extreme, imaginative and analytic.\ The

j n(jj an m \ n ^ has as much appeal to passion and
emotion, desire for enjoying the world at
its
best as for
iNTfeODtJCTION
making
is
as
Ixvii
provision for future post-mortem welfare which
real
to
as
it
same time, the Indian mind takes

carrying on
At the
the world here on earth.

infinite
delight
in
logical thoughts to
their consistent conclu-
sions in analysing, classifying,
naming and arranging
the
data
climatic
came
in
of
any sphere
conditions
in
Again, the
Aryans in India
experience.
which the
were such that their very existence in life

often depended upon favourable showers which alone
to live
could render their corn-fields
depend upon
datum
fate
fertile.
They had thus
to
and Providence as the fundamental
Yet they were fully conthe efficiency of human will and action
for their well-being.
scious and alive to
Human
beings are not mere
playthings in the hands o
Nature.
(The Indians in the history of their civilisation

understood the value of human life and human existence
as
the
existence.
or destiny,
be
its
and
end
purpose
of
the
whole of natural
somehow believed that fate

howsoever unknown and unknowable may
They
therefore
nature, can in reality be influenced and
modified
by our actions. Herein they fell back on faith which

was an indispensable postulate for proper action. This
world
is
for
our enjoyment
and
we have the
so
world beyond the present, after death, which must be

for our happy existence and it is somehow given to
us that whatever may be the obstacles in the way of
destiny
or fate or in the
phenomena,
that
it lies
we can modify
in our favour.
way
of the vagaries of natural
in our power,
its
which
nature and
is itself
method
Early in the history of
of
a faith,
working
human civilisation
they discovered the existence of a supreme power which

not only controlled the phenomena of the external world
but also
all
the
biological
phenomena
of life, the func-
tions of our cognitive and conative senses.

to search for the secret of this
power
They began
in the external
Ixviii
world and being disappointed therein, turned inwardly

to
own minds and
their
discovered that the secret of
power that ruled the life, the universe and

the man, was nothing but the self.
Thus, side by
.this great
side with
the
the
source
of
the
all
of
the ultimate
its
The genius
and temperament of
shows
man
in the litera-
philosophy and
is
but a
The
inner man.
itself
which
secret of
mode
ritual
the secret
reveal
to
human
life
us
and
external
of the self-expression of the*
man
is visible,
We can look at the
is invisible.
tion, the house, the furniture, the
ture.
sought
his
in
we have
world,
the Upanisads
that
place in Nature.
Literature
the race
man
outside
external
magical literature
doctrine
sacrificial
power
dealings with the

instructions
the
development of
which elaborated
marks
articles of civilisa-
dress,
of refinement or rusticity, energy
customs and manners,
the internal
the
or
ordinary
constraint,
intelligence, inventiveness and
coolness, but all these are but different roads, the visible
us
avenues that lead

these are but his
ways
to
man as
The internal man
the invisible internal
of expression.
but an organic unity of emotive and conative impulses

which unroll themselves in accordance with the influ-
is
ences,
physical
evolve.
The
The
which the person has to

of a particular race are its own.
the Greek imagination that gave us
and
gifts
peculiarities of
the twin
sister
of
social,
the
in
Antigone of Sophocles and the
goddesses of Phidias are the peculiar expressions of
As there
Greek mind.
are
differences
the
in anatomical
structure between the various species of animal and plant
anatomical peculiarities in
the structure of the different racial minds.
If we take
lives, so there are essential
man
Cromwell as depicted by Carlyle

we may discover a secret organic unity within him and
an inner soul which would explain all his springs of
the
life of
action.
We
like
find
how
a soul
is
working with the
IxiX
troubling reverses of a melancholic imagination but with

a tendency and temperament and instinct which is
English to its very core, unintelligible to those who

have not studied the peculiar English, climate and
more the
peculiarities of the genius of the English

In and through his letters and mutilated speeches
one may have the panorama of pictures that led
him from his farm and team to the general's tent
still
race.
and the Protector's throne

and vicfssitudes of life, in
and
bis/
his
conclusions,
political
mind becomes
all
through the changes
his
freaks
the
entire
directly visible
we mark the
individuality
of
conscience
machinery of
and all through
peculiarities
of
the
In understanding the peculiar

transformation of the English life in the middle ages
insulated Englishman.
we can
how
from under the meaningless

theological discussions and monotonous sermons, how
from underneath the beating of living hearts, the conperceive
vulsions and apathies of
monastic
life,
the unpredicted
genius of English life re-asserts itself in wavy turmoils

and how the inroads of surrounding worldliness and its
struggles with the monastic ideal, the
of civic
life
reveals itself,
in
its
exactness,
and how
race shows itself
true appreciation
balance
and strength,
the iron determination of
through
the neighbouring states.
its
How
constant
struggle
the
with
this
English genius is
well-contrasted with that of France, cultured and re-
with her drawing-room manners and untiring

analysis of character and actions, her keen irony and
fined
ready wit, her finesse so practised in. the discrimination

of shades of thought, her turbulent and uncontrollable
emotions, can be judged by any one who would care to
study the representative literature of the two countries.
The idea of a supernatural world, of God and His
relation to
man
is
indeed
common
to
most
civilised
INTRODUCTION
1XX
human
races,
but
it is
mode and
the peculiar
hension distinctly unique in
itself
resulted in the architecture of the churches being
down
the
old
status,
destruction
of
appre*
one case
that has in
thrown
and
pictures
ornaments, curtailment of ceremonies,
shutting up of
worshippers in high pews and the like and in the other
case in the erection of temple-structures, installation of
images, abolition of windows, darkening of the inner

chamber, and at the same time in the provision for
individual worship for every
needs and
as
also
formless,
in
the provision
graspable
only
tion and purity of character.

as one
in
person
the European
in
to
his
for conceiving
God
according
and
thought
While truth
countries,
devo-
is
regarded
Indians have
the
always regarded the reality of grades and aspects of

It is for this reason that evolution
in Europe
truth.
has always taken place by destroying or modifying the
old, ushering in the new with a total disregard of the
old
in
except
so
far as its
elements
hidden
lay
in
the structure of the new.
Indian genius, however, felt

no contradiction between the old and the new. The
development of Indian thought therefore is the ushering

in of the new without the annulment of the old. While
the development of the
Upanisadic
monism
may
,on
one hand be regarded as the annulment of the pluralism

of Vedic sacrifices and rituals yet the latter persisted
by side with the former through centuries. The
Indian always found such relations between the old and
side
the
new
that
it
regarded every aspect of the
evolution
human
history and the history

The European who does not
of truth in evolution.
understand this peculiarity of the Indian genius, must
as true with
reference to
necessarily fail to have a proper perspective of the evolution and development
do not
feel
of Indian thought.
any contradiction in taking
to
The Indians
Vedic forms
INTRODUCTION
of
rituals at the
and
time of marriage and have the images
Visnu and Sakti
of Siva,
at the
Ixxi
installed in his family temples
same time regard the Brahman
as the ulti-
mate truth as formless, causeless and yet the cause
of all.
have discussed the quesof the secular or religious origin of dancing and
Many European
tion
scholars
Religious
and secular
ideas wedde
together.
dramatic plays. They have failed to notice that the

origin is both religious and secular and in the same
performance even now both religious and secular value
is
The Vaisnava
attached.
are
lyrics
tested
from a
view as excellent poems of love and at

the same time they are enjoyed with deep religious
literary point of
fervour developing into religious frenzy and unconscious

states of emotional depth.
When
the
Aryan
settlers entered
India in successive
and found themselves amongst the aborigines of

India, the most important concern with them was the
maintenance of the integrity of their race and culture.
hordes
They were, however, somewhat humane
in their
tem-
perament and could not think of destroying absolutely

the aborigines who submitted to them against
the hostile ones, the Raksasas and the Asuras.
They
those
of
on an interminable war against the hostile ones

It is not
until at least most of them were destroyed.
carried
impossible that the civilization of the people of the Indus

Valley which is almost universally admitted as being
At the same time it would
pre-Vedic was so destroyed.
be unwise to think that even these

not infiltrated
beliefs
some
of
their
and other elements
of
hostile people
customs
their
had
and religious
civilisation.
The
Yoga cult may be pointed out as

A close analysis
of such infiltration.
instances
specific
and comparison of the elements of earliest Vedic civiliSiva cult and the
sation
may
Contact
with alien
in course of time reveal
many more
of mutual contact and indebtedness,
instances
races.
INTRODUCTION
of
The idea
dnarma as
social
integ-
But along
with the
to
successful
war and occupation
of
the civilisation
the country and gradual extension

towards the East along the course of the Ganges and towards the South beyond the Vindhyas, unobstructed at
of
the time by any foreign invasions, the principal problem

before these Aryans was to solve the question of social
with absolute social integrity.

that without such a social integrity their
consistent
synthesis
They
felt
unity and fraternity would be lost and their influence

and existence would be destroyed under the strange
influence of an alien land.
the preservation of
They
their old
therefore
fell
back for
customs and manners
to
the religious practices as preserved in the oral traditions

of the Vedas and the subsequent Vedic literature as it
developed gradually
course
in
of
time.
Their chief
motive urge was social preservation and social continuity and maintenance of its integrity and solidarity,
'
which the term
dharma
'
means.
etymologically
any appreciable manner

in the case of those Aryans who had migrated to the
Western countries for where -the Aryans were in large
Such a problem need not
multitude they
arise in
aborigines and
the inter-marriage between the various hordes of Aryans
did not or could not lead to any disruption of their
destroyed
the
original
In Iran the Aryans preserved

their integrity and thus their civilization till the advent
of the Moslems and when they could not withstand the
social integrity as Aryans.
impact of Islamic invasion they largely

and their civilisation merged
integrity
civilisation
the best
of
the
literature
world had been
Semitic
and
people.
philosophy
lost
their
with the
But even there

of
the
Islamic
produced by the Persian converts.

has been known to produce literature and philosophy of a standard higher than that of
No
other nation
the Aryans,
INTRODUCTION
As the preservation of the Vedic

regarded upon as the only means of
and the maintenance of
Ixxiii
culture
was thus
social preservation
social integrity,
and was thus
dharma as conformanners of Vedic times
looked upon as dharma, the idea of
mity to old customs and

became the main spring not only of the evolution of the
legal literature, the Purdnas and the Dharma-dastras,
but
tal
became ingrained in the society as the fundamenand indispensable structure and scheme of all its
it
Nothing could be allowed to prevail

that would come into conflict with the dharma.
This dharma again was based upon a literature and
cultural products.
pre-eminently upon a poetic literature, viz., the Vedas.

Literature thus in one sense as a traditional store-
The
con-
cept of
dharma
depends on
the Vedas.
house of past customs and manners, was the source of

dharma and it was dharma also that was in some
sense at
the dominant influence or guide in
least
production and development

secular nature that
of a
the
of later literature. Practices
prevailed in
old
Vedic times
became associated on the one hand with dharma and on

the other they continued to have a development on
secular lines such as would not be inconsistent with the
practice of dharma.
I shall give
there
is
one instance.
a passage
In
the
Rgveda
I.
which describes the dancing
92.4
of
adhi pe$amsi vapate nrtur-iva-pornute

courtesan (nrtu)
vaksa ticchreva varjaham. Sayana in commenting on the
verse explains
iva
it
as follows
nrtur-iva nartayantlyosid-
rupa-namaitat sarvair-darfaniyani rupani

usa adhivapate svatmani adhikam dhdrayati vaksah
pe&arrisi,
svaklyam urahpradefam pornute anacchaditam karoti

i.e., the Usas is like a dancing girl who carefully clothes
herself
in
her best
raiments but keeps her bosom
uncovered in order to attract the eyes of all. Now,

a terracotta figure of a dancing girl with beautiful and
J
1843B
Continuity
of even the
semi-secular
practices
through the
ages.
INTRODUCTION
Ixxiv
sparkling raiments over all her body but with bare bosoms
has been discovered in the Maurya level of excavation
near
the
site
A. Banerjee-Sastri's
Now, we
Patna College.
the present
of
I.
article,
find that exactly the
H.
(See
Q., 1933, p. 155.)
same kind
that used to dance before the audience
of
dancing girl
Vedic times
in
appears in the same kind of dress keeping her bosoms

bare and her body clothed in raiments
before the
Maurya times. The continuity of the

practice of the same kind of dancing with same kind of
clothes for more than thousand years, cannot but appear
to us surprising.
Exactly the same sort of dancing of
audience in
the Devadasis
may even now
be
noticed in
many
of the
temples of the South.
We
Dharma,
the guiding
principle of
Hindu
cul-
ture.
thus notice
strange
continuity
practices and a strange association of
which has
these
of
secular
with
reli-
many scholars to
gious practices
conceive the development of Indian drama from religious
The
sources.
upon here,
is
led
we wish to lay stress

dharma being essen-
point, however, that
that the motive
ot
nature of social preservation and maintenance

of social solidarity, had never been lost sight of in the
tially of the
development of Indian literature. The importance of

this would be realised when we consider that even
being a Hindu
consists in his participation in and loyalty to the Vedic
to-day
the
indispensable
definition
of
practices.
Secular
utlook and
be doctrine
f
we closely review
culture', we find that in
If
trivarga.
certain
the tendencies
addition
to
the
of
the
Vedic
adherence
to
Vedic customs and manners and the doctriues
Vedic people were anxious like other

Aryan people to provide for wealth and enjoyment in
this life &nd for making provision for happiness here-
of sacrifices, the
As a matter of fact, most of their prayers are

mundane advantages, prosperity and happiness.
after.
for
INTRODUCTION
1XXV
Even
a cursory reading of the Atharva Veda will show

that these Vedic people would offer prayers even for the
meanest advantage and pleasure of vulgar types. The

idea of dharma was later on supplemented with
high
moral ideals, self-control, control of passions and the
like ?
culminating in the desire for liberation, but the

idea of sense-enjoyment and the accumulation of articles
of prosperity, i.e.,
culture thus
kama and
more or
the centuries
unaffected.
less
has been
motivated
impulses, the impulse of
all
through
The Hindu
principally by four
kama and
dharma, artha,
Of these the moksa
literature consists primarily
Upaniads, the works
of the different philosophi-
moksa.
of the
artha, remained
cal systems,
the
Tantras and the
found in the
religio-philosopbical
The impulse
like.
and
sacrificial literature
of
literature of the
dharma
is to
be
the
its accessories,
Vedahgas. The motive of artha forms the content of the

Vartta literature
motive of
kama
which
now
is
in its special
mostly extinct.
to
application
The
sexology
has led to the
development of a fairly large literature

on the Kama-tastra. The dharma, artha and kama
together
are
Political
Science,
to
have been
called
the
the
trivarga.
The
Kavya and the
motivated
the
literature
of
like are
three
supposed
fundamental
by
emotive tendencies, dharma, artha and kama. Of these
the huge stotra literature is motivated by the impulse of
dharma while the other forms
of
literature,
viz.,
Epic
Dramas, have been motiKavyas, Lyric Kavyas,

vated by three principles, dharma, artha and kama and
so also is the katha literature and the niti literature.
the
We
have said above that the genius of the Indian

mind is at once extremely analytic and imaginative.
For
this
reason
we have
a fairly
large
literature
of
which not only anaNatya-tastra and Alamkara-astra,

the various elements that constitute the
lyses in Jdetail
INTRODUCTION
1XXVI
complex act of dancing, acting and music, but which

has also tried to review in detail the structure and
technique of the
Drama
as well as the principles under-
lying the display of sentiments through the histrionic

art as well as poetry in general.
Bharata in describing natya has characterised it
as productive of
life
dharma and fame,
as conducive to long
and increasing the understanding and as instructive
to people in general.
result
of
purpose
all
is to
supposed to be the conjoint

wisdom, art and craft. Its
knowledge,
produce a sort of imitation of
and character.
suffering,
It is
It
human events
produces satisfaction and rest for the
the fatigued,
the
wretched and
it
consoles
those that are troubled by grief. l

Dramatic art is thus
the
of the earliest work
author
regarded by Bharata,
on the science of dramaturgy
now
available, as the art
reproduction by imitation.
Consistently with it,
Dhananjaya has defined natya as the reproduction of a
of
situation and as the different characters are given visible
form (rupa) in the person

a rupaha.
Among
of the actors, a
drama
is called
the commentators of Bharata there
regarding the sense in which a

dramatic performance may be regarded as a reproduction
are learned
discussions
in the sense of imitation and Abhinavagupta, the
most
penetrating and distinguished critic of art, strongly

He holds that through
objects to the idea of imitation.
music, dancing, acting and the dress, dyeing,
and the
stage environment, the dramatic performance

1
nana-bhavopasampannaip nana-vasthanta<ratmakam
hka-vrttdnukaranaw na}yametanmaya kftam
is
entirely
II
dutykhartanam $ramartanarp $okartanarp tapasvinam

viAranti-jananam kale natyametad bhavifyati
II
dharmyatp yatasyamayuqyarp hitarp buddhi-vivatdhanam

loko-padeta-jananarp natyametad bhavijyati
no taj*jfianarp na tac-chilpaip na sa vidya na sa kala
II
n&sau yogo na tat karma n&tye'smin yanna drSyate
II
Bharata's Natyatastra.
INTRODUCTION
a
new
IxXVJl
art for the production of aesthetic joy
not imitation
in
any ordinary sense
of
and
the
is
it
term.
Abhinavagupta says that imitation of other's movements would produce the ludicrous and imitation of
other's
and
feelings
emotions
is
impossible.
The
influence of music, the sight of the other actors and the

stage environment produce in the actor an influence by
which he forgets his spatio-temporal, actual or local

personality and thus transfigures himself into his
dramatic personality and a new world consistent with
him and
his performance produces in a similar manner a new
influence, and a new type of communication emerges out
of him and enlivens the mind of the audience.
But we
the spirit of the dramatic situation appears in
not enter
shall
here into
art-communication.
We
any
are
out that dramatic performance

recitation in
the
form
of
details of the nature of
only interested to
becomes an
dialogues
art
associated
point
when
with
dress
suitable gestures, postures,
movement, dancing,
and music, succeeds in giving expressions to sentiments
and passions so as to rouse similar sentiments in the
minds of the audience. Thus it becomes a dramatic
Thus Natyadarpana says

natakamiti natayati
vicitram ranjanat praveena sabhyanam hrdayam narta-
art.
yati
iti
ance
which
natakam. 1
In this sense a dramatic
perform-
be distinguished from mere recitation

have elsewhere in the
not so effective.
should
is
editorial notes tried to
We
show the manner
in
which the
dramatic performance evolved through a combination of

recitation, dancing and acting and the fact that there
2nd century B.C. and in the time

the Mauryyas, schools and teachers for the training
were at
of
least in the
of the dramatic art.
yadyapi kathadayo'pi srotfhfdayatn natayanti tathapiahk opayadinavp

vaicitryahetunamabhavdt na tathd ratlfakatvam iti na te nfyakam
I
dramatic
arfc<
INTRODUCTION
Ixxviii
Keligious
value of
dramatic
performances.
We
have said above that the kacyas and the natya

contributed to dharma, artha and kama and Bharata's
specification of the object of dramatic performance
confirms the view.
Not only
is
natya called a Veda for
universal instruction and the author of the
muni
also
Natyaastra
performances were
generally held in times of religious festivities and when
called a
(saint) but dramatic
they consisted in the reproduction of the great characters

of the Rdmayana and the Mahabharata, they had not
only an educative value in rousing
noble
passions
but
they were regarded also as productive of merit, both for
who performed them and for those who listened

and witnessed them. Even to-day the Kamacarita
played in a peculiar manner in the United Provinces
those
India, where the players
as
well
as
the
audience
to
is
in
are
surcharged with a religious emotion.

Again, when a
kathaka or a reciter would recite, say, the episode of
the marriage of Sita, religiously-minded persons would
have the impression in their minds that the marriage of
was actually taking place before them and those

who can afford to do it, would willingly offer golden
Sita
ornaments and jewels as articles of dowry for Sita,

which of course, are received by the Brahmin reciting
Even
as his fees.
much would
those
who cannot
afford
to
pay
whatever they can, fruits and flowers,

Here, again,
coins, grains, etc., on such an occasion.
offer
we must note
who can very
the imaginative character of the Indians,

easily lose
their
personality
when they
imaginary description of deeds that are

dear to their hearts. I do not know if any other people
in the world have such imaginary susceptibilities.
listen to the
The
sode of
epi-
King
Kula-
In the Prapannamrta (Chap. 86) by Anantacarya

there is a curious episode of King Kulaêkhara who was
sekhara,
Tamil king
living in the 12th century,
who was
very
fond of listening to the recitation of the Ramayana.
INTRODUCTION
When
he listened to a verse to
Ixxix
'the effect
Kama was
that
alone to meet the fourteen thousand demons, he became

so
much
with the
excited
armed himself from head

marching with
of
Rama.
to
he immediately
foot and was on the point of
affair that
meet Havana as an
his arrny to
all
Such imaginative predilection
people could easily be utilised by
ally
of the Indian
the poets
with characters of the
by dealing
Mahabharata
the
and
Rdmdyana
and the Puranas
means
and moral
buting to
which
is
which
is
as a
rousing the
of
We
dharma.
know
an
that the Rdmdyana,
Mvya and the Mahabharata
definitely called a
called
religious
and thereby contri-
interest of the audience
are
itihdsa,
as
regarded
Thus, there
with the holiness of the Vedas.

easy bridge between what
may
be
invested
was an
dharma and
called
what may be called plain literature. We can

assume that the Indian people in general were as a
also
rule
religi'ously-minded and cared for that type of literature

which initiated them to
religious principles and
strengthened
their
faith
in
manner
pleasurable
through amusements. This may be a very important

reason why most of the plots of Indian dramas and
kdvyas were taken from the Rdmdyana, the Mahabharata and the Puranas.
There are indeed some plots
derived either directly or indirectly from
the floating materials used by
In other cases,
sources.
the
him
Gunadhya
or
or from similar other
lives
of
great
kings or
form the subject-matter of the kdvyas and

the dramas and in a few cases historical events have
saints also
tarn
imam
Slokam,
bhaktiman kulatekharah
caturdata-sahasrdni raksasam
ekatca rdmo
dharmdtmd
bhlma-kannanam
katharfl'yuddharp, bhaviqyati
asahisnustato'dharmayuddharp 6ighram> skhalad-gatih
dhanurvanaip samdddya khajgarii carma
ca
caturangabalopeto janasthdnam- kftatvarah
viryyavan
pratasthe tatk$ane tasya saMyarthavp, haripriyah
II
Religious
tempera-
ment
of
the
people often
explains the
choice of
plots.
Ixxx
INTRODUCTION
been made the subject-matter of literature.

by side with these historical kdvyas we have
Side
also
prafasti-kavyas in inscriptions
such
poetic merit,
Rama
Idealistic
motives
sometimes
inspired the
poets in
framing the
Kavigvara
by
pratastis
(700-800 A.D.) and the LalitaSuradeva of the
9th century A.D.
Not only
or religious
the
as,
many
which are of excellent
&c.
in the choice of subjects but
also
the
in
framing of the plots, poets were sometimes guided by

idealistic motives. Thus Kalidasa described the physical
Parvati
beauty of
to
its
plots.
sambhava, but
for a great
in the matter of the fruition of her love
yogin like Siva, the fragile physical beauty
was not deemed enough.
She must go through the
hardest penance in order that she

fruitful.
ment
Kumar a-
perfection in the
may make
It is only the spiritual glory
her love
and spiritual attain-
by self-control
and the attainment of moral height that can become
1
In the case of the love of
permanent and eternal.
of spiritual beauty, beauty attained
who
Sakuntala,
in the intensity of her love
had forgotten
the hermitage, she had to

rebuff and practical banishment in sorrow.
her duties in
suffer
cruel
The
lusty
was punished by her being turned into a

Thus, the poet Kalidasa, when describing the
love of tTrvaÎ
creeper.
passion of love,
hama
should
dharma.
is
always careful to demonstrate that
not
in
its
intensity
transgress
But the same poet was not
in
the
the least
conjugal
perturbed in giving us glowing
and
between
Siva
satisfaction that took place
Parvati, or
experiences of
conjugal yearning in the case
iye$a
sd
of
kartumabandhya-rupatam
the
Yaksa
samddhimdsthdya
for
his
tapobhir-
dtmanah
avdpyate vd kathamanyathadvayvm
tathdvidham prema patisca
tddr-
tah\\
Kumarasambhava Canto V,
9
2.
Ixxxi
INTRODUCTION
Kama
beloved spouse.
bad, but when
vaniSa led to
his
of
poets
It
is for
in
Raghu-
this
reason
India instead of
traying mere characters or giving expression

or other sentiments
love
random from
as
becomes
it
King Agnivarna
destruction.
Sanskrit
the
of
undesirable or
dharma
transgresses
The kama
wicked.
that
it
not
in itself is
or
such,
por-
to ardent
their
devising
exeveryday sphere
periences, had to adopt a particular scheme, a framework of types, within which limitations they had to
plots
at
vent to
give
their
of
their
The scheme
effusions.
poetic
or
the frame should be such that the .fundamental principle
kama should not
and
that
dharma,
artha
one
another
leading
disastrous
to
The
ideal
marga
'
transgress
may
results,
But here again, with the exception

of Bhasa, most of the writers had conformed to the
end with
poetic convention that no drama should
be observed.
disastrous
work
of
Here again, a drama
consequences.
was regarded as a whole, as
art
a cycle
an
as
com-
drama
ending with disastrous

consequences would be a mutilated piece from the
world of our experience it would merely mean that
the cycle has not been completed, or that it is only
plete
in
itself.
view and not the whole.
partial
Inspite
of
Drama
an epitome
of life.
the
charge of pessimism often laid at the door of Indian

thought by the Westerners, it should be noted that
who admit, sorrow
the Indians
would regard it as
whole or totality. A drama in
the
aim
at
some
viz., a nataka,
must
reason that the
should have in
it
mukha, pratimukha,
vimarta and nirvahana. Thus in the drama
Ratnavali,
Udayana
drama,
its totality
situations called the
critical
Ijarbha,
It is for this
realisation.
fully developed
five
aspect of
negative in the conception
things
of
as a partial
the
at
love
first
of
Sagarika
sight,
at
seeing the
introduces the
king
main theme
The
five
critical
situations.
INTRODUCTION
of the
drama which would culminate
the happy union of tldayana with

the
is
seed,
as
it
This seed of
what obscured by the

events
that
artifice
but
followed,
the end in
first
when
in
called
the pratimukha-sandhi.
that in
which there
in
fructify
was some-
love
king and other

again manifested
the
of
shoot
its
This
Sagarika.
which would
were,
whole drama.
the
in
is
Act II through the arrangement of Susangata

king Udayana and Sagarika met each other. This is
are
The
the reader to doubt whether the
garbha-sandhi
which
events
obstructive
is
lead
hopes raised would be

in Sakuntala we have
Thus, when
the curse of Durvasa and later on, the repulsion of
Sakuntala by the king in the Court, and her disfulfilled
or
not.
we have the garbha-sandhi. Later on,

appearance,
when at the sight of the ring the king is reminded of
Sakuntala, we have the vimarta-sandhi, or inspite of
the
obstruction
and
the
doubt,
encouraged to hope and
is
reader
is
again
partially satisfied with regard
The last nirvahana-sandhi is

the expected union.
which the king Dusyanta becomes again united
with Sakuntala in Act VII. Thus the five critical
to
that in
situations
Life
whole.
constitute
has
unity, an epitome of our life as

its
crises,
disappointments, but we have

regarding the final fulfilment.
reflection of life as a
view and contains
its
difficulties
and
always to be hopeful
is thus the
The drama
whole from the Indian point of

its
own
philosophy.
The
critics,
however, recommend further divisions of each of the

critical stages into which we need not enter.
What
is
important
to
note
here
is
the
general
review of
life.
of
Drama
nfitifefl,
has
several forms, viz., nataka, prakarana?
prakarani,
dttna, utsrtikahka,
vyayoga,
samavakftra,
bhclna,
lhamrga, vlthi and prahasana. The
Ixxxiii
INTRODUCTION
with the
ptakarana deals
characters
of
ordinary
the
is
own
poet's
like
invention,
may
we have a courtesan as
madhava a wife. The other
the
plot
is
of
sphere
common
generally
a prakarana.
either be a wife or a courtesan. In
katika
to
and the
or taken from historical
Thus Malatlmadhava
episodes.
heroine
such as the minister,
people,
Brahmin, merchant and the
the
of
consisting
plot
The
Mrccha-
a heroine and in Malatl-
characters belong
the
Among
people.
also
women
characters we have the procuresses and other common

women. In a prakarana there are generally troublous
and the principal hero
events
mixture of
sentiment
of
with the characters

afraid of the
is
always
ous adventures.
may
portrays
hero
and amorous temperament.
soft
deals
It
(dhiratanta)
generally love and the
is
be of
the
and
patient
The natika is
nataka and prakarana. The principal
peaceful temperament
a
of a
is
There
of
kings.
is
It
generally
The hero king
queen in carrying on his amorare more heroines than heroes.
one, two, three or four Acts.
character
generally
of a
bhana
knave or rogue (dhurta),
wherein only one person acts in imaginary dialogues,

i.e.,
behaving as if the actor was responding to the
of
question or speech of another and it consists only
one Act and it may include dancing as v^ll. Though
there
is
but only one
actor,
he carries on dialogues
with imaginary persons not present on the stage. It

may also include singing. Sometimes one may sit and
with gestures. It generally portrays the amorous

The prahasana
sentiment and sometimes heroism,
recite
portraying the sentiment of the ludicrous

of the religious sects
the
generally at the expense
actors and actresses are generally courtesans and their
consists
in
associates
and the members of the
expense the fun
is
being enjoyed.
sects
at
whose
It generally consists
INTRODUCTION
one Act.
of
characters
of
Yakas and
ment
and
Baksasas.
and that
It
loathsome and disgusting
things
thunder and the comet.
like
the
one
may
the
of four
As examples
refer to the Tripuradaha,
and Tdrakoddharana
eclipse,
It generally consists
Acts and has four critical situations.

this,
and
generally portrays the senti-
of the
dreadful
of
behaviours
and ghostly beings, Gandharvas,
ghosts
of anger
treats
dima portrays the
of
Vrtroddharana
vyayoga has for its hero either

gods or kings and has but few actors, three, four or
The two critical situafive, but not exceeding ten.
.
garbha and vimar$a are absent. It describes

but the
generally deeds of violence and fighting,
tions,
fighting is not for the sake of any
woman.
It generally
happenings of one particular day. A

samavakara deals with legendary episodes of the conwith the
deals
between the gods and demons. It generally deals

with the sentiment of heroism and generally consists
flict
of three Acts of three different times.

of cities or battles or
fire.
through
a good
It portrays siege
stormy destructions or destructions
The Samudramanthana by Vatsaraja
illustration
of
samavakara.
is
mthi consists
one Act, like the Vakulavithi. It generally portrays

the sentiment of love and is sometimes accompanied
of
with dancing and amorous gestures and generally there

The utsrstikdhka deals with
is one or two actors.
a
known
legend or a fairy tale and portrays cruel
deeds
Many young women are introduced as

and
Though full' of dreadful
weeping
sorrowing.
events, it would end in peace.
Generally it contains
and
battles.
three Acts.
Actual killing should not be shown on the
stage though sometimes violation of this

as
in
the
utsrstikanka
called
rule
is
seen,
the Nagananda, where
Jimiitavahana dies on the stage. An lhamrga portrays

fighting for the sake of women and the hero may be
ixxxv
INTRODUCTION
godly or
human and
of
possession
there
may
be great
fights
for
the
There are generally

derived from well-known stories
heavenly nymphs.
four Acts and the plot
is
modified by the dramatist.
review of
these various
forms of dramatic per-
formance sheds some new light upon the problem of the

evolution of the drama.
Of these various forms of the
drama
the ndtaka
and the prakarana that

may be regarded as full-fledged dramas. Of these two,
again, the ndtaka should be based upon a well-known
it
is
only
who
story and the hero,
possessed of
all
generally a king, should
is
kingly qualities.
be
the story should
Though
be derived only from legends, yet whatever may be improper or undesirable should be left out. There should
be
many
five
characters
it
and there should be the
sandhis and a proper balance
Acts.
The sentiment
amorous
heroic or
between the various
be portrayed should be either

and nothing that may be shocking,
to
shameful should be shown
dreadful or
It
in
should consist
of at least five
on the stage.
Acts and it should not
have more than ten Acts and each Act should contain
the event of one day or half a day.
is
The Vikramorvasl
a five-Act drama, the Rdmdbhyudayaa, six-Act drama,
drama, the Nalavikrama an

eight- Act drama, the Deviparinaya a nine-Act drama and
The ndtaka form
the Bdlardmdyana a ten-Act drama.
the Sakuntala a seven-Act
of
drama
as the best
and
supposed to
contribute todfearma, artfeaand kdma inconsistency with
is
each other.
regarded
The prakarana resembles
it is
the ndtaka, only
ato hi nfyakasya'sya pr&thamyarp parikalpitam

wafj/o-fledan*
vidhayadavwin&ha pit&mahalj,
dharmadi-sadhanavp natyarp, sarva-duhkhd-panodanam

dsevadhvam tadrsayas tasyotthanam iu nafakam
divya-manufa-saipyogo yatrdhkairavidfyakaih
II
BhAvapraltaiana of Sarsdatanaya VIII, pp. 287.238.
ixxxv i
INTRODUCTION
the plot
the
here
It
poet,
may
also
be either legendary or concocted by

contributes to dharma, artha and
kama, but the characters are not taken from the higher
There may be courtesans here or legally
sphere.
married
wives or damsels in the
state
of
courtship
but they are all taken from the bourgeois, such as in

the Mrcchakatika or the Malatimadhava.
The natika
like
the Ratnavall
the Priyadarsika also deals with
or
characters of the higher sphere and they
are
generally
amorous type. There is not in it any attempt

to dharma, artha and kama in mutual
consistency. We thus find that it has not the same high
Characteristics
of
some
other
forms of the
drama.
of
the
to
contribute
purpose as the nataka or the prakarana. This

accounts for the fact that natakas have been more popular and we have an immensely larger number of natakas
than any other form of the drama. This is consistent

with the ideal of the realisation of trivarga, i.e.,
dharma, artha and kama,

also
accounts
for
the
in
dramatic performance.
that
fact
we have
so
few
It
of the
prahasana and the bhana, which are farces and parodies

from common life. There may have been the earlier
forms of popular play which gradually dwindled away
into forgetfulness with the pronounced and pointed
development of the ideal of trivarga among people in

general, and we perceive that as time advanced the ideal
of
dharma
definitely
as.
a purpose of
drama was more and more
When
demanded.
with
the
Mahomedan
occupation the religious practices ceased to be encouraged by kings, people wanted to be reminded of the old
dramatic plays and this

after the 12th or the 13th
century
ideals of holy characters
in
explains the fact why

we have such a superabundance
of
Epic kavyas and
dramas with religious themes.
Taken
the
at
random,
68 dramatic pieces
after
find that the plot of
about
of about
12th century A.D., we
INTRODUCTION
Ixxxvii
the religious legends and

only 27 from the secular legends, mostly built upon the
41 of them were taken from
from Gunacjhaya's source. Of these 41

dramatic pieces drawn from the religious legends, 27
story available
Dominance
of religions
motive ID
the dramatic
literature.
3 are vyayogas, 2
dimas, one Ihdmrga, 4 utsrstikahkas, 2 samavakaras.
Of the 27 dramatic pieces from secular sources, 6 are
are natakas,
one
is
prakarana,
prahasanas, 2 vtthis, 4
We thus see that the natakas
11 prakaranas,
natikas and one lhamrga.
natakas,
by far exceeded all other forms of dramatic compositions

and most of them ^were taken from religious legends.
dimas (two), utsrstikahkas (four)

and samavakaras (two) are religious. There is one
All vyayogas (three),
The bhana and the

prahasana cannot by nature be religious and we have
secular
lhamrga and one
religious.
only 4 prahasanas including the Hasyacudamani, and

there is one bhana called the Karpuracarita.
Among
those
from secular legends, there are some

The
prakaranas, two vtthis and 4 natikas.
derived
natakas
dima, we have already seen,
deals
with
episodes
of
The
supernatural beings like the ghosts and goblins.
the
samavakdra
deal
with
dreadful
generally
vyayoga and
between the demons and the gods and
probable that they existed as the earlier forms
events,
it
is
battles
of dramatic representations portraying the defeats of the
and the aboriginal races in

Aryans. The bhana and the
asuras
their conflict with
prahasana were
from
comic
popular life of a
representations
generally
lower status and they displayed no moralising tendency.
the
These were the
first
to
disappear.
Those dramatic
forms of representation like the vyayoga, dima and

samavakara which represented military valour, anger
or irascibility of temper, could not also stand,
the distance of
which had
at
as with
time actual episodes. of battles,
etc.,
one time agitated the public mind and
Characteristics of differ-
ent types of
the drama.
INTRODUCTION
Ixxxviii
represented the mock triumph of the Aryan people

over their neighbours, ceased to interest the public
The
mind.
earliest
Bbasa, whose works are the

representatives of our dramatic literature now
fact
that
equal importance to these as to the

natakas indicates the possibility of their existence in
It
larger numbers in earlier times which are now lost.
gives
available,
is
remarkable to note that
Bhasa
legends in a large
religious
also
measure.
fragmentary dramas of A^vaghosa, one

prakarana and the other
is
is
draws upon
Of the two
the Sariputra-
a religious allegory like the
Prabodha-candrodaya of later times, and the religious

motive is apparent in both of them.
In the drama of later times,
The subjects
dramas
and Epics
i.e.,
from the 12th
to
of
taken from
the 18th century, taking a review of about 33 dramas,

we find that almost all of them are based on either the
religious
sources.
Rama
are mostly
or
the Krsna
Hardly any drama had

period which may be said to
legend.
been written during this

have been based upon the story-material of Gunacjhya
which in the
out
many
later centuries before Christ
centuries
materials to so
said
With
with
many
after the
dramas.
and through-
Christian era supplied
The same thing may be
more emphasis regarding the Epic kavyas.
the exception of the Carita-kavyas or biographical
epics there have hardly been any Epic kavyas through-
out the centuries which have not been based on the
reli-
Valmiki's Ramayana, the Mahabharata

gious legends.
and the Kj^na legends from the Puranas had stood as
which poets could either
inexhaustible stores from
borrow or adapt legends with modifications for their

The Prafasti kavyas were all inspired with
kavya.
feelings of loyalty to great kings or
loyalty
could
patrons
and such
be compared only to devotion to God.
Thus, both in the dramas and in the kavyas the scope of

the poet's treatment was limited by the considerations
INTRODUCTION
Ixxxix
The
Sanskrit poets were as a rule

very fond of delineating the amorous sentiment or the
sentiment of love. But they could give play to the
of trivarga-siddhi.
predilections only in a limited
portrayal of their erotic
manner
kavyas and the dramas so far as
in the
is
con-
sistent with normal, social and conjugal rules of life

but in this sphere the elaborate description of feminine
beauty and post-nuptial amorous enchantments gave the
;
poets
sufficient
scope
to
indulge
in their tendency to
Long sepagive expression to passions and longings.

for
situations
rations were also good
portraying amorous
longings.
But whether
in literature
the passion or the
structural
or not, the bodily side of
conditions
of
feminine
beauty have found a place of importance and except in

the works of a few artists or poets, the representations
of the physical side seem to our taste to be rather crude.
It does
not,
of
burning more
prove that the passion was

in the blood of the Hindus than in the
course,
blood of other races.
kama being one
probably simply
means that
and appreciation of feminine

sanctioned by dharma was quite innocent and
ousness and
beauty as
It
of the constituents of trivarga, voluptu-
sensuality
The passion of kama,

to be abashed of.
had
two spheres, one that
mentioned
been
has
as
above,
was enjoined by dharma where non-indulgence of the
had nothing
passions would be a punishable sin, and the other when

it was not enjoined by dharma but when such indul-
gence did not transgress the limits of dharma. So the

poets also portrayed passionate love in the latter sphere
and these portrayals in the satakas and elsewhere form
some
of the best specimens of Sanskrit
amorous poetry.
has been said above that the drama or Epic kQvya

was looked upon in this country not as a portrayal of
It
any scene
T
of life or
1Q4QT)
any characters that came within the
The place of
love as a
member of
the trivarga
in literature.
XC
INTRODUCTION
experience of the
but that they were generally
poet
regarded as giving an epitome of complete

the
great
religious
heroes or
Gunadhya had
it
narrated by
was often believed that
Lord Siva
to
in
the story of
atmosphere about
sanctified
account of the fact that
either of
famous
kings
Evem
or legendary accounts.
traditional
originally
of
life
Parvatl
it
it
on
was
(hara-
mukhodgirnd). It is on this account that in the great

kavyas where royal life was depicted, wars and battles,
svayanivaras, kingly magnanimity and royal episodes of
love were narrated and in dramas also which were not
professedly of a didactic character, the principal subject-
matter was
heroism
It is
of
indUn
an episode of love and on some occasions
also.
on account of a loyalty ingrained deeply
mental structure of Hindu

either
in
art,
literature
life
or
that
Hindu
in the
creations
philosophy have always
followed the course of creating types, where individuality has always remained shy to express itself in its full
Thus, in philosophy also we do not get a free

response of thought moving forward largely untramelled
by conditions, but always leaning towards certain fixed
points which are like the Cartesian co-ordinates deter-
height.
mining
its
exact situation.
Thus,
almost every Indian
philosophy should admit the validity of the Vedas, the

doctrine of re-birth or transmigration, the possibility of
salvation and the root-cause of the world as being
form of ignorance.
Within these
some
limits each system of
Indian philosophy develops its own views and predilecEach system can criticise the above concepts,
tions.
explain its theory of knowledge and the nature of
the world, a concept of bondage and salvation and the
may
So
ways that may be adopted
for
most forms of
statuary art and even the
pictorial
or
that.
architectural art of India would have
in art also,
some message
tq
iNtKObtCTlON
communicate and a
would rather
portrayal
physical
sacrifice its faithfulness to
fcci
nature in the interest of the
message to be communicated rather than be realistic

and devote itself only to the delineation of beauty.
Under these circumstances, an Epic is supposed to

its hero some king or kings of the same race.
The story must be taken from a legend. It should
have for
deprecatory remarks about evil deeds

and the edification of the noble, description of natural
include within
it
scenes, mountains, forests and oceans,
morningr evening A
and the seasons.
Every kind
fine arts,
direct
human
of
philosophy,
production,
science,
literature,
has for
state-craft,
cause a moral disposition

L
music,
or a combination
its
of
moral dispositions which seems somehow internally to

determine these products. The conditions of race,
epoch and environmental conditions and circumstances

bring out to prominence certain moral conditions which
are suited to the production of particular types of architecture, painting, sculpture,
its special
law and
tally as it
may
it is
music or poetry. Each has
by virtue
of this law, acciden-
appear, that development takes place

amidst the diversion of its neighbours, like painting in
Flanders and Holland in the 17th century, poetry in
England in the 16th century, music in Germany in the

18th. At such times in such countries the conditions are
fulfilled
for
special
one art rather than
kind
of
psychology,
for another.
mental
There
is
perspective
required for the development of each of these arts.

There is a peculiar inner system of impressions and
operations which makes an artist, a believer, a musician,
Literature
a painter, a wanderer, or a man of society.
is like living
monuments
of different times.
is
beautiful.
Its
of the outstanding personalities
Literature
utility
is
instructive because
depends upon
it
its perfection.
* nd
?/
J
literature.
It
deals with
visible
and almost tangible sentiments
and the more a book represents the important sentiment

of the people the higher is its place in
literature.
It is
by representing the mode of being of the whole Nature

that a writer can collect round him the
of a whole age
sympathies of an entire age and an entire nation. It is

not mere catechisms or chronicles that can impress
upon us the inner nature
movement
and emotions made
the inner
of a person or a nation.
of sentiments
living
that can hold before us the

It is curious to notice
and
through
It is
interests, ideals
artistic expression,
a people.
life of
that Indian
continued to present a pattern for
life
and manners
decades of centuries.
There was growth and development but more or less on

the same line.
was only after the Mahammadan
It
invasion and finally with the
occupation of the country
by the British that the system of its life and manners

and even the psychology of the people has undergone a
rude change
change which
stunned the mind of the people
new
sciences,
new ways
which brought with

with
culture
its
it
the
at the
first
shock had
with the advent of the
of thought,
whole
massive strength
new
perspectives
history of
hurled
Western
against the
Indian people. During the first 130 years or so the

nerve of the Indian mind was almost paralysed by this
rude shock
mind
is
and during the past 50 years the Indian
again trying
contribution of
this
to
culture
become self-conscious and

fact
which may
growing
political
undersfand the value of the
and has been trying
rise
above
its
influence
to
be well appreciated not only by the

consciousness and demand for freedom
but also from the history of the Bengali literature,

culminating in the literature of Poet Eabindranath in
whose writings we find a clear and concrete method as

to how the Western culture can be synthesised with the
tNTfcODUCilOfc
without submitting and drooping down

before the former but rising above it and yet assimila-
Indian genius
ting
best fruits and introducing such changes in our
its
outlook and perspective as are consonant with our past

and yet capable of assimilating the new for a creative
transfiguration.
The reason
of
the
of
continuity
Indian culture
7
is
be found in the insular character of our civi-
largely to
and the extreme doggedness and obstinacy

amounting to haughtiness and national pride rising to
lisation
the level of religion against the conscious acceptance of

any contribution from any foreigner. This could be
possible
pride
because of the
largely
had
become
ture.
Our
with our religion.
identified
legal literature is called
fact that this national
Dharmat&stra or
religious litera-
Manners, customs, professions and the
like, the
creation of our social classes with their restricted duties,

divisions of life into different stages with their ordained
mere
adjustments due to
and environmental causes but it has been
duties, are not for us
diverse social
the essence of
legal
The Smrtis or the Indian

has codified for every member of every
nature of his duties.
The law is not
Hindu
literature
social class
the
social
religion.
merely for regulating our conduct to our fellowbeings but for regulating the entire course of our
daily
life,
to death.
drinking and the like from birth

Though at different times people have more
eating,
or less deviated
from the
by the Smrtis, yet, on
strict
the
programme
the
laid
down
has
whole,
strictly and uniformly followed not only the general
scheme laid by the Smrtis but also most of the
social
life
particular details.
I have said above that the

stringent
grip of the Smrtis
became more and more tightened
with the advance of centuries.
Thus, for example, the

prescriptions of the medical science aa regards food and
O f Indian*
cultnre -
INTRODUCTION
drink as found in the Caraka in the 1st century A.D,,
is found
wholly unacceptable in the legal literature of
later
times.
Restrictions
various other
more and
of
has always been the result of
conflict
and
the
of
development
social
between the
and
the
culture,
the social classes
classes
working
and
thereby
signifying
stringent,
slackening tendency in society.

Marx has said that division
capitalists
drink
and practice became
kinds of conduct
more
and
food
of
that
production
the
of
literature, philosophy, music and the like, is the result

of the change in economic conditions and means of
But both
production.
these
of philosophy,
art
to lose their
Here we have the develop-
force in the case of India.
ment
seem
theses
and
literature
no
though there
means of
change
economic production. for more than 2,000 years. The
Brahmins had a position which was even greater than
has
practically
been
the
in
that of a king, not to speak of a Vaisya

yet
there
was no theocracy
domination of the
in Islam.
persons
West
in
capitalist,
India
like the
dedicated
generally
and teaching and
the
to
Papal
or like the system of the Caliphs
The Brahmins were poor and
who
and
self-abnegating
their lives to learning
practice of religious works.
They did not interfere with the rules of kings except when
some of them were appointed ministers but they laid
down a scheme of life and a scheme of conduct which
had to be followed by all persons from the king to the
It was this enforcement of a universal scheme
tanner.
of life that often protected the people from misrule and
It
tyranny on the part of kings.
in a few exceptions there had
misrule, but on
whole
the
beneficent scheme for

at the time of
the
it
the
is
no doubt true that
been tyranny and

kings had to follow a
was the law.
Mauryas that we
It is principally
find
many laws
XCV
INTRODUCTION
introduced which
were advantageous to the king but

the Mauryas were Sudras.
At the time of the Ksatriya
we
kings
find the laws of
again
had
caste system
come
already
stringency in the 4th century B.C.
"No
says:
one
allowed
is
force
into
in
its
Thus, Megasthenes
marry out
to
The
Srnjli revived.
of his
own
caste or to exchange one profession or trade for another
or to follow
means the
of the caste system
duties
in
The
more than one business/'
society
to
existence
allocation of particular
The union
castes.
particular
of
of the king and the
the Ksatriya and the
Brahmana,
council, was at the basis of the
law-giver
Hindu Government. There was a joint- family system
very similar to what they had in Rome, but every
the
in
individual
member bad
law and the father

of
the
family
of
a locus
the
standi in the eye of the
family
was
like the trustee
The king and
property.
the
Brahmin
by protecting and
the Brahmin by
The Brahmins, as it were, were
were the trustees of society, the king

enforcing the laws of dharma and
promulgating them.
the legislators, and the kings, the executives and the
former were, so far as the legislation went, independent
This legislation, however, referred not
of the latter.
only to ordinary juridical
codified,
all
kinds of
But when the laws

though the Brahmin as a purohita or
daily duties and conduct
were
conduct but to
as
well.
priest retained his position of high
honour and respect
from the king, he was no longer a constituent of the

Government. Thus, the seven ahgas constituting the
state
(svamya-matya-suhrt-kofa-rdstra'durga-baldni
i.e.,
king,
territory,
Brahmins
councillor,
fortresses
allies,
and
as a constituent.
treasury,
army),
did
people
not
ca,
and
include
Gradually the importance
of the king's office gained in strength as subserving the
primary needs and interests of the
people
and the
Constitution a Lid
structure of
Hindu
Society.
INTRODUCTION
XCVl
preservation of the society according to the principles

of dharma.
But even the king was bound to dispense
justice in accordance with the principles of dharma*
The
was not only necessary for

social well-being but punishment was also regarded as
having a purificatory value for a man's post-mortem
dispensation
and creates
in the society
well
as
justice
The unrighteousness
well-being.
dharma
of
as
misfortunes,
of
social
such
king destroys
disturbances
untimely
famine and epidemic. Thus the dispensation
of justice and its failure was regarded not only as
physical
as,
death,
having immediate but also transcendental effects.

The king thus had a great responsibility. The king
for
exists
the
discharge
of
dharma and not
for self-
(dharmaya raja bhavati na kamaharanaya

Almost all the sciences of polity are in thorough
gratification
ideal of
tu).
fl
iaw and
politl>8>
agreement with the view that a king must first of all

be absolutely self-controlled. But in spite of all these,
there were teachers like Bharadvaja who would advise
any kind
of unprincipled
action for the maintenance of
was not accepted by most

but
of the political authorities,
Kautilya's code leaned
more or less to this type of action. In the Mahabharata
the king's power.
this
passages in which the role of punishment

Side by
extolled and Brhaspati also held that view.
we
is
But
find
many
with the view of divine authority of kings we have

also in the Mah&bharata and the Buddhist canons the
side
view that the king was elected by the people on the

terms of contract which involved the exchange of the
exercise of sovereign power and obedience regarding
just
In
on the part of the people.
due
had
he
for
that
the
regard
Kautilya we find
and
he
varnaframa
of
the
regarded
social order
payment
of
taxes
the Varta-astra and

importance of the three Vedas,
Kauîlya lays great importance on the position
Polity.
INTRODUCTION
of
the
himself his
many
The king
office.
king's
kingdom and
his
XCVli
constitutes
within
Yet there are
subjects.
passages in the Arthaastra to indicate that king's
authority depends
upon the
will of the people
,has always to keep satisfied,
and we
whom
find there that
he
it is
the king to promote the security and

duty
prosperity of the people in lieu of which the subjects
the
of
pay taxes to him. Kauîlya is also mainly

loyal to the DharmaSastra principle that the king is an
should
official
who
is
of protection
entitled to receive taxes for the service
and that he
the discharge of
his
is
spiritually
education and self-control are the
Though
there
first
are
Good
the king.
life for
requisites of
elaborate
for
down
Kautilya also lays
duties.
a very high standard of moral
government.
responsible
good
rules
of
Kautilya definitely lays down the view

should covet his neighbour's territories,
foreign policy,
that no king
and
with other kings it is his duty to

restore to throne the most deserving from the near relain case of battles
tions of the vanquished king
a policy entirely different
from that of the imperialistic governments
of to-day.
king should only attempt to secure safety for his kingdom

and extend his influence on others. In later times,
between 900 and 1200 A.D., when the commentaries of
Medhatithi, Vijnanesvara and Apararka and the Jaina
Nltivakyamrta were written, we have the view, particularly in Medhatithi, that the principles of rdjadharma
and dandaniti, though principally derived from Vedic

institutions, are to be supplemented from other sources
and elaborated by reason.
restrict the
office
would extend
kingly
it
to
qualities.
consistent
with
that the term
Thus, Medbatithi would not

of kingship to a Ksatriya alone but
any one who
is
Kalidasa also,
the teaching of the
ksatra was
in
ruling with proper
we have
seen,
was
old Dharmatiastra
meaning
identical
to the
tbf king!*
INTRODUCTION
XCVlli
term nrpa. Ksatra means ksatdt trdyate and nrpa

means nrn pati. The other aspect of the king is that
he should be popular, and this aspect is signified by
the term raja (raja prakrtiranjanat).
But Medhatithi
to
uses the term raja, nrpa or pdrthiva
mean any ruling
would
the
Medhatithi
term
nrpa even to
prince.
apply
The
provincial governors.
the inalien-
by the king by virtue of the

him, and for any mischief that comes
of protection
able right
taxes they pay to

to
subjects have
them, the king
is
stolen, the king will
If their property is
responsible.
restore the
value
of the
articles
seems also that Medhatithi not only concedes

to the view that the subjects may even in normal times
stolen.
It
bear arms for
self -protection,
but
when
the king
is
incompetent, they have also the right to rebel and

suspend the payment of taxes. But during the 12th to
the 17th century in the works of Sukra, Madhava and
Para4ara, we find again the theory of divine right of
kings coming to the forefront and the doctrine of the
perpetual dependence of subjects on the king and of the
king's
immunity from harm advocated, which tended
to contradict the
earlier
concept of king as the servant
of the people.
From
the
we can
well understand
which the kings were held during the

creative period of literature beginning from the
light
really
the above brief review

in
2nd or the 3rd century B. C.
to the 12th century
The
Ramayana and also

the works of Kalidasa and
ideal of a
in the
king
A.D.
depicted in the
Mahabharata as
also in
other writers, reveals to us the integral relation of soliAlmost every

darity between the king and the subjects.
drama ends with the prayer which is a sort of national

anthem seeking the good of the king and the people. The
concept of the king involved the principle that he would
protect the people and be of such ideal character and
INTfiObUCTION
conduct that he
might be
prakrti, etyrnologically
was a term
liked
xcix
The term
all.
by
meaning the source or
origin,
to denote the subjects.
This implied that the

drew
his
This is the
king
authority from the subjects.
reason why the kings often excited as much admiration
and though many panegyric verses in literature may have as their aim the flattery of kings for
personal gain, yet judging from the general relation
as the gods
between the king and his subjects it can hardly be doubted that in most cases there was a real and genuine feeling
of sincere admiration
gives us the reason
and love
why
royal
This also
for the king.
were
characters
treated,
kavya side by aide with the characters of gods, for

the king was god on earth not by his force or his power
of tyranny but through love and admiration that was
in
of
The place
King and
in
litera-
ture.
spontaneous about him on the part of the subjects.

The cordial relation between subjects and royal
patrons
explains the
origin of
so
many
pra fasti and
carita kdvyas,
we take a bird's-eye view of the Sanskrit literawe may classify them as Epic and Lyric kdvyas,
If
ture
the carita
kavyas (dealing with the lives of kings and
patrons of learning), the praastis or panegyrical verses,

the different types of dramas, lyric kavyas, the century
collections or satakas, the stotra literature or
hymns, the Campus

verse,
the
kathd,
or
works written
literature,
the
nlti
adoration
prose
and
literature,
the
in
didactic verses and stray verses such as are found in the
anthologies.
The
sources of the materials of
kavya as
held by Raja&khara, are Sruti, Smrti, Purana, Itih&sa,

Pramanavidya, Samaya-vidya or the sectarian doctrines
of the Saivas, Pancaratrins, etc., the
Natyaastra and
and matiners, the
of other poets.
the
Artha6astra,
K&matastra, the local
different sciences
the
customs
and the literature
Types
of
literature.
INTRODUCTION
Apart from the reference to poems written by Paijini
and to the dramas referred to in the Mahabhasya,
probably the earliest remains of good drama are the
dramas of Bhasa, which in some modified manner have
recent ty ^ een discovered.
and the
early
poetry.
In the 1st century B.C.
we
have the works of Kalidasa and in the 1st century A.D.
we have the Buddha-carita,
the Saundarananda,
the
3ariputraprakarana and an allegorical drama written

by A6vaghoa, the Buddhist philosopher. This was the
time of the Sungas, the Kanvas and the Andhra dynasties.

Pusyamitra had slain his master Brhadratha
Mauryya and had assumed sovereignty
of the
Mauryya
dominions of'Upper India and of South India up to the

Nerbudda and had repulsed Minander, king of Kabul
and the invader was obliged to retire to his own
His son Agnimitra had conquered Berar and

Pusyamitra performed the Asvamedha sacrifice and
country.
The Mdlavikagnimitra
revived Hinduism.
gives a
glowing account of
performed
describe
last
by
him
Pusyamitra.
of Kalidasa
the
Rajasuya
The Buddhist
sacrifice
writers
The
as having persecuted the Buddhists.
Bunga king Devabhuti
lost
his
life
and throne
through the contrivances of his Brahmin minister,

Vasudeva. He founded the Kanva dynasty, which was
suppressed in 28 B.C. and the last
man, was slain by the Andhras,
Kanva
who
king, Suâr-
had
already
established themselves by the middle of the 3rd century
The Andhra kings all

claimed to belong to the Satavahana family. The name
of Hala the 17th king has come down to us because of
B.C. on the banks
of the
Krsna.
his Saptaati of Prakrt erotic verses of great excellence.

It
seems that
at this
was the language

to
ascertain
the
time Prakrt rather than
of poetry in the South.
dates
of
Sanskrit
It is difficult
Hala's Saptatati (which
have, however, in reality 430 stanzas
common
to
all
INTRODUCTION
Cl
be an interpolation).
Judging
from the nature of the Prakrt, one may think that the
recensions, the rest
may
work was probably written about 200 A.D. though

difficult to
be certain of
we have some
its
date.
it is
In the meanwhile,
prose in
B.C. andibe
of the specimens of the earliest
literature
Kudradamana in Girnar (A.D. 150).

Bombay we get foreign rulers like the
the inscriptions of
In the region of
Kaharatas who were probably subordinate to the IndoParthian kings in the 1st century A.D. The next
chief
The Ksaharatas, however, were
was Nahapana.
by
extirpated
Andhra
the
Gautamiputra-Satakarni,
His son, Va&sthiputra Sripulumayi, had married

the daughter of Rudradarnana I, the
Saka Satrap
king.
of Ujjayini, but
much
law was conquered

have just
seen,
of
the territory of the

the
by
Sanskrit
son-in-
As we
father-in-law.
was the court language
of
Eudradamana and Yajfiafri, the son of Vasisthiputra

Sripulumayi, who was a great king of military exploits
(173-202 A.D.). The fall of the Andhra kings coincides
approximately with
the death
Vasudeva, the last

great Kusan king of North Ipdia and with the rise
of the Sassanian dynasty
of
Persia
(A.D.
226).
But the
history
rather very
of the 3rd
obscure.
of
century after
The only important

the Andhras
of
is
Christ
is
tradition
the legend
literary growth during

about king Satavahana or Salivahana, in whose court
Gunadhya and Sarvavarmacarya are supposed to have
lived.
Gunadhya was born
on the banks
is
the capital
much doubt
at
of the Godavarl.
of
the
Pratithana
in the
Deccan
This city of Prati^hana
Andhrabhrtyas, though there
about the location of the city.
is
But there
on the banks of the Gauges as menBana refers to Satavahana

tioned in the Harivamta.
is
Pratisthana
made
immortal repertory of beautiful

passages and this seems to indicate that there was great
as having
the
Political
conditions in
the lat tnd
2nd centuries
tbe time.
of
INTRODUCTION
cii
cultivation of Sanskrit poetry even before Satavahana. 1

8srvavaim&.
According to the legend, Satavahana's adopted father

wftg Dip a jk arjjj an(j this indicates that he
may have
belonged
to
the
Sapta$ati also
race of
the
that
proves
conclusively
The Hala
Satakarnis.
abundant
there
was an
in the
literary production
Praki\lauguage
and we have also strong reasons to believe that there
must have been many dramas in Prakrt. But we do
know anything more about

Hala may have flourished. But
not
be
believed,
two
the
time.
That
when
if the legend is to
works, the K&tantra of
great
Sarvavarma and the Brhatkatha

written at this
the exact time
of
stories
Gunacjhya were
used by Gunadhya
were floating about among the populace, is well evident

from Kalidasa's statement udayana-katha-kovida-grama-
vrddhan in the Meghaduta and the utilisation of those

We know that in all probability,
stories by Bbasa.
Kalidasa had flourished at the time of the- later
Surigas
and Patanjali the grammarian was probably engaged

We
as a priest in the Horse Sacrifice of Puijyamitra.
that the Saka kings like Rudradamana had
the
Sanskrit language and Vainava religion.
taken to
also know from the inscriptions in the Besnagar
also
know
We
Column
that
the
Greek ambassador Heliodorus
the
Bhagavata religion. It is
th^Minander the Greek king had become
accepted
'Mitbradates
I,
the
Persian
had extended his dominions up

explains
why
the chiefs
assumed Persian
king
titles in early
also probable
a Buddhist.
(170-136 B.C.),
to the
Taxila
of
had
Indus and this
and Mathura had
times and
we have
the
remains of Persian culture in the excavations of Taxila.
ratnairiva 8ubha$itafy
tt
cm
INTRODUCTION
It
is
that
possible
Thomas had come
the
to
court
under
Mission
Christian
the
of
St.
Indo-Parthian
king Gondophares at the beginning of the Christian

era, but the Mission seems to have left no impression.
not be out of place here to mention that neither
Alexander's conquest nor the association with Bactrian
It
may
kings,
seems
have
to
on the Indian mind.
left
Military
occupations
of the
Greeks If ft
but little
influence on
Indian
culture and
literature.
any permanent impression
The Punjab
or a
considerable
with some of the adjoining regions remained

more or "less under Greek rule for more than two centuries
of
part
it
(190 B.C. to
iiO
A.D.),
but except the
coins bearing
Greek legends on the obverse, hardly any

Hellenisation
be discovered.
can
not a single Greek
inscription
It is surprising that
available.
is
no evidence of Greek architecture.

sculptures of Gandhara,
the
of
effect
There
is
The well-known
around Peshawar,
region
are much later indeed and are the offsprings of cosmoThe invasions of Alexpolitan Graeco-Roman art.
ander, Antiochus the Great, Demetrios, Eukratides and
Minander were but military incursions which left no

The
appreciable mark upon the institutions of India.
people of
India
rejected
Greek
political
institutions
and architecture as well as language.
During the 2nd and the 3rd century, Saivism had

established
itself
very firmly
in
South.
The Siva
had long been in existence among the Dravidians

and by the 3rd century A.D. it attained almost its
cult
finished character
in
Manikkavachakara in
Saiva and
Vai^nava
cults
in the early
centuries fo
the Chris.
Man
era.
the noble and devout writings of
Malabar.
The
Vasudeva
cult
had already penetrated into the south and by the 3rd

and the 4th century A.D. the earliest Alwar thinkers
had started the Bhakti
literature.
In the meanwhile, the Yueh-chis being attacked by

their foes, the Sakas, rushed forward
and after subjugating
Kabul, entered ioto India and conquered
the Punjab
A career of
the Sakat.
INTRODUCTION
CIV
under Kadphises
His son Kadphises II not only
I.
Punjab but in a considerable part of the Gangetic plain in Benares (A.D. 45).
But these parts were probably governed at this time
established his
power
in the
In the meanwhile, the Yuehchis were being attacked by the Chinese.

Kani?ka
tried to repel the Chinese but his army was totally
by military Viceroys.
routed and he had to send
several embassies
to
China
The conquest of Kabul by the Yuehto pay tributes.

chis opened the land route towards the West and
Roman gold of the early Roman Emperors, such as
Tiberius
in
(A.D.
for
payment
began to pour into India

spices,
gems and dye-stuff.
14-38)
eilk,
Southern India at the same time was holding an active

maritime trade with the Roman Empire and large
quantities of
Roman
Now,
poured into India.
was succeeded by Kaniska (58 B.C.).
gold
Kadphises II
His dominions extended
all
over North-Western
India
temporary annexation of
Mesopotamia by Trajan, the Roman Emperor, in 116
A.D. brought the Roman frontier within 600 miles
as
far
as the Vindhyas.
of
the
western
Kar\iska had
the
city
of
limits
of
the
Yueh-chi
Empire.
Kashmir and attacked
also
conquered
Pataliputra from where
he took away the
His own capital was

A^vaghosa.
Purugapur or Peshawar. Kaniska had also conquered
Kashgar, Yarkand and Khotan. Thus the limits of
Buddhist saint
Extension
of Indian
Empire up
Khotan
and in the
to
west to
Afghanistan
Indian Empire extended up to Khotan, a fact

which explains the migration of Buddhist culture and
the
Indian
there.
works which are being occasionally discovered

The most important thing about him for our
converted to
Baddbiara.
that
he
was converted
to
Buddhism, as
Buddhism had in
may be known
his time developed into the Mahayana form of which
Avaghoa was such an important representative and
purposes
is
from his coins.
INTRODUCTION
Buddha began
the image of
CV
to be installed in different
parts of his Empire, taking a place with the older gods,
Siva or Visnu
such as
of
Buddhism
developed.
described as the
of
the
art,
soon
is
lost
style
of
Gandhara school which was
Graeco-Roman
cosmopolitan
which
of art,
and an elaborate mythology

It is at this time in the 2nd
A.D. that we have the
century
much
its
inferior to
literature
and the
Gandhara
art.
sculpture
a branch
This style
the indigenous Indian
art.
Kaniska
currency.
for the interpretation of
Else of the
Mahayana
called a council
Buddhist scriptures and
members of the Sarvastivada

Kashmir and the Buddhist theological
500
about
met
school
literature
in
under-
went a thorough examination and elaborations were

made in huge commentaries on the Tripitaka. This
included
the
Mahavibhasa which
Chinese translation
taries
and
deposited
is said
it
were copied on sheets
of
still
that these
copper
in a stupa near Srlnagar.
exists
in
commen-
and these
From
its
were
the time of
Kaniska we have the golden age of the development of

Buddhist Mahayana and Sarvastivada literature as also
Rise of the
philosophical
the
codification
sutras.
The
of
most
first five
of
the Indian
philosophical
literature.
or six centuries of the Christian
era were also the age of great philosophical controversy

between the Buddhists, the Hindus and the Jainas.
Asvaghosa himself had written the tfraddhotpada-sutra

and the Mahayana-sutralahMra. It has been urged
by Cowell that Kalidasa had borrowed from the
Buddhacarita.
But
the position
be reversed.
may
this
point
is
The
very doubtful and

similarity
of a
few
passages in the Kumarasambhava and the Raghuvarfifa

does not prove any conscious indebtedness on any side,
so far as A6vaghoa's Buddhacarita is concerned. A6va-
ghosa also wrote a book pf Buddhist legends called the

Sutralahkara and also the Vajrasucl. More or less about
this
time we had also the poet Matrceta and also the
Literature
of the timei
INTRODQCTION
CV1
Buddhist poet Arya-gura who wrote

in
imitation
tion in prose
of
His
ASvaghosa's Sutralankara.
and verse was
of the
kavya
style.
Some
2nd century A.D.
The Aokavadana was

A.D.
curious to notice that these Avadanas which were
is
written in
the
of
also written during the
actually translated into Chinese in the 3rd century

It
dic-
Avadanas were
the important
1st or the
the JatakamalU
Sanskrit,
Brhatkathd
were seldom
more
or
less
at the
Gunadhya was written
of
time when
in Pai&icl,
by the Sanskrit writers. Many of

the Avadana legends are found in Ksemendra's work so
utilised
far as the essential part of the tales is concerned.
the
in
preponderatingly much greater

treatments.
The great Mahay an a
didactic element
the
Buddhist
But
is
writers Nagarjuna, Asanga,
Vasubandhu, Candragomin,
Santideva and others began to follow in close succession.
The Mahayana
itself
literature
gradually began to model

introduction of the
on the Puranas and the
Dharanis and other cults and

personification of powers into
the Buddhist Tantras.

sophical
rituals
as
well as the
deities led to the rise of
The Lahhavatara,
a semi-philo-
and semi-Tantrik work, was written probably

later on the Yoga
sometime in the 4th century and
modified according to the psychology of the

different people
among the Tibetan, the Chinese and the
doctrine
Japanese assumed diverse forms. The stotra literature

also formed the model of the Buddhist stotras and
through this the theatre of the mental operation extended

not only from the Hindukush to Cape ComDrin but it
extended also to Further India, Tibet, China, Japan,
Korea, the Malay -Archipelago and many islands in the
Indian and the Pacific Ocean and also to Central Asia,
Turkistan, Turfan and other places.
The reign of Kaniska terminated in or about 123 A.D.
After
him Vasiska and Huviska succeeded and Huviska
INTRODUCTION
CV11
was succeeded by Vasudeva I. The name signifies that

he was converted into Hinduism and his coins exhibit
Uncertain
political
the figure of Siva attended by the bull, Nandi

trident.
Coins are found during
A.D. where a royal
the
and the
conditions
after
238-269
period
figure clad in the garb of Persia (an
imitation of the effigy of Shahpur
found, which indicates
the
I,
Sassanian)
Sassanian influence in
But we have no more
details of
muddled statements
in
is
India.
from any inscriptions

of literary eminence. Probably numerous Rajas in India
asserted their independence as may be inferred from
the
it
Puranas,
such
as
the
Vahlikas
and
Abhlras, Gardabhilas, Sakas, Yavanas,

the successors of the &ndhras.
The imperial
Pataliputra maintained
its
influence as late
city
as the
of
5th
century A.D. but we practically know nothing about

the condition of the interior of India at this time.
The
local Raja near Pataliputra called Candragupta

married a Licchavi princess named Kumaradevi about
We do not hear much of the
the year 308 A.D.
Licchavis in the intervening period of history

reign
of
this
by
Ajata&itru.
alliance
since the
Candragupta was strengthened

and he extended his dominion
along the Gangetic Valley as far as the junction of the

Ganges and the Jamuna, about 320 A.D. Between 330
and 335 A.D. he was succeeded by
his
son
Samudra-
gupta who immediately after his succession plunged

himself into war. The multitude of praSastis in the inscriptions have immortalised his reign in Indian history.
The
is
elaborate composition of Harisena with

historical
document
which
is
its
contents
remarkable
also
as a linguistic and literary landmark.
Samudragupta's
Empire extended on the North and the East from Kamarflpa to Tamralipti including the modern site of Calcutta
and extended westwards in a straight line across the
Vindhyas to Guzerat and Sauratra later on acquired
Rise of th
G apt as.
INTRODUCTION
cViii
his
by
Cbenab
of
in
river
the
ceremony
and
an
not
in
adept
He
performed an
reputed to have been
Punjab.
Atvamedha
only
banks of the
the
to
up
.Nepal
north
on the
and
II
Candragupta
borders
the
to
son
is
music and
but
song
it
composed many metrical works

He
of great value and was called a King of Poets.
allowed the Buddhist king Meghavarna of Ceylon to
is
said that he had also
erect a
when Hiuen-Tsang
7th century
monks
hospitality
had
also
of
to
monks
received
he
conquests
chiefs but he
had removed
Sthavira
the
visited
which
establishment
magnificent
1000
In the
monastery and temple in Buddhagaya.

it,
and afforded
from Ceylon.
Samudragupta
annexed
seldom
his capital to
his
Throughout
submission of
secured
was a
accommodated
school
Vasuvaridhu.
it
the
various
He
their territory.
Ayodhya from Pataliputra.
Thus when Hiuen-Tsang came
in
the
7th
century,
he found Patalipufcra in ruins but when Raja&khara

mentions the glory of Pataliputra, he refers to
Upavarsa, Varsa, Panini, Pingala, Vyadi, Vararuci
and Patanjali as having been tested according to the
1
tradition in Pataliputra.
who
bis
had assumed the

conquests to
the
of
title
Vikramaditya, led
Arabian Sea through Malwa,
Guzerat and Kathiuwad,

centuries by the Saka
His successor Candragupta,
which had been ruled
We
dynasty.
know
that
for
the
capital of Castana and his successors was Ujjayim.

Vidisa was also the important centre of Agnimitra.
But Samudragupta and his successors had made their
capital in
Ayodhya.
It
will
therefore
make Kalidasa
make him attached to
suppose that one should

Ujjayini and yet
p. 55,
be
wrong
to
a resident of
the court of
INTRODUCTION
C1X
KaufiambI, which stood on the high

road to UjjayinI and North India, had the Asoka pillar
on which there is inscribed an inscription of SamudraII.
Candragupta
Vikramaditya
Candragupta II.
gupta and it has been argued that Kausamb! also

formed his temporary place of residence. Candragupta II destroyed the Saka Satrapy by first dethroning
and then executing Rudrasena. Though he was tolerant of Buddhism and Jainism he was an orthodox
Hindu and probably

accounts (405-411
Vaisnava.
A.D.)
we
find
From Fa Hien's
that
enjoying good government and abundant

the time of Vikramaditya.
Still
then
there
were monasteries
were
people
prosperity
in
at
Pataliputra
hundred monks resided, and Fa

Hien spent three years there studying Sanskrit. At his
time "charitable institutions, were numerous.
Rest
whereabout
six to seven
were provided on the highways

and the capital possessed an excellent free hospital
endowed by benevolent and educated citizens hither
houses for travellers
come
all
poor helpless patients suffering from
of infirmities.
They
doctor attends them.
are
well
taken
care
Food and medicine
all
of
are
kinds
and
supplied
according to their wants and thus they are made quite

comfortable and when they are well they may go
In describing the state of the country Fa
away."
Hien speaks of the lenience of the criminal law. He
1
"throughout the country no one kills

any living thing, or drinks wine or eats onions or
further
says
garlic.
They do not keep
there
pigs or fowls,
dealings in cattle, no butchers' shops or
the market places.
Only the
fishermen lived a different

of revenue
Smith
way
was rent on crown
candalas,
of life.
lands.'
'
Early History of India, pp. 296-296.
2-2-
are
distilleries
hunters
no
in
and
The only source

Fa Hien never
Fa Hien 'B
evidence
regarding
the condition of the
country.
CX
INTRODUCTION
speaks of brigands or thieves.

gupta,
Kumaragupta
will be wrong
At the death
of
I ascended the throne in
Candra-
413 A.D.
suppose that Saivism spread

from the South to the North for even Kadphises II, the
Kusana conqueror, was an worshipper of Siva and put
It
the
on his coins and during the whole"
of Siva
image
to
when Buddhism acquired ascendency in India,

The
worship of Hindu gods had continued unabated.
period
Literature
of the time.
only
Buddhist
distinctly
coins
were
those
that
were struck by Kaniska but the next king Vasudeva

had been a Hindu, cis has already been mentioned, and
the Saka Satraps were also Hindus.
The Pali language
of the Buddhists were reserved only for
gious works.
and
after
No kavya
A3oka
it
or
Buddhist
drama were written
reli-
in Pali
was seldom used as the language
inscriptions and even the language of Asoka's
Though we
tions was not Pali.
are
of
inscrip-
unable to
place
Kalidasa in the Gupta period there was undoubtedly a

great enlightenment of culture during the Gupta period
which went on
have
till
the llth or the 12th
not only at this
century.
We
time Vatsabhatti and Harisena
The panegyrics of both

but a galaxy of other writers.
Harisena and Vatsabhatti illustrate the highest style that
Sanskrit had
attained
at
this period.
Bharavi also
probably lived in the 5th century and Bhatî also in all

probability lived somewhere during the 5th or the 6th
has been suggested that Sudraka may also
have lived at this time, but we really know very little
century.
It
Aryabhata,{the celebrated astronomer,

also probably lived towards the end of the 5th or the
The laws of Manu as we
middle of the 6th century.
about Sudraka.
find
it
and
this age.
also
of
Yajnavalkya probably belong to

But as regards the poets, it will be- rash to
say that they were invariably attached to courts of

They probably lived well to be able, to turn to
kings.
INTRODUCTION
CXI
their vocation of writing poetry, but
that they had always
some
it
patrons
may be supposed
among the rich
people.
Art and architecture, both Buddhist and Brahminical, flourished during the 5th and the 6th century
and though by the ravages of Moslem army almost
Hindu building was pulled to pieces and all large

edifices of the Gupta age had been destroyed, yet recent
every
researches have discovered for us
few specimens of
architectural compositions of a considerable skill in out

of the
way
a degree of
recently
The
places.
recognised.
frescoes of Ajanta
value
Painting as
of
which
is
exemplified
and the cognate works
being
by the
Sigiria in
of
examples of Indian
Colonisation of the Malayan ATchipelago, Java
Ceylon (479-97) are so

art.
attained
allied art of sculpture
perfection, the
many
best
and Sumatra had begun probably
the
at least in
centuries of the Christian era and- Indian
early
civilisation,
particularly Brahminic, had already been established in

the Archipelago by 401 A. D.
By the middle of the
7th
century,
according
to
the
of
report
I-Tsing,
the island
Buddhism was
of Sumatra and it grew side by side with the Hindu
The study of Sanskrit was so much current
culture.
there that I-Tsing spent about 6 months in order to
The earliest
acquaint himself with Sanskrit grammar.
in a flourishing condition in
Sanskrit inscriptions, however, are found in Borneo

and during the 4th century A.D. Borneo was being
ruled by Hindu kings, such as A^vavarman, Mulavar-
man, etc. Already in the 5th century we hear of

Purnavarman in Western Java and the worship of
Visnu and Siva was prevalent in those parts. Mahayana
forms of Buddhism also flourished in the country in
the 8th
and 9th centuries.
In
India
we
find
the
Vaisnava and the Saiva worship flourish side by side
Gupta
lisation
civi-
and
colonisation
by Indians
during the
cenearly
of
turies
the Chrisera.
tian
INTRODUCTION
cxn
But the golden age of the Guptas

Skandacentury and a quarter (330-455).
with Buddhism.
lasted for^t
gupta came to the throne in 455 A.D. He successfully

resisted thePusyamitras from the South and drove away
the
Huns.
But
in the second invasion of the
Huns he
was defeated, as we know from an inscription dated

458 A.D. He appointed Parnadatta Viceroy of the
-
West who gave Junagad
Girnar to
or
Huns began
about 465 and also in 470 the
Skandagupta probably
Contact
with China
daring the
later
died
in
son.
At
pour
in.
With
his
his
to
480 A.D.
death the Empire vanished but the dynasty remained.

After his death Puragupta succeeded who reigned from
485
to
The importance
Magadha, howNalanda survived the down-
535 A.D.
Guptas.
ever,
of
and the University of

We have the account of a
fall of the Guptas.
Chinese
Mission sent to Magadha in 539 A.D. for the collection

of original
Mahayana
texts
and
for obtaining services of
capable of translating them into Chinese.

During the reign of Jlvitagupta I, Paramartha was sent
scholars
to
China with a large collection of manuscripts. He

for 23 years in China and died at the age of 70
worked
in 569.
During
his reign
Bodhidharma
China (502-549).
In the Western province
of
Malwa we
also
went
to
find record of
other kings such as Buddhagupta and Bhanugupta.

Towards the close of the 5th century Bbatarka
ValabbI and
Anhilwara
established himself at Valabhi
the centres
of learning
from the
5th to the
cen15th
The
tury.
was taken by Anhilwara, which retained
in
Kathiawad
in
770.
great Buddhist scholars, Gunamati and Sthiramati

resided in Valabhi and Valabhi became a great centre
of learning.
till
After the overthrow of Valabhi

its
its
place
importance
the 15th century.
The Huns, however, overthrew the Gupta Empire

and became rulers of Malwa and Central India. But
Mihirakula was defeated by a confederacy of
kings
INTRODUCTION
headed by
Central
CX111
Baladitya and
Yafodharman, a Raja of
Mihirakula fled to Kashmir. The
India.
Kashmirian king allowed him the charge
of
small
Mihirakula then rebelled against his beneterritory.

factor and killed his whole family.
But this Hun
leader had
of
become a devotee
With
of Siva.
death
the
Mihirakula India enjoyed immunity from
The Huns
supplanting
the Guptas.
Mibirakula
becomes a
Saiva.
foreign
attacks for a long time.
We
must now come
was a great patron
some account
of
Harsa (606-647). Harsa

learning and Bana has given
of
him
to
in
his
Empire was almost equivalent

Harsa was himself a great
Harsacarita.
to that of
Samudragupta.
He
poet.
Harsa' s
wrote three
dramas, the Ratnavatt, the Priyadar&ka and the Nag ananda.

Candra, probably Candragomin, the great
grammarian, wrote a Buddhist drama called Lokananda
describing the story as to
away
his wife
He
sity.
Kaika
and children
dramatised the
Manicuda gave
a Brahmin out of generoa certain
A.D.
contemporary of
as he is cited in the
his,
identical,
controversy.
are quoted
in
the
Candradasa, had
Whether Candra
Vessantara legend.
and Candragomin are
poems
to
before 650
lived
Vrtti.
indecisive
how
may
be
But Candra
matter of
Candraka's
or
and
Subhasitavali
he
was
admired by the rhetoricians. Almost a contemporary

son
of
of Harsa
was
Mahendravikramavarman,
the
also
Pallava
king
was himself a
Simhavikramavarman,
king
who
ruled
in
and
Kafici.
he
He
prahasana (Mattavilasa) showing the same

Bhasa.
of
that
as
Bana, we know^
technique
not only wrote the Harsacarita and the Kddambari,
Mukuta-taditaka
but
the Candl-tataka, the
also
wrote
It
is
drama) and Pdrvatlpqrinaya (a rupaka).
doubtful whether he or Vamana Bhatta Bana was the
(a
author of the Sarvacariia-nataka,
The
grecit
dramatist
Develop-
ment
of
literature
from the
7th
10th
tury,
to
the
cen-
INTRODUCTION
CX1V
Bhavabhuti
plays,
700 A.D.
also flourished about
the M&latimadhava, the
His three
and the
Uttaracarita
Viracarita are masterpieces of Sanskrit drama.
Though
the exact date of Subandhu, author of the Vasavadatta,
cannot be determined yet as both Bana and Vamana of

the 8th century refer to him, he must have flourished in
the 6th or
the
7th
flourished in the 6th
was
Bhatti
century.
or
also
probably
Bhamaha
7th century.
the
The Natyatastra had been
slightly junior to him.
2nd century A.D. The poet

Medhavin and the Buddhist logician Dharmaklrti, who
written probably in the
was
also a poet, flourished probably in the 6th
and Dandin, author
Karyadara and
of the
century
the Daâ-
kwnaracarita probably also flourished in the 6th century.

Dinnaga, the Buddhist logician, bad flourished in the
5th century during which time Vatsayana also
wrote
Bhasya on the Nyayasutra. The Sanikhya-karika

Isvarakrsna was probably written by the 3rd century
his
of
A.D. and the Nyayasutras were probably composed

near about that time and the Vedanta-sutras of Badarayana were probably composed by the 2nd century A.D.
and we have already mentioned Vasuvandhu, author of
the Abhidharmakosa
works,
a senior
who
lived
in
flourished
was
Dhvanyaloka
of
in
contemporary
probably
half
and
9th
the
4th
We
written
century.
in
was
Udbhata
Samudragupta.
the 8th century
probably
have
and
century
of
and
the
the
latter
was not only

written a Kumara-
Udbhata
but he had also
rhetorician
sambhava.
many important Buddhist
the
already
said
that
Vamana
Vamana
8th century, but as

quotes from Magha, Magha must have lived probably
in the
middle of the 7th century. The Katika
lived
probably
in the
commentary was written about 660 A.D. and the Ny&sa

was probably written between 700 and 750 A,D
iNtRODtCTlON
Rudrata
also flourished before
who wrote
about
900 and Abhinavagupta
Locana on the Dhvanyaloka probably
his
50 years
in
after, flourished
and RajaSekhara probably

10th century.
the
CXV
the
1th
century
lived in the first quarter of
Vigakhadatta,
the
author of the
probably lived in the 9th century.

Bhattanarayana, the author of the Benisamhara, is
Mudraraksasa,
and must,
quoted by Vamana,
before
800 A.D.
If
therefore,
have Jived
he were one of the Brahmins
who
were brought to Bengal from Kanauj by king AdiSura,

he may have lived in the 7th century A.D. Kumaradasa, the author
the Janakiharana, was probably a
of
king of Ceylon and probably lived in the beginning of

the 6th century.
Mentha lived probably in the latter
part of the 6th century and king Pravarasena, the
author of the Setuvandha, must have lived during the
same time. The Kashmirian author Bhumaka who
Ravanarjuriiya in 27 cantos, probably also
lived at this time.
Towards the close of the 9th century
wrote
his
we have
the Kapphanabhyudaya based on the tale of the

AvadanaSataka by SivasvamI, one of the few exceptions
where the Avadana
literature
some other poets
there are
Gunadhya
or
has been
Bhattara Haricandra or
like
whose works
Adhyaraja
But
utilised.
are
not ;now
available.
After Harsa, the
we have
number
of
Empire was
practically broken
kingdoms in various parts
and
of the
China was trying to assert suzerainty in the

northern frontier and when its power vanished in the
country.
first
half of the 6th century, the
Huns were extending up
to
domains
of the
White
Gandhara and between 563
and 567 this country was held by the Turks. In 630

the Northern Turks were completely vanquished by the
Chinese
who extended
their
domains to Turfan and
Kucha, thus securing the northern road communication
Political
and
literary
contact with
the neigh-
bouring
countrUi.
iNTRODtCtlOfo
from East
630)
who
West.
the Tibetan king (A.U>.

had become a Buddhist, was friendly to India.
to
In 659 China rose
Gampo,
power and was in

The Turks
possession of this country upto Kapi6a.
were finally routed by the Chinese in A.D. 744 and
to the height of its
between 665 and 715, the northern route from China to

India between the Xaxartes and the Indus was closed
and the southern route through Kashgar was closed by

Tibetans and the road over the Hindukush was
the
by the Arabs with the rise of Islam. But again

by 719 the Chinese regained influence on the border of
closed
Buddhism developed in Tibet as against the

The Indian sages, Santaraindigenous Bon religion.
India.
and
Padmasarmbhava, were invited to Tibet.

Contact between politics of India and that of China
k$ita
had ceased in the 8th century owing to the growth of

In the 7th century, the Tantrik
the. Tibetan power.
.
form of the Mahay an a, so closely allied to the Tantrik

worship in India, had established itself in Nepal.
Nepal was conqured by the Gurkhas of the Hindu faith

and there has been a gradual disintegration of Buddhism
Kashmir was being ruled by Hindu

in
the
8th century we had Candrapi<Ja,
and
kings
Muktapida and Jayapida, and in the 9th century there
were the kings Avantivarman and Sankaravarman and
from that time.
in the
10th century we have the kings Partha, Unmattalater on Queen Didda, all of whom were
vanti and
In the llth century we have king Kalasa

and Hara, after which .it was conquered by the
Moslems.
tyrannical.
Political
iû
after
Har?a.
the 8th century we have

king YaSovarman in Kanauj, a patron of Bhavabhuti
At the end of the 8th century, the
an(j Vakpatiraja.
After Harsa's
reigning
monarch
Dharmapala,
death,
in
Indrayudha
king of Bengal,
was
dethroned
who enthroned a
by
relative
INTRODUCTION
of
his,
cxvli
who was again
Cakrayudha,
dethroned
by
Nagabhata, the Gurjara-Pratihara king. He transferred
bis capital to Kanauj.
In the 9th century we have
king Bhoja.
Bhoja's son Mahendrapala had for his
teacher the
These kings were all

poet Rajasekhara.
After this the power of Kanauj began to
Vaisnavas.
wane.
In
10th
the
Upper Valley
the Indus Region
of
king of the
and most of the
century Jayapala,
Punjab, attacked King Sabuktagln and in the subsequent

battles that followed was worsted and committed suicide.
In Kanauj, king Rajyapala was defeated by the Moslems.
With
the
dynasty of
the
of
disappearance
Gurjara-Pratihara
Gahadwar
Kanauj, a Raja of the
clan
named
Candradeva established his authority over Benares and

Ayodhya and also over Delhi. This is known as the
Rathore dynasty. In the 12th century we have Raja
Jayacand under whose patronage Sriharsa, the poet,
wrote his great work Naisadhacarita.
It is
history
unnecessary to dilate more upon

of
India.
the
political
the body of the book and
Bui from
from what has been said in the Editorial Notes, it

would appear that the current opinion that the glorious
age of the
Sanskrit
literature
glorious epoch of the Guptas,
the other band,
great
flourished before the
is
writers
dawn
synchronised with the

not quite correct.
On
like
of the
Kalidasa and Bhasa
Christian era
at the
time probably of the Mauryas, and also shortly after the

reign of Pusyamitra at the time of the great Hindu
ascendency
the rise of
Buddhism gave
a great impetus
to the development of sciences and particularly to philo-
sophy
but inspite of Buddhism,
Hinduism
became
the prevailing religion of the kings of India and

many cases the kings themselves turned to
poets.
Inspite
of
be
changes and
the country and various
the colossal political
turmoils in various parts of
in
general
review of
the growth
of Sanskrit
Literature.
fcJcviii
foreign inroads and
invasions,
we had
new
era of
and development till the T2th century,

when the country was subjugated by the Mahommedans. Many writers have suggested that it is
literary culture
the
foreign
the
Turks,
impact of the
Chinese,
the
the
Sakas,
Tibetans,
incentive, by the introduction of
new
Hunas
that
the
gave
ideas, to
an
literary
development. But such a view will appear hardly

to be correct, for to
no period of the literary
development of India can we ascribe any formative

influence due to foreign culture.
The Hindu literary
development
followed
an
insulated
line of Trivarga-
its
from
course
through
onwards. With the occupation
siddhi
all
century
12th
the
of
Upper
inroads
into
by the Moslems and their
Southern India and with the growth of stringency
of
the Smrti rules and the insulating tendency,
India
the
and
former
we
free
have
spirit
mostly
dwindled
away
of stereotyped
litera-
gradually
mass
which South India, jvhich was comparatively

immune from the Moslem invasion, contributed largely.
ture
to
Southern India also distinguished itself by its contributions to Vainava thought and the emotionalistic
philosophy which had
also.
Some
of
its
repercussions in North
the greatest thinkers of India,
India
like
Nagarjuna and Sankara and Ramanuja, Jayatlrtha and

Vyasatlrtha, hailed from the South and
deyotionalism,
which began with the Arvars in the 3rd or the 4th

century A.D., attained its eminence in the 16th or the
17th century along with unparalleled dialectic skill of
Venkata, Jayatlrtha and Vyasatirtba. Philosophy in
the North dwindled into formalism of the new school of
NySya, the rise of emotionalism in Caitanya and his

followers^ and the stringency of the Smyti in the
nivandhas of Baghunandana.
INTRODUCTION
CX1X
In attempting to give a perspective of the growth

and development of Sanskrit literary culture from the
racial,
social,
religious,
political
and environmental
we have omitted one
backgrounds,
fact
of
appearance
Jj
supreme
the rise of geniuses, which
is almost
importance, viz.,
unaccountable
observable
and
wholly
data,
by any
though
of
mediocre
talents
maintain
the
may
poets
literary flow
yet
the
in
of
field
as
literature
also in politics
it is
monuments of the
thought and action. No amount of
the great geniuses that stand as great
advancement of
discussion or analysis of environmental
explain
this
Biology
the
freak of Nature just
problem
Why
explained.
a Bhavabhuti
Sudraka,
can
conditions
in
the
of accidental variation
Bana
field
of
cannot be
Bhasa4 a Kalidasa,
up his head at partiIndian history, will for ever remain
or a
cular epochs of
as
lifted
unexplained. Kajaêkhara regards poetic genius as

being of a two-fold character, creative and appreciative.
He
alone
social
is
a poet to
whom
any
provokes his
surrounding
and every natural or

creative
activity
to
spontaneous flow of literary creation. This creative

function may manifest itself through properly arranged
words in rhyme or rhythm in the appreciation of

literary art and also in the reproduction of emotions
through histrionic functions. This individuality of
genius in a way
works of
literary
prevents the
determination of great
art as being the causal functions of
historical conditions.
But though the consensus

rhetoricians
point
to
the
of
opinion
view that the
among
mark of
the
**
true
poetry is the creation of sentiments, yet Bajaêkhara

and others regard wide experience as an essential
characteristic of a good poet.
poet's
words should
have a universality of application and the manner of

his delivery should be such that his failures should be
of poets.
INTRODUCTION
CXX
unnoticeable.
though genius
is
essential.
also
the
poets,
in
that
supreme importance, yet learning

He distinguishes two types of
who depicts sentiments

who by his mode of delivery softens
Sastra-kavi,
and the kavya-kavi

and
ideas
difficult
place
maintains
further
Rajaêkhara
is of
Both
thoughts.
Both
literature.
which are complementary
to
ance of learning within the
have
two
reveal
the
of
category
tendencies
The
each other.
their
acceptessential
qualities that go to make poetry, has well-established

itself not only in the time of Rajaêkhara but long
before
him
in the time of
Bhatti
and probably much
than him.
Bhatti takes pride in thinking that

his poems would not be intelligible to people who are
This wrong perspective arose probably
not scholars.
earlier
from
the
fact
that
the
grammatical
and
lexico-
graphical sciences as well as the philosophical discipline had attained a high water-mark of respect with
the learned people
who
alone
could
be the judges of
This view, however, was riot universal for as
poetry.
has elsewhere been noted, Bhamaha urges that kdvya

should be written in such a manner as to be intelligible
even
those
to
who
have
no
learning
or
general
education.
literary
standard*
n
g"uage.
We
have seen that
Sanskrit
had
become almost
absolutely stereotyped by the middle of the 2nd century
B.C.
we have
literature in spite of their
sen! and
we
find in
Magadhi,
Saura-
also seen that the Prakrt, as
names
as
Mahara^ri, was not
really the spoken language

What we have are the
of those parts of the country.
standardised artificial forms of Prakrt which were
used
for the purpose of literature.
what
It
is
doubtful^ to
extent one can regard the Prakrt of the A6okan inscriptions to be the spoken dialect of
though
it
has been held by
any part of the country,
many
scholars
that
the
CXX1
INTRODUCTION
lingua franca of the whole

assented to this view in the Preface.
Eastern dialect was
the
Empire and we
The variations found
in the Girnar,
the Siddapur edicts would raise
Kalinga and
the
of con-
many problems
siderable difficulty.
Another important question that may arise particularly in connection with the drama and the prose literature, is the
spoken
question
language
pointed out
that
regarded as the
at
as
of
Samskrta nor Prakrta was

far
so
speech
as
it
traced from the evidences of earlier Sanskrit
Panini
between
distinguishes
Paninian language, as
object of
grammar
to
is
his
rules
supply
common people, or as
common people. Y But why
(spoken
the
control
for
says
of
the
that
known
current speech (laukika in the sense of being

the
and
and Bhasa
Bhasija
can be
literature.
Vedic
the
Vaidika
in
Patanjali
language).
we
In our Preface
time.
any
neither
name
whether Sanskrit was the
to
to
having sprung from the

should then there be at all
The answer
rules for the control of speech ?
for the preservation of the integrity of the
is
Vedas
one,
2
;
and
making proper transformations of suffixes from

the forms given in the Samhitas for practical sacrificial
two, for
and three, in pursuance of the general duty for all

Brahmins to study the Vedas of which the chief acces-
use
sory
is
grammar
four,
route for the study of correct words

at certainty of
words.
meaning and
In addition to
lobe vidita
iti
may
speech and one
lokasarvalok&tthaft
iti thafl
thaft
is
not versed in
the Vedic form is erroneous.
shortest
five,
for
arriving
on
MahSbha$ya
be forms in the Vedas which are
who
p 1343B
this, Patanjali adds some supple-
There
the
for laying proper accents
athava bhav&rthe adhyatm&ditvat

evarp vede bhava vaidikah
2
is
grammar
grammar might
Dot
Paspad&hniks.
found in
easily be
the
current
led to think that
spoken
language?
INTRODUCTION
CXXll
These are as follows
mentary reasons.
who
imitated the
often misused
Brahmins
Asuras
the
in performing the sacrifices
words or misplaced the accents.

pluta accent on he and
the
instead of putting the
Thus,
pronouncing the word arayah after it, they used the

words helaya, helaya, and were defeated for the reason
that they could not get the benefit of
victory
for this reason, a
the
sacrifice
for
Brahmin should not misproA wrong word or
nounce the words like the mlecchas.

a
wrong accent
to safeguard oneself
from wrong usage one should study
The study
grammar.
So
denote the proper meaning.
fails to
of
grammar
is
also necessary for
There are
comprehension of proper meaning.
more wrong words and accents in currency than proper
words and accents, for in place of one proper word or
the
may be many wrong words and accents

the man who knows grammar can distinguish
accent there
and only
between the
we
right
and
the
find the purificatory influence of
decorum
over, rules of
should
be given
word.
Here
grammar.
More-
wrong
require that
in offering
the pluta
salutations to
accent
respected
persons, whereas in greeting a woman or a person

coming from a distant place, one should omit the pluta
accent.
None but one
versed in
grammar can
distin-
People often think that the Vedic words

guish these.
from the Vedas and the current words
known
may be
from current speech, but the above discourse

that
there
is
a necessity for studying
will
grammar
show
for the
acquirement in both.
review of the above discourse reveals to us the

uncontestable
following
the time
of
facts
viz.,
that
even
in
Patanjali the Paninian language was used
though many mispronounced and misaccented or corrupt or foreign words had crept into the
in current speech
current
speech.
The
current
speech
was thus not
INTRODUCTION
exactly
in
what we
for
words,
a very large admixture
is
Patanjali
apasavdah, and
sieving out
Paninian Sanskrit but Sanskrit
call
which there
the
CXX111
bhuyamsah
says
expressly
grammar was
codified
words though
corrupt
of corrupt
needed for
cannot be
it
denied that inspite of the sieving some popular words

of foreign or aboriginal character were accepted as
genuine Sanskrit words. The word titan occurring in a

verse quoted by Patanjali is an instance of it.
We also
find that
by Patanjali's time the tradition was that the
Asuras had accepted Brahmiuic forms of
but
sacrifice
not attain the fruits of them as they could

not properly pronounce the Sanskrit words.
The rules
they could
of accent prescribed for greeting persons also
Sanskrit
among
as
Those, however, who achieved the
the people.
discipline of a grammatical
cognised as chaste
by
as used by
unintelligible to the
the
used
study
the
words
common
folk
was
re-
The
the grammatical tradition.
not un-
nor the speech of the learned
intelligible to the learned
be drawn from
that
corrupt words was in use
mixed up with
mixed language
show
common
existing
people.
may
parallel
Bengali language
literary
and the spoken language varying from district to district

The learned
with regard to words and accents.
Bengalees
cases the
may
dialectical
Thus the Chittagong

be intelligible to
learned
dialect
a learned
of
may
men
but
own
place or he
of
Calcutta.
may
at
attained.
of
accent
may even
is
the same time use
common
still
people of
intersperse Chittagong
words with the words of standard Bengali.

dardisation
hardly
talk in standard Bengali
dialect in talking with the
his native
would
Bengali
Bengalee
Chitlagong-man
with other learned

his
understand properly in some

folk languages of another locality.
not even
more
The
difficult
stan-
to
be
CXX1V
Skold in his work on the Nirukta says
Dr. Hannes
that the derivations suggested by

gible
if
we assume
Yaska
are only intelli-
he was conversant with some
that
Middle Indian Prakrt speech. Prof. Liiders

the language of Asoka's Chancery was
says that
a high language
but the actual spoken speech had
kind of
almost advanced to a stage of the

literary Prakrts.
Keith holds that Yaska spoke Sanskrit as he wrote it
and the
officials of
Asoka spoke in the language similar
what they wrote, while the lower classes of the people

spoke in dialects which had undergone much phonetical
to
From
transformation.
Patafljali's statement referred to
above we can gather that
the upper classes
who were
with grammar spoke the chaster speech but

as we go down the stratum the language was of a
The alien people on whom the Aryans
corrupt nature.
conversant
had imposed their language could

correctly.
The
directions
of royal
not
also speak
edicts
it
as found in
the Arthatastra, Chapter 31, would lead to the presumption
that
the
edicts
was probably the
were drafted in Sanskrit.
first to
Prakrt as found in
issue
the
edicts in
inscriptions.
cult to assert that Aôka's inscriptions
A3oka
some form
of
It is also diffi-
were written in
accordance with the speech of the countries in which the
appeared; for, though the language and the

grammar of the edicts have many differences in different
edicts
would be too small in comparison

with the actual dialectical varieties that might have
localities yet
these
existed between
Mysore and Guzerat.
We
think there-
though the Prakrt speech was current in

A4oka's time and even in earlier times among the
fore
that
common people, among the higher classes Sanskrit was

used in common speech. But the tatsama words flowed
continuously into the current speech.
CXXV
INTRODUCTION
The study
have their
own
few writers
most
difficulties.
of elegance like
Difficulties
of appreciat-
Excepting in the case of a

Kalidasa, Bhasa or Sudraka,
ing Sanskrit
Poetry.
works in poetry are not easily

those who have no proficiency in the
Sanskrit
of the
accessible
and their appreciation
of Sanskrit kavyas
to
language and even for the proficient it is not always an

easy reading and at times one cannot make much of
The study
them without commentaries.
of Sanskrit
kavyas, therefore, cannot be an easy pastime and cannot

t
The
always be enjoyed as recreation in leisure hours.
great
poets
of
day,
aimed
they
to
They
effect.
"
wrote for
says,
they were masters of the learning

long trained in the use of language and
audiences of experts
of their
as Keith
-'
India,
;
at
beautiful speech and
subtlety, not
by
please
had
their
disposal
commanded
they
simplicity of
a
singularly
elaborate
and
Under the circumstances,

though the kavya literature contains within it some
most
metres."
effective
of the great master-pieces of
hope
to
poetical works,
lisping knowledge of Sanskrit or
take
it
cannot
become popular with those who have a mere
the
trouble
of
who
undertaking
are unwilling
difficult
through the intricacies of the language.

ear the music of the poetry
ing that the mere
manner produces
a sense of
little
when
bewitch-
verses in the proper
exhilaration.
have seen
I recited the verses,
acquaintance
journey
the trained
so enthrallingly
recitation of the
that even in Europe,
who had but
is
To
to
with
persons
Sanskrit,
had
been tremendously affected by the sonorous rhythm of

the Sanskrit verses and large audiences almost felt
themselves spell-bound by
Another
the mystery of
the music.
Sanskrit
regarding
poetry is that,
more than the poetry in other languages, the charm of
difficulty
Sanskrit poetry in untranslatable, as a large part

it is derived from the rhythm and % the cadence..
of
INTRODUCTION
Keith says
"German
work on Sanskrit
base excellent
can indeed
Kiickert
poets like
but
originals,
the
produced are achieved by wholly different means,

while English efforts at verse translations fall invariably
effects
below
tolerable
their
mediocrity,
diffuse
tepidity
contrasting painfully with the brilliant condensation of

style, the elegance of metre and the close adaptation of
sound to sense of the originals."
Not
Sanskrit
**
**'
a less attractive part of Sanskrit
charming
descriptions
poetry is its
scenes
and the
natural
of
As we go from poet to poet

change of outlook and perspective
beauties of the seasons.
we
often notice
which cannot but leave a bright and exhilarating effect

on our imagination. Thus, throughout the descriptions of natural scenes and objects as depicted by
Kalidasa,
the
we
find that the
human world
same
passions
same
the
and
whole Nature
feelings
sorrows,
is
and emotions, the
same
the
replica of
feelings
of
tenderness, love, affection and friendship that are found

to reign in the
same manner
human mind,
for Kalidasa in
The Yaksa
of Nature.
are also revealed
and through
in the
in
the
the objects
Meghaduta employs the
all
Alakapuri,
messenger to his love-lorn lady in the

and the cloud itself is made to behave as
the friend,
benefactor
cloud as the
rivers,
mountains and
and lover
of
forests, over
the
which
flowers
and
may
dumb
pass
it
Nature may be
dropping showers
and
yet she understands the sorrows of men
of rain.
to
them.
In addressing the clouds he says
you do not give any verbal response to

I cannot think that you will not render
turn, for even in your silence you
catafea." In the last verse of the
is
"
but
friendly
Though
my
words
me
supply water
yet
friendly
to the
Meg haduta, Kalidasa

Oh Cloud may you not
says addressing the cloud
be separated from the lightning who is your wife.
"
INTRODUCTION
CXXV11
Either for the sake of
me
kindness or by finding
as a
The
seasons
for the
sake
of
may
serve
me
aggrieved, you
messenger and after that you
please."
or
friendship
go wherever you
Kalidasa almost
may
to
appeared
They are not merely the friends of

but throughout .Nature the life and personality of
the seasons are realised in joy and love, and in Kali-
as living beings.
man
dasa's
this
descriptions
extremely vivid.
But when Valmiki looks
emphasis
aspect of
as
on the
is
realistic
man
its utility to
to
practical utility
Rtusamhdra
to
general
The
But
Nature.
shadowy.
gradually Nature
that
find
man
of
thin and
human
the
to
rise
his
Nature,
aspect
is
we proceed onwards we
begins
at
becomes
Nature
of
aspect
and
level
often
its
emphasised, e.g., in the

The emphasis on the prag-
is
of Kalidasa.
matic aspect has indeed a deleterious effect on the

nature of poetry, but oftentimes in the descriptions of
the poets the pragmatic aspect is thinned away and
human diameters
are ascribed
to
Nature,
has been enlivened with the fulness of
human
conscious-
Starting from realism we often pass into idealism
ness.
as
Nature
or
self-reflection.
Valmiki
in
In
describing
the
the
Rcimayana,
situation
of
for
example,
Rama
his
in
separation from Sita and in contrasting it with the state

Thus he
of Sugriva, describes the sorrow of Rama.
says
am
"1
without
my
being broken into pieces

the rains
sorrow
make
is
all
wife and
like
my
the bank of a
places extremely
broad and wide and
it
and
am
river.
As
throne
impassable, so
seems to
me
as
my
if
my great enemy Ravana." But

Valmiki here does not describe what Rama would have
He had seen the
done if his wife was near by.
can never ford over to
by the side of the dark cloud and he was at

once reminded as to how Sita might have been lying
lightning
INTRODUCTION
CXXVlli
Eavana.
in the lap of
rain
he
Looking
reminded of
is
the
regarding
quite
no
is
them as
of
tears
of
Slta.
and events
situation
of
any pragmatic perspective

But human comparisons are
tinge
rains.
common.
falling
human
Nature thus reminds the

but there
the
new showers
at the
Thus
in describing the hills he speaks
were wearing garments of black

deer-skin and he compares the rains with the holy
of
Jihread
if
they
and music of the rains with
But apart from
Vedic hymns.
the
such
chanting
human
of
analo-
gies the general tendency of Valmiki's description is

realism
descriptions of fruits and flowers, of birds and
beasts, of
muddy
and moist winds, and so on.

have followed this realistic ten-
roads
Bhavabhuti seems
to
dency of Valmlki in his descriptions of Nature, which

sometimes sublime and sombre. Such a realistic
is
tendency can be found in other poets also. Thus, the

poet Abhinanda speaks of dreadful darkness torn sometimes into pieces by the gleaming lightning even the
tree before us cannot be seen ; their existence can only be
inferred from the collection of fire-flies; the whole night
;
is
ringing
with the
humming
of crickets.
Thus, the different poets of India had approached

Nature from diverse points of view, some realistic, some
pragmatic, some idealistic.
Thus, in spite of criticisms that
may
to a learned
against Sanskrit poetry,

is acquainted with the trailing
words and
its
be
levelled
Sanskritist
history of the
who
allusive
penumbra, the double meanings and the
associated myths,
Sanskrit
poetry
with
its
luxurious
images, cadence of rhyme, jingling alliteration of wordsounds, creates a wonderland of magic and joy that
transports the reader to a
delicate
and passionate
Sanskrit love poetry
is
new world
of
flickerings of love
surcharged, are as
beauty.
with
much
The
which
exciting
INTRODUCTION
CXX1X
our primal tendencies as appealing to our cultured

tastes.
Though much of Sanskrit poetry has been lost
to
through the ravages of time, yet what remains is

worthy of the pride and satisfaction of any great itation.
There
is
no compeer
in the
world of the Mahabhdrata
and the Ramayana taken together, and Kalidasa stands
supreme before our eyes as a magic-creator of beauty

and enchantment, and Bhavabhuti as the creator of the
sombre and the sublime.
CHAPTER

THE ORIGIN AND SOURCES OF THE KIVYA
1.
Even
if
there
is
no direct evidence,
it
would not be entirely
assume that the Sanskrit Kavya literature, highly

though it is, had its origin in the two great Epics of
The Indian tradition, no doubt, distinguishes the
unjustifiable to
stylised
India.
Itihasa from the Kavya, but
the
Ramayana,
is
itself,
to be
not pretend
methodical presentations of
bibliographical material,
literature
literary
of
first
point
Kavyas.
view only, and
of
connected historical outline of a vast and
exhaustive, nor to supersede the excellent and
Winternitz
Moritz
the
as
only an attempt to give, from the
the
of
It does
difficult subject.
not the MaMbharata,
if
This rapid survey
from direct reading
has always, not unjustly, regarded
it
as well as the brilliant
and
Sten
Konow, with
their
valuable
L6vi and A. B. Keith,
accounts of Sylvain
to various monographs and articled of individual scholars, every

same ground must acknowledge his deep indebtedness. But the aim of
the present account is not to offer a mere antiquarian or statistical essay, not to record and
discuss what has been said on Sanskrit literature (the value of which, however, is not and
to all of
which, as
also
writer traversing the
cannot be ignored), but to give,

of the literature itself.
Even
if
as concisely as
strict
chronology
that our general knowledge of the subject

of historical or literary
is
possible,
is
and
a systematic
not yet attainable,
it
not today so nebulous as to
methods altogether impossible.
It
is felt
that
literary
should be
make
the
Sanskrit
account
recognised
application
literature,
as
need no longer be looked upon as a literary curiosity, deserving merely a descriptive,

that it ranks legitimately as one of the
erudite, apologetic or condescending treatment, but
literatures of the world, to the appreciation of which broader historical and literary
literature,
great
standards should be applied.
which
The
but
it
purely
reduced as
learned discussions,
much
as possible to a
upon the literary aspects of the problems, which have,

not received adequate attention. Tt is cot claimed that the work is final in thia respect
made. The only apology that is necessary,
is hoped that a beginning has been
minimum, and emphasis has been

so far,
bibliographical references and
are available in their fulness elsewhere, are, therefore,

laid
and capacity, is that it is

apart from the obvious one of the writer's imperfect knowledge
less
allowed
which
of
provision of material than what
time,
written within certain limits
could have been
accomplished by longer preparation,
which did not
permit him
problems.
to
enter fully
into
and within certain limits of space,

the difficult, but
of
interesting,
some
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE
The Mahabharata
diversified
its
by
afforded,
certainly
content,
inexhaustible legendary and didactic material to later Kavya

poets; but from the point of view of form, it is simpler and less
polished,
and conforms more
It could
to the epic standard.
not,
in spite of later addition
model
and elaboration, afford such an excellent

Kavya as the more balanced and poetical
for the factitious
Ramayana
The unity
did.
of
treatment,
of
elegancies
style
and delicate verse-technique,
which distinguish the Ramayana,

may not be studied, but they are none the less skilful and
effective.
It is probable that some part of its stylistic elaboration
came
nothing to show
into existence in later times, but there is
that most of these refinements did not belong to the poem itself,
or to a date earlier than that of the Kavya literature, which
imitates
and
The
improves upon them.
literary standard
and
atmosphere of the epic are indeed different from those of Amaru

and Kalidasa, but the poem, as a whole, grounded like the
Mahabharata
as
in
is
it
the
heroic
epos,
is
undoubtedly
the
The pedestrian
product of a much more developed artistic sense.
naivete of the mere epic narrative is often lifted to the attractive
1
refinement of greater art
and gravity
is
and the general tone
often relieved
of
seriousness
by picturesque descriptions of the
rainy season and autumn, of mountains, rivers and forests, as

well as by sentimental and erotic passages and by the employ-
ment
of
metaphors and similes

is
greater importance
attached
in a very real sense be
called
we
find in
embellishment that
metre and poetic figures

integral
part
of
its
is
of
to the
the
it
If
the
form,
the
in
Kavya
Ramayana can
Kavya; and the
first
in the skilled
use
of
not wholly adventitious but
poetic
which
expression,
more conscious ornamentation and

1
beauty.
literary
language,
forms an
anticipates
finish of the later
the
Kavya.
H. Jacobi, Das Ramayana^ Bonn, 183),
Literature,
Oxford, 1928 (cited throughout
pp. 119-26 and A. B. Keiib, History of Sanskrit

below as USX), pp. 42-45, give some instances,
which can be easily multiplied, of the formal excellences

the Kavya.
The Epics
also
show the transformation
of the
of the
Sloka, and of the Vedio Trisfcubh-Jagati into a variety of
developed in the Kavya.
Rawayana, which foreshadow
Vedic Anustubh into the Classical
lyrical
measures which are furtber
no need, therefore, to trace back the origin of the

far-off
literature in the
Vedic hymns, and find its
There
Kavya
is
prototype in the Narasamsa and Danastuti panegyrics, in

semi-dramatic and
impassioned
Samvada-Akhyanas, in
the
the
found in the glowing descriptions of deities

Usas, or in the legends and gnomic stanzas preserved in
heightening of style
like
the
The
Brahmanas.
a non-religious literature
tradition of
was
from
remote antiquity, surviving through long

centuries as a strong undercurrent and occasionally coming to
already
there
the surface in the
more conventional
diate precursor of
the
Kavya
literature
but the imme-^
which
undoubtedly the Epics,
is
themselves further develop these secular, and in a sense

tendencies of the earlier Vedic literature.
popular,
also not
necessary to seek the origin of the Sanskrit

Kavya literature in the hypothetical existence of a prior Prakrit
There
literature, on which it is alleged to have modelled itself.
It is
is
indeed no
support
convincing evidence, tradition or cogent reason to

the theory that the Epics themselves or the Kavya were
originally
The
in Prakrit
composed
existence
Prakrit
of a
and rendered
of
period
literature
Sanskrit, which such theories presuppose,
use
the epigraphical
of
Prakrit
in
into Sanskrit.
later
the
the
preceding
inferred mainly from
is
period
the
preceding
cannot be substantiated by the adducing of any

evidence of value regarding the existence of actual Prakrit works
Christian era
but
Even assuming
in this period.
the co-existence
thereby
it
excluded
of
;
Sanskrit
nor does
was derived from the
it
other.
existence, from the Vedic times,
current in
secular Vedic
speech
hymns
other
that a Prakrit literature
follow
necessarily
It
is
existed,
some form
literature in
to
possible
that
is
not
the one
assume the
of a popular secular literature,
than the
hieratic,
derived their material
from which the
and the tradition
possibly continued in heroic songs, lyrical stanzas,
is
gnomic verses
in
Prakrit
been
have
but
which
and folk-tales,
composed
might
the very language and treatment of the Epics themselves show a
in which a freer
stage of linguistic and literary development,
;
and
but more practical, form of Sanskrit than the

was employed for conveying
speech of Panini
less polished,
perfected
no
a literature, not hieratic, but
The
less aristocratic.
influence
may be presumed,
of a concurrent popular Prakrit literature
but
the Epics, in form, substance and spirit, cannot be called popular

in the same sense they were loved by the populace, but in no
;
sense composed or inspired by them.
They
possess
linguistic
and
own, which preclude the theory
of Prakrit originals, and which must be traced ultimately, in
unbroken tradition, to certain aspects of Vedic language and
literary peculiarities of their
There
literature,
is,
again, no evidence to justify the
high anti-
quity claimed for the collection of Prakrit folk-tales of Gunadhya,

which ifi now lost, or for the Prakrit lyrics of Hala, which have
been misleadingly taken as the prototype of the Sanskrit lyrics.

Not only does the Prakrit of Hala's anthology show a fairly developed form of the language, far apart from
and
Prakrits
the
the
of
dramatic fragments of Agvaghosa,

but the Prakrit poetry which it typifies is as conventional as the
Both the
Sanskrit, and is not folk-literature in its true sense.
early inscriptions
of the
Mahabharata and the Jatakas, again, show the currency

beast-fable, but in this sphere also
Prakrit achievement.
Nor can it
we know nothing of any early

be shown that an original/
Prakrit drama was turned into Sanskrit; and our earliest
mens
of the Sanskrit
do not show
it
drama
tir
speci-
fragments, which
in the A^vaghosa
in a primitive
the
of
rudimentary form,
are
already
written in Sanskrit, as well as in Prakrit.
The hypothesis
of
an
earlier Prakrit
literature
started
also
from the supposition that Sanskrit was little used until it was
recovered and restored sometime after the Christian era.
The
theory
is
thus a revival in another
form
famous but now discredited suggestion

1
India:
What can
it
teach us
(London, 1882),
p.
of
Max
once
Miiller's
of the cessation of literary
281
f.
Fergusson's theory of the Vikrama era that
Max
legend of a king Vikraraaditya of Ujjayini,
who was supposed
It is
Muller connected
to
mainly
his
on the basis of
suggestion
with
have driven out the
from India and founded the Vikrama era in 544 A.D., but dated the era back to 57 B.G*
the
Sakaa
Max

activity in India until the sixth century
Renaissance was supposed to
when
A.D.,
time when
At a
have begun.
Sanskrit
scanty facts gave room for abundant fancies, the theory appeared
plausible it was apparently justified by the absence or paucity
;
of literary
works before and after the Christian
the fact that the incursions of Greeks,
Sakas
at this
era, as well as
by
Kusanas and
Parthians,
time must have affected the north-west of India.
But the epigraphical and
literary researches
of Biihler,
Kielhorn
and Fleet have now confirmed beyond doubt the indication,

1
given by Lassen,
Kavya-form
the development of the Sanskrit

few centuries of the Christian era, and
regarding
in the first
have entirely destroyed
Max
Miiller's theory of
Biihler 's detailed examination
regnum.
of
the
inter-
literary
evidence borne
by the early inscriptions, ranging from the second

Miillor,
first
the
to
fifth
however, had the sagacity to perceive that Fergusson's theory would at once collapse,
any document were found dated in the Vikraraa era before 544 A.D. The missing evidence is
now found f and both the assumptions mentioned above are now shown to be untenable (see
if
Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions, Introd.

It
fairly old.
owed
its
also I A,
currency, no
XXX,
from
doubt,
The Vikramaditya legend itself is

an ill-authenticated verse of a late work,
pp. 3-4).
which associates Dhanvantari, K?apanaka, Amarasimha, Sanku, Vetalabhatâ, Ghafcakarpara,

Kalidasa, Varahatnihira and Vararuci as the nine gems
While we know
Vararuci
is
Varahamihira flourished
for certain that
undoubtedly a very old
Mahabhasya', while
of the other
whom
author to
poets,
of
the
court of this mythical king.
in the middle of
Kavya
is
tie
sixth
ascribed in
century,
Patafi jali'a
some are mere names, and some, who are by no means

like Bhoja-prabandha, which
contemporaries, are lumped together, after the manner of works
makes Kalidasa, Bana and Bhavabhuti contemporaries

it occurs, see Weber iii
iotrod. to Nandargikar's ed. of
cussed.
the
Raghu-vamsa
this
ZDMG,
for references to
verse
and on Jyotirvidd-
XXII, 1868,
Kavya
persists in literature.
Subandhu laments that
verse of Hftla (ed.
and he
is
NSP
v. 64).
pp. 708
works where this verse
It is remarkable, however, that the tradition of a great Vikram&difcya
there ia no true appreciator of poetry
ditya,
On
bharana (16th century) in which
in the
same
strain
aUo
dis-
a patron of
as
after the departure of
and an early reference
is
Vikramaditya
is found in a
The Sanskrit anthologies assign some 20 verses to Vikramaand Kalidasa (see F. W, Thomas,
associated with Bhartrmen^ha , Matrgupta
introd. to Kavlndra-vacana
samuccaya, pp.
105-06 and references cited therein).
There
ia
no
of the Gupta dynasty ; and

satisfactory evidence to connect him with the later Vikramadityas
if the original founder of the Vikraraa era was a Vikramaditya, all search for him has, so far,
not proved succeasful. tfor a

Vikramacarita, pp. lviiMx\i.
recent
discussion
the question,
of
115 (J
see
Edgerton, introd. to
Laasen, Indische Alterthumskundc, II,
Die indiechen Inschriften und das Alter der mdiachen Kuntspoesie in
I A, gtu,p.291.
p.
f.
SWA
1890, trs,
century A.D., not only proves the existence in these centuries of

a highly elaborate body of Sanskrit prose and verse in the Kavya-
presumption that most of the Praâstisome theory of poetic art/ If

writers were acquainted with
style,
but
also raises the
it
'
Max
Miiller conjectured a decline of literary activity in
two centuries
of the Christian era
of the Sakas,
we know now
idea that the
great
Western
destroyers.
on account
that there
is
the
of
the
first
incursions
nothing to justify the

Saka origin were
Ksatrapas or Satraps of
Their
show
inscriptions
that
became
they
themselves rapidly Indian! sed, adopted Indian names and customs,

patronised Indian
and
art
and
religion,
adopted,
as
as
early
150 A. D., Sanskrit as their epigraphical language. There is,

no evidence for presuming a breach of literary
therefore,
If the theory
continuity from the first to the fifth century A.D.
is
sometimes revived by the modified suggestion that the origin
of the Sanskrit
is to
Kavya
be ascribed to the ascendancy
the
of
Sakas themselves, the discovery and
publication of A^vaghosa's
works directly negative the idea by affording further proof of an
earlier bloom of the Sanskrit Kavya literature in some of
its
important aspects, and perhaps push the period of its origin much
The fact that a Buddhist poet should, at the
further back.
commencement
style for
the
of the Christian era, adopt the
avowed object
of
conveying
faith, hitherto generally recorded in tbe
Sanskrit
the
Kavya-
tenets
vernacular,
is
of
his
an
itself
indication
popularity and diffusion; and the relatively
perfect form in which the Kavya emerges in his writings presupposes a history behind it.
of
The
its
history, unfortunately, is
however, surmise
its
existence in
the 4th century B.C.,

1
form
As he declares
is
all
if
some form
we consider
at the close of his
to set forth the truth
appeal to
hidden
us.
We
in Panini's
can,
time in
that one of the direct results
Saundarananda that
which leads
from
to salvation in
his object in adopting
the Kavya-
an attractive garb, so that
it
should
men.
Panini's time
is
uncertain, but
we take
here
P&taftjali's accepted date in relation to that of Pagini.
the generally
accepted
date,
as
also

of
his
elaborate
standardisation
as
grammar,
of
also
as
Sanskrit,
its
had
object,
been the
from the Vedic
distinguished
spoken dialect (Bhasa). Although Panini

shows himself fully conversant with the earlier Vedic literature,
there is no reason to suppose that the Sista speech of his day
(Chandas) and
the
was that
of the priesthood alone

his object was not to regulate
the hieratic speech but the language of polished expression in
;
Panini's
general.
own system,
views of different schools of

studies
must have been
as
well
as
citation
the
of
grammar, shows that grammatical
fairly
well
advanced in
presupposes the existence of a respectable
which
his
his
on
literature
of
body
and
time,
must have based themselves.

Nothing, unfortunately, has survived and this literature, which
must have been supplanted by the more mature writings of later
his
speculations
linguistic
is now only a matter of surmise.

The evidence would have been more
times,
definite
could be placed on the statement contained in

J
to
first
Jarnbavati-jaya."
is
ascribed
verse,
Sukti-muldavaU (1257 A.D.) that

the grammar and then the Kfivya, the
in Jahlana's
Rajasekhara
"
Panini wrote
vijaya
any reliance
if
from
fragment
Panini's
Jambavati-
preserved by Rayarnukuta in his commentary on Amara-
which was composed in 1431 A.D. Much earlier

than this date, Nami-sadhu who wrote his commentary on
"
from Panini's
Rudrata's Kavyalamkara in 10G9 A.D.,' cites
l{o$a (1.2.3.6),
Mahakavya, the Patala-vijaya,"
fragment
(samdhya-vadhu'ni
grhya karena) in illustration of the remark that great poets permit

1
ddau vydkaranani. kdvyam anu
svasti Paninaye tasmai yasya
Rudra-prasddatah
This RajasSekhara could not have been the Jaina BajaSekhara, who
Jambavati-jayam
wrote his Prabandha-kota in 1348 A.D. but it is not clear if he was the dramatist Rajagekhora,
\
\\
who
flourished during the end of the Oth and the beginning of
latter'a
of
Kavya-mlmatysd
him as
2
the 10th
for
in
the
a poet.
payah-prsantibhih spjstd
vdnti vatah tanaih fanaili.
Altogether Bfiyamukuta
three fragments from Panini (Bbandarkar, Report, 1883-84, pp. 62, 479).
from J&mbavati-jaya
3
i-entury
there are references <o Panioi's learned achievements but no mention
is
given by Aufrecht in
S. K. De, Sanskrit Poetics,
I, p, 98.
ZDMG> XLV,
1891, p. 308.
quotes
Another quotation
themselves the licence of ungrammatical forms, 1 and further gives,

"
"
as another example, a stanza
of the same poet
in which the
un-Paninian form apatyatl occurs. 2
now
to Panini, are
but their
titles
imply that they apparentand winning
dealt with Krsna's descent into the lower world
ly
of
lost,
Both these Kavyas, ascribed
Jambavati as his bride.
separate and brief references,
if
from these
not clear, however,
It is
they are two different
The
one work with two different names.
works or
Panini's
of
tradition
poetical achievement is also recorded in an anonymous stanza

8
while seventeen
given in the Sadukti-karnamrta (1206 A.D.),
verses, other than those
mentioned above,
name
in the Anthologies under the
are
also
found
4
of a poet
PSnini,
of
cited
which
the Kavindra-
the earliest citation appears to be a verse given in

5
vacana-samuccaya (about 1000 A.D.). Most of these verses are

in the fanciful vein and ornate diction, and some are distinctly
Ed. NSP, ad 2 fl mahdkavindm apy apasabda-pdta-darsandt, Nami-sadhu also quotes
same context similar solecisms from the poems of Bhartrhari, Kalid&sa and Bhai wi.
2
gate'rdha-rdtre parimanda-mandam garjanti yat prdvjsi kdla*meglidh
apafyati vatsam ivendu-bimbam tac charvari gaur iva hutpkaroti
1
in the
j|
which extols Bhavabhuti along
5.26.5,
with
Subandhu,
Kaghukara
(KalidSsa),
Dftks^putra (Panini), Haricandra, Sura and Bbaravi.
The Anthology
XIV,
p. 581f
XXVII,
verses
p. 46f
are
collected
XXXVI,
p. 365f
son, introd. to Subhasitdvali t pp. 54-58 and
Thomas, Kavmdravacana*
quotations by
below
p. 308f.
They
1891, pp. 311-19, and
JRAS,
Aufrecht in
ZDMG,
are also given by Peter-
more
fully
ZDMQ, XXVIII,
by F.
W.
p. 113, for
The following abbreviations will be used for the Anthologies cited

F. W. Thomas, Bibl. Ind., Calcutta, 1912;
Bayamuku$a.
#t?s=Kavfndra-vacana-samuccaya, ed
deva, ed. P. Peterson,
Baroda, 1939
PdrPadyavalT,
6
XLV,
introd., pp. 51-53. Also see
SP=Sarngadhara-paddbati,
Series,
together and translated by Aufrecht in
No. 186,
ed. P. Peterson,
Bombay, 1888;
567ifl
= 8ubhasitavali
of Vallabha-
Bombay, 1886; <SW=Sukti-rnukt5vali of Jahlana, ed. Gaekwad's Orient.

fl/rw^Saduktikanpamrtn, ed. B. Sarma and H. Sarma, Lahore, 1933;
ed. S.
K. De, Dacca, 1934.
tanvangmam
stanaii dr$tva.
As
it
will be clear
from the concordance given
by Thomas, the ascription in the Anthologies is not uniform. The Sbhv gives nine verses, of
which two only (upodha-ragena and ksapah, ksamlkrtya) are ascribed by SP. The Skm gives
8 verses including iipodha-ragena; while
which
to Ofpkai}$ha
PSîni in
to Acala.
Sml
assigns this verse, as well as ksapah kfamikrtya,
SP
but which is anonymous in Kvs and ascribed

panau padma-dhiyd and panau fana-tale are assigned to
Skm, but they are anonymous in Kvs, while the first verse is sometimes ascribed
last verse is given also

i
Skm.
Some
The
by Sbhv and
verses
of these verses are quoted in the
the oldest citations being those by

p. 35 (upodha-rdcjena).
Vamana
Alamkara works, but always anonymously,
ad IV. 3 (aindrani dhanufy)
and Inandavardhana,

erotic in
theme.
we have one verse

two
in
Sloka,
Sardulavikrldita, three in
Sragdhara, three in Vamâsthavila and six in Upajati. It is
in Sikharim,
Among
two
the metres employed
in
noteworthy that Ksemendra, in his Suvrtta-tilaka (iii. 30), tells

us in the llth century that Panini excelled in
composing verses
1
and we find that, besides the six Anthology
intheUpaiati metre
verses, both the verses quoted by Nami-sadhu, as well as two out
;
of the three fragments given
by Rayamukuta, are in the Upajati.

drew attention to the existence of
who first
named Panini, remarked
more than one author of
Aufrecht,
a poet
of
we
that
that
did
name
not as
yet
know
and the question

we can assume the
whether, despite the rarity of the name,

existence of more than one Panini has not, in the interval,
advanced much beyond that stage. As the Indian tradition,
knows only of one Panini who wrote the famous

grammar and \vhom it does not distinguish from the poet Panini,
however,
it
has been maintained
identical.
and the poet are

While admitting that the evidence adduced is late,
and that the ascription
the grammarian
that
in
the
being notoriously
one cannot yet lose
Anthologies,
careless, should not be taken as conclusive,
sight of the fact that the tradition recorded from the llth century,
independently by various writers, makes no distinction between
Panini the grammarian and Panini the poet.
The genuineness
but the naming of
Anthology verses may well be doubted,

the two poems, from which verses are actually quoted, cannot be
The silence of grammarians from
aside.
so easily brushed
of the
AB,
we
are
told
further,
Kalidaaa ia
Mandakranta,
Bhavabhuti in
SikharinT,
Bh&ravi in VarpSasthavila, Ratnakara in Vasantatilaka, and Rajagekhara in Sardulavikridita,

The preponderance of Upajati in As*vaghos.a's Buddlia-carita (ed. E. H. Johnston, Pt. II,
etc.
attested also by its adoption by Kalidasa io
p. Ixvi) undoubtedly indicates its early popularity,
his
two poems.
Tn the works and
ZDM G, XXXIX, 1885, p.
articles of Peterson cited above. Pischel, in
95f believes in the identity, but he makes
it
the ground of placing Panini
at
about the
"
fifth
out (I A, XV, 1886, p. 241) that

if the gramcentury A.D. ; Biihler, however, rightly points
it
not
follow that he should be supposed to live in
does
a
write
marian P&nini did
Kavya,
the 4th
or
6th century A.D.
2- 1348B
the
Kavya
literature is
much
older.
1'
10
Patafijali
downwards
nothing,
while the least
is
valid
of
which proves
argument
negative
all
poems could not have been the Sanskrit
Sanskrit of the
that
is
objections
the
of Panini,
such ungrainmatical forms as
or that Panini could not have used
grhya and apatyatl in defiance of his own rules (vii. i. 37, 81).
The occurrence of such archaisms, which are not rare in old
2
poets,
a strong indication of the antiquity of the
is itself
we
poems; and when

8
a grammarian-poet,
and
manner
ornate
also
quotes fragments of verses
or
later
centuries
Kavya by Vararuci, who was
Patafijali refers to a
the same
that only two
consider
poem
perhaps
composed
in
and diction, the argument that the

comparatively modern and could not
language of the poems is

have been that of Panini loses
much
In the absence
of its force.
question must be
but nothing convincing has so far been
regarded as open
adduced which would prove that the grammarian could not have
decisive
further
of
evidence,
however,
the
composed a regular Kavya.
The
in
references
Sanskrit
evidence
literary
Kavya
some
4
2nd century B.C.,

its
ing
early
mentions
1
and
origin
R. G. Bhandarkar in
first
which show that
the
definite
development.
in the
indication regarddirectly
Patafijali
5
Kavya
JBRAS, XVI,
and
the
recognised forms flourished
gives us the
"Vararuca
of its
quotations
by
Mahabhasya,
Patanjali's
in
furnished
(ad h.3.101),
although,
un-
p. 344.
These archaisms are authenticated by the Epics, by As*vaghosa and by what Pataft;ali
Narni-sidhu, as noted above, rightly points out that such irregular
Bays about poetic licence.
forms are not rare even in later poets, The frdgtn2nts quoted by ilayamukut i and Narnisld
m have undoubtedly
instances of 1e:lio
Some of the Anthology verses contain

which have been discussad by B5'itlingk in ZDMG, XXXVT, p
the appearance of bsing old.
difficilior,
659.
3
56 Jit?
Besides Vararuci, whose verses have been cited in the Anthologies (Peterson, introd. to
p.
103; Skm, introd., pp. 105-07),
we hive
similar verses ascribe J
to Bhartrbari
(see
Peterson in Sbhv, introd., p. 74; Skm, iutrod., p. 82) and Vyaî (Skm, V. 82.2;.
*
o/
On
MSS
&
the question of Patafifali's date, which
is still
uncertain, see Keith, India Office Cat.
II, p. 2l8f.
One
o! Rajas*ekhara 8 verses in the Sukti
poem was Kan(babharana.

literature.
of the nine
He
is
gems
Vararuci
is
one
mukiGvaH
of
the
tells
us that the
name
mysterious figures of
of Vararuci 's
early Sanskrit
sometimes identified with the V&rttikakara Katyayana and extolled as one

on equally mysterious Vikramadilya. To him a monologue-
of the court of
OtWGINS AND CHARACTERISTICS
no further information about
fortunately, he supplies
which was apparently not
refers to poetic licence,
appears to
rare in his day,
although
poetry,
He
it.
chandovnt kavayah kurvanti (ad i.4.3).

He
know various forms of the Kavya literature other than
the remark
with
11
from
his tantalisingly brief references or frag-
it is
not always possible to determine in what
mentary quotations
they were known
to him.
knows
refers
exact form
the
Bharata
and
epic
Like Panini, Patanjali

Granthikas, who were
to
Tales about
probably professional reciters.
Yavakrita, Priyarigu
and Yayati were current; and commenting on Katyayana's

1
oldest mention of the Akhyayika,
which alluded not to narrative
episodes found in the Epics but to independent works, Patanjali
three Akhyayikas, namely, Vasavadatta,
gives the names of
But, unfortunately, we have no

details regarding their form and content.
In an obscure passage
(ad iii. 1.2G), over the interpretation of which there has been
Bumanottara and Bhaimarathl.
much
difference of opinion,
entertainment
a reference
dramatic
possibly
in
is
made
which a
tainers called Saubhikas carry out, apparently
Kamsa and
action, the killing of
some
the
to
some kind
class of
by means
of
of
entervivid
Greater
binding of Bali.
mostly metrical, but

often given in fragments, in which one can find eulogistic, erotic
or gnomic themes in the approved style and language of the
interest attaches to
The metres
Kavya.
apparently a romauce.
De, Sanskrit Poetics,
He
is
which they are conveyed are no longer
in
play, entitled Ubhayabhisarika,
is
forty quotations,
attributed, as well a3 a lost
work called Carumati, which was
vaguely referred to as an authority on the Aiamkara-s'a'atra (S. If.
I, p. 70)
and regarded as the author
of
a Prakrit
Grammar
(Prakfta-
prakata), of a work on grammatical gender (Lihgdnua$ana) t of a collection of gnomic stanzas

(Niti-ratna)
and even of an eastern version of the collection
dvdtrirtisikd.
whom
1
all
Apparently, be was
anooyma
Varttika on
me
of folk-tales
known
Pa,, iv.3.87
gods and demons.

2
Ed. Kielhorn,
BSOS,
on
could be conveniently lumped.
and
iv.2.60.
Also see
Patafi;ali, ed.
Kielhorn, II, p. 284.
Katyayana knows a work named Daiv&suram, dealing apparently with the
p. C98f
as Sinihasana*
of the far-off apocryphal authors of traditional repute
II, p. 36.
See
L6vi ia ThMtre tnd.,I,
I, Pt. 4, p. 27f
p.
Weber
in Ind> St., XIII, p. 488f
315; Hillebrandb in
and Sanskrit Drama, Oxford, 1924,
Liiders in
ZDMG, LXXU,
p. fclf.
story of the
p.
war
SB AW,
of
1916,
227f; Keith io
HISTORY OF SANSKK1T LITERATURE
12
Vedic, but we have,
besides
stanzas
Praharsim,
in
Malati,
the
classical
fragments of
Sloka,
VamSasthavila, Vasantatilaka,
In addition to this,
Pramitaksara, Tndravajra or Upendravajra.
*
there are about 260 scattered verses
treating of grammatical
matters (sometimes called Sloka-varttikas), which employ, besides
the normal gloka, Arya,
Vaktra and some irregular Tristubhsuch ornate lyrical measures as Vidyunmala
metres,
Jagatl
(4
Totaka
(2 stanzas).
is
and
Samani, Indravajra
(3 stanzas),
SalinI
Dodhaka (12
Vamsasthavila,
stanzas),
stanzas),
(7
Upendravajra
and
stanzas)
This early evolution of lyrical measures, multitude of which

systematically defined and classified in the earliest known
2
takes us beyond the
Pingala,
The Epic poets,
sphere of the Vedic and Epic metrical systems.
work on Prosody,
sensitive
less
generally
attributed
to
to
delicate
rhythmic
effects, preferred
metres in which long series of stanzas could be composed with

but the metrical variation in lyric and sentimental poetry,
ease
;
which had
number
love for its principal
of
Some
classical period.
from
their
'
vilambita
some
'
Mafijari
habit of
Hamsa-ruta
of
the
.Vcdic
the
Kielhorn in lA t
M. Ghosh
in
motion/
'
quickly moving
'
plants and flowers: Mala
some
are
called
Sardula-vikrldita
after
'
play of
the
tiger/
'
horse/
Harini-pluta
leap
Gaja-gati
motion
XV, 1886, p. 228

IHQ, VII, 1931,
classical metres respectively
Vedio part should be assigned
also
p.
'garland/
sound and
the
of
the
Avadeer/
'
sportive'
of
elephant
remarkable that the names given to a very
and
VegavatI
cackling of the geese/ Bhramara-vilasita
ness of the bees,'

is also
after
animals,
'
as,
of impetuous
stepping slowly,' Tvaritagati
blossom
gait
such
Druta-
'
'
lalita
'
'
named
are
names
derive their
form or movement
and slow,'
fast
Mandakranta
new metres
of the
characteristic
large
which came into existence in the
metres
lyric
accounts for the
theme,
large
but
it
number
1A XIV, pp. 326-27.

t
724f, maintains that the parts dealing with the
cannot be attributed to the same auth<r, &nd that

to circa 600 B.C.; D, C Sarcar, in Ind. Culture, VI,
pp. 110f,274, believes that the classical part cannot be placed earlier than the 5th century A.D.
13
OB1GINS AN ft CHARACTERISTICS
'
metres are epithets of fair maidens Tanvi slender-limbed/

Pramada
a
Kucira
handsome/ Pramitaksara
dainty/
of
'
'
'
'
maiden
measured words/ Manjubhasini a maiden of charmmoonfaced/ Citralekha a maiden of

ing speech/ SaSivadana
beautiful outlines/ Vidyunm rila
chain of lightning/ Kanakaof
'
'
prabha
'
danti
'
radiance of gold/ Cfiruhasin! sweetly smiling/ Kundaof

budlike teeth/ Vasantatilaka
a maiden
decora'
spring/ Cancalaksi
Sragdhara 'a maiden with a
tion of
'
her
of
lovers
The
'
maiden
of tremulous glances/
'
and Kantotpkla
plague
mentioned above undoubtedly
garland/
names
more developed and delicate sense of rhythmic forms.

The names of fair maidens, however, need not be taken as
indicate a
having actually occurred in poems originally composed in their

honour by diverse poets, but they certainly point to an original
connexion of these Jyric metres with erotic themes
and Jacobi
that they had their origin in the Sanskrit
is right in suggesting
;
of a pre-Christian era,
Kavya poetry
from which the Maharastri
impetus and inspiration.

The difficulty of arriving at an exact conclusion regarding
the origin and development of the Kavya arises from the fact
lyric also
had
its
that
all
the
Kavya
has
now
between Patanjali and Asvaghosa
and we cannot confidently assign any

which have come down to us, to the period
disappeared
the
of
literature
;
Kavyas,
between the 2nd century B.C. and the 1st or 2nd century A.D.
We have thus absolutely no knowledge of the formative period
The Kavya
of Sanskrit literature.
definite
the
first
and
self-conscious
known Kavya-poet
does
not
indeed emerge
form until we come
of eminence,
who
is
to
in
Asvaghosa,
made a contem-
Kaniska by both Chinese and Tibetan traditions, and

"
between
who can be placed even on independent grounds
50 B.C. and 100 A.D. with a preference to the first half of the
porary
first
of
century A.D."
ZDMG, XXXVIII,
An
examination of Asvaghosa's works,
in
See Buddha-carita, ed. E. H. Johnston (Calcutta, 1936),
pp. 616-17.
Pfc.
II,
iutrod., pp.
xiii-xviJ
14
however, shows
that
are
although they
free
from the
later
overgrown compounds, they betray an unmistakable

knowledge, even in a somewhat rough and primitive form, of
device of
laws of Kavya poetry, by their
the
metres, by
skill in
the use of classical
and other rhetorical
their handling of similes
and by their growing employment
figures,
of the stanza as a separate
unit of expression.
we have a
little later,
carved on
rock
Sanskrit
Mahaksatrapa Rudradaman,
about 150 A.D. and composed in the
familiar
prose
of
Girnar,
an event of
celebrating
ornate
at
fairly extensive Sanskrit inscription,
us
to
The
from the Kavya.
literary merit of this Prasasti cannot be reckoned very high,

but it is important as one of the earliest definite instances of
The
high-flown Sanskrit prose composition.
inscription contains
"
a reference to the king's skill in the composition of
prose
and
embellished and elevated
by verbal conventions, which

and charming/' 4 Making
are clear, light, pleasant, varied
allowance for heightened statement not unusual in mscriptional
verse
panegyric, the reference can be taken as an

of
the
of
foreign
interest
early
interesting
evidence
in Sanskrit culture evinced even
by a king
One can
extraction.
also
see
in
the
reference at
acquaintance with some

form of poetic art which prescribed poetic embellishment (Alamkara) and conventional adjustment of words (Sabda-samaya),
least the author's, if
not
his
patron's,
involving the employment of such excellences as clearness,

on
the d<*te of Kaniska a
Winternitz,
summary
History of Indian
of the divergent
Literature
views, with
(referred
to
below
pp 611*11. The limits of divergence are now no longer very

would be a rough but not unjust estimate.
1
E. H. Johnston, op. cit. pp. Ixiii f.
full
as
large,
references,
H!L)
II,
is
light-
given by
Calcutta, 1983,
and the date 100 A,D.
Among
the
metres used (besides classical Anustubh) are Upa;'Sti, Vams'asthavila,

Vasantatilaka,
Rucira, PrahirsinT,
Malinl, Sikharini,
SardulavikrTdita,
ccbandasika, Vaitalfya, PufjpitS^ra, and even
or SuodarT,
Aup
and rare and
difficult
Suvadanft, Viyogint
unknown metres
like
$arabh&,
ones like Kusnmalatavellita (called Citralekhft by Bharata), Udgata and
Upaathitopracupita.
3
El, VIII,
sphuta-laghu-madhura-citra-jkanta sabda&amayodaT&laipkrta>gadya padya*.
p. 36f.
15

ness,
sweetness, variety,
charm and
elevation.
It
notable
is
composition itself is not free from archaisms like

patina (for patya), Prakritisms like vUaduttarani (for vimhd-) or
but in respect
irregular construction like anyatra samgramesu
that
the
of the employment of long sentences and sonorous compounds, of

poetic figures like simile and alliteration, and of other literary
devices,
it
exemplifies
the Sanskrit Kavya.
some
of the
TheNasik
distinctive
inscription
characteristics
of
Siri
of
1
Pulumayi
2nd century A.D. and exhibits similar features,

composed in Prakrit, apparently by one who was familiar
also belongs to the
but
it is
with Sanskrit models.
Not very far perhaps in time from A^vaghosa flourished the

Buddhist writers, Matrceta, Kumaralata and Arya Sura, whose
works, so far as they have been recovered, afford conclusive
To the third
evidence of the establishment of the Kavya style.
or fourth century A.D. is also assigned the Tantrakhyayika,
which is the earliest known form of the Pancatantra and the
;
oldest ingredients of the Sattasal of

of
Gunadhya
Hala and the Brhatkatha
also belong probably to this period.
It
would
of
also
be not wrong to assume that the sciences of Erotics and Dramaturgy, typified by the works of Vatsyayana and Bharata, took
shape during this time and, though we do not possess any very
early treatise on Poetics, the unknown beginnings of the disci;
sought also in this period, which saw the growth

The Artha-ustra of Kautilya is placed
of the factitious Kavya.
somewhat earlier, but the development of political and administrapline are
to be
tive ideas
must have proceeded apace with the growth
prosperity and
with the
predominance
of
an
of material
entirely secular
literature.
We
have, however, no historical authority for the date of any

of these works, nor of the great Kavya-poets, until we come
to the Aihole inscription of
El VIII,
t
#/, vi,
p. COf.
p. if.
634 A.D., 2 which mentions Bharavi,
16
Kalialong with Kalidasa, as poets of established reputation.

dasa, however, speaking modestly of himself at the commence-
ment
of
his
and Kaviputra as
Saumilla)
the
delay
Somila (or
predecessors whose works might
Malavikagnimitra,
appreciation
of
his
mentions
own drama
Bhasa,
Although agree-
ment has not yet been reached about the authenticity of the
Trivandrum dramas ascribed to Bhasa, there cannot be any
doubt that a dramatist Bhasa attained, even in this early period,
enough to be eulogised by Kfilidasa, and later
on by Banabhatta. Of Somila we know from Bajasekhara
2
that he was the joint author, with Ramila, of a 8iidraka-katha,
a reputation high
which
now
and only one verse of theirs is preserved by

Jahlana (59. 35) and Sanigadhara (No. 3822) in their antho8
Of Kaviputra also, who is cited in the dual, we have
logies.
is
lost
nothing but one verse only, given in the Subhasitavali (No. 2227),
but the verse now stands in Bhartrhari's tfatakas (Snigara
,
st.
3)
A
of
of
definite
landmark, however,
is
supplied by the Harsa-carita
Banabhatta who, as a contemporary of King Harsavardhana

Thaneswar and Kanauj, belonged to the first half of the 7th
century A.D., and who, in the preface to this work, pays homage
Besides an unto some of his distinguished predecessors.
named author
he
Subandhu,
unnamed
prose
who may
may not be
mentions Bhattara Haricandra who wrote an
work, Satavahana who compiled an anthology,
of
Vasavadatta,
Pravarasena whose fame travelled beyond
or
the seas
by his Setu
Bhasa who composed some distinctive dramas, Kalidasa whose flower-like honied words ever bring delight, the
(-bandha),
the
author of
1
and
Adhyaraja.
tan Sudrdkahatha-karau vandyau Ramila-Somilau
ndrttvaropaman
2
Brhat-hatha,
II
cited in Jahlapa, op
ynyor dvayoh Itavyam
asld
ardlia-
cit.
One \erseunderIUruilakai8givenby Sbhv, No.
tioned and quoted by Bhoja in bis
Of Bhattara
Srhgard'prakatia
ibe
1698.
name
The Sudraka-hatha
of
the
heroine
is
is
men-
given as
Vinayavati.
3
Tlie
K&ia&kbara
stanza,
in Ston
bowever,
(ii.
86. 6).
is
given
anonymously
in
Kvs (No. 473) and attributed
to
17
Haricandra 2 and Adhyaraja 1 we know nothing; but it is clear

that the fame of the remaining well known authors must
have been wide-spread by the 7th century A,D. Although the
respective dates of these works and authors cannot be fixed with
certainty,
can be assumed from Banabhatta's enumeration that
it
the period
him formed one
of the most distinguished

the
Kavya literature,
development of which probably
proceeded apace with the flourishing of Sanskrit culture under the
preceding
epochs of
Gupta emperors
in the 4th
and 5th centuries
of
the
Christian
era.
This conclusion receives confirmation from the wide cultivation of the Kavya form of prose and verse in the inscriptional records of
this
period,
which not
of
less
than
fifteen
specimens of importance will be found in the third volume of

Fleet's Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum*
Their Kavya-features
and importance in literary history have long since been ably

4
His detailed examination not only proves
discussed by Biihler.
prose and
the existence of a body of elaborate
in Kavya-style during these centuries,
manner
of
in
but
metrical writings
also shows that the
which these Prasasti-writers conform
Alamkara,
crystallised later
the
in
to the rules
oldest available
treatises
and Dandin, would establish the

presumption of their acquaintance with some rules of Sanskrit
those
like
of
Bhainaha
Most scholars have accepted Pischel's contention (Nachrichten d. kgl. GeselUchaft d.

Gottingen, 1901, p. 486 f.) that the word ddhyardja in st. 18 is not a
proper name of any poet but refers to the poet's patron King Harsa himself. Bat the verse
has difficulties of interpretation, for which see F. W. Thomas and others in JRAS, 1903,
Wissenschaften
p.
803; 1904, p. 155
f.,
366, 544;
1905, p. 569
f.
We
also
know from
a stanza
quoted in the
Sarasvatt-kanthabharana that there was a Prakrit poet named
Adhyaraja, who is mentioned

along with Sahasftfika; the commentary, however, explaining in a facile way that Adhyaraja
stands for Sftlivahana and Sahas&nka for Vikrama
He is certainly not the Jaina Haricandra, author of the much later Dharmaarmabhyuwhich
gives a dull account of the saint Dharmanatha (ed. N8P, Bombay, 1899). Our
daya
Haricandra is apparently mentioned in a list of great poets in Skm (5. 26. 5), and quoted in
*
the anthologies.
3
Calcutta, 1888.
Some
of these inscriptional
records
will
be found in a convenient
form in DevanSgarl in D. B. Diskalkar's Selections from Inscriptions, Vol. I (Eajkol, 1925),

*
In Die indischen Inschriftin, cited above.
-1343B
18
The most
poetics..
these
is
inscriptions
the
Samudragupta by Harisena, engraved on a

Allahabad (about 350 A.D.), which commences with
of
panegyric
pillar
of
interesting
at
eight stanzas (some fragmentary) describing vividly the death of

Candragupta I and accession of his son Samudragupta, then
passes over to one long sonorous
prose
sentence and
winds up
with an eulogistic stanza, all composed in the best manner of

Likewise remarkable is the inscription of Virasena,
the Kavya.
the minister of
Candragupta
Some importance
attaches also to the inscription of
successor.
Samudragupta' s
II,
44 stanzas celebrating
Vatsabhatti^
473 A.D.)
Sun-temple at Dagapura (Mandasor), from
the
that
poetaster is alleged to have taken Kalidasa as
which consists
of a series of
(in
the consecration of a
the
fact
his
model
but the literary merit of this laboured
composition
need not be exaggerated.
THE ENVIRONMENT AND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE KAVYA
2.
noteworthy that in Harisena' s Pra&isti, Samudragupta

mentioned not only as a friend and patron of poets but as a
It is
is
who
like
Kudradaman
before him, composed
poems
enough to win for himself tbe title of Kaviraja or
1
Amiable flattery it may be^ but the point is
poets.
poet himself,
of distinction
king of
important
for,
the tradition of royal authors, as well as of
patrons of authors, continues throughout the history

literature.
The very
existence
Kavya-style, as well as the

of the
Kavya
form,
of
of
royal
Sanskrit
rdyal inscriptions written in
content
literature itself indicates its
and general outlook

close connexion with
and explains the association of Agvaghosa

with Kaniska, of Kalidasa with a Vikramaditya, or of BanaThe royal recognition not only
bhatta with Harsavardhana.
the
courts
of princes,
brought wealth and fame to the poets, but also some leisure for
For other examples of poet-kings see 'introduction

Nsriman, Jackon and Ogden, pp. xxxv-xxxix.
i
to the edition of Priyadartika
bj

serious
In
composition.
his
10
Kavya-mimamsa
R5jaekhara
speaks
literary assemblies held by kings for examination of
works and reward of merit
and even if we do not put faith in
this or in the unhistorical pictures of poetical contests at royal
of
courts given in the Bhoja-prabandha and Prabandha-cintdmaniz

a vivid account is furnished by Maftkha in his Srlkanlha-carita
(Canto
XV)
Jayasimha
As a matter
aristocratic
one such assembly actually held by a minister of

of the 12th century.
of
of
Kashmir towards the middle

of fact, the
Kavya
literature appears to
from the beginning, fostered under the patronage
Even
the wealthy or in the courts of the princes.
as well as the artificialities, of

is
and
its
graces,
exuberant
keeping with the taste which prevailed in this
in
quite
life
courtly
the
of
not
does
if it
lack serious interest, this literature naturally reflects
fancy
have been
The
court-influence undoubtedly went a long way,

atmosphere.
not only in fostering a certain langour and luxuriance of style,
but also in encouraging a marked preference of what catches the
the eye to what touches the heart.
to
In order to appreciate the Kavya, therefore, it is necessary

realise the condition under which it was produced and the
environment in which
it
The pessimism
flourished.
the
of
gradually disappeared^ having been replaced by

more accommodating views about the value of pleasure. Even
Buddhistic
ideal
Buddhist author
the
of the
Nagdnanda does not disdain
to
weave
a love-theme into his lofty story of Jimutavahana's self-sacrifice
and in his opening benedictory stanza he does not hesitate

represent the
by the
Buddha
of
ladies
find that
from
its
dominant themes
1
One fragment,
similar verse
as being rallied
Mara's train.
very
dawn
of the
upon
From
love
is
with openly
is
Patanjali's references
imagery
as
we
one of the
The Buddhist conception
poetry.
erotic
at least, of a stanza
his hard-heartedness
established
2
Kavya
to
is
ascribed to A6vaghos.a in
Kvs No.
clearly erotic in subject in its description
2.
of the
morning varatanu sarypravadanti hukkutah "0 fair-limbed one, the cocks unite to proclaim ".
The full verse is fortunately supplied twelve centuries later by Ks.emendra, who quotes it In
his Aucitya-vicara but attributes it, wrongly to KumSradasa.
:
20
Mara or Death gives way to that of the flowerwho is anticipated in the Atharva-veda and is
of the love-god as
arrowed deity,
established
in
personality
are
The widely
the Kavya.
diffused
Kavya manner and
its
prevail-
invade even the domain of technical sciences
love-interest
ing
and
Epics, but whose appearance, names and

revived and developed in the fullest measure in
the
remarkable that the mathematician Bbaskaragupta not

only uses elegant metres in his Lllavatl but presents his algebraical theorems in the form of problems explained to a fair maiden,
it is
which the phraseology and imagery are drawn from the bees,
flowers and other familiar objects of Kavya poetry.
The celebraof
tion
of
grandeur, the amusements of
and the people, the sports
court
the
pomp and
with
festivals
swing, the plucking of
flowers,
song,
in
water,
the
of
game
music, dramatic
dance,
performances and other diversions, elaborate description of which

forms the stock-in-trade of most Kavya-poets, bear witness not
only to this
new
refinement,
beauty
sense of
life
but also to the general
The people
and luxury.
demand
are
for
of
capable
enjoying the good things of this world, while heartily believing

If pleasure with refinement is sought for in life,
in the next.
It is natural, therepleasure with elegance is demanded in art.
fore, that the poetry of this period pleases us more than it moves;
seldom envisaged in its infinite depth and poignancy, or

sublime heights of imaginative fervour, but is generally
for
life is
in
its
conceived
forth
into
playful
moods
delicate little
cameos
in
its
The dominant
of
vivid
enjoyment breaking
of thought or fancy.
thus explained by
the social environment in which it grows and from which alone
It is, however, not court-life alone
it can obtain recognition
which inspires this literature. At the centre of it stands the
love-motif of the
Kavya
is
Nagaraka, the polished man about town, whose culture, tastes

and habits so largely mould this literature that he may be taken
to
be as typical of
literature of the
1
it
as the priest or the philosopher is of the
Brahmanas
H. Qldenberg, Die
Literal
or the Upaniâds.
des aUen Indien, Stuttgart
und
Apart from the

Berlin, 1908, pp. 198
f.

picture
we
get of
him
in the literature
21
we have
itself,
sketch of an early prototype of the Nagaraka in the

or Aphorism of Erotics, attributed to Vatsyayana.
that the well planned house of the Nagaraka
river or
Kama-sutra
We
are
situated
is
vivid
told
near a
tank and surrounded by a lovely garden; in the garden
there are, for
amusement
or repose, a
summer
creepers with raised parterre, and a carpeted
His
house, a bower of
swing in a shady
room, balmy with perfume, contains a bed,

soft, white, fragrant and luxuriously furnished with pillows or
cushions.
There is also a couch, with a kind of stool at the head,
spot.
living
on which are placed pigments, perfumes, garlands, bark of citron^

canvas and a box of paint, A lute hanging from an ivory peg
and a few books are also not forgotten. On the ground there is a
from the couch a round
spittoon, and not far
bathing and elaborate
toilet,
and citron-bark
looking at himself in
the
his
morning
in
applying ointments and perfumes to
his body, collyriuin to his eyes

betel leaves
with raised
seat
The Nagaraka spends
back and a board for dice.
to
and red paint
to
his lips,
add fragrance
to
his
glass.
After breakfast
chewing
mouth, and
he listens to
ram and
which he enjoys
with his friends and companions. After a brief midday sleep, he
and in the evening there
dresses again, and joins his friends
his parrots, kept in a cage outside his room, witnesses
cock fights and takes part in
other
diversions
is
music,
followed
by joys
of
love.
These are the habitual
pleasures of the Nagaraka, but there are also occasional rounds of
enjoyment, consisting of
festivals,
drinking parties,
certs, picnics in groves, excursions to
lakes and rivers.
There are
or
plays,
con-
water-sports
in
also social gatherings, often held
in
parks
the house of the ladies of the demi-monde,
where assemble
men
and poetic topics are freely

The part played by the accomplished courtesan in the
discussed.
and judging
polished society of the time is indeed remarkable
1
said
in
must
be
that
it
ancient
India of this
from Vasantasena,
of wit
and
talent,
and where
artistic
Also the picture of Kamamafijari in Ucchvasa II of Darin's

typical couxteian, but highly accomplished and e due tied.
1
romance;
she
if
22
HISTORY OF SANSERIF LITERATURE
Athens of Perikles, her wealth, beauty and

power, as well as her literary and artistic tastes, assured for her
an important social position. She already appears as a character
period, as in the
in the fragment of an early Sanskrit play
Asia, and
in
discovered
Central
not strange that Sudraka should take her as the

heroine of his well known drama; for her presence and position
must have offered an opportunity, which is otherwise denied to
it is
the Sanskrit dramatist (except through a legendary

depicting romantic love between
The
medium)
persons free and independent.
Nagaraka and his lady-friend, as we have it

undoubtedly heightened, and there is a great deal
picture of the
literature, is
of
in
of
the dandy and the dilettante in the society which they frequent;
but we need not doubt that there is also much genuine culture,
character and refinement.
In later times,
the Nagaraka degene-
rates into a professional amourist, but originally he is depicted as
a perfect
man
of the world, rich and cultivated, as well as witty,
polished
and
skilled
in
the
arts,
who can
appreciate
poetry,
painting and music, discuss delicate problems in the doctrine of

love and has an extensive experience of human, especially feminine, character.
The
science of Erotics, thus, exercised a profound
influence
on the theory and practice of the poetry of this period. The

standard work of Vatsyayana contains, besides several chapters on
the art and practice of love, sections on the ways and means of
winning and keeping a lover, on courtship and signs of love, on

marriage and conduct of married life, and not a little on the
On the last menpractical psychology of the emotion of love.
tioned topic the science of Poetics, as embodied particularly in
the specialised works on the erotic Rasa, went hand in hand; and
almost impossible to appreciate fully the merits, as well as

the defects, of Sanskrit love-poetry without some knowledge of
it is
the habits, modes of thought, literary traditions and fundamental

the mere allusion to
poetical postulates recorded in these Sastras,
one of which is enough to call up some familiar idea or touch

some inner chord of sentiment. There is much in these treatises
which gives us an
idealised or fanciful picture
23
'
and the existence
whom
they speak was just as little a prolonged

debauch as a prolonged idyll. There is also a great deal of scholastic formalism which loves subtleties and minutiae of classifica-
of the people of
At the same time, the works bear witness to a considerable

power of observation, and succeed in presenting a skilful and
elaborate analysis of the erotic emotion, the theory of which came
tion.
to
have an intimate bearing on the practice of the poets.

In this connexion a reference should be made to an
of
Sanskrit love-poetry which has been often condemned as too
highly intimate description of the

feminine form and the delights of dalliance, as
sensual or gross, namely,
beauty of the
aspect
its
It should be recogdaring indelicacies of expression.

nised that much of this frankness is conventional ; the Sanskrit
well as
its
expected to show
his skill and knowledge of the Kamaminute

and
3astra by
But the
highly flavoured descriptions.
excuse of convention cannot altogether condone the finical yet
poet
is
his
flaunting sensuality of the elaborate picture

as
we
find in Bharavi,
Magha and
their
of
many
such
love-sports,
followers (includ-
ing the composers of later Bhanas) and such as are admitted by

Even the Indian critics, who
a developed but deplorable taste.
are not ordinarily squeamish, are not sparing in their
tion of
for
some
of these
depicting
the
Kumara-sambhava.
between
passages,
love-adventures
distinction,
of
the
divine
however,
this conventional, but polished,
regrettable,
condemna-
and take even Kalidasa to task

pair
must
in
his
be drawn
and perhaps all the more

on the one band, and
indecency of decadent poets,
the exasperatingly authentic and even blunt audacities of expression, on the other, with which old-time authors season their
erotic compositions.
What
the latter-day poets lack
exuberance or bonhomie of their predecessors,

frank expression of physical affection in
its
is
their
the
easy and
exceedingly
aspect, and their sincere realisation of primal sensations,

are naturally gross or grotesque being nearer to life.
It
be unjust
ad
canting prudery to
naive
human
which
would
condemn these simpler moods
24
of passion
and their
direct expression,
unless
they are meaning-
The point is too often forgotten that what we

not the love which dies in dreams, or revels in the
mystic adoration of a phantom-woman. It does not talk about
ideals and gates of heaven but walks on the earth and speaks of
lessly vulgar.
have here
is
the passionate hunger of the body and the exquisite intoxication

of the senses.
The poets undoubtedly put a large emphasis on
the body, and love appears more as self-fulfilment than as self-
but in this preference of the body there is nothing

The essential realism of passion, which
debasing or prurient.
cannot live on abstraction but must have actualities to feed upon,
abnegation
does not absolve a truly passionate poet from the contact of the
senses and touch of the earth
but from this, his poetry springs
Antaeus-like into fuller being.
Modern taste may, with reason,
;
deprecate the intimate description of personal beauty and delights

of love in later Sanskrit poetry, but even here it must be clearly
very seldom any ignoble motive behind

no evidence of
sensuousness, that there is
understood that there

its
conventional
in
delight
is
uncleanness,
and
standard of artistic beauty.
European
classical
very rightly
literature
remarks
that
"
that
it
always conforms to
the
Comparing Sanskrit poetry with

in this respect, a Western critic
there
is all
the
world of difference
between what we find in the great poets of India and the frank
delight of Martial and Petronius in their descriptions of immoral
scenes."
The code
with different people,

of his
is
delicacy
propriety as well as of prudery differs

but the Sanskrit poet seldom takes leave
of
of feeling
and even if he
of art
more openly exhilarating than
and his sense
ardent and luxuriant, he
is
offensively cynical.
The Sanskrit poet cannot
also
forget
that,
beside
his
elegant royal "patron and the cultivated Nagaraka, he had a more

exacting audience in the Easika or Sahrdaya, the man of taste,
the connoisseur, whose expert literary judgment

of his work.
Such a
technical knowledge
critic,
of the
we
are told,
is
the final test
must not only possess
requirements of poetry, but also a
25
capacity of aesthetic enjoyment, born of wide culture

and sympathetic identification with the feelings and ideas of
the poet.
The Indian ideal of the excellence of poetry is
fine
with a peculiar condition of
associated
closely
artistic enjoy-
ment, known as Rasa, the suggestion of which is taken to be

function, and in relation to which the appreciator is called
its
Rasika.
sentiment, which has been suggestof the appreciator, as a relishable
It is a reflex of the
ed in the poem, in the mind

condition of impersonal enjoyment
creation
of
The evoking
resulting
from the idealised
of
sentiment, therefore, is
function of poetry ; and stress is
put more and more on sentimental composition to the exclusion
of the descriptive or ornamental.
But here also the theorists
poetry.
most
considered to be the
emphatic that
are
in
vital
the
art
of
suggesting this sentimental

the poetic imagination must
enjoyment in the reader's mind,

show itself. As Oldenberg remarks with insight, the Indian
theorists permit intellectual vigour and subtlety ^ the masculine
1
beauty, to stand behind that

born of the finest sensibility.
purely feminine enjoyment

traits are found in the
the
of
Both these
from the beginning the idea of delectable rapture

side by side with a strong inclination towards sagacity and
It is true that the dogmatic formalism of a scholastic
subtlety.
literature
theory of poetry sinks to the level of a cold and monotonously

but the theorists are at the same time not
inflated rhetoric
;
blind
to
finer
excellence of
issues,
real
nor are they

*
poetry and
take care to
the
indifferent to the
aesthetic
supreme
pleasure resulting
add that, despite dogmas and

formulas, the poetic imagination must manifest itself as the
The demands that are made
ultimate source of poetic charm.
from
the
of
poet
initiated
must
They
it.
into
also
are,
intricacies
the
possess
very exacting; he must
thus,
poetic
of
theoretic
imagination
not only be
requirements but
(Sakti), aided
Die Literatur des alien Indian, p. 207 f.

asminn ati'Vicitra-kavipararppara-vahini
Anandavardhana, p. 29
Of.
dasa-prabhrtayo dvitra paflcatQ,

4
1343B
va maliakavaya
ttt
g any ate.
by culture
sarfi$&re K&li*
26
(Abhyasa). Even if we do not rely

upon Rajagekhara's elaborate account of the studies which
go to make up the finished poet, there can be no doubt
(Vyutpatti) and
practice
"
that considerable
1
the poet,
whose
practical guidance in the devices of

2
manuals
It
education' of
importance is attached to the
whose inborn gifts alone would not suffice, and for
the
convenient
craft,
are elaborately composed.
not
is
adept in the long

to be proficient
believe that the poet
necessary to
list of arts
but
it is
and sciences
is
which he
in
actually an
is
required
clear that he is expected to possess (and
anxious to show that he does possess) a vast fund of useful

information in the various branches of learning.
Literature is
be
is
regarded more and more as a learned pursuit and as
much
of
No
cultivation.
doubt, a distinction is
the
product
made between
Vidvat and the Vidagdha, between a man versed in belleslettres and a dry and tasteless scholar
but it soon becomes a
the
much
distinction without
The importance
difference.
of inspira-
indeed
tion
recognised, but the necessity of appealing to a
It is obvious that in such an
learned audience is always there.
is
atmosphere the literature becomes; rich and
See F.
II, pp. 357
f,
W. Thomas,
Bhandarkar Com,n. Volume,
42
Keith,
f.n.,
52;
gome what heightened, picture
man
of fashion
HSL,
pp. &38-41.
of the daily life
and wealth, of purity in
p.
397
refined, but natural
S.
K. De, Sanskrit Poetics,
Rajaêkbara gives an interesting, but
and duties of the poet, who is presented as a

body, mind and speech, but assiduous and hard-
working at his occupation.

*
These works furnish elaborate hints on the construction of different metres, on the display of word-skill of various kinds, on jeux de mot* and tricks of producing double meaning,
conundrums,
and chiming verses, and various other devices of verbal inemployment of similes and enumerate a large number
alliterative
riddles,
They give
genuity.
instructions on the
of .ordinary parallelisms
for
that
purpose.
They
give
lists of
observed by poets, and state in detail what to describe and

5
The
earliest
of such lists is
with that of Rudrata

longest
list
Politics*
includes
Law,
(1.
18^
but
given by
Vamana
Bbamaha
how
I.
Kavi-samayas or conventions
to describe.
9,
which substantially agrees

some detail. The
(1.8.20-21) deals with the topic in
Grammar, Lexicon,
Logic,
Metrics, Ehetoric, Arts, Dramaturgy," Morals, Erotics

Legends, Religion and Philosophy, as well as such miscellaneous sub-
jects as Medicine, Botany, Mineralogy, knowledge of precious stones, Elephant-lore, Veterinary science, Art of War and Weapons, Art of Gambling, Magic, Astrology and Astronomy,
knowledge of Vedic rites and ceremonies, and of the ways of the world,

ease and spontaneity are sacrificed for
finement leads perforce to elaboration.
The Kavya,
therefore,
27
and
studied effects,
appears almost from
its
re-
very begin-
ning as the careful work of a trained and experienced specialist.

The technical analysis of a somewhat mechanical Ehetoric leads
working of the rules and means of the poetic art into a

system and this is combined with a characteristic love of adornment, which demands an ornamental fitting out of word and
to the
The
thought.
difficulty of the
naturally
effective
mastery,
temptation
as
well
as
its
com-
involves prolonged endeavour and practice for
plexity,
for
language,
but
it
also
astonishing
of
opportunity and
endless
affords
feats
verbal
which
jugglery,
perhaps would not be possible in any other language less accommodating than Sanskrit.
Leaving aside the grotesque experiments
wheel or lotus, or of
stanzas which have the same sounds when read forwards or back-
of producing verses in the shape of a sword,
and other such verbal absurdities, the tricks in poetic

form and decorative devices are undoubtedly clever, but they are
wards,
overdone.
often
They
poetry, and the forced use of the language
quick comprehension.
more than
display learned ingenuity
Some
poets
is
often
real
barrier to
actually go to the length of
boasting that their poem is meant for the learned and not for
the dull-witted, and is understandable only by means of a com2
The involved construction, recondite vocabulary ,
mentary.
1
laboured embellishment, strained expression, and constant search

after
justify
and
double meanings and metaphors undoubtedly

boasting; but they evince an exuberance of fancy
conceits,
their
erudition
rather
than
taste,
judgment and
real
feeling.
more and more encouraged by the elaborate
This tendency is
rules and definitions of Khetoric, until inborn poetic fervour
is
hatt
vyakhya-gamyam idam kdvyam utsavah sttdhiyam a/am
is
the
Here
ignored
Vidagdha
durmedhasat cfomin vidvat-priyataya naya
deliberately for
1
E.g.
Blia\ti,
XXII. 34
II
the Vidvaf.
2
Some
telligible.
authors had, in fact, to write their
own commentaries
Even Xnandavardhana who deprecates Buch
not steer clear of them in his Dem-tataka.
tricks
to
make themselves
in his theoretical
in-
work does
28
obscured
entirely
by technicalities
of
In
expression.
actual
no doubt, gifted poets aspire to untrammelled utterance;

the
but
general tendency degenerates towards a slavish adherence
to rules, which results in the overloading of a composition by
practice,
complicated and laboured expressions.

Comments have often been made on the limited range and
outlook of Sanskrit literature and on the conventionality of its
themes.
which
It
is
It is partly the excessive love of
leads to a corresponding neglect
of
account
little
the
if
of
form and expression

content and theme.
threadbare to support a long poem, or
if
thin and
too
is
subject-matter
the irrelevant and often
commonplace descriptions and reflections hamper the course of

the narrative; what does matter is that the diction is elaborately
and witty, and that the poem conforms to the
1
recognised standard, and contains the customary descriptions,
however digressive, of spring, dawn, sunset, moonrise, watersports, drinking bouts, amorous practices, diplomatic consultaperfect, polished
tions
and military expeditions, which form the regular

this ornate poetry.
trade of
conventions
and
(Kavi-samayas)
mechanically
repeated
large
are
by
number
established
poets,
stock-in-
of so-called poetic
while
theorists
by
descriptions
of
and actions are stereotyped by fixed epithets,

and
restricted formulas.
Even the various motifs
cliche phrases
which occur in legends, fables and plays8 are worn out by repeti-
things,
qualities
See Dan<}in, Kavyadarsa,
For a
list
1.
14-19
Visvanatba, Sdhitya-darpana, VI. 316-25,
eta.
RajaSekhara, Kavya-mimamsa, XIV Amaraaimha,

Sahitya-darpana, VII. 23-24, etc. Borne of the commonest artificial con-
of poetic conventions see
Kavya-kalpalata, I. 5
ventions are : the parting of the Cakravaka bird at night from
;
on the moonbeams;
its mate ; the Cakora feeding

the blooming of the As*oka at the touch of a lady 'a feet; fame and
laughter described as white ; the flower-bow and bee-string of the god of love, etc. Originally
the writers on poetics appear to have regarded these as established by the bold usage of the
poet (kavi-praudhokti'siddha), but they are gradually stereotyped as poetical commonplaces.
3 Such as the vision of the beloved in a
dream, the talking parrot, the magic steed, the
fatal effect of
an
ascetic's curse, transformation of shapes,
into another's body, the voice in the air, the token of
change of sex, the
recognition,
royal
art
love
of
for
entering
a
lowly
maiden and the ultimate discovery of her real status as a princess, minute portraituie of the
heroine's personal beauty and the generous qualities of the hero, description of pangs of
thwarted love and sentimental longing.
M.
Bloomfield (Festscrift Ernst Windi*ch> Leipzig,
and
tion
29
AND CHARACTERISTICS
OtllGINS
lose thereby their element of surprise
The
and charm.
1
question of imitation, borrowing or plagiarism of words or ideas
assumes importance in this connexion
test
of
sometimes a criticism
of
for it involves
the power of clever reproduction,
or
some weakness
consciously
in
the
passages
appropriated but
improved in the course of appropriation.
The
rigidity,
rhetoric acquire,
is
which
these commonplaces of conventional

the result, as well as the cause, of the time-
honoured tendency of exalting authority and discouraging originality, which is a remarkable characteristic of Indian culture in
general and of
its literature in
particular,
and which carries the
It is in agreement with
suppression of individuality too far.
this attitude that Sanskrit Poetics neglects a most vital aspect of
its task,
namely,
tfce
study of poetry as the individualised expresconfines itself more or less to a
sion of the poet's mind, and
normative doctrine of technique, to the formulation of laws,

modes and models, to the collection and definition of facts and
categories and to the teaching of the
This
means
not only hinders the growth of Sanskrit Poetics
limitation
into a proper study of Aesthetic,
but
also stands
it
of a proper appreciation and development
The theory almost entirely ignores the

work
which gives
of art,
it
its
Sanskrit Poetics
character.
of poetic expression.
in
Sanskrit
of
poetic
the
way
literature.
personality
in
particular shape and individual
cannot explain satisfactorily,
for
JAOS, XXXVI, 1917, p. 51-89; XL, 1920, pp. 1-24; XLIV, 1924, pp. 202-42),
W.Norman Brown (JAOS, XLVII, 1927, pp. 3-24), Penzer (in his ed. of Tawney's trs. of
1914, pp. 349-61;
Katha-sarit-safjara,
'Ocean of Story ') and others have studied in detail some of these motifs
literature. Also see Bloomfield in Amer. Journ. of Philology, XL, pp.
recurring in Sanskrit
1-86
XLI,
pp. 309-86
XLIV,
pp. 97-133, 193-229
XL, pp. 423-30 XLTI, pp.122-51

pp. 89-104, 211-24 (Ruth Norton)
;
The
f.
Vol.
See
S.
XI
XLVII,
No.
W. N. Brown
inandavardhana, Dhvanyaloka, III. 12
2, pp. 80-124.
in ibid.,
Ksemendra, Kavikanthabharana,
II, 1
f.
Raja&khara
Hemacandra, Katyanu6asana
;
II, pp. 362, 373.
See S. K, De, Sanskrit Poetics as a Study of
1,
pp. 205-233
XLIII, pp 289-317 Studien in Honour of M. Bloomfield,

B. H. Burlingaine in JRAS, 1917, pp. 429-67, etc.
question ia discussed by
Kavya-mimattisa,
pp. 8
Aesthetic in Dacca
University Studies,
30
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LltEfcATUtlE
instance, the simple question as to
why
the work of one
poet
is
not the same in character as that of another, or why two works

of the same poet are not the same.
To the Sanskrit theorist a
is
composition
ments
of
work
if
it
the
fulfils
of 'qualities,' of 'ornaments,' of
words
to suggest a sense
whether the work
main
of art
difference
prescribed
particular
or a sentiment
it
require-
arrangements
immaterial
is
Raghu~vam,$a or Naisadha. The

probably see between these two
in question is
which he
will
works will probably consist of the formal employment of this or
mode
that
of diction, or in
this or that
meaning
their
respective
of the words.
The
skill
theorists
of
suggesting
never bother
imagination, which gives each a

distinct and unique shape by a fusion of impressions into an
No doubt, they solemnly
organic, and not a mechanic, whole.
themselves about the poetic
affirm the necessity of Pratibha
or
their theories the Pratibha does

essential role
and
poetic imagination, but in

not assume any important or
in practical application
speak of making a poet into a poet.
work
But
they
it
of art is the expression of individuality,
is
go further and
forgotten
that a
and that individua-
nor conforms to a prescribed mould.

It
what
that
us
in
to
is
a
the
is hardly recognised
appeals
poem
itself in the warmth,
reveals
which
movement
poetic personality
lity
never repeats
itself
No doubt, the poet

and integrity of imagination and expression.
can astonish us with his wealth of facts and nobility of thought,
or with his cleverness in the manipulation of the language, but
what we ask
What we want
the expression of a poetic mind, in contact with which our minds may be
this is not
moved.
and
all
If this is
of a poet.
wanting, we
call his
work
dull,
the learning, thought or moralising in the
is
cold
or
flat,
world cannot
The Sanskrit theorists justly

save a work from being a failure.
remark that culture and skill should assist poetic power or personality to reveal itself in its proper form, but what they fail to
emphasise is that any amount of culture and skill cannot 'make'
a poet, and that a powerful poetic personality must justify a work
of art
by
itself.
The
31
poetry is made to conform to

certain fixed external standard attainable by culture and practice
result is that Sanskrit
and the poetic personality or imagination, cramped within presis hardly allowed the fullest scope or freedom to
cribed limits,
new forms
create
of
Although the rhetoricians put
beauty.
forward a theory of idealised enjoyment as the highest object of

poetry, yet the padagogic and moralistic objects are enumerated
in unbroken tradition.
In conformity with the learned and
which
scholastic atmosphere in
it
flourishes, poetry is valued
for
the knowledge it brings or the lessons it inculcates, and is

regarded as a kind of semi-3astra; while the technical analysis and
authority of the rhetorician tend to eliminate the personality of
the poet by mechanising poetry.
The exaltation of formal skill
and adherence
recognise
sufficiently
are
as
to the
such,
the
they are not

of dead abstractions,
Sanskrit
considerations, and accepts
But
expression.
is
hardly an
own weapons
It
but
for
imagination,
not
mobile,
but
do
formal rhetoric
poetic
fixed
living particulars.
of
words and ornaments,
that
from
inseparable
collection
banalities
not
as symbols,
and
that,
an embalmed
an ever elusive series of
literature
is
alive
little
normative formulation
to
of
these
poetic
the real poet, as for the real speaker, there

of
armoury
to fight his
ready-made weapons
own
he forges
his
particular battles.
must indeed be admitted that the influence
of the theorists
on the latter-day poets was not an unmixed good. While the

poetry gained in niceties and subtleties of expression, it lost
a great deal of
is
too
often
its
flawed
of imperfection
that
the
poet
by
makes
is
freshness and spontaneity.

It
the very absence of flaws, and its want
unconscious
still
it
coldly
a sure
perfect.
One can never deny
and impeccable master of his
craft,
The pictorial effect, the

but he seldom moves or transports.
musical cadence and the wonderful spell of language are undoubted,
but the poetry is more exquisite than passionate, more studied
and elegant than limpid and forceful.
about the artificiality and tediousness
We
of
have heard so
Sanskrit
much
classical
32
not necessary to emphasise the point but the

point which has not been sufficiently emphasised is that the
Sanskrit poets often succeed in getting out of their very narrow
poetry that
is
it
and conventional material such beautiful

is almost afraid to lay its cold dry finger
effects that criticism
on these
blossoms
fine
not be forgotten that this literature is not

the spontaneous product of an uncritical and ingenuous age,
It prebut that it is composed for a highly cultured audience.
of
It
fancy.
should
supposes a psychology and a rhetoric

to
system,
set of conceits
over
again
which have been reduced
and which possesses a peculiar phraseology and a

of their own.
We, therefore, meet over and
with the same tricks of expression, the same strings
nouns and adjectives, the same set of situations, the same

groups of conceits and the same system of emotional analysis.
of
In
the
lesser
poets
the sentiment and expression are no longer
fresh and varied but degenerate
But the
poets
greater
into
conventions.
artistic
rigid
very often work up even these romantic
commonplaces and agreeable formulas into new shapes of beauty.

Even in the artificial bloom and perfection there is almost always
a strain
seem,
of
and ineffable tone of poetry.
the real
that
therefore,
if
we
leave
would
It
the mere accidents of
aside
It
poetry, there is no inherent lack of grasp upon its realities.
are
the
diction
the
themes
and
is admitted that
narrow,
imagery
and the ideas move in a
are conventional,
true poetic spirit
mute the
is
rhetorical
not always wanting, and
fixed
it is
groove
able
and psychological banalities into
but the
to
trans-
fine things
of art.
The Sanskrit
of
poet, for instance, seldom loses an opportunity
making a wonderful use
their inherent melody, of
of
the
sheer
which Sanskrit
beauty of
is
so
words and
capable.
The
production of fine sound-effects by a delicate adjustment of word

and sense is an art which is practised almost to prefection. It
cannot be denied that some poets are industrious pedants in

their strict conformity to rules and perpetrate real atrocities by
of subtlety and taste in matching the sense to
lack
their

the sound
but,
generally
appreciative remarks of
India have
poets of
which
one must agree with the
speaking,
Western
to
literatures of other countries afford
source
that
critic
sensitiveness
delicate combinations are a
33
of
" the
classical
variations of sound, to
few
parallels,
never-failing
and
joy".
theii
The
extraordinary flexibility of the language and complete mastery

over it make this possible ; and the theory which classifies
Sanskrit
careful
One
is
diction
the
basis
about them
rules
of the
on
means
not
is
elaborately
of
sound-effects
altogether
employed
the use of alliteration and assonance
verbal devices, no doubt, become

less repetition,
but
in
skilled
and prescribes
futile or pedantic.
achieving this end

of various kinds.
Such
for
or
fatiguing in meaninghands they produce remarkable

flat
which are perhaps not attainable to the same extent in

any other language. Similar remarks apply to the fondness
the uncommon
for paronomasia or double meaning, which
effects
resources
Sanskrit
of
punning lends
itself
1
permit.
chiefly
to
In languages like English,

comic effects and witticisms or,
an occasional flash of dramatic feeling;

but in classical languages it is capable of serious employment as a
as in Shakespeare
fine artistic device.
to
It is true
that
it
demands an
intellectual
disproportionate to the aesthetic pleasure, and becomes

tiresome and ineffective in the incredible and incessant torturing
strain
of the language found in
lengthy
triumphs of misplaced
Subandhu and Kaviraja
those of
ingenuity as
such
but sparingly
and judiciously used, the puns are often delightful in their terse
The adequacy of the
brevity and twofold appropriateness.
verbal
melody are also
language and its wonderful capacity for
by the Sanskrit poet in a large number of lyrical measures

great complexity, which are employed with remarkable skill
utilised
of
andênse
of
in creating an unparalleled series of musical
rhythm
word-pictures.
i
Merchant
C/.
of Venice,
Darin's dictum
0-1348B
IV.
:
1,
123
Julius Caeser, I. 2, 156 (Globe Ed.),
ttesali pttsnati
sarv&su prayo vakrokii*u triyam.
34
The elegance and picturesqueness

often enhanced
for
capacity
and
developed
by the
which
to
compounds,
long
fullest
especially
in
again,
construction of vast sentences
of
The
extent.
predilection
ornate prose,
and
absurd excesses,
to
carried
is
are,
long compounds, the

inherent in the genius of Sanskrit
rolling majesty
the
diction
of
is
is
indeed often
criticised
justly
for
for
the
extending over several pages and
heaping epithet upon epithet in sesquipedalian

but the misuse of this effective instrument of synthetic
for the trick of
grandeur
expression should not
make us
and production
compression
realise.
power of
unified picture which it can
a subtle combination of the
forget the extraordinary

of
It
permits
thought or a picture into a perfect whole,
in which the parts coalesce by inner necessity
and it has been
"
remarked
that
the impression thus created on the
rightly
efficiently
different elements of a
mind cannot be reproduced

in
which
it is
necessary
to
in an analytical speech
convey
single sentence syntactically
which
it
' f
tions
the
merged
expresses, but in a series
of
like
English,
same content, not
in a
into a whole, like the idea
connected predica-
loosely
Such well-knit compactness prevents the sentences from
febrile, and produces undoubted sonority,

and
magnificence of diction, for which Sanskrit is always
dignity
remarkable, and which cannot be fully appreciated by one who
is accustomed to modern analytical languages.
being jerky, flaccid or
The inordinate length

the
brilliant
of ornate prose
condensation of style
sentences
which
best
is
is set off
by
seen in the
gnomic and epigrammatic stanzas, expressive of maxims of

sententious wisdom with elaborate terseness and flash of wit.
The compact neatness
of paronomasia, antithesis
figures often enhances the impressiveness of
and
their vivid precision
similes and metaphors.

is
is
search for
off
by appropriate
metaphorical expression
almost a weakness with the
deliberately pedantic artifice,

is
these pithy sayings;
not seldom rounded
The
and other verbal
Sanskrit poets ; but, unless it is a

the force and beauty with which it
employed canpot be easily denied.
The
various
forjns
of
35
metaphors and similes are often a source of fine surprise by their

power of happy phraseology and richness of poetical fancy.
The
drawn from
similarities,
a fairly wide
often
range,
display
observation, though some of them become

familiar conventions in later poetry
and comparison in some
form or other becomes one of the most effective means of
a real freshness
of
stimulating the
what
is
When
said.
imagination by suggesting more than
reader's
the similarity
is
and neat, but the poet seldom forgets
it is
purely verbal,
to
fit
his
witty
comparison to the
emotional content or situation.

Closely
connected
with
this
is
teristic
power of miniature
stanza, which is a charac-
compressed in a solitary
of the Kavya and in which the
painting,
the
Sanskrit
poets excel to a
In the epic, the necessity of a continuous

marvellous degree.
recitation, which should flow evenly and should not demand too
great a strain on the audience, makes the poet alive to the unity
of effect to be produced by subordinating the consecutive stanzas
to the narrative as a whole.
Kavya
different.
is
No
The method which
doubt,
early poets like
is
evolved in the
Agvagbosa and
Kalidasa do not entirely neglect effective narration, but the later

Kavya attaches hardly any importance to the theme or story and
depends almost exclusively on the appeal of art

in individual stanzas.
The Kavya becomes a
finically
displayed
series of
miniature
poems or methodical verso-paragraphs, loosely strung on the

Each clear-cut stanza is a separate
thread of the narrative.
unit in itself, both grammatically and in sense, and presents a
perfect
little
picture.
Even though spread out over
Kavya really takes

poem, but of single
cantos, the
well knit
several
the form, not of a systematic

stanzas,
and
standing
by themselves^
in which the poet delights to depict a single idea, a single phase
finished form.
satisfactory
necessary,
or
of emotion,
If this
in
it
single
is
long
best
situation
tradition,
in a complete
of the
composition,
exemplified
in
and daintily
stanza-form
where unity
the
is
of
not fully
effect
verse-portion
is
of the
such as those of Bhartfhari and

dramas^, as well as in the Satakas,
HISTORY
36
SANSKRIT LITERATURE
Ofr
which the Sanskrit poetry of love, resignation or

reflection finds the most effective expression in its varying moods
and phases. Such miniature painting, in which colours are
in
Amaru,
a task of no small
involves the perfect

expression, within very restricted limits, of a pregnant idea or an
intense emotion with a few precise and elegant touches.
is
words,
difficulty
All this will indicate that
for
it
Sanskrit poet
the
is
more
directly
concerned with the consummate elegance of his art than with any
message or teaching which he is called upon to deliver. It is
indeed not correct to say that the poet does not take any interest
in the great problems of life and destiny, but this is seldom writ
his
upon
large
comprehends
elegant symbols
and his work
is
work
of
art.
wider and
he
life,
drama
content
is
which
with the
of reality rather than strive for the reality itself
very
often nothing
of fancy, fostered in a world
the pervading sense of
There
is
of
more than a
tranquil
is
to be
delicate blossom
calm.
harmony and concord
tragedy nor great laughter

literature.
the
in
Except
fuller
found in
Nothing ruffles
and neither deep
fulness in Sanskrit
its
very seldom any trace of strife or discontent,
clash of contrary passions and
great
conflicts
nor
is
there any
outburst of rugged feelings, any great impetus for energy and

action, any rich sense for the concrete facts and forces of life.
There
is
also
no perverse attitude which clothes impurity in the
garb of virtue, or poses a soul-weariness in the service of callous

wantonness. Bitter earnestness, grim violence of darker passions,
or savage cynicism never
mar
the even tenor and serenity of these
compositions which, with rare exceptions, smooth away

It is not
every scar and wrinkle which might have existed.
that sorrow or suffering or sin is denied, but the belief in the
artistic
essential rationality of the
world
makes the poet
idealistic
in
and placidly content to accept the life around

the
while
purely artistic attitude makes him transcend the
his outlook
him t
merely personal.
The Sanskrit poet
in his belief in the inexorable law of
is
undoubtedly
Karrnan and
pessimistic
rebirth,
his ttnliroited pessimism with regard to this world is toned
but
down
37
by his unlimited optimism with regard to the next. It fosters

in him a stoical resignation, an epicurean indifference and a
mystic hope and faith, which paralyse personal energy, suppress
the growth of external life and replace originality by submission.
On the other hand, this is exactly the atmosphere
which
is
purely
artistic
conducive
to
idealised
accomplishment,
creation
and
which
in
of
serenity
Sanskrit poetry
excels.
This complacent attitude towards life falls in with the view

of Sanskrit Poetics which distinguishes the actual world from
where the hard and harsh facts of life

dissolve themselves into an imaginative system of pleasing fictions.
the world of
It results in
poetry,
an impersonalised and ineffable aesthetic enjoyment,
from which every
trace of its
In other words, love or grief

grief
component or material is obliterated.

is no longer experienced as love or
in its disturbing poignancy, but as pure artistic
of blissful relish
evoked
by the
idealised
poetic
sentiment
To
name
creation.
suggest this delectable condition of the mind, to which the

of Rasa is given is regarded both by theory and practice to be
the aim of a work of art
to mirror life
and
it
by a direct portrayal
It is for this reason that
the
seldom thought
necessary
of fact, incident or
character.
is
delineation
of
sentiment becomes
and even disproportionately important in poetry,

drama and romance and all the resources of poetic art and
important
Only a secondary or
imagination are brought to bear upon it.
even nominal interest is attached to the story, theme ; plot or
character, the unfolding of which is often made to wait till the
poet finishes his lavish sentimental descriptions
outpourings of sentimental verse and prose.
its
or
his refined
This over-emphasis on impersonalised poetic sentiment and

idealised enjoyment tends to encourage grace, polish and
fastidious
technical
finish,
in
which
fancy
has
the
hand of passion and ingenuity takes the place of feeling.

perhaps in a poet like Bhavabhuti, we come across very
rugged and forceful description, very
little
of
upper
Except
little
naturalness
of
and
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE!
simplicity, hardly
love for all that is
awe-inspiring, in
any genuine emotional directness, nor any

deep and poignant, as well as grand and
Even
and nature.
life
Kalidasa's
description
Himalayas is more pleasing and picturesque than stately

and sublime. The tendency is more towards the ornate and the
of the
refined than the grotesque
monious roundness
achieving perfection
more towards
and the robust,
than
jagged
of form than
more
angularity,
the
realising
har-
towards
and
integrity
It is, therefore, not surprising

primal sensations.
no real lyric on a large scale in Sanskrit
that its
so-called dramas are mostly dramatic poems
that its historical
sincerity of
that there
is
writings achieve poetical distinction but are

fact; that
its
romances
prose
indifferent
sacrifice the
interest
and that
prose
to an exaggerated love of diction
its
mere
to
of
in
theme
general
feels the effect of poetry.
Nevertheless, the
Sanskrit
is
poet
home
at
quite
in
the
depiction of manly and heroic virtues and the
ordinary emotions
of life, even if they are presented in a refined domesticated form.
However self-satisfied he may appear, the poet has an undoubted
grip over the essential facts of
life
and this
is
best
seen,
not
in
the studied and elaborate masterpieces of great poets, but in the

detached lyrical stanzas, in the terse gnomic verses of wordly
wisdom, in the simple prose
tales
the ubiquitous delineation of
the
variety of
what
it
is
moods and
fancies.
and
fables, and,
erotic
There
is
above
in
feeling
its
indeed a great
conventional, and even artificial, in Sanskrit
is
more important
to note is that
exaltation of love for love's sake, the

of a particular
woman,
it
amorous
cult,
a Beatrice or a Laura, but
emotion in
its
in
its
woman
of
of
of
the
woman
of
as
all
human
stimulating situa-
and defeat.
tions of joy and sorrow, hope and fear, triumph
they speak of the ideal woman, the real
deal
not usually
But in spite
such, provided she is young and beautiful.
of
this great
this, the poets display a perfect knowledge
richness and variety and
infinite
moments.
often
consists
in
love-poetry
speaks of love not in its simplicities but in its subtle
What
all,
is
If
always before
39

their
The
commonplaces and
rhetorical
psychological
refinements seldom obscure the reality of the sentiment ; and the
eyes.
graceful
pictures of the turns and vagaries of love are often
little
remarkable for their fineness of
conception,
and delicacy of expression.
of
precision
The undoubted power
of
touch
pathos
which the Sanskrit poet possesses very often invests these erotic
passages with a deeper and more poignant note and the poetical
;
expression of recollective tenderness in the presence
of
suffering,
such as we find in Kalidasa and Bhavabhuti, is unsurpassable for

its vividness of imagery and unmistakable tone of emotional
But here again the general tendency
earnestness.
pathetic scenes
in the theatrical sense,
tlie
and never lend their
entirely
but
be
want
this
an ineffective
to
but also
trivialities,
to
suggested rather than expressed,

authority to the fatal practice of wordy
sentiment should
exaggeration
leave
nothing to
The theorists are indeed emphatic
the imagination of the reader.

that
and
elaborate
is to
to
of
balance
perhaps due not
is
love of parade and
futile
an extreme seriousness
of
adorning of
mind and
consequent want of
humour, which never allow the poet to

attain
the necessary sense of proportion and aloofness.
There
of wit in Sanskrit
is enough
and it is often
literature,
strikingly effective
humour and
but there
is
little
sense of the ridiculous.
of
Its
the
saving grace of
attempts at both comic

unsuccessful
and, as
and pathetic effects are, therefore, often

we have said, it very seldom achieves comedy in
its
higher forms
or trngedy in its deeper sense.
But the
literature
natural
is
as well as the artificiality, of Sanskrit
seriousness,
very
scenery,
often
which
by a wonderful feeling for

both intimate and real.
In spite of
relieved
is
a great deal of magnificently decorative convention in painting,

there is very often the poet's freshness of observation, as well as
In the delineation
the direct recreative or reproductive touch.
of human emotion, aspects of nature are very often skilfully
interwoven
Sanskrit
and most
love-poetry
of the effective similes
are
and metaphors of
drawn from the surrounding familiar
40
scenes.
The
J&tu-sarfihara, attributed to Kalidasa, reviews the six
Indian seasons in detail, and explains elegantly, if not with deep

feeiing f the meaning of the seasons for the lover. The same power
nature as the background of human emotion
in the Megha-diita, where the grief of the separated lovers
of
is
utilizing
The
the midst of splendid natural scenery.
in
seen
is
set
summer
tropical
and the rains play an important part in the emotional
life
of
It is during the commencement of the monsoon

people.
that the traveller returns home after long absence, and the expect-
the
ant wives look at the clouds in eagerness, lifting up the ends of

their curls in their hands; while the maiden, who in hot summer
distributes
water
to
thirsty traveller at the wayside resting
the
places, the Prapa-palika as she is called, naturally evokes a large
number
of erotic verses,
logies.
Autumns
which are now scattered over the Antho-
also inspires beautiful
with
sketches
clear
its
white flying geese and meadows ripe with

corn and spring finds a place with its smelling mango-blossoms,
of humming bees.
The groves
southern breeze and swarm
blue
sky,
flocks
of
and gardens of nature form the background not only to these

little poems, and to the pretty little love-intrigues of the Sanskrit
plays, but also to the larger
human drama
tage of Kanva, to the passionate madness
deep pathos of Rama's
hermi-
played in the
of Pururavas,
to
the
hopeless grief for Sita in the forest of
Dandaka, and to the fascinating love of Krsna and Radha on the

banks of the Yamuna.
It would appear that even if the Kavya literature was
magnificent in
partial
development was
the conditions under which it grew,
accomplishment,
considerably hampered by
and the environment in which
merits,
to
its
defects
are
equally
it
its
great.
It
is
magnify the defects and forget the merits
difficult to
realise
the entire
If
flourished.
mentality
has
it
easier,
and
it
great
however,
is
often
of these poets in order
The marvellous
limitations show that
to appreciate their efforts in their proper light.
results
even within very great

was surely nothing wrong with the genius of the poets,
attained
'41
but something was wrong in the literary atmosphere, which*

cramped its progress and prevented the fullest enfranchisement
of
the passion
for
literature
The absence
and the imagination.

comparison
the
for
and
Prakrit
later
of another
allied
specimens are mainly derivative was also a serious drawback^

which would partially explain why its outlook is so limited and
the principles of poetic art and practice so stereotyped.
through ages, never stood in absolute isolation, and
and
assimilate
transmute
what
received
it
but
India,
it
could
Sanskrit
had very few opportunities of a real contact with any

As in the drama, so in the romance
other great literature.
literature
and other spheres, we cannot say that there
any reliable
ground to suppose that it received any real impetus from Greek
or other sources; and it is a pity that such an impetus never
came
to give
It
it
new impulses and
is
from stagnation.
be remembered that the term Kavya
should also
save
it
is
not
what is understood by the word poem or

modern times. It is clearly distinguished from the
epic/ to which Indian tradition applies the designation of
as a term of comItihasa; but the nomenclature
court-epic
co-extensive with
poetry in
'
'
'
The underlying conception, general

misleading.
outlook, as well as the principles which moulded the Kavya are,
is
promise
as
we have
seen,
somewhat
and peculiar.
different
Generally
implications and reticences, is

Kavya, with
in the sense in which these
untutored
and
never simple
terms can be applied to modern poetry; while sentimental
speaking,
the
its
accompanied by perfection of form,

subtlety of expression and ingenious embellishment, is regarded,
and romantic
content,
more or
as
less,
dominated by
is
not meant
satisfaction
by
its
of
essential.
a self-conscious
for
idea
causal
interest.
of
The
super-normal or super-individual
rules out
purely artistic emotion.
6-184SB
art
is
wholly
and method;
enjoyment,
undisciplined
by poetic theory, which

sises
The Sanskrit Kavya
rationale
nor
is
for
it
the
furnished
character,
recognised
and
passion
personal
empha-
This
is
also obvious
from the
fact that the bulk of
But both theory and
this
literature
practice
is
in
the
make the Kavya
metrical
form.
extensive enough
comprehend in its scope any literary work of the imagination,

and refuse to recognise metre as essential. It, therefore, includes
to
poetry, drama, prose romance, folk-tale, didactic fable, historical
writing and philosophical verse, religious and gnomic stanza,

in fact, every branch of literature which may be contained
within the denomination of belles-lettres in the widest sense, to

One
the exclusion of whatever is purely technical or occasional.
result of this attitude is that while the
poem, the romance,
dramatic
drama tends towards the

and
tales
even
historical
or
biographical sketches are highly coloured by poetical and stylistic

In construction, vocabulary and ornament, the prose
effects.
also
becomes
poetical.
admit that
It is true that in refusing to
the distinction between prose and poetry lies in an external fact,

namely the metre, there is a recognition of the true character of
poetic expression
but in
practice
it
considerably
hampers the
seldom recognised that

prose.
verse and prose rhythms have entirely different values, and that
the melody and diction of the one are not always desirable in the
development of prose as
It
is
As the instruments of the two harmonies are not clearly

differentiated as means of literary expression,
simple and
other.
vigorous prose hardly ever develops in Sanskrit
ment
and
its
achieve-
comparison with that of poetry, which almost

exclusively predominates and even approximates prose towards
poor in
is
itself.
3.
THE
ORIGIN AND GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE
The question
of
the
DRAMA
origin and individual characteristics
of the various types of literary composition
comprised under the

be
discussed
in
their
proper places but since drama,
Kavya
like poetry, forms one of its important branches, we may
will
briefly
consider
here
method^
The
its
beginnings, as
well
as
its object,
scope and
drama, no doubt, as a subdivision of the KavyaA
most
of
partakes
of
its
form and method are
general
'43
characteristics,
different,
but since
its
necessary to consider it
is
it
separately.
The
first definite,
but scanty, record of the
Sanskrit drama
found in the dramatic fragments, discovered in Central Asia
is
and belonging to the early Kusana period, one of these fragments

The discovery, of which
being actually the work of Asvagbosa.
we shall speak more later, is highly important from the historifor the features which these fragments reveal
cal point of view
;
indicate
undoubtedly
later
course
and
its
must have had
it
that
drama
the
had
and technique which
the literary form
its
character suggests that
This
it.
attained
throughout
persist
developed
fairly
a history behind
already
history, unfortun-
cannot be traced today, for the earlier specimens which

might have enabled us to do so, appear to have perished in
The orthodox account of the origin of the
course of time.
ately,
Sanskrit
form
drama,
envelops
it
in
an
drama
a gift
find
the
myth
earliest
sage Bharata,
;
while modern
manifestation of
dialogue-hymns of the Rgvcda and presuming

the dramatic from the religious after the manner
Greek drama, shrouds the question
the
from heaven in the
divine
in the
a development of
of
as
impenetrable mist of
scholarship, professing to
ritual
it
by describing
of a developed art invented by the
of its origin in a still
greater mist of speculation.
The
which
original purpose
of
are obviously dialogues
Indian tradition,
is
fifteen
hymns
of
the
Rgveda^
and are recognised as such by the
Most
frankly obscure.
Pururavas and Urvasi"
of
some
Yama
(x. 95),
of
them, like those

and Yarn! (x. 10),
Indrani and Vrsakapi (x. 80), Saramfi and the Panis

108), are not in any way connected with the religious sacrifice,
Indra,
(x.
1
in
For a summary and discussion
ZDMG,
cited as
Ixiv, 1910, p. 534
SD), p. 13
f,
in
of
JRAS,
the
various theories and for references, see Keith
1911, p. 970
and in his Sanskrit Drama
(hereafter
f.
2
Both Saunaka and Y&ska ay ply the term Samvada-sukta to most of these hymni, but
sometimes the terms Itihasa and Xkhyana are also employed. Even assuming popular origin
and dramatic elements, the hymns are in no sense ballads or ballad-plays.
44
HISTORY OF 'SANSKRIT LITERATURE
nor do they represent the usual type of religious hymns of prayer

and thanksgiving ; but they appear to possess a mythical or
legendary content. It has been
first signs of the Indian drama.
dialogues
for
call
miming
claimed that here we have the
The suggestion
these
that
is
and connected with the
ritual dance,
song and music, they represent a kind of refined and sacerdotal1

ised dramatic spectacle, or in fact, a ritual drama, or a Vedic
2
Mystery Play in a nutshell, in which the priests assuming the
roles of divine, mythical or human interlocutors danced and
8
the
sang
in
narrative
which there
To
dialogues.
the
that
presumption
tion,
in
hymns
hymns
this
is
added the further
represent an old type of composi-
character and Indo-European in antiquity, in
existed
originally both prose and
verse
was
verse, representing the points of interest or feeling,
but the
carefully
constructed and preserved, while the prose, acting merely as a con-
necting link, was left to be improvised, and therefore never remained fixed nor was handed down. It is assumed that the dialogues
in the Kgvedic hymns represent the verse, the prose having
disappeared before or after their incorporation into the Samhita
and the combination of prose and verse in the Sanskrit drama
is alleged to be a legacy of this hypothetical Vedic Akhyana.
;
must be admitted
It
hymns
is
once that the dramatic quality of the

considerable, and that the connexion between the drama
at
and the religious song and dance in general has been made clear
by modern research. At first sight, therefore, the theory appears
plausible; but
it
is
It is
assumptions.
based on several unproved and unnecessary

not necessary, for instance, nor is there any
authority, for finding a ritual explanation

1
8.
Ij.
of
these
hymns
for
L6vi, Tht&lre indien, Paris, 1890, p. 333f.
von Scbroeder, Mysteriumund Mimus im
fgveda, Leipzig, 1908;

Bber die Anfdnge dee indischen Dramas t Munich, 1914, p. 22 f.
3 J. Hertel in
ZKM, XVIII, K04, p. 59 f, 137 f XXIIJ, p. 273 f
Hertel maintains that unless singing
it is
is
not possible
for
A.
HilJebrandt,
XXIV,
p.
117
f.
presumed,
single speaker to
make the necessary distinction between the different speakers presupposed in the dialogues of
the hymns.
<
H. OMenberg
in
ZDMG, XXXII,
p.
d. altindischen Prosa, Berlin, 1917, p. 63f.
64
XXXIX,
p.
62
and
also in
Zur Geschichte

neither the Indian tradition nor even
45
modern scholarship admits
the presumption that everything contained in the Rgveda is connected with the ritual. As a matter of fact, no ritual employment
for these
hymns
is
prescribed in the
Vedic texts and commen-
We
have also no record of such happenings as are complacently imagined, nor of any ritual dance actually practised by
the Vedic priests; the Rgvedic, as opposed to the Samavedic,
taries.
hymns were recited and not sung; and

knows nothing of a dramatic employment
true that
some
Vedic literature
later
of these
hymns.
It is
of the Vedic ritual, especially the fertility rites,
Mahavrata, contains elements that are dramatic, but the

existence of a dramatic ritual is no evidence of the existence of a
like the
drama.
ritual
also
It is
not
conceive
to
necessary
of
as having been in their origin a
Rgvedic dialogue-hymns
and rich verse
the
these
mixture
purpose
explaining the
occurrence of prose and verse in the Sanskrit drama from its very
beginning for the use of prose in drama is natural arid requires
no explanation, and, considering the epic tradition and the general
of poor prose
for
of
predominance
verse
is
of the
metrical
not unexpected.
drama are
form
in
Sanskrit
Both prose and verse
too intimately related to have
been
literature,
in
the
separate
the
Sanskrit
in
their
origin.
The modified form

Vedic
ritual
popular
drama
mime
above theory, namely, that the

borrowed from an equally hypothetical
of the
itself is
of antiquity,
which
is
have
to
supposed
included
dialogue and abusive language, as well as song and dance, is an

assumption which does not entirely dismiss the influence of reli-
gious ceremonies, but believes that the dramatic element in the

But to
ritual, as well as the drama itself, had a popular origin.
accept it, in the absence of all knowledge about popular or religious
1
mimetic entertainment
in
Vedic
times,
Sten Konow, Das ind. Drama, Berlin and Leipzig, 1920,
The analogy
origin, is
of the Yatrii,
interesting, but there
actually existed in Vedic times.
is
which
is
nothing
as
to
much
p.
42
secular as bound
show that such forms
is
extremely
f.
up with
religion
in
iti
of popular entertainment
46
The
difficult.
vrata,
is
abusive
antics in the Horse-sacrifice, as well
amusing
1
influence of the element of
much
appears to have been
an ingredient of magic
rites,
as
is
the
in
Maha-
for admittedly it
exaggerated;
and there
language and
no evidence either of
popular character or of its alleged impetus towards the growth

The history of the Vidusaka of the
of the religious drama.
its
Sanskrit drama, which
He
obscure.
is
implies that he
actual drama,
is
sometimes
cited in support, is at
most
anomalous enough character, whose name

given to abuse and who is yet rarely such in the
an
is
who
is
Brahmin and
'
'
character and
high
yet speaks Prakrit and indulges in absurdities
who
but his derivation
from an imaginary degraded Brahmin of the hypothetical secular

drama, on the one hand, is as unconvincing as his affiliation to a
drama, on the other, which is presumed from the abusive
dialogue of the Brahmin student and the hataera in the Maha-
ritual
vrata ceremony.
An
interesting parallel
history of the Elizabethan Pool,
who was
Devil of mediaeval Mystery Plays

is
not a
proof of fact.
is
l{
indeed drawn from the

originally the ludicrous
but an argument from analogy
The Vidusaka's attempts
at
amusing by
about his gastronomical sensibilities are

inevitable concessions to the groundlings and do not require the
his cheap
witticisms
far-fetched invocation of a secular
drama
for
The
explanation.
in the Sanskrit
and Prakritic technical terminology

adduced in support
again, has been
use of Prakrit
drama,
of
its
popular
we have no knowledge of any primitive Prakrit drama

any early Prakrit drama turned into Sanskrit, and the
origin, but
or of
occurrence of Prakritic technical terms
maybe
reasonably referred
to the practice of the actors.

It
seems, therefore, that even
were present in Vedic times, there
if
is
the elements
A. Hillebrandfc, RitualUtteratuT, Strassburg, 1897,
Sten KonoWj
tooneel, Groningen, 1897, p. 64
1899, p. 838
3
f,
See also J.
A. Hillebrandt, Die Anf&nge, p. 24
f.
drama
p. 157.
Huizioga, De
and M. Scbuyler, The Origin
f.
the
no proof that the drama,
op. cff., pp. 14-15.
of
of the
Vidusaka in het indisch
Viduaka
in
JAOS, XX,
'47
however rudimentary form, was actually known.

The actor
not mentioned, nor does any dramatic terminology occur.
There may have been some connexion between the dramatic
in
is
religious ceremonies
and the drama
in
embryo,
but the theory
which seeks the origin
of the Sanskrit drama in the sacred dance,

out
eked
by song, gesture and dialogue, on the analogy of what
happened in Greece or elsewhere, is still under the necessity of
and little faith can be

proving its thesis by actual evidence
The application of Ridgeplaced on arguments from analogy.
way's theory of the origin of drama in general in the animistic
;
worship of the dead

Sanskrit drama
the
gratification
is still less
for the
of
authenticated in
performance
departed
spirits,
the
never
is
nor
case
of
the
meant here
for
are
the
characters
regarded as their representatives.
As a reaction against the theory
of
we have
the Sanskrit drama
sacred
origin,
the hypothesis of the purely secular origin of

2
in the Puppet-play and the Shadow-play'
but
1
here again the

not
bear
do
critical
and
the
lack of exact
examination,
suggestions
;
While the
data precludes us from a dogmatic conclusion.
ence to the puppet-play in the
Mahabhdrata
cannot
be
dated, its supposed antiquity and prevalence in India,
do not necessarily make
name (from
it
the source of the Sanskrit
putrika, puttalika) implies that
refer-
exactly
if
correct,
drama
and
very
only a
make-believe or imitation and presupposes the existence of the
The designations Sutradhara and Sthapaka need
regular play.
its
it
is
manipulation of puppets by
pulling
refer
but
to
or
the
they clearly
'arranging/
strings'
original
not refer to any original
Ae
set forth in
1938, also in
JRAS,
1916, p. 335
0.
Dramas and Dramatic Dances
1916, p. 821
1917, p. 140
f,
1917,
p.
143
f,
of
Non-European Races, Cambridge,

criticised by Keith in
JRAS,
effectively
f.
R. Piachel in Die Heimat des Puppenspiels, Halle, 1900
Tawney, London,
3
Pischel in Das aUindische
(tra.
into English
by Mildred
1902).
Schattenspiel
borated by H. Liiders in Die Saubhikas
SBAW.WIQ,
*
p.
698
XII. 294.
f.
5, as
in
SBAW,
1906,
pp.
482-602, further
ein Beitrag zur Geschichte d. indischen
explained by Nllakantha.
Dramas
ela-
IB
1&
function of the director or stage-manager of laying out and conWith regard to the shadowstructing the temporary playhouse.
which shadow-pictures are produced by projection from
play, in
puppets on the reverse side of a thin white curtain, the evidence

1
connexion with the drama is late and indefinite, and
of its
Whatever explanation
therefore inconclusive.
may be
given
of
the extremely obscure passage in Patafijali's Mahabhasya (ad. iii.

1. 26) on the display of the
Saubhikas, there is hardly any
foundation for the view
that the Saubhikas discharged the func-
showing shadow-pictures and explaining them to the

The exact meaning, again, of the term Chaya-nataka,
tion of
audience.
found in certain plays,
known genre
called
The
uncertain
different in
is
reference
to
it
is
India in early times and its

cannot be established until
;
not
admitted
as
and none of the so-
any way from the normal
Javanese shadow-play does not

not yet proved that the Javanese
the
strengthen the position, for it is

type was borrowed from India or that
itself
in Sanskrit dramatic theory,
Chaya-natakas
drama.
is
analogue prevailed in
connexion with the Sanskrit drama
it
is
its
shown that the shadow-play
sprang up without a previous knowledge of the drama.

Apart from the fact, however, that the primitive drama in
general shows a close connexion with religion, and apart also

from the unconvincing theory of the ritualistic origin of the
Sanskrit
there
drama,
drama
Sanskrit
itself
are
still
certain facts connected with the
which indicate
that,
if it
not exactly of the nature of a religious drama,
was in
it
its
origin
must have been
considerably influenced in its growth by religion or religious

In the absence of sufficient material, the question does
cults.
On
in
the whole question and for references, eee Keith in
IHQ, VII,
*
W*ber
1931, p.
542
SD
pp, 58-57
and
8.
K.
De
f.
Various explanations have been suggested by Kayyata in his commentary ; by A.

f. ; by Le>i, op. tit., p. 315 ; by Ltiders in
the work cited
in Ind. Studien, XIII, p. 488
above; by Winternitz in ZDMG. t LXXIV, 1920, p. 118 ff. ; by Hillebrandt in ZDMG,

1918, p. 227 f.
by Keith in BSOS, I, pt. 4, p. 27 f. f and by K. G. Sabrahmanya
LXXII,
in
JRAS,
1
1925, p. 502.
Ltiders, op.
and Keith.
cit.
supported by Winternitz, but effectively criticised
by Hilltbrandt

not admit of clear demonstration, but
can be generally accepted

One of the early descriptions
from some undoubted indications.
we have
of scenic representation that
mentioned
is
above
is
it
it
is
that given
by Patanjali,
that
entertainment
interesting
the
with the Visnu-Krsna
associated
Kamsa and
the binding of Bali.
proper, but
it
made by
type
49
legend of the slaying of

It may not have been drama
was not a mere shadow-play nor

the Granthikas
may
it
recitation
the
of
some kind
have been
of
pantomimic, or even dramatic, performance distinctly carried out

It should
by action.
be noted in
analogy of the theory

a
mimic
conflict of
connexion
this
that,
the origin of the Greek
of
summer and
winter, Keith sees
on the
drama from
in the legend
Kainsa a refined version of an older vegetation

in which there was a demolition of the outworn spirit of
of the slaying of
ritual
vegetation, and evolves an elaborate theory of the origin of Indian
But the tendency to read

tragedy from this idea of a contest.
nature-myth or nature- worship into every bit of legend, history
which was
or folklore,
at
one time
much
in
no longer
is
vogue,
and in the present case it is gratuitous, and even

convincing
misleading, to invoke Greek parallels to explain things Indian.
;
It is sufficient
that
to recognise
we have an
connexion of some dramatic
cation of the close
Visnu-Krsna legend,
the
here
throughout the history
the
fascination
Sanskrit
of
of
literature.
early
indi-
spectacle
with
which
persists
Again,
it
may
normal prose Prakrit of

the Sanskrit drama came from the Krsna cult, which is supposed
but there
to have its ancient home in Surasena or Mathura
be debatable whether SaurasenI as the
can be no doubt that in the fully developed Sanskrit drama the

2
Krsna cult came to play an important part. The Holi-festival
of the
Krsna
which
spring festival, is
the
curious
with
sometimes equated
ceremony of the decoration
and worship of Indra's flagstaff (Jarjara- or Indradhvaja-puja)
1
In
On
7
cult,
ZDMG, LXIV,
1910, p. 534
f.
is
in
the Kfspa cult, see Winternitz in
1343B
essentially
JRAS,
1911, p. 079, 1912, p. 411;
ZDMG, LXXIV,
1920, p. 118
f.
in
SD,
p.
87
f.
50
Bharata as one of the preliminaries (Purva-ranga)

of enacting a play, on the supposition that it is analogical to
the Maypole ceremony of England and the pagan phallic rites of
prescribed by
The connexion suggested
Eome.
is
as hypothetical
as Bharata's
legendary explanation that with the flagstaff Tndra drove away

the Asuras, who wanted to disturb the enacting of a play by the
but it has been made the somewhat slender
gods, is fanciful
;
foundation
of
from a banner
theory
that
Indian drama originated
the
(Dhvaja-maha) in honour of Indra.

existence of the Nandl and other religious preliminaries
Sanskrit drama
is
show
quite sufficient to
whatever be
Jarjara-puja,
The
festival
its
origin,
that
is
of the
the
ceremony of
only a form of the
customary propitiation of the gods, and may have nothing to

do with the origin of the drama itself.
It
is,
however,
important to note that religious service forms a part of the
ceremonies preceding a play
and it thus strengthens the
connexion of the drama
with religion. Like Indra and
;
Krsna, Siva
with the drama,
associated
also
is
him and
for
Bharata
spouse the invention of the Tandava

and the Lasya, the violent and the tender dance, respectively ;
and the legend of Kama has no less an importance than that of
ascribes
Krsna
to
his
in supplying the
theme
of the Sanskrit
All this, as well as the attitude

texts
towards
theory of
the
of
the Buddhist
suggest that,
the Sanskrit drama
absence of decisive evidence,
and extent
other sources, than indulge

fancies and theories
it is
all
in
antecedents
the
of
impetus from this and
It
Haraprasad Sastri
in
Bloch in
LXII, 1908,
Keith,
ZDMG,
SD.
pp. 43-44.
JPASB, V,
which
1909, p. 351 f.
p. 655.
are
of facts,
seems probable, however,
of the drama, as of
be sought mainly in the great Epics of India.
the
its
conjectures
compact.
if
probably
growth. In the
better to admit our inability
religious origin fails,

received a great impetus from religion in
that the literary
and Jaina
even
drama, would
its
to explain the nature
drama.
poetry, are
The
to
references to

the
and
actor
and Lava
the early
on the attempted
the word Kusllava, denoting an actor, from Kusa
the Ramayana
but it seems most probable that
value,
derivation of
of
performance in the composite and

the Epics and the Hari-vamsa need not be of
dramatic
undatable texts of
conclusive
51
should
nor
be laid
stress
1
of
popularity
epic
which the
in
recitation,
reciter
with gestures and songs, can be connected with

the dramatisation of epic stories.
How the drama began we
accompanied
it
do not know, nor do we know exactly when it began; but the

natural tendency to dramatisation, by means of action, of a
vivid
narrative
for
(such,
Mahabhasya passage) may
suggested by the
have been stimulated to a great degree
as
instance,
No
by the dramatic recitation of epic tales.

ed drama is not a mere dramatisation
how
is
doubt, the
develop-
epic material, and
of
it
dramatic conflict and analysis

of action in relation to character were evolved; but the Sanskrit
is
also not clear
drama
is
the idea
certainly inherits from
never
lost
description,
its
throughout
which
it
didactic content of the
strikingly parallel, but
like
source
epic
with
richly
Epics.
also
interest
upon
poetry
the
and both
and
narrative
close approximation also
of
to the
inherently diverse, development from a

and it is not surprising that early poets
312; Sben
op. cit., p.
of
characteristic love
Sanskrit
The
Asvaghosa and Kalidasa were

L6vi,
its
history,
its
made by Sanskrit theory perhaps points
to poetry
common
which
the Epics, in
shares
drama and poetry draw

drama
of
Konow,
op.
f.,
p.
The other
dramatists.
also
9.
It
is
uob clear
if
the term
is
'
formation; and the etymology /wHZ/a, of bad morals', is

The word Bharata, also
clever in view of the proverbial morals of the actor, but farfetched.
really a
compound
denoting the actor,
of
is
irregular
of course derived
has nothing to do with Bharata,

nauie Ndja, which
is
apparently
still
from the mythical Bharata of the Natya-sastra, and

less with Bhat i which is clearly from Bha$ta.
The
Prakritisation of the earlier rooc nrt
'
to
dance
'
(contra
D. K. Minkad, Types of Sanskrit Drama, Karachi, 1920, p. 6 f) probibly indicates that he

was originally, and perhaps mainly, a dancer, who acquired the mimetic art. The distinction
between Nrtta Dancing), Nrty a (Dancing with gestures and feeliugs) and Natya (Drama
with histrionics), made by the Datancpaka (1.7-9) and other works, is certainly late, but
f
it
is
not
techniques.
uuhistorical
for
it
explains
the
evolution
of
the
Itupaka and Uparupaka
HISTOJlY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE
52
tendency of the drama, namely, its lyric inspiration and

metrical variety of sentimental verses, however, may have been
literary
some of whose fragments
supplied by the works of early lyrists,
The
extant dramatic literature, like
an
adequate
are preserved by Patanjali.
the
does not
poetic,
1
antiquity
what
even than the
earlier
from the
give
idea
of
but that the dramatic art probably

poetic can
be
probable
developed
they borrow the
that
from dramaturgy and
some-
inferred
legitimately
admission of the rhetoricians
theory of sentiment
its
apply
to poetics, as
it
well as from the presumably earlier existence of the Natya-astra
Bharata than that of any known works on poetics,

The extreme paucity of our knowledge regarding the impetus
which created the drama has led to the much discussed sugges-
of
tion that
some
influence,
not the
if
en-tire
might have
impetus,
come from the Greek drama. Historical researches have now

established the presence of Greek principalities in India and it
;
no longer possible to deny that the Sanskrit drama must have

greatly developed during the period when the Greek influence was
is
As we know nothing about the causes of this

development, and as objections regarding chronology and contact
present in India.
Panini's reference to Nata-sutras composed by Silalin and
been dismissed as doubtful,
Nata
(see above),
which may
the dramatic performance,
there
for
known
uncertain date like the Avadana-Sataka
Kr Sasva
of determining the
mere dancer
refer to a
is
no means
is
to
presume that they
XXVII,
1913, p. 39f
L6vi, op.
of these
shows
13
p.
819
word
(pp.
f.
undatable and uncertain texts of the Epics
357,
360-61j
See
of
and the
which forbid the monks
not clear, but there
dramatic entertainments.
cit
has
of the
But the drama, as well as
or mimer.
21 >, the Divyavaddna
(II.
The exact nature

were not
3. 11.0-111)
Buddhist literature, not only clearly to works
to
Lalita-vistara (XII, p. 178), but also probably to the Buddhist Suttas,
watching popular shows.
(IV.
meaning
Winternitz
is
no reason
in
WZKM,
word Na$a or Nataka in the

(including the Hari-vamta) is of little value
The mention
of the
for chronological purposes.

2
A.
Weber
in Ind. Studien, II, p. 148
and Die Griechen in Indien in
SBAW
repudiated by Pischel in Die Rezension der tfakuntala, Breslau, 1875, p. 19

19C6, p. 602; but elaborately supported, in a modified form, by Windisch
Einfluss
im indtschen Drama
See Sten Konow,op.

further references.
ct't.,
pp.
(in
d.
W. W. Tarn
Der
1890, p. 920;
in
SB A W
SD
griechische
7. Intern. Orient. Congress] Berlin, 1882, pp. 3
4042 and Keith,
f.
pp. 57- 38, for a discussion of the theory and

(
reviews the whole question in his Greeks in BacLria and
extremely cautious on the subject of Greek influence on the

see
in D. R. Bhandarkar Volume, Calcutta, 1940, p. 224 f.
Keith's
criticism
drama;
Indtc, Cambridge, 1938, but he
Sinikrit
Verhl.
in
and
is
OO
ORIGINS AND CHARACTFR18TICS

are not valid, there
is
nothing a priori impossible in the presump-
Indian exclusiveness and conservatism
difficulty of
The
Greek drama on the Indian.
tion of the influence of the
neutralised
is
by instances of the extraordinary genius of India in assimilating

what it receives from foreign sources in other spheres of art and
science, notwithstanding the
of
barrier
custom and
language,
civilisation.
But there
are difficulties in adducing positive proof in support
The evidence regarding
of the presumption.
actual performance
Greek plays in the courts of Greek princes in India is extremely

1
scanty; but more important is the fact that there are no decisive
of
points of contact, but
Sanskrit drama and the
New
the source of the influence.
casual
only
coincidences,
Attic Comedy, which
No
it
common
has come
to the
down
are also epic instances
which seem
us do
not
Indian
lite-
of this motif
rature of tales reveals a considerable use

4
on the use
two dramas.
to
antedate the period of supposed Greek influence, the
to preclude the
the
regarded as
is
reliance can be placed
of the device of token of recognition
Although the forms in which
between
and there
possibility of
It is a motif common
being borrowed from the Greek drama.
enough in the folk-tale in general, and inevitable in primitive
its
society as a
means
of identification
and
its
employment
Sanskrit drama can be reasonably explained
independent origin.
1
L6vi, op.
Such as division into
end of the
eft.,
p. GO, but
acts,
No
in
the
having been of
satisfactory inference, again, can be
contra Keith,
number
SD,p.
as
59.
of acts, departure of all actors

1
acts, the scenic convention of asides, the
of the
from
the
stage
at the
entry and identity of a

The Indian Prologue
announcing
new character by a remark from a character already on the stage, etc.
is entirely different from the Classical, being a part of the preliminaries and having a definite
character and ob.'ecfc. Max Lindenau's exposition IBeitrdge zur altindischen Rasalehre,
Leipzig 1913,
p. v) of the relation
between Bharafca's
Natya-sdstra and Aristotle's Poetik
is
interesting, but proves nothing.

3
E.g., the ring in

MdlaviLdgnimitra and Sakuntala stone of union and arrow (of
Ayus) in Vikramorvatiya, necklace iu Ratnavali, the jewel falling from the sky in Nagdnanda,
the garland in MdJatl-mddhava and Kunda-mdld, the Jrmbhaka weapons in Uttara-tarita the
t
clay cart in
4
Keith,
Mrcchakatika, the seal in Mudrd-rd!fasa,
SD,
p, 63.
etc.
54
drawn from the resemblance
of certain characters,
Roman comedy,
Greek and
we
as
have
and
caste
Indian
of the
culture
seen,
high
is
the
highly
social
parasite occurs in the

he lacks the refinement and
but
Vita;
the
especially
The
Vita, the Vidusaka, and the Sakara.
but
debatable,
position
the
of
origin
Vidusaka,
distinguish
Brahmin
his
him
from
the
vulgar slave (servus currens) of the classical comedy and we know

from Pataiijali that the Sakara was originally a person of Saka
;
descent and was apparently introduced into the

as a boastful, ignorant
and ridiculous
villain
drama
time when the
Sanskrit
at a
marital alliance of Indian kings with Saka princesses had fallen

1
into disfavour.
These characters are not rare in any society,
and can be easily explained as having been conceived from actual

The argument, again, from the Yavanika 2 or
in India.
life
curtain,
which covered the entrance from
the
room
retiring
(Nepathya) or stood at the back of the stage between the Rangapltha and the Eangaslrsa, and which is alleged to have received
name from its derivation from the lonians(Yavanas) or Greeks,

now admitted to be of little value, for the simple reason that
the Greek theatre, so far as we know, had no use for the curtain.
The theory is modified with the suggestion that the Indian curtain
its
is
He
is
represented as the brother of the king's concubine;
Cf E. J. lUpson's article on the

2
Windhch, op
speed
(in
cit., p.
24
f.
Drama
(Indian) in
ERE,
cf.
Sdlutya-darpana, III, 44.
Vol. IV, p. 885.
The etymology given by Indian lexicographers fiom java
the Prakrit Javanika form of the word), or the deiivation
cover,* is ingenious, but not convincing.
form Jainanika
is
a scribal mistake
for it is recognised in the
from the
'
root
to
yu
There
i 3
nothing to confirm the opinion that the
and
Roth) or merely secondary (Sten Konow),
B6thlingk
Indian lexicons and occurs in some
MSS.
of plays.
If this
was the
would signify a curtain only (from the root yam to restrain, cover '), or
'
twin ')
double curtain covering the two entrances from the Nepathya (from yama,
but there
original form, then
it
no authority for holding that the curtain was parted in the middle.
The word YavanikS, is apparently known to Bharata, as it occurs at
See
is
of the elements of the
Purvarafiga.
the Kungas'Irsa and Rangapltha (ed.
Abhinavagnpta explains that
QOS,
p. 212).
5.
its
The other names
IHQ, VII,
p.
480
f.
11-12 in the description

position
are Pati,
was between
and
Pratis'iift
There was apparently no drop curtain on the Indian stage. -The construction of
the Indian theatre, as described by Bharata, has little resemblance to that of the Greek and
Tiraskaranl.
Th. Blocb's discovery of the remains of a Greek theatre in the Sitavenga Cave
LVITI, p. 456 f is of doubtful value as a decisive piece of evidence.
)
(ZDMG,
55

is
so called because the material of the
cloth
was derived from
but even this does not carry us very far to

prove Greek influence on the Indian stage arrangement.
It will be seen that even if certain striking parallels and
the Greek merchants
coincidences are urged and admitted between the Greek
Sanskrit
the
drama,
search
for
There
negative
produces only
mental differences that borrowing or
question, and
the
affinities
signs
positive
result.
should
of
are
so
and the
influence
many
influence
is
funda-
out of
the
be regarded as independent
The Sanskrit drama is essentially of the romantic

developments.
the
classical
of
rather
than
type, and affords
points of
resemblance to the Elizabethan, rather than to the Greek, drama.
The unities of time and place are entirely disregarded between
the acts as well as
within the
act.
between one act and another,

often exceeds twenty-four hours
from earth
heaven.
to
is
and
;
the
while
years elapse
1
time-limit of an act
the
scene easily
shifts
Eomantic and fabulous elements
are
tragi-comedy or melodrama is not infrequent;

regularly mixed with prose puns and verbal cleverness
freely introduced
verse
Even twelve
no chorus, but there is a metrical

are often favoured.
benediction and a prologue which are, however, integral parts
While the parallel of
of the play and set the plot in motion.
There
Vidusaka
the
is
is
found in the Elizabethan Fool, certain dramatic
devices, such as the introduction of a play
within
play
and
common. There is no
number of characters, who
may be either divine, semi-divine or human. The plot may
be taken from legend or from history, but it may also be drawn
from contemporary life and manners. With very rare exceptions, the main interest almost invariably centres in a love-story,
use of
the
token
limit in the Sanskrit
love
1
XX,
being,
On
at
time'analysis of
1899, pp. 841-59;

3
As
least
XXI,
of
recognition,
drama
in
are
to the
practice, the only passion
Sanskrit plays (Kalidasa and Hsrsa),
ee
which forms
Jackson in JAOS,
1900, pp. SB- 108.
in Priyadartika, Uttara-rama-carita
to the ed. of the fiist play, pp. ev-cxi.
and Bala-ramayana
See Juck son's appendix
56
the dominant
theme
of this
romantic drama.
structures
Special
square, rectangular or triangular shape for the presentation

1
of plays are described in the Ndtya-sastra,
but they have little
resemblance to the Greek or modern theatre and must have
of
been evolved independently.

Very often plays appear to have
been enacted in the music hall of the royal palace, and there
were probably no special contrivances, nor elaborate stage-propernor even scenery in the ordinary sense of the word. The
lack of these theatrical makeshifts was supplied by the lively
ties,
imagination of the audience, which was aided by a profusion

of verses describing the imaginary surroundings, by mimetic
action and by an elaborate system of gestures possessing a conventional significance.
Besides these more
or
formal requirements, there are
less
some important features which fundamentally distinguish the

Sanskrit drama from all other dramas, including the Greek.
The aim
of the Sanskrit dramatists,
in outlook and
mirror
(as
in
mind
life
indifferent
by a direct portrayal
evoke
to
poetry)
of the audience, be
this is regarded, both
else
much
is
it
in
fact
action
of
heroic
or
not to
but
character,
or
and practice,
theory
is
incident,
sentiment
particular
amatory,
or
idealists
(Rasa) in the
As
quietistic.
to
be the sole
the dramatic art as of the poetic, everything

subordinated to this end.
Although the drama is des-
as
object
who were mostly
mere
to
of
cribed in theory as an imitation
(Avasthanukrti),
the
plot,
as
or
representation
as
well
of
situations
characterisation,
is
secondary element its complications are to be avoided so that

it
may not divert the mind from the appreciation of the senti;
ment
the
to other interests.
mind
reader's
preferred
the
would
poet's skill is
well
of
known theme, towards which

itself
of
The
its
On
the theatre see D. R.
inclined,
concerned entirely with
emotional possibilities.
the Sanskrit dramatist shows little
ing
be
Maukad
normally
the develop-
criticism, therefore, that
fertility in
in
is
1HQ, VIII,
the
invention
1932, pp. 480-99.
of

be
may
plots
just,
but
object of the Sanskrit
it
57
take into account this peculiar
fails to
drama.
Thus, the Sanskrit drama came to possess an atmosphere

of sentiment and poetry, which was conducive to idealistic
creation
which
and
The analogy
it.
found
be
to
is
but
characterisation,
overshadowed
which avoid the
sculpture,
and
action
expense of
in the lesser dramatists
in
tic
the
at
crude
all
was drama-
that
Indian
in
realism
painting
bones and
of
muscles and concentrate exclusively on spiritual expression, but
which often degenerate

of course, does not
growth
that
that reality
is
entirely
This,
banished
but
and poetic envelopment certainly retards the
sentimental
the
mean
into formless fantastic creation.
of the purely dramatic elements.
sentimental
verses,
couched
It
in
is
great
for
this
reason
variety of lyrical
measures and often strangely undramatic, preponderate and form

the more essential part of the drama, the prose acting mainly
as a connecting link, as a
mode
of
communicating
or
facts,
as
The dialogue is^ therea means of carrying forward the story.

fore, more or less neglected in favour of the lyrical stanza,
to-
which
its
follows from
characters
very flatness affords an effective contrast.

this sentimental and romantic bias that
are
generally
to
preferred
leads to the creation of conventional
queen,
minister,
crystallised into
the
ideal
heroic,
as
represented
instance,
man
permanent types
is
or
the very
devoid of
This
the
king,
characters,
but this does
like
in course of time
not
mean
popular, characters
real
common
typical
individual figures.
who become
lover and jester,
It also
humanity.
that
are
Carudatta,
not a mere marvel of eminent virtues, but
all
for
perfect
whose great qualities are softened by an

nor is Dusyanta a merely
of
humanity
equally great touch
while the Sakara
typical king-lover prescribed by convention
of
the
world,
or the Vita in Sudraka's
play
and others are taken from

everlasting
types,
the same time,

8-1343B
it
but
they
are
finely
nature's
are
no
These
characterised.
never-ending
variety
less living individuals.
cannot be denied there
is
tendency
to
of
At
large
58
and a reluctance to deviate from the type. It

means an indifference to individuality, and consequently to the
generalisation
realities
of
ponding
inclination
characterisation,
plot and action, as well as a corres-
towards
For
aspects of theme.
as a rule, makes the
this
the
purely
reason
also,
ideal
and emotional
Sanskrit
the
drama,
fullest use of the accessories of the lyric,
dance, music, song and mimetic art.
As there
is,
therefore,
respective conception of the
fundamental
drama, most
in
difference
Sanskrit
the
of
the
plays,
judged by modern standards, would not at all be regarded as

dramas in the strict sense but rather as dramatic poems. In
some authors the sense of the dramatic becomes hopelessly lost
in their ever
increasing
striving
sentimental and the
the
after
and they often make the mistake of choosing lyric or epic

As,
subjects which were scarcely capable of dramatic treitment.
poetic,
on the one' hand, the drama suffers from its close dependence on
it
concentrates
itself
rather
the epic, so on the other,
on
disproportionately
lyrical
the
of
the
production
polished
The absence of scenic aids, no
and descriptive stanzas.
doubt, makes the
stanzas
scene or the situation
to
necessary
the
for
suggesting the
of the audience and
vividly
imagination
method progressively
increases the lyric and emotional tendencies of the drama, and
elegance and refinement are as much encouraged in the drama as
in poetry.
It is not surprising, therefore, that a modern critic
evoking
the
proper
sentiment,
but
the
should accept only Mudra-raksasa, in the whole range of Sanskrit

This is indeed an
dramatic literature, as a drama proper.
extreme attitude; for the authors of the Abhijnana-fakuntala or

well
of
Mrcchakatika knew very
that
the
they were
composing dramas and not merely a

but this view brings out very
passages
set
There
aims and limitations of the Sanskrit drama.

one advantage which
productions
romance
of
vivifies
is
not often
The
stage-craft.
the Sanskrit drama
elegant
poetical
clearly the characteristic
seen
of
in
breath
the
it is
is,
modern
the
of
however,
practical
poetry
and
seldom of a prosaic

cast
and
59
human
beings insipidly under ordinary

commonplace circumstances it has often the higher and
does not represent
it
more
poetic naturalness, which is no less attractive in

the beauty, as well as the depth, of human character
uhen
its
dramatic qualities are poor
its
revealing
;
and even
appeals by the richness of
it
poetry.
As the achievement
of concord
is
ideal character of the
a necessary
corollary to the
allowed to be represented
sensibility of the audience
drama, nothing
on the stage which might offend the
and obstruct the suggestion of the
is
sentiment by
This rule regarding
desired
inauspicious, frivolous or undesirable details.

the observance of stage-decencies
includes,
the prohibition that death should
not be
other things,
exhibited on the stage.
among
This restriction, as well as the serene and complacent attitude of

the Indian mind towards life, makes it difficult for the drama, as
for poetry, to depict
tragedy in
deeper sense. Pathetic episodes,

contribute to the unfolding of the
its
dangers and difficulties may

plot with a view to the evoking of the underlying sentiment, but
The poetic justice of the
the final result should not be discord.
European drama is unknown in the Sanskrit. The dramatist,

like the poet, shows no sense of uneasiness, strife or discontent
in the structure of life, nor in its complexity or difficulty, and
takes without question the
attitude
also
accepts,
rational
order of
the
incredulity or
without
world.
discomfort,
This
the
intervention of forces beyond control or calculation in the affairs

of men.
Apart from the general idea of a brooding fate or
it
destiny,
thinks nothing of a curse or a divine act as an
device for controlling the

solution of its
of
action
complication.
refuses
It
artificial
a play or
bringing about a
to rob the world or the
and freely introduces the marvellous

and the supernatural, without, however, entirely destroying the
The dramatic
motives of human action or its responsibility.
human
life
conflict,
scope
or
life,
of its mysteries,
under these conditions,
and however
much
the hero and
the
hardly
obstacles
heroine
may
receives a full or logical
hinder the course of love
must be rewarded
in the long
60
run, and
end
by the achievement of
There are indeed exceptions to the
1
general rule, for the Uru-bhanga has a tragic ending while the
death of Dagaratha occurs on the stage in the Pratima, like that
predestined to
perfect happiness and union.
all is
well
of
Kamsa
There are
in the Bala-carita.
rule is obeyed in the letter but not
also
instances where the
in spirit;
Vasantasena's
lor
apparent murder in the Mrcchakatika occurs on the stage, and

the dead person is restored to life on the stage in the Nagananda.
Nevertheless, the injunction makes Kaiidasa and Bhavabhuti
ending of the Urvasi legend and the Rdmayana

story respectively into one of happy union, while the sublimity
of
of
the self-sacrifice
Jimutavahana, which suggests real
alter the tragic
tragedy, ends in a
somewhat lame denouement
of divine interven-
virtue at the end.

and complete and immediate reward
death
In the Western drama,
overshadows everything and forms
the chief source of poignant tragedy by its uncertainty and
of
tion
hopelessness ; the Indian dramatist, no

belief in the in exorable law of Karman,
but, finding in
it
Jess
pessimistic
not
does
a condition of renewal, can
in his
deny death,
hardly regard
it
in
the same tragic light.

It is,
however, not correct to say that the Sanskrit drama
entirely excludes tragedy.
the direct representing
happy ending.
of
What
it
really does
is
that
it
excludes
death as an incident, and insists on a
It recognises
some form
of tragedy in its pathetic
sentiment and in the portrayal of separation in love ; and tragic

In the
interest strongly dominates some of the great plays.
Mrcchakatiha and
the
Abhijnana-sakuntala, for instance, the

indeed occur at the end, but it occurs in
tragedy does not

and in
the middle
;
interest
prevails
the
Uttara-rama-carita
throughout,
at the beginning of the play.
It has, however,
UrU'bhahga
act of a
is
it
occurs
The
in
theorists appear
been pointed out (Sukthankar in
not intended to be a tragedy in one act;
lengthy dramatised
version
of
where the tragic

an intensive form
it
JBRAS,
s
only
to
1925, p.
the surviving
maintain
141) that
the
intermediate
the Mohabliarata story; the Trivandrum dramas,
therefore, form no exception to the general rule prohibiting
a final catastrophe.

that
there
in itself
no tragedy in the mere
is
be
fact of
disgusting, terrible or undignified

and thus produce a hiatus in the aesthetic pleasure.
may
dark
murder,
need not have a
and
violent
terror
passions,
which
death,
spectacle
Cruelty,
and
horrors
ferocity
are
premium. Undigested
gloomy,
and
decorum
are
or
without
unhealthy they
depressing
dignity
and indicate a morbid taste they do not awaken genuine pity
;
or
The Sanskrit
pathos.
road of
life
and never seeks the
or
tragedy,
Grim
drama generally keeps
representation
of
by-lanes
of
the high
to
blood-and-thunder
loathsome and unnatural passions.

but debase the mind,
realism, in its view, does not exalt
and thereby cause
The
disturbance of the romantic setting.
tragedy either precedes or follows the fact

of death, which need not be visually represented, but the effect
holds
theory
of
that
which may be
therefore, that tragedy
often
unduly
comparatively
the
inconsolable
of
to
The
the
of
Sanskrit
It appears,
that
sentiments and
finer
hopelessness which
of
tragedy
the
undeveloped.
and the very condition
the
is
subordinated
left
brings
evoking the pathetic.

not totally neglected, but
utilised for
theory,
however,
it
is
is
thus
misses
a tragic ending inevitably
happy ending makes much

drama look unconvincing.
In spite of the unmistakable tone of earnestness, the certainty

of reunion necessarily presents the pathos of severance as a
temporary and therefore needlessly exaggerated sentimentality.

There are also certain other conditions and circumstances
which seriously affect the growth of the Sanskrit drama, in the

same way as they affect the growth of Sanskrit poetry. From
the
beginning the drama, like poetry, appears to have
very
moved
in
elevated
an aristocratic environment.
and
Itîs fostered in
the same
rarefied
sam e cha racte r
sties ,
atmosphereând^ isj^Pgcted to sbowjhe

being regardedjjoth ^yj-hôry and practice,
Kavya, to the general aimândTmethod

more approximated. In the existing
and
of which it was more
we have neither the
specimens there is nothing primitive
as
subdivision
of the
infancy
of
the
drama nor the drama
of infancy.
The Sanskrit
drama was never popular
in the sense in
which the Greek drama
drama, inspired by the

elegant poetic conventions of the highly cultured Sahrdaya, whose
and its dominant love-motif
recognition was eagerly coveted
was.
It is essentially a developed literary
and habits
reflects the tastes
as
of
the
cultivated
which forms
the
of philandering
of the polished court-circle,
The court-life
number of plays on
Nagaraka.
theme
of a
an opportunity of introducing
and the graceful manner and erotic
In course
sentiment become appropriate.
and l|famaturgy conventionalised these
and search
after
gradual preference of
and the spontaneous.
the subtle
become
the
reflected
in
accent of passion and
in particular,
the amourettes
gives
princes,
song/ dance and music
refined fancy
well
as
of time, Poetics, Erotics
and habits
tastes
stylistic effect
and
the
The graces and

drama,
came
to the
finical
artificialities of
which soon
and
in with the
loses
fervid
poetry
its
true
fidelity to life.
Although the theorists lay down an
elaborate
classification
various categories of sentiments, it is yet curious to note

that in practice the sentiments that are usually favoured are
of
Hhe
the
an occasional suggestion
This accords well with the ideal and romantic
and the
heroic
of the marvellous.
with
erotic,
just
character of the clramn, as well as with the fabulous
the
circumstances,
hardly
receives
~YH
and "^sungr"^^
'
The comic, under

The
proper treatment.
natural elements which are freely introduced.
Prahasana and the Bhana profess to appeal to the comic sentiand the survival of an
ment, but not in a superior form
;
insignificant and limited
number
of
are also
in
the
these
types
of
composition
The other sentiments

Even
suggested but they hardly become prominent.
shows that they did not succeed very
an erotic underplot is often

and in course of time the erotic overshadows every
heroic
introduced
or
other sentiment,
appealing
well.
theme.
lofty
subjects,
and becomes
It
is
true
minate in the drama, are not
and universally
the
that
love-plots, which predoallowed to degenerate into mere
the exclusive
portrayals of the petty domestic difficulties of a polygamic systeip,
ORIGINS AND CHABACTBKISTICS
63
but the dramatists often content themselves with the developing

the
of
erotic
by a stereotyped sentimental
scheme of love, jealousy, parting and reunion. The sciences
and Erotics take a keen delight ex accidenti in
of
Poetics
pretty
possibilities
minutely analysing the infinite diversities of the amatory condition
and
and subdivisions, according to

rank, character, circumstances and the like, all conceivable types
of the hero, the heroine, their assistants and adjuncts, as well as
in arranging into
the different shades
divisions
exuberant lyrical
for their
dramatic
the
to
ample opportunities
and gestures, which afford
their feelings
of
poet for
This
stanzas.
utilising
technical
them
analysis
and the authority of the theorists lead to the establishment of

fixed rules and rigid conventions, resulting in a unique growth
of refined artificiality.
There
is
indeed
a great deal of scholastic
formalism in the
dramatic theory of sentiment, which had a prejudicial effect

on the practice of the dramatist. The fixed category of eight
or nine sentiments, the subordination to them of a large number
of
transitory
the
emotions,
determinants and
of
classification
consequents, the various devices to help the movement of the

intrigue,: the normative fixing of dramatic junctures or stages
in accorflance
dramatic modes (Vrttis) into the elegant
the
of
with the various emotional states, the
(Sattvati),
energetic
as
(Bharati), according
the
or
marvellous*
indicate
doubt,
subtlety,
drama
concerns
the
but,
generally
power
emphasise
speaking,
Bbarata's description
also to dramatic
*
E.g., classification
Satndbyangag,
of
all
and
no
these,
empirical analysis arid

the emotional effect of the
the
as
scholastic
essentials,
needless
refer
of incidents
Naty&tamkaras
heroic,
of
shows that the Vrttis do not
machinery and representation
etc*
the erotic, the
more with accidents than with
refinements of classification are often

1
is
general, respectively
considerable
properly
and the verbal
(ArabhatI),
the sentiment
only
and
itself
violent
arrangement
(Kausiki), the
to
as
pedantry
and the
they
mere dramatic
are
styles, but
on the stage.
Laksanas,
the
subdivisions of
the
64

Although the prescriptions are not always logical but
number of
represent
generalisations from a limited
confusing.
mostly
on
plays, the influence of the theory
As
in the case of poetry, the result
after the creative
epoch
is
over,
is
later
practice
is
undoubted.
not an unmixed good;
we have greater
and,
and
artificiality
and expression. Apart from various limitations regarding form, theme, plot and character, one remarkable
drawback of the dramatic tlicory, which had a practical effect on
unreality in conception
drama
round the
enforces concentration of the sentiment

heroine, and does not permit
who
rival of the hero,
The
at every point.
division
its
with
therefore becomes a far
the usual romantic
heroes are often contrasted
with
possibility is not allowed of
making an
vicious
it
or
the
reference
to
the
inferior
the
atmosphere
antagonists.
effective
that
fact
hero
theorists arc indeed aw, ire of
To preserve
contrast.
the
as drama, lies in
character
value
the
of
ideal
But the
dramatic creation
an antagonist (like Havana, for instance), who often becomes

The Sanskrit drama is
a mere stupid and boastful villain.
of
thereby deprived of one of the most important

dramatic conflict.
Ten
types
of
chief (Rupaka) and ten
drama
the Sanskrit
dramatic theory.
The
are
real
by the Sanskrit
chiefly on the elements
recognised
(Nayaka) and
on the number
of
twenty minor (Uparupaka)
classification rests
of subject-matter (Vastu), hero
but also secondarily
to
motifs
sentiment (Rasa),
of acts, the
dramatic modes
and structure. The distinctions are interesting and are apparently

based upon empirical analysis they show the variety of dramatic
experiments in Sanskrit but since few old examples of most of the
;
types exist, the discussion becomes purely academic. The generic

term of the drama is Rupaka, which is explained as denoting any
but of its ten forms, the highest is the
visible representation
;
Nataka which
krit
is
taken
as
the
norm.
The
heroic
or
For an analysis of the various types and specimens, see D. R. Mankad, Types
Drama
cited above.
erotic
of
Sans-
65
Nataka, usually consisting of five to ten acts, is given a legendary

subject-matter and a hero of elevated rank; but the practice
shows that it is comparatively free from minor restrictions. The
Prakarana
of the
is
same length and similar
structure, but
it is
manners of a rank below royalty, with an invented

subject and characters drawn from the middle class or even lower
social grades, including the courtesan as the heroine and rogues
of all kind.
These two types, the Nataka and the Prakarana, are
comedy
of
variations of the full-fledged drama ; but the details of the other

types are not clear, and some of them are hardly represented in
actual specimens.
natural and heroic
The Samavakara,
drama
super-
and demons, involving fight,

we have no early specimen.
of gods
fraud and disturbance, but of this
For a similar want
in three acts, is the
of authentic specimens,
it
is difficult
to
dis-
from the Pima, usually in four acts, which is inadetinguish

quately described, but which is given a similar legendary theme
it
with
its
'
a"
haughty hero,
name being
to
fight
and sorcery, and the furious sentiment,
derived accordingly from a hypothetical root dim,
The Vyayoga,
wound.'
as its
name
suggests, is also a military spectacle, with a legendary subject and a divine or human
hero engaged in strife and battle but it is in one act, and the
;
cause
of
disturbance
is
not
comic sentiments being debarred.
some specimens
left,
woman, the erotic and the

The type is old, and we have
but they are of no great
The
Utsrstanka.
first of
these,
usually
We
merit.
however, no living tradition of the Ihamrga, the
% Vithi
extending
to
have,
and the
four acts
but allowed to have only one, has a fanciful designation, supposed to be derived from its partly legendary and partly invented
theme of the pursuit (Iha) of a maiden, as attainable as the
gazelle (Mrga),
but in
there
by a divine or human hero

only a
show
of
of a
conflict,
haughty character
actual
being
one
act
The other two
avoided by artifice.
having only
and
the
the
but
erotic
and in having ordinary heroes,
pathetic
it
is
fight
agree in
sentiments
predominate.
9-1848B
plenty of wailings of women !) respectively

c
The obscure name Vlthl, Garland/ is explained
(with
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITKRATtJRE
66
having a string of other subsidiary sentiments as well.

The name Utsrstanka is variously explained, 2 but since one of the
8
explanations speaks of its having a kind of inverted action, it is
by
its
suggested that
it
ordinary practice.
in having
some
the Vita
it is
may have had a .tr.-igic ending,

The Bhana, on the other hand,
and
contrary
to
fortunate
is
It is also a one-act
specimens.
play, erotic in character, but with only one hero-actor, namely
;
old
late
carried on in monologue,
answers given by him

in the air/ and usually describing
by a chain
hero.
of
The comic
sometimes
is
feature, as well as in the
'
imaginary words
to
spoken
of the
love-adventures
the
introduced
in
it
"
ribald character of the
and in
this
hero/
it
has
with the next type, namely, the
Prahasana, the one-act

the theme of which consists of the tricks and quarrels of
affinity
farce,
theme progressing
the
low characters
but the Sanskrit farce has
little
appeal because of
somewhat broad and coarse laughter.

As the very name Uparupaka implies, the eighteen minor
forms of the drama were evolved much later, but it is difficult
Bharata does
to say at what period they carne into existence.
lack of invention and
its
not deal with any Uparupaka, except the NatI (xviii. 106); and the
first enumeration of seventeen varieties, without the designation of
Uparupaka and without any discussion, occurs
in
the
Alamkara
(c. 9th century).

Abhinavagupta only
mentions
nine, and the commentary on the Daar&paha
incidentally
section of the Agni-purana
B'lt the
E.g.,
Natya-darpona suggests
vtkraminonmuliha srstir
vokrokti-mdrgena
gamandd
rithlva mfhi.
ta
uisritika
tocantyah
jwitairi
yasam
ahkitatrdd ulsrstikahkah from the Natya-darpana

natha's alternative suggestion
love
is
is
(ed.
GOS,
utsrsta viloma-rupa srstir yatra, ViSvanatha in Sahitya-darpana.
It is curious that in the Bhftna,

is
allowel,of which, however,
Bharata forbids the Kabs'ikl mode, which gives scope to

pUy but the element of Lasya
eminently suitable to an erotic

little
trace
remains
probably a survival in theory of what probably was
(op. cit.)
the
in
a
first
dramatic type to evolve
existing
feature
puts forward the attractive, but doubtful, theory
the Bhana, was the
specimens,
in practice.
D.
but which
R.
Mankad
that the one-act monologue
but in spite of
its
play,
seemingly loose dramatic
it is too artificial in device to be

primitive, or even purely popular in origin,
the existing specimens are late and have a distinctly literary form.
technique,
t&bhir
Or, ViSva-
natakadyantahpatyahka-paricclieriartham utsrstdhkah.
and gallantry and which
striyns
Haroda, 1920, p. 180).
67
Some of the minor forms are doubtonly seven in the same way.
less variations or refinements on the original Rupaka varieties, but
there
is
some substance
in the contention
that, as the
Natyacame
from the Nrtya, the Rupaka was mainly based

onjhejjlaâ and the Uparupaka on the Nrtya. It is highly
dance was incorporating
possible that while the rhythmic
to be distinguished
histrionics into itself, it was at the same time developing the

minor operatic forms, in which dance and music originally
predominated, but which gradually modelled itself on the regular
drama.
The Natika,
for instance,
is
the lesser heroic and
erotic
Nataka, just au the Prakaranika, admitted by some, is a lesser

Prakarana; but in both these there are opportunities of introdu-
The Sattaka is only

having Prakrit as the medium
cing song, dance and music.
Natika in
the
while the Trotaka, but for the musical

tinguishable in itself
from
the
element,
a variation
of
of expression
is
hardly
dis-
The remaining forms
Nataka.
no representative in early literature and need not be enumerated here

they show rather the character of pantomime,
with song, dance and music, than of serious drama.
Whatever
have
value
scholastic
much
The
of
classifications
significance in the
most
for
these
of the varieties
may
possess,
it is
not of
the drama,
development
remain unrepresented in actual practice.
historical
of
drama does not appear to subscribe fully to the rigidity

the prescribed forms, and it is only in a general way that we
earlier
can really
fit
the definitions to the extant specimens.
In the theoretical works, everything
and neatly catalogued
is
acholastically classified
forms of the drama, types of heroes
and
heroines, their feelings, qualities, gestures, costumes, make-up,

All
situations, dialects, modes of address and manner of acting.
this
perhaps gives the impresssion of a theatre of living mario-
nettes.
But
Mankad
in practice, the histrionic talent succeeds in infusing
in the
work
cit^d.
The term Upartipaka
being Nrtyaprakara and Geyarupaka.
On
the
is
technical
Upapiipaka, see Hernacandra, Kavyanusasana, ed.
very
late,
difference
NSP, Comin.
the earliar designations
between
p. 329
f.
Rupaka and
68
blood into the puppets and translating
dry
formulas into
lively
forms of beauty, while poetic genius overcomes learned scholasand

ticism and creates a drama from the conflict of types
circumstances.
CHAPTER
II
FKOM A3VAOEO?A TO KALI DAS A

ASVAGiJOSV AND HiS bCHOOL
1.
Fifty years ago Asvaghosa was nothing more than
works have been
but to-day all his important

is
recognised
Kalidfisa.
the
as
first
published,
Kavya-poet
great
little
known
and
name,
and he
precursor of
of his personal
however,
history
vouchsafed by legends and what can be gathered
from his works themselves. The colophons to his Kfivyas agree in
describing him as a Bhiksu or Buddhist monk of Saketa (Ayodhya)
Very
except what
is
is
and as the son of Suvarnaksi,

well
They
Mahakavi and
of
as
which was the name
also add the style of
of his mother.
as
of golden eyes/
Acarya and Bhadanta,

Mahavadin.
As an easterner,
2
Asvaghosa's admiration of the Ramayana is explicable, while it

is
probable that he belonged to some such Buddhist school of
8
Mahasanghika or the Bahusrutika.
eastern origin as the
makes
scholastic
of
He
but the
purely
display
knowledge
evidence of his works makes it clear that he had a considerable
little
mastery over the technical literature which a Sanskrit poet was

expected to possess, and a much wider acquaintance than most
other Buddhist writers of the various branches of Brahmanical
learning.
His Sanskrit
command
over
p. iJ81
2
in
On
f.
Cf.
J^
strictly
undoubtedly
legendaiy biography of
between 401 and 409 A.D.

I860,
is
it
not
is
not
it
in
W.
the introductions to their respective editions of
347
Wmteruitz, HJL,
See Johnston, op.
most
Wassiljew, Der Buddhismus, St. Petersburg
1908, 11, p. 65 for Chinese authorities on the
the poet's indebtedness to the liamayana, which Cowell
IU'27, p.
but his easy
Asvaghosa was translated into Chinese hy Kumrajlvc
extracts from
the
1, p. 5J'2
cit. 9 pt. II, introd., p.
f.
xxxi
Asvaghoa
legend.
and Johnston deal witl
Buddha-carita, see also A. Gawronski
Studies about the Sanskrit-Buddhist Lit., Krakow, 1'JIU,
XX11,
faultless,
inferior to that of
f.
ip, 27-40; C.
W.
Gurner
in
JASB
HISTORY OF SANSK1UT LITERATURE
70
Everywhere great respect is shown toBrahmanical ideas and institutions, and it is not improbable that he was
born a Brahman and given a Brahman's education before he
Sanskrit writers.
The obvious
went over to Buddhism.
theme
of conversion in at least
which he evinces
The Chinese
two
of
for his faith perhaps
makes
tradition
interest he
shows
fortify
this
the
in
works and the
his
zeal
presumption.
Asvaghosa a contemporary and
The poet did not probably

wrong to put the
100 A.D. But 'in associating with
spiritual counsellor of king Kaniska.
than the king, and
live later
lower
limit of
his
date
at
it
Asvaghosa the
Sarvastivadin
Abhidharma, or
in
would not be
Vibhasa
commentary
naming the Vibhasa
pupil Punyayasas as having converted
scholar
Asvaghosa,
on
the
Parsva or his
the
tradition,
which cannot be traced further than the end of the 4th century
and which shows more amiable than historical imagination, is
perhaps
school
actuated by the motive of exalting the authority of this

for neither the date of the commentary is certain, nor can
the special doctrines of the Sarvastivadins be definitely
traced
in
That he was a follower

the unquestioned works of Asvaghosa.
of Hinayana and took his stand on earlier dogmatism admits of
little
doubt, but he was less
of a scholastic
philosopher
earnest believer, and his emphasis on personal love
Buddha perhaps prepared
to the
of
which he
is
the
for
way
than an
and devotion
Mahayana Bhakti,
enumerated as one of the patriarchs.
It is
not
necessary for us to linger over the question of his scholarship or

2
but it should be noted that, while his wide scholarship
religion
;
informs his poems with a richer content,

into mere pedantry, and the sincerity
On
HJL,
II,
seldom
degenerates
convictions
Chinese and other Buddhist sources concerning As"vaghoa, see S. Levi in JA,
M. Anesaki in ERE, IT,
1896, II, p. 444 f 1908, II, p. 67 f ; 1928, II, p. 193
1892, p. 201f
1909, p. 159
it
of his religious
and
reff.
T. Suzuki in the work cited below.
App. V, pp. 611-14
for a
summary
On Kaniska 's
date, see Winternitz,
of different views.
The question is discussed by Johnston in his introduction. Some doctrines

peculiar to Mabayana have been traced iu As*vaghosa's genuine works, but his date is too
The recommendation of Yogacara in
early for anything other than primitive Mabayana.
2
Saundar&nanda XIV. 18 and XX. 68 need not

only to the practice of Yoga in general.
refer to the
YogScara
school, but perhaps alludes
71
A&VAGHOSA AND HIS SCHOOL

life
imparts
and enthusiasm
to his
redeems them from being
and/
utterances,
impassioned
mere dogmatic tredtises or
literary
exercises.
To
later
Buddhism A6vaghosa
is
a figure
of
later times, ascribe to
some
writings,
absence of
ghosa's
of
him
number
which belong
made
Sanskrit
but
authorship;
developed Mahayana.
since
is not necessary
these doubtful works, the
pretensions
Among
much
have not
they
it
In the
impossible to decide Agva-
is
it
originals,
in
or philosophical
of religious
to
and
romance,
the Chinese and Tibetan translations of Sanskrit works,
literary
us to discuss the question.
for
Mahayana-raddhotpada-astra
which attempts a synthesis of Vijnana-vada and Madhyamika
doctrines, has assumed importance from its being translated into
2
under the
ing of
;
work
in the
title
puts Asvaghosa's authorship out of the ques8

Another work, entitled Vajrasucl 'the Diamond-needle', a
tion.
itself
clever polemic on
but
'
Asvaghosa's Discourse on the AwakenFaith/ from the second Chinese version made about 700
but the internal evidence of full-grown Mahayana doctrine
English,
A.D.
Brahmanical
not mentioned
it is
little
of
been
also
among Asvaghosa's works by
pilgrim Yi-tsing (7th century) nor
shows
has
caste,
Asvaghosa's
by the
style
or
published,
the Chinese
Bstan-hgyur,
mentality
the
and
it
Chinese
translation, which $fp made between 973 and 981 A.D., perhaps
Of greater interest is the
rightly ascribes it TO Dharmakirti.
Gandl-stotra-gatlia, a small
poem
of twenty-nine
stanzas,
com-
posed mostly in the Sragdhara, metre, the Sanskrit text of which

It is in praise of the Gandl, the
has been restored 4 and edited.
full list is given by F. W. Thomas in Kvs, introd., p. 26 f

by T. Suzuki, Chicago 1900. Takakusu states that the earher catalogue of Chinese
The question of several
texts omits the name of A6vaghosa as the author #f this work.
1
As"vaghosas
H/L,It,
3
pp.
ed.
pp. 205-64,
4
discussed by Suzuki and Anesaki, cited above.
is
this
work see Winternitz,
36162andreff.
and
trs
by Weber, Uber die Vajrasuci, in Abhandl.
where the problem
by A. Von
d.
Berliner Akad., 1859,
of authorship is discussed.
Stael-Holateiu,
in
Bibl.
Buddb., no.
H. Johnston in I A, 1933, pp. 61-70, where

Of. F. W. Thomas in JRAS, 1914, p. 752 f.
re-edited by E.
questioned.
On
XV,
St.
Petersburg 1913,
and
the authorship of Afoaghosa has been
72
Buddhist monastery gong, consisting of a long symmetrical piece

of wood, and of the religious message which its sound is supposed
to
when beaten with
carry
wooden
a short
The poem
club.
is
marked by some metrical skill, but one of its stanzes (st. 20)
shows that it was composed in Kashmir at a much later time.
The next apocryphal work is the Siitralamkara, 2 over the
8
authorship of which there has been a great deal of controversy.
1
The Chinese
made by KumarajTva about

but fragments of the same
translation of the work,
405 A.D. assigns it to Avaghosa

work in Sanskrit were discovered in Central Asia and
;
identified
by H. Liiders, who maintains that the author was Kumaralata,

probably a junior contemporary of A6vaghosa, and that the work
bore in
Sanskrit
the
Kalpana-manditika or KalpanaAs the name indicates, it is a collection of moral tales
lamkrtikd.
of
title
and legends, told after the manner of the Jatakas and Avadanas in
prose and verse, but in the style of the ornate Kavya. Some of
Dirghayus and Sibi, are old, but

others clearly inculcate Buddha-bhakti in the spirit of the MahaThe work illustrates the ability to turn the tale into an
yana.
the stories, such as those
of
instrument of Buddhist propaganda, but it

culture, mentions the two Indian Epics, the
also
displays
wide
Samkhya and Vaiselaw-book of Manu, and
sika systems, the Jaina doctrines and the
achieves considerable literary distinction.
It is
unfortunate that
Yuan Ghwang
fragments.
informs us that Kumaralata was the founder of the Sautrantika
Sanskrit
the
school and
1
pp,
in
only
came from Taxila
not surprising, therefore, that
it is
JBORS, XXTV,
1938,
Translated into French on the Chinese version of Kumara;iva, by Ed. Huber, Paris
1908.
work, entitled Tridarnja-mala,
157-fiO, b-it
2
exists
text
JoLnston, ibid,
For references
Fee
XXV,
Tormmatsu
is
ascribed
1939, p. 11
in
JA
f,
to
Asvaghosa in
disputes
it
1931, IT, p. 135
f.
Also L. de
la
Valise Pouasin,
VijflaptimatrasiddJn, pp. 221-24.

4
Bruchstiicke
der
Kalpanamanditiha
des Kumaralata in
Expeditiomn,Kleinere Sanskrit-Texte II, Leipzig 1926.

unfortunately they are too few in number, and the work
Chinese version.
Some
scholars hold that
only refashioned the work
with
its
composition.
but
it is
now
The
is still
Avaghosa waa
Kongl
fragments
Treuss
are
Turfan-
valuable,
but
to be judged on the basis of the
the real
author,
generally agreed that A6vagho?a
and
Kumaralata
had nothing
to do
AgVAGHOSA AND HIS SCHOOL
73
he work pays respect to the Sarvastivadins, from whom the

Sautrantikas originated, or that some of its stories can be traced
t
in the
works of the school.
In two
Kaniska appears as a king who
stories
has
already
(nos.
14 and
passed
away
31),
;
the
written some time after Kaniska's death,

be
dated earlier than the 2nd century A.D. 1
cannot, therefore,
The three works, which are known for certain to be Asva-
work,
apparently
ghosa's,
are
the
Sariputra-prakarana
entirely on these.
cantos,
known
Bnddha-carita,
;
the
Saundarananda and the
and his fame as a great Sanskrit poet rests

form of twenty-eight
first, in its original
The
to Yi-tsing
a complete Mahakavya
with his birth and closes
is
and
the Chinese and Tibetan versions,

on the life of the Buddha, which begins
to
account of the war over the
with an
In Sanskrit 2
Council, and the reign of Aôka.
only cantos two to thirteen exist in their entirety, together with
about three quarters of the first and the first quarter ot the fourrelics, the
first
teenth (up to
temptation,
work
of a
real
Buddha and
and
is
st.
31), carrying the narrative
defeat
Mara and
of
ol!
to the
Buddha's
It is the
enlightenment.
actuated by intense devotion to the
poet who,
the truth
down
his
his doctrine,
has
studied
careful to use the authoritative sources
the
scripture
open to him,
but
who has no
special inclination to the marvellous and the miraculous, and reduces the earlier extravagant and chaotic legends to
the measure and form of the Kfivya.
Asvaghosa does not depart in
however, Harivarman, a pupil of Kumaralata, was a contemporary of Vasubandhu,

then Kumaralata could not have been a younger contemporary of Asvaghosa, but should be
1
If,
dated not earlier than the 3rd century
D.
alditional cantos by Arartananda, a

that he wrote the supplement in
Nepaleae Pandit of the 19th century, win records at the end
a
1830 A. D., because he could not find
complete manuscript of the te*t. Also trs. into
2
Ed. E. B. Cowell, Oxford 1893, containing four
.lena 1922; into Italian by

English by Cowell in SBE, vol. 49; into German by C. Cappeller,
Re-edited more critically, and translated into English, by E.
Bari 1912.
Johnston in 2 vols., Calcutt t 1936 (Panjab Ooiv. Orient. Publ. Nos. 31-32), which may be
C Fonnichi,
consulted for bibliography of other Indian editions and for critical and exegetical contributions
Johnston remarks : "The textual tradition of the extant
to the subject by various scholars.
is only made possible by comparison with the Tibetan and
edition
a
sound
is
and
bad,
portion
Chinese translations." The Tibetan text, with German translation, under the title Da* Ltben
des
Buddha von Ahagliosa,

10-1343B
is
given by F. Weller, in two parts, Leipzig 1926, 1928,
74
from the received tradition, but he succeeds in infusing

into his well conceived and vivid narrative the depth of his religious
Not unworthily
feeling and the spontaneity of his poetic emotion.
essentials
is
the skilful
draws
he
of
the
young prince
Sarvarthasiddhi's journey through the city, of the throng of fair
women who hasten to watch him pass by, of the hateful spectacle
praised
picture
and death which he encounters on the way, of

the womanly blandishments and the political arguments
of
wisdom set forth by the family priest, which seek to divert the
of disease, old age
prince's
of the
mind from brooding thoughts
famous night-scene
of
of resignation,
well
as
women, who
sleeping
as
their
in
moment of unconsciousness present all the loathsome signs of

human misery and thereby hasten the flight of the prince from
the palace.
The requirement of a battle-scene in the Kavya is
fulfilled
by the pleasing variation of the spirited description of the

The work is, therefight with Mara and his hosts.
Buddha's
fore, not a
bare recital of incident, nor
is
it
exposition of Buddhist doctrine, but the

ceived in the spirit of the
Kavya
and dogmatic
a dry
is
Buddha-legend
in respect of
diction
narrative,
and imagery, and the poet's flame of faith makes the best
the poem quiver with the needed glow.
The Saundarananda 2
Nanda,
appearance.
Nothing
the
is
the
nicknamed
more
than
Sundara
a
mention
is
2
Raghu-varnsa (3rd
ed,,
of
the
Bombay
fact
not
only
of
in
in Nandargikar's introduc-
1897, pp. 163-96)
but the argument based
him has not found general support
very unlikely.
Discovered and edited by Haraprasad
re-edited and translated into English by E.
which gives
full
bibliography.
Buddha-carita, Johnston
is of
In
262 note,
spite
opinion that
more mature and assured than that

p.
handsome
his
for
Parallelisms between As*vaghosa and Kalid&sa in some of these passages,
thereon that Kalidasa was earlier and As*vaghosa imitated
and
his reluctant
conversion of
ideas but also in diction and imagery, have been set forth in detail
tion to bis edition of
lines of
eighteen cantos of which are

connected also with the story of the
all
preserved in Sanskrit, is
Buddha; but its actual theme
half-brother,
con-
of
Shastri, Bibl.
H
of
"
Ind.,
Calcutta
Johnston, Oxford Univ.

the
richer content
1910;
and wider
interest of
the handling of the Saundarananda
the Buddha-carita
"
;
Contra
critically
Press, 1928, 1932
is
Winternitz,
the
altogether
ffIL,
IJ,
AHVAGHOSA AND HIS SCHOOL
75
conversion
in the Maharayga and the Nidana-katha

is found
and the subject is perhaps too slender to support an extensive
But the opportunity
poem.
poem,
to
expand the
ments, and in the

poet's
religious
legend
the earlier
taken, in
with the
foundation
mythical
length to the
the
cantos,
Kapilavastu,
its
love
for
lutter's
Nanda
the forcible conversion of
six
first
of
Buddha and Nanda,
king, the birth of the
at
The
and convictions.
ideas
of the
part
Kavya-embellish-
proper
latter part, to give expression
therefore, describe the
his wife Sundarl,
is
to the life of
a monk, which he intensely dislikes, his conflict of feelings, and

Sundari's lament for her lost husband.
All this is pictured
skilfully in the
considerable
there
of
is
manner and
narrative
much
not
Nanda's ascent
space
is,
diction
interest
of
but
Kavya, and possesses
the
in the
rest
account
heaven and yearning for Apsarases.
Entire
therefore, devoted to an
evils of pride
and
tion of the
exposition of
impassioned
the vanities of the world and
lust,
Here, more than in the
enlightenment.
the
imaginative
the
joys of
presenta-
preacher, no
the
Buddha-legend, Asvaghosa
hand
poem
the
of description or narration except

to
the
of
doubt,
Asvaghosa the poet but in this very

conflict between his poetic temperament and religious passion,
which finds delight in all that is delightful and yet discards it
as empty and unsatisfying, lies the secret of the spontaneity and
gets the upper
forcefulness
which
of
forms
not merely the zeal of the

importance of what he has to
is
It
appeal of his. poetry.
convert but the conviction of the
the
real
that
say
often
makes him scorn
and speak with an

mere verbal polish and learned
overmastering directness, the very truth and enthusiasm of which
his sentences and
sharpen his gift of pointed phrasing, balance
ostentation
add a
new
zest to his emotional earnestness.
In this respect Asvaghosa's poetry lacks the
and subtlety of the
later
Kavya
but
it
technical
possesses
finish
freshness of
born of passionate faith.

feeling in the simplicity and nobility
ical atid BuddhiAsvaghosa is fully conversant with the Brahman
stic
learning
of
his
day,
while
his
metrical
skill
and
use of
HISTORY OF SANS KBIT LltERATt) ftfi
76
ornaments betoken his familiarity with the poetic art

but the inherent contrast between the poet and the artist, on the
rhetorical
one handj and the scholar and the preacher, on the other, often
At the
results in strange inequalities of matter and manner.
Agvaghosa declares that he is writing

and not merely for a learned audience, for
peace and not for the display of skill in the
conclusion of his poems,

for a larger public,
the attainment of
The
whether he belongs to this

or that school of thought, or whether he employs this or that
metre or ornament in his poems is immaterial what is material
Kavya.
question,
therefore,
that
theme, but religious

emotion, which supplies the necessary impetus and evolves its
own form of expression without making a fetish of mere rhetoric
to
recognise
or
mere dogma.
is
religion
ASvagbosa
is
not
is
his
by nature, a highly
poet
man
cultivated
by training, and a deeply religious devotee by

This unique combination is often real and vital
conviction.
enough to lift his poetry from the dead level of the commonplace
and the conventional, and impart to it a genuine emotional tone
which
work
rare
is
in
modern
to
later
What
poetry.
taste is his
power
is
most pleasing in his
combining a sense of reality

and scholarship. His narra-
of
and poetry with the skill of art

tive, therefore^ is never dull, his choice of incident and arrangement never incoherent, his diction seldom laboured and his
expression
rarely
devoid
of
finished artist in the sense in
elegant
which
If
simplicity.
he
successors are,
his
is
not a
nor even
capable of great things, his poetic inspiration is

If his poetry
genuine, and he never speaks in a tiresome falsetto.
has not the stress and discipline of chiselled beauty, it has the
a great
poet
pliability
and promise of unrefined form
the throb ;
if
it
has the sincerity and
not the perfectly ordered harmony, of full-grown music.

2
Agvaghosa's versatility is indicated by his third work, a
Prakaraija or nine-act drama,

1
On Asvagboa
H.
entitled 8ariputra-prakarana (or
as scholar and artist, see Johnston, op.
Liiders, D<ia Sftriputraprakaran>, ein
d Berliner Akad., 1911,
p.
388
f.
Drama
.des
eft., pt. II,
pp- xliv-lxxix.
A6vagho^,
in
Sitzungsberichtc
ASVAGHOSA AND HIS SCHOOL
77
3aradvatiputra), of which only fragments on palm leaf were

discovered in Central Asia and a few passages restored by
Liiders.
Fortunately the colophon exists, and the question of
Its theme
authorship and name of the work is beyond doubt.
an
of
act
conversion
connected
the
with
is, again,
Buddha,
namely, that of Sariputra and Maudgalyayana, but the fragments

give us little idea of the way in which the story, well-known
from such older sources
Mahavagya, was handled, in

having a Prakrit-speaking Vidusaka as one of the characters and
the
as
in conforming to the requirements regarding
division
into
use of literary Prakrits, ornamental metrical excursions

the
details,
the
drama
however,
fragments,
method
and
afford
of
technique
were already established
acts,
and other
testimony that
developed Sanskrit
clear
fairly
2nd century A.D.

by the fragments of two
in the 1st or
This presumption is confirmed a-lso

4
which were discovered
other plays,
with
the
remains
of
tSariputra-prakarana, but which bear no testimony of authorship and

may or may not have been written by ^Tsvaghosa. The first has
theme
for its
a Buddhist
allegory,
which the
of
details
are not
although a whole leaf of the manuscript has been recovered.

Firmness' and Buddhi
Wisdom
It has Kirti 'Fame/ Dhrti
clear,
'
'
'
and apparently foreshadows such allegorical plays

as Krsnamisra's Prabodha-candrodaya of a much later time.
as characters,
The Buddha himself

and
all
Sanskrit.
1
On
cited,
and
the
characters,
In
having
so
real,
the Prakrits employed in this
Keith,
HSL,
drama described above,
appears, as in the
pp. 85-89.
The
far
as
as
well
the
as
fragments
allegorical,
go, speak
figures,
it
and the following plays, see Liiders in the works

Prakrit ia literary and shows the influence of
Sanskrit.
3
The metres employed
(besides Sloka) are the usual classical ones
Arya, Upajati, Salim,
VamSastbavila, Vaaantatilaka, Malinl, Sikharinl, Harinf, Suvadanft, Sardulavikrujita and
Sragdhara.
8
Contra Sten Konow, Indische Drama, Berlin and Leipzig 1920,
p. 50,
but
the
grounds are weak.

4
H.
Liiders,
Bruchstticke
tionen, Kleinere Sanskrit-Texte

see Johnston,
I,
op. cit., pp. xx-xxii.
buddhisHscher
Berlin
1911,
Dramen, Kongl. Preuss. Turfan-ExpenThe questiot of authorship is undecided
HlSlmV
Ol?
SANSKRIT
resembles more the

its
Caitanya-candrodaya of Kavikarnapura in
manner of treatment, but no definite conclusion is possible.
The other play appears
have been al&o intended for religious

edification, but from what remains of it we may infer that it
was a social drama of middle class life of the type of the
concerns
It
MTCchakatika.
to
young voluptuary,
Nayaka and probably named Somadatta,
the
called simply
and his mistress
Magadhavati, apparently a courtesan converted to Buddhism.

There are also a Prince (Bhattidalaka), an ever-hungry Vidusaka,
named Kaumudagandha, a maid-servant, and a Dusta or Rogue.
The fragments are few

is difficult to make out
of
and
the origin
in
the
number and not consecutive, and it

But in view of the uncertainty
story.
antiquity
of
specimens, which belong probably to

interesting
for they reveal the
form,
relatively perfected
Sanskrit
the
the
drama in
same
its first
and clearly indicate
Drama, these
age, are highly
appearance in a
that
its
origin
should antedate the Christian era.
From
we have
the literary
seen, is
point of
marked not
so
view, A^vaghosa's achievement,
much by
crudity and primitive-
ness as by simplicity and moderation in language and style;

is artistic but not in the extravagant manner of the later
it
Kavya.
Its
and poetic quality, therefore,

manner and artistic effect. This
are
matter
appealing than its

different from the later taste and standard
of
is
more
certainly
verse-making
and
not surprising that with the exception of Kalidasa, who is

nearer his time, Agvaghosa exercised little influence on later
it is
Sanskrit poets, although the exception itself is a sure indication

of the essential quality of his literary effort.
Despite their
religious zeal, the literary works of Asvaghosa could not have
been approved whole-heartedly also by the learned monks for his

freedom of views and leaning towards Brahmanical learning.
The only quotation from ASveghosa in Alarpkara literature occur? in

nw5i td. Qaekwad's 0. 8., p. 18 (**Buddha>c. viii. 25), For other
see Johnston, op. cit., pp. Ixxix-lxxx, abd F.
W. Thomas*
Kts, intrpd., p. 29.
AVAGHOA AND
With
the Buddhist
writers
the
of
79
HIS SCHOOL
A^vaghosa was deservedly popular

modelled so closely on those of
Kavya, on the other hand,

and some of their works were
A^vaghosa that they were
indiscriminately assigned to him in later times, with the result

1
that the authors themselves came to be identified with him.
Of the successors
Asvaghosa, who are to be taken into

not because they were Buddhists but because their
account,
of
works possess a wider literary appeal, we have already spoken of

Kumaralata, one of whose works is ascribed by the Chinese tradition to Asvaghosa
have
Some
himself.
likewise .been
attributed
to
of the
poems
Matrceta
of
the
Avaghosa by
Tibetan
one of whose famous chroniclers, Taranatba being of

Of the
opinion that Matrceta is another name for Asvaghosa
twelve works ascribed to Matrceta in Tibetan and one in Chinese,
tradition,
most
which are
of
distinctly to
and
in the nature of Stotras
Mahayana, only fragments
of
some belonging
$atapancaatka-stotra*
and Catuhhtaka-stotraf or panegyric of one hundred and fifty

and four hundred stanzas respectively, are recovered in Sanskrit.
Botlr these works are simple devotional poems in Slokas. T hey are
praised by Yi-tsing, to whom Matrceta is already a famous poet,
and who
Chinese
himself
;
have translated the
to
spite
his
of
first
work
into
literary merit.
name occurring
distinctly in
was confused with Asvaghosa,

that he belonged to the same school
inscriptions,
have been due to the fact
and was probably a contemporary.
much
but they do not appear to possess
That Matrceta, in
Yi-tsing and in the
may
said
is
Concerning the identifications, see P.
Tibetan version of another
W. Thomas
in
Album Kern, Leiden 1903,
pp. 405-08 and IA t 1903, pp 345-60; also see ERE, VIII (1915), p. 495f.
2
For a list of the works see F. W, Thomas, Kvs, introd., pp. 26-28.
3
Fragments published by
Pousain in
JRAS,
S.
Le*vi
in
1911, pp. 769-77. Siegiing
of the Sanskrit text; see Winternitz,
H/L,
is
JA, XVI, 1910, pp. 438-56 and L. de la Valtee

reported to have reconstructed about two-thirds
II, p. 271 note.
Both these works exist
in
Tibetan
and Chinese.
4
The work
fragments,
is
called
Varnan&rha-varnana in the Tibetan
For a translation
1905 f pp. 145463.
of this text from Tibetan, see F,
version
and Central Asian
W. Thomas
in I A f
XXVIV,

called
in eighty-five
stanzas,
Maharaja-kanika-lekha,
ascribed to Matrcitra, has been translated into English by P. W.
work,
Thomas,
who
is
with
identical
probably right in
thinking that Matrcitra is

and that king Kanika 'of the Kusa
Matrceta,
dynasty addressed in this epistle of religious

other than the Kusana king Kaniska. 2
Of greater
Matrceta
a free
than
interest
the
the Jataka-mala* of
is
but
Sanskrit
elegant
4
is
no
meagre works of
which consists of
rather
Arya Sura,
prose and verse, of
in
rendering,
admonition
from the Pali Jdtakas and the

legends
the
Paramitas or perfections of a
^Gariyii-pitaka, illustrating
Bodhisattva.
sometimes
marked by exaggeration, the
Although
selected
thirty-four
tales are edifying.
ing ready
more
They were apparently composed
illustrations
than
for
supply-
to religious discourses, but the interest is
The
religious.
work
reveals
close
study
of
A^vaghosi's manner, and is inspired by the same idea of conveying in polished, but not too highly artificial, diction the noble
doctrine of universal compassion
and
it is not surprising, therethat

the
author
should
be
identified
sometimes with Asvafore,
The
ghosa.
attractive
form in which the old
the Kavya-style slows that
was meant
it
stories are retold in
for a wider but cultivated
we have
and
audience,
Yi-tsing's testimony, confirmed by the
existence of Chinese and Tibetan translations, that the work was
at one time popular in India and outside.
Arya Sura's date is
unknown, but
7/1,
as
XXII, 1903,
p.
another work of his
345
f.
The
king Kamka's invitation to bis court.
epistle
ia
The vogue
Ed. H. Kern in Harvard 0.
S.,
1801;
Buddhists, Oxford University Press, 1895.

'
written
4
see F.
The
was translated into
supposed to be Matrcitra's reply declining

such epistolary exhortation ia borne out
of
by Nagarjuna's Suhfllekha and Candragomin's Sisya-lehha.

2
But contra 8. C. Vidyabhugan iu JASB, 1910, p. 477
3
trs.
title is a
S.
f.
Speyer in
Sacred Books of the
generic term, for various poets have
garlands
of Jatakas.
The Chinese
version contains only 14 stories.
For a
other works ascribed to
W.
list of
Thomas, Kvs,
introd., p. 26
f.
Xrya Sura by Chinese and Tibetan
traditions,
AVADINA LITERATURE
Chinese in 434
century A.D.
AD.,
entitled
what
is
cannot be dated later than the 4th
THE AVADINA LITERATURE
2.
Closely
he
81*
connected with
the
which
Jataka-mala,
also
is
Bodhisattvavadana-mala, are the works belonging to

called the Avadana literature
for the Jataka is nothing
;
more than an Avadana (Pali Apadana) or tale of great deed, the

hero of which is the Bodhisattva himself.
Their matter sometimes coincides, and actual Jataka stories are contained in the
Avadana works. 2 The absorbing theme of the Avadanas being
the
illustration
end
in view, but the rigour of the
by a frank
Buddha
of
belief
the
fruit of
the
in
man's action, they have a moral
Karman
efficacy
The
or his followers.
of
doctrine
personal
tales are
is
palliated
devotion
the
to
sometimes put, as in the
Jataka, in the form of narration by the Buddha himself, of a past,

present or future incident and moral exhortations, miracles and
;
exaggerations come in as
tions they are
is
as
As
matter of course.
literary producinterest
historical
their
but
commendable,
hardly
considerable
affording
of a peculiar
illustration
type
of
story-telling in Sanskrit.
The
tataka,*
oldest
which
but
narratives,
these
of
is
collections
We
perhaps
well known from some
its
literary
merit
arranged schematically, but not

1
is
is
not
on a well
of
Avadana-
the
its
interesting
The
high.
conceived
tales are
1
plan,
into
do not take here into account the works of other and later Buddhist writeis,
of Sryadeya, the Suhrllekha of Nagarjuna, the Sisya-lekha and

Lokananda-nataka of Candragoroin, or the Bodhicaryavat&ra of Santideva, for they contribute more to doctrine or philosophy than to literature.
2
See Serge d'Oldenberg in JRAS, 1898, p. 304; and for Avadaoa literature in
such
as the Catuh-tatalta
general, see L. Feer's
series
of
articles
in
JA between 1578 and
1884, and introd. to his
translation of the Avadana-tataka.

3
Ed.
J.
8. Speyer, BibJ.
L. Peer in Ann ale 9 du
Must*
Buddh., St. Petersburg
Guimet, Paris 1891.
An
1902-09;
earlier
trs.
into
French by
but lost Asok&vadana was
composed, according to Przyluski, by a Mathurft monk about two centuries before Ktniska.
U-1348B
,82
ten decades, each dealing with a certain, subject, and are told
with set formulas, phrases and situations. The first four decades
deal with stories of pious deeds by which one can become a
Buddha, and include prophecies
of the advent
the
of
Buddhas
souls in torments,
speaking of the world of

narrates the causes of their suffering with a tale and a lesson in
The next decade relates stories of men and animals
morality.
while the
fifth,
reborn as
gods,
deeds which
are
often
while
the last four decades are concerned with
and there
prolix,
didactic than literary
of
date of the
work
uncertain, but
is
mention of the Dlnara as a current coin
while the
Denarius)
more
is
The
motive in the narration.
The legends
become Arhats.
to
qualify persons
is
supposed
the lower limit
is
supplied more convincingly
into Chinese in the
first
(Roman
indicate 100 A.D. as the upper limit,
to
its
by
translation
half of the 3rd century.
Hardly more interesting from the literary point of view is

1
the Divyavadana,
the date of which is also uncertain, but
which,
earlier
making extensive use of Kumaralata's work, cannot be

than the 1st century A.D.
It is substantially a Hinayfma
but
text,
Mahayana
probably
different
periods
The
prose
ornate
of
of
compilation
is
this
of
but this
type.
has
been traced in
polygenotis
it.
Being
extending over
origin,
matter and manner are unequal.

interrupted by Gathas and pieces of
time,
frequently
stanzas,
works
material
is
its
a feature
The language
which
is
is
shown by other
reasonably
correct
and
but debased Sanskrit, marked by Prakritisms, is not

the diction is sometimes laboured and ornamental.
and
absent,
We have here some really interesting and valuable narratives,
simple
Aôka legends, but they are scarcely well

the arrangement is haphazard and chaotic
and the work
specially
told
the
cycle
as a whole possesses
aitcd,
little literary
distinction.
Ed. B. B. Cowell and R. A. NeifiT Cambridge 1886.
been traced
1
of
to other
For other
Almost
all
the stories
Lave
works.
collections of
tnd Winternitz, H/L,
unpublished Avadftnts,
II, pp. 290-92,
see-
Speyer and Peer, in the work*
To the
some parts
belongs
even
Events,'
an
if
the
of
its
earlier period.
besides
the
century of
first
Christian
1
the
'
the
Mahavastu,
probably nlso
Book of Great
era
substantial nucleus probably took shape in

its
Although
life-story
83
AND FABtK
tAJ.K
the
of
is
subject
Vinaya,
it
contains,
some narratives
Buddha,
of the
Jataka and Avadana type

but in its jumbling of confused and
disconnected matter and for its hardly attractive style, it has small
The same remark
literary, compared with its historical, interest.
;
applies
of
more
the
the
Lalita-vistara,
'
of
sport
and origin diverse.

of the
or less to the
'
Buddha,
the Buddha,
Whatever may be
its style is
its
by long metrical
interrupted
value
biography
The
Puranas.
Sanskrit
passages
in
The Buddhist anecdotal
mixed Sanskrit, and
literature
reflects
perhaps
of the literary, us well as popular, taste of the time,

of
telling
the
of
view,
which
is
represent
perhaps
The Avadana,
period.
liked
the
didactic
from
story-telling
synchronous,
the various extant versions of the two works

later
which
Brhatkatha,
point
an aspect
simple and unadorned, but distinctly

for the origin of the Sanskrit Pancatanlra and
in
tales
manner
Prakrit
another
often
THE LITERATURE OF TALE AND FABLE
3.
elegant,
is
prose
pretensions are not of a high order.
its literary
the
unknown
is
as
not unlike that of the
narrative in 'simple but undistinguished
account
detailed
which
the date of
belong
to
although
a
much
and the
beast-fable
While the Avadana,

popular tale are indeed not synonymous.
is
clearly distinguishable as a
closely related to the Jataka,
Buddhist
gest,
which has
definite
religious
significance,
the
two species are purely secular in object and character.

The method of story-telling is also different ; for in the Jataka
other
we have ..generally the application
or Avadana,
1
Ed. E. Smart, 8
Ed.
vols,
Paris 1882-97,
\vitb detailed
of
summary
past
of contents
legend
and Dotes.
Rajendralal Mitra, Bibl. lad,, Calcutta 1877 ; English Irs. by same (up to cb,
Ind.
1881-86; re-edited by 8. Lefmunn, Halle 1902, 1S08; complete French trs
xv), Bibl.
by
P. B.
Fouoa-u
Annales da Muste
Guimef, Paris 1884, 1892.
8i
to

a
of
tale
In the Jataka the Bodhisattva
to-day.
of his past experience, but
not narrated in the
it is
a tale
tells
first
person ;
the device of first-hand narrative, as well as of enclosing a tale^
is a feature
which characterises the classical method. The
Sanskrit poetic theory ignores the Jataka and Avadana, presumably because they have a religious objective and seldom rises
to the level of art, but
does not also clearly
it
minate between the fable and the
define
The
tale.
and
discri-
elaborate attempt
between the Katha and the Akhyayika, 1 as the

invented story and the traditional legend respectively, is more
to distinguish
or less academic, and has hardly
Some
case.
of
Kathas, but one of
any application
the
versions
of
the
entire
Guijadhya's work
while
Tantrakhyayika,
Great Katha.
Possibly no
fine
of
perhaps
story.
be
made
A
in
rigid
distinction
the
nor
other,
PaHcatantra^
of
human
isolated.
is riot
work
The
are
not
styled
and the
cannot
however,
entirely
as
beast-fable,
is
here in the general
between the fable
for the different elements in each
present
meant,
is
differentiation,
practice
the
designated as the
is
terms Katha aud Akhyayika are employed

sense
to
Pancatantra are indeed called
stories of the
the
aftd
the tale
excluded
by the
typified
seldom enriched by folk-tale and spicy
adventure,
while
the
as
tale,
Brhatkathd^ sometimes becomes complex

the elements of the fable and its didactic
in
stories
by the
represented
by absorbing some of
motive.
Both these
types^ again^ should be distinguished from the prose romance, the

so-called Katha and Akhyayika^ such as the Harsa-carita and the
Kadambarl,
which
in
all
the graces ard refinements of the
Kavya
are transferred from verse to prose, either to create an exuberantly
and transform a legend or folk-tale.

The currency of tales and fables of all kinds may be presumed from remote antiquity, but they were perhaps not used
fanciful story or to vivify
for
1
p. 307f.-
definite
purpose^
See S. K. De,
Dandin
tf-28>
like the Paiicatantra
nor reduced
The Katba and the Akhyayika
to
in
literary form, until
Classical
Sanskrit in
speaks of Xkhyana as a general species, in which
were probably included,
BSOS,
col lectio us
of
III,
tales
85
TALE AND FABLK
The
ancestor of the popular tale
may have been sach Vedic Akhyanas
as are preserved, for instance,
at a comparatively late period.
in the
Rgvedic dialogue-hymn
of
Pururavas and UrvasI,
or
in
such Brahmanic legends as that of Sunahêpa ; but it is futile

to seek the origin of the beast-fable in the Rgvedic hymn of frogs
103), which panegyrises
(vii.
didactic
than
the
more from a magical
frogs
or in the Upanisadic parable of dogs (Gh.
motive,
12), which represents the dogs as searching out a leader

Up.
to howl food for them, but which may have been either a satire
i.
or
an
allegory.
Nor
there any clear recognition of the fable
is
Epics as a distinct literary genre, although the motifs of

the clever jackal, the naughty cat and the greedy vulture are
in the
employed for the purpose of moral instruction. But all these,

of
as well as the Jataka device of illustrating the
virtues
1
Buddhism by means
of
material out of which
the
In
Pancatantra.
the
its
may
beast-stories,
full-fledged
perfected
have suggested the
beast-fable developed
form,
it
differed
in
from the
or the mere tale about beasts, in having the

motive
latent
clearly and deliberately brought out and
artistically conveyed in a definite framework and a connected
parable
simple
didactic
grouping of clever
men
are
ascribed
to
form
popular in such a
creation
literary
which the thoughts and deeds of

There is nothing simple or
animals.
in
stories,
and the beast-fable as an independent
diverged
considerably
in
this
respect
from the popular tale, which is free from didactic presentation and in which the more or less simple ideas of the
people
and
stories of
their
human
belief
life,
in
find
and magic, as well as racy

a direct expression.
In the case
myth
connexion with the courts of princes is

tale, no doubt, speaks of romantic prince
of beast-fable, again, the

clearer.
The popular
and princess
of a fairy land
but the framework of
beast-fables like the Paftcatantra,
The Barhut Stupa
beast-fable at least in the
reliefs, depicting
2nd Century B.C.
which
some
is
collection
delivered in the
of the stories, establish the
form
of
of
currency of the
SO
OK SANSKIUT M'i'BKATUHK
lUSlOKY
instruction
practical
ment.
young princes in
morality, leaves no doubt about one form
but
fiastra,
and
statecraft
of its employ-
thus closely related to the Niti-âstra and Arthais not

The
directly opposed to the Dharma-âstra.
It is
1
tender- minded
to
it
for even
the beast-fable inculcates political

wisdom or expediency in the practical affairs of life, rather than
a strict code of uprightness, it seldom teaches cleverness at the
fact is important
if
2
expense of morality.
The Pancatantra
a.
The only collection of beast-fable and the solitary surviving

work of this kind in Sanskrit is the Pancatantra, which has come
down to us in various forms but it is a work which has perhaps
3
There
a more interesting history than any in world-literature.
;
can be
from
doubt that
little
Each
deliberate literary form.
the
of its five parts,
of separation of
tively with the themes
of
winning
friends
vigraha), loss of
one's
they form
No
F. Edgerton in
and
J.
Hertel
Berlin,
known
to
brief re"sum6
GIL,
dual tales
fitted into
and
p.
more
in
spreading
this
p. '271
Paftcatantra,
Index,
1914,
of
JAOS, XL,
(Das
exist
extra-Indian)
nitz,
whole
respec-
(Mitra-bheda),
(Samdhi-
peace
and
(Labdha-nasa)
gains
hasty action
but all together
the frame of the introduction.
direct influence of Kaulilya's Artha-xastra can be traced in the PaHcata.nl ra.
and
a narrative unit in itself
is
(Apariksita-karitva),
a perfect
war
(Mitra-prapti),
dealing
friends
had
it
beginning
very
history,
III, pp. 294-311
451
f.
seine
und
Geschichie
over
records
T.)
200
seine
than
50 languages (three-fourths
over
as
Keith,
well
of
region
extending from Java
as
HSL,
for
pp. 248
brief
f,
357
summary
f.
Verbreitung,
versions
different
the
to
of
Leipzig
work
the
languages befn?
For
Iceland.
of the work, see
Winter-
The question whether the
indivi-
or the Indian fable itself as a species, were borrowed, in their origin, from Greece
of the priority of Greece, but the suggestion

complicated. Chronology is in favour
is
Greece
not proved. Some points of similarity may
from
borrowed
India
that
consciously
be admitted, but they may occur without borrowing on either side At any rate, if reciprocal
is
much
influences and exchanges occurred, India seems to have given

entirely Indian, while the fable
position thnt. the tale
is
cussed, for
to-day no longer seek to find the
i'olklorists
any one country.
more than
it
took.
Benfey's
came from Greece, need not be

bhthplaceof
all
tales
and
dis-
fublrn
in
PANVATAOTRA
THIS
The
are
stories
the
in
as
told,
case
H7
the popular tale, in
of
simple but elegant prose, and there is no attempt at

or sentimental excursions or elaborate stylistic effects.
bining of a
number
of
fables
also
is
in the
number
of general
which
feature
it
merely emboxed
by
the time
More interesting and
in
insertion
the prose
didactic motive
its
narrative
of
is
but the tradition
Brahmanas and
the
of
The
of effect.
gnomic stanzas
dictated
is
current from
is
which
of disjointed stories, considerable skill in
weaving
achieving unity and completeness
is,
The com-
characteristic
shares with the popular tale, but they arc not

there
descriptive
the Jatakas.
not altogether original, is the device

conveniently summing up the moral of the various stories in
pointed memorial stanzas, which are not general maxims butnovel,
if
of
special labels to distinguish the points of

1
suggestion
of
hypothetical
which the verse remained
individual
Vedic
prose-poetic
fables.
The
Akhyana,
in
fixed but the prose

mysteriously
out, is not applicable to the case of the blend of prose

in the fable literature
for the prose here can never
dropped
and verse
drop out, and
the essential nature of the stanzas
gnomic or recapitulatory,
There must have existed a
is
and not dramatic or interlocutory.

great deal of floating
gnomic literature in Sanskrit since the time

which
Brahmanas,
might have been utilised for these
passages of didactic wisdom.
of the
The
however,
not
single text, but a

sequence of texts it exists in more versions than one, worked
out at different times and places, but all
diverging from a
Paflcatantra,
is
single
The
which must have existed long before

570 A.D. when the Pahlavi version was made, is now lost
but
original text.
original,
neither
d.
its
date nor
H. OJdeuberg
in
altindischen Prosa,
125
f,
its
title
nor provenance,
ZDMG, XXXVII,
p. 54 f
Berlin
1917, p. 53
and
XXXIX,
Lit.
d.
p.
alien
52
is
known with
also- in his
Indien,
cited
Zur Geschichte
above,
pp 44
'
]53f.
The
literature
be found
idea
of
Prakrit
on the Paflcatantra
summarised
is
original
is
discredited both by Hertel and Edgerton.
vast and scattered, but the results
in the works, cited below, of these
two
of the various
scholars.
The
studies will
88
The
certainty.
work was subjected
which the
the transformation, to
course of time, make the
in
one
reconstruction
of
problem
character and extent
of
of
but
intricacy,
great
the
and Edgerton 2 have succeeded in a great

labours of Hertel
measure in going back to the primary Paficatantra by a close and
1
detailed examination
That
the various existing versions.
of
originally contained five books with a brief introduction and

called Paftcatantra, is
now made
fairly certain,
siderable discussion of the
meaning
more
than
a
book or
denote nothing
may
is
word Tantra.
was
a conIt
may
subject-matter, but since
its
3
Tantrahhyayika of one of the versions, it
indicate a text of polity as an art.
There is no evidence
occurs
it
of the
but there
it
the
in
title
at all of authorship
introduction to
the
name Visnusarman, applied in the

wise Brahman who instructs, with these
for the
stories, the ignorant sons of
king Amarasakti of
Mahilaropya in
as the names of the king and
obviously as fictitious
Hertel thinks that the work was composed in
the place.
while nothing can
Kashmir, but his arguments are inadequate
be confidently inferred from the mention of Gauda or Bsyamuka
Deccan,
is
or of well
known
places of
pilgrimage like Puskara,
Varanasi,
Prayaga and Garigadvara.
The various important recensions of the Pancatantra have

been classified into four main groups, which represent diversity
4
of tradition, but
The
1
first is
Das
all
of
which emanate from the
the lost Pahlavi version,
lost
original.
from which were derived
Paftcatantra, cited above, as well as works and editions cited below.
The Pancatantra Reconstructed Text, Critical Apparatus, Introduction and Translation,

2 vols., American Orient. Soc., New Haven, Conn., 1924,
3
Jacobi, however, would translate it apparently as a collection of akhyayika in tantras,
t
'die in
4
bucher eingeteilte Erzahlungssammlung.'

Hertel, however,
believes ia
two
See F.
W. Thomas
in
JRAS,
1910, p. 1347.
versions of one Kashrnirian recension only as the
archetype of the other three recensions, namely, the Tantr&khyayika and what be calls
For a abort genealogical table, setting forth the relationship of tfce- four main recensions
'E*.
or groups, see Edgerton, op.
cit. t
II, p. 48,
and
for
a full and detailed table cf
all
known
versions see Penzer's Ocean of Story', Vol. V, p. 242 (also by Edgerton).

6
Made
by
he
(581-79 A.D.) under*
he
physician
title
Burzoe under the
Karataka and Darnanaka.
patronage
of
Chosroes
Anu0hTrwan
THR PASfcATANTRA
the old Syriac
and Arabic 2 versions
and
89
it
was through
this
somewhat modified form, was

of Europe.
The second
is a lost
North-western recension, from which the text was
incorporated into the two North-western (Kashmirian) Sanskrit
source that the Paficatantra, in a
introduced
the
into
fable
literature
of
versions
Gunadhya's Brhatkatha, made respectively by
Ksemendra and Somadeva (llth century A.D.). 8 The third is
the common lost source of the Kashmirian version, entitled
4
Tantrakhyayika, and of the two Jaina versions, namely, the
known from Biihler and Kielhorn's not

and the much amplified Ornatior Text,
6
called Paficakhyana, of Purnabhadra (1199 A.D.).
The fourth
7
is similarly the common lost source of the Southern
Paficatantra,
Simplicior
Text, well
very critical edition,
Made by Bud, a Persian Christian, about 570 A.D. under

Damnag. Ed Schulthess, Berlin 1911.
1
Made by 'Abdullah Ibnu'l-Muquffa about 750 A.D. under
1
Dimna.
*
Ed.
title
Kalilag
wa
the style
Kallla
wa
the
Cheikbo, 2nd Ed., Beyrouth 1923.
Brhatkatha-maftjari xvi.
'255 f
Leo von Mankowski
Hatha-sarii-sagaTa lx-!xiv.
baa
edited, with trans etc., (from only one imperfect MS), Kseu.endra'a version separately in Der
Kfemendras Brhatkathamafljari, Leipzig 1892. Lacote,
Auszug aus dem Paftcatanlra
Hertel and Edgerton make it probable that the original Bfhatkatha of Gunadbya did not
contain the Paflcatanlra.
computation
in
S^madeva's \ersion
JAOS, LI II,
Mankowtki's edition
haa 806
1^33,
p. 125)
the Paficatantra (accordii g to Eruenau'e

contains 539 Slokas, while Ksemendra's in
of
but deducting the stories not found in Somadeva,
Ksemendra's
would be about 270 only.

4
also ed. J.
Hertel
Ed. J. Hertel, Berlin 1910, containing two sub-versions
Harvard 0. 8., Cambridge Mass. 1915; tra J. Hertel, 2 vols., Leipzig and Berlin 1909.
total
in
5
Bombay Skt. Ser., 1868-69 also ed. L. Kosengarten Bonn 3848 ed. K. P. Parab,
NSP, Bombay 1896 (revised Parab and V. L. Panshikar 1912). J. Hertel, Uber die Jaina
;
Recensionen des Paficatantra
in
BSGW, LIV,
1902, pp. 23-134, gives selections of text and
translation-
Ed
J. Hertel,
Harvard Orient
Ser,,
Cambridge Mass., 1908-12;
trs
into
German by
Schmidt, Leipzig 1901; into English by A.W.Ryder, Chicago 1925. Purnabhadra uses
both the Tantrakhyayika and the Simplicior text.
7
Ed. J. Hertel (Text of recension 0, with variants from recension a\ Leipzig 1906;
Text
of
recension
o,
ed.
Heinrich
textus amplior des
siidlicl.en
Blatt, Leipgig
Paficatantra in
1930.
ZDMG,
See also J. Hertel, Ober einen
1906-07
(containing
translation of
Of the Nepalese version. Bk. i-iii are included in Hertel's ed. mentioned above, while
Bk. iy-v in his. ed. of Tantrakhyayikd, introd., p. xxvii. Selections from the Nepalese version
text).
trs. by Bendali in JRAS, 1888, pp. 466-501.

and Dos Paftcatantra, pp. 37 f , 818 f,
published with
1910, p. 58
J2
1848B
See Herte.1 in
ZDM 0, LXIV,
JO
the Nepalese version and the
Bengali
Hitopadega.
detailed
study of the character and interrelation of the various recensions

and versions is not possible here, but some of their general
characteristics
may
be
The Tantrakhyayika
noted.
briefly
is
perhaps the oldest Sanskrit version, and preserves the original

text better and more extensively than any other version.
But
none
of
of the
recensionsnot even the Tantrakhyayika, the claims
which have been much
exaggerated
by Hertel represents
North-western original
its entirety the primitive text.

The
Ksemendra and Somadeva must have been
later in
suffers
Kashmir.
from
its
Ksemendra's
brevity, but
is
is
of
made much
version
fairly faithful,
but dry, abstract
Somadeva's narrative, inspite
few omissions and some interruption

tion of extraneous tales,
in
of
by the introducand attractive. There
of sequence
normally clear
a great deal of reshuffling of stories,
as well
intrusion
as
of
additional matter, in both the Simplicior and Ornatior Texts, the
former adding seven and the latter twenty-one new

Southern recension exists in several sub-versions
stories.
;
it
is
The
much
abbreviated, but nothing essential appears to have been omitted,

and only one complete story (The Shepherdess and her Lovers) is
added.
The Hitopadeta* which has currency mostly in Bengal,
is
practically an independent work,
containing only four and not
Narayana, whose patron was Dhavalacandra

and who must have lived before 1373 A.D., which is the date
five
books, by
one
of one of the manuscripts of the work.

The compiler amplifies
the stories derived in the main from the Paficatantra, by drawing
upon an unknown source,
considerably
omits, alters,
remodels
Repeatedly printed in India, but not yet critically edited. The better known ed.
by P. Peterson, Bomb. Skt. Ser., 1887; also Hitopadetia nach NepaUschen Handfchrift. ed.
H. Blatt, Berlin 1980 (Roman characters). The earliest ed. is that of A. Hamilton, London
1
is
1810, and the earliest trs. by C. Wilkins, London, 1787.

2
p.
37,
See J. Hertel,
fiber
and Das Paficatantra,
Text
p.
38
und Verfasser
f.
In
des
Hitcpade&a (Bias.) Leipzig 1897,

and alteration, the Hitopadeta
spite of omissions
preserve! over half the entire sub-stories of the Paficatantra, and follows closely the
it shares with the Southern recension,
which
archetype
PA&CATANTIU
1'HK
91
the sequence of books and stories, and inserts large selections of

didactic matter from Kamandaklya NUi-sara.
Although Hertel
is right in
believing that the Pancatantra
conceived
a
as
work
for teaching political wisdom^
originally
yet the fact should not make us forget that it is also essentially
was
a story-book, in
which the
and the political teacher

are unified, most often successfully, in one personality.
There
are instances where the professed practical object intrudes itself,
story-teller
and tedious exposition of polity

narration
over simple and vivid

happily not too numerous,
prevails
but these instances are
and the character of the work as
political
text-book
never
is
Inequalities doubtless appear in the stories existing in

glaring.
the different versions, but most of them being secondary, it can
be said without exaggeration that the stories, free from descriptive and ornamental digressions, are generally very well and
amusingly told. They show the author as a master of narrative,
as well us a perfect
man
of the world,
attitude of detached observation and
seriousness.
If
often
possessed
from an
of
con-
and humour veiled under his pedagogic

he makes his animals talk, he makes them talk
fund of
siderable
never departing
wit
and the frankly fictitious disguise of the fabliau eminently

suits his wise and amusing manner.
With a few exceptions, the
well
individual
stories
cleverly fitted together into a
are
complex but
simple, and
The language is elegantly

planned form.
the author shows taste and judgment in never saying a word
too much,
a
touch of the mock-heroic, and
except for
well
The gnomic
always demanded by the
sententious summary of
in realising that over-elaboration is out
stanzas,
not the
if
title- verses,
narrative, but they are
meant
are not
to
of
place.
give
wo:ldly wisdom and impressive utterance to very ordinary,
do not know
essential, facts of life and conduct.
We
far
these
stanzas
are
Epics and elsewhere
epigrammatic
in
spite of
original,
but
terseness,
they
and
for
are
form
some
of
them occur
generally
an
phrased
but
how
in the
with
feature,
interesting
It is not
the tendency to over-accumulate them.
92
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITEKATURTJ
without reason, therefore, that the work enjoyed, and still enjoys,
such unrivalled popularity as a great story-book in so many
different times
and lands.
The Brhatkathd
b.
Gunadhya
of
by a number of works in
Sanskrit, but the earliest appears to have been the Brhatkatha, or
'
the Great Story/ of Gunadhya, the Prakrit original of which is
The popular
but
lost,
which
tale
it
If
it
three comparatively late

cannot be determined, but
Its exact date
already received recognition before GOO
is
A.D.
is clear
from
importance by Bana and Subandhu and

nothing to show that it cannot be placed much earlier.
the references to
there
represented
now known from
is
Sanskrit adaptations.
that
is
its
to
belongs
the
after
period
improbable that the work took
Christian
era,
it
is
not
shape at about the same time as
the lost original of the Pancatantra
and
to assign
century A.D. would not be an unjust conjecture.
to the fourth
it
The recorded
tradition informs us that the original Brhatkathd
was composed
in Paisaci Prakrit; and it is noteworthy that the literary form
which the popular tale first assumed was one in Prakrit. Like
work
the Pancatantra, the
Gunadhya was undoubtedly a new

medium of expression perhaps indicates
literary creation, but the
of
a difference in method and outlook.
On
the question of date and author, see J. S. Speyer, Studies about KaihSsariisdgarfi
Amsterdam 1908,
first
S.
p.
44
f.
Biihler in his
centnry A.D., with ttluch
Levi (ThMtre indien, 1801,
JRAS,
Kashmir Report summarily
F. Lac6te (Melanges Ltvi,
p. 817) cautiously
adjusts
it
p.
places the work in tin
270)
appears to agree; bu
to the 3rd century.
See Keith in
Both Dandin's Dasa-kumdra-carita and Subandhu's Vasavadattd refer
3909, p. 145f.
to the story of Naravahaoadatta.

3
Hara-carita Introductory
Ed. F.
Hall, p. 110.
t
3
4
gt.
17.
The
L4,LXII,
alleged Sanskrit version of Durvinlta of
1913, p. 204 and
JRAS,
1913,
p.
889
the 6th
century (R.
Narasimhacbar in
JRAS, 1911, pp. 186 f) and the

K. Aiyungar in JRAS, 1906, p. 689
a> d
f;
Fleet in
f
upposed Tamil version of the 2nd cf-ntury A. I). (S.
Ancient India, London 1911, pp. 328, 337} are too doubtful to be of any use ror chronological
See Lacote, Euai sur Gunafyya et la Brhatkatha, Parin 1908, p. 198 f.
purposes.
;
THE BJyiHATKATHA
An
93
legendary account of the origin of the work

and the personality of the author is given, with some variations,
in the introductory account of the two Kashmirian Sanskrit
obviously
versions and in the
Puranic character.
a
Gana
makes
It
Godavarl and becomes
an
Gunadhya
who under a curse
of Siva,
of a pseudo-
Nepala-mahatmya
apocryphal
is
born at
incarnation
of
Pratisthana on the
favourite of king Satavahana
but the
king has another learned favourite in Sarvavarman, the reputed

author of the Katantra grammar.
Having lost a rash wager with
Sarvavarman, with regard to the teaching of Sanskrit to the

king, who had been put to shame by the queen for his ignorance
of
the
and
society,
There,
the
and
having
ParvatI,
he
in
from
learnt
700,000
in
it
of
Sanskrit
of
regions of the Vindhya
originally
the
Slokas,
saved from destruction and
use
another incarnated
Brhatkatha,
records
the
abjures
retires to the wild
the
of
story
dialect,
Gunadhya
language,
Gana
narrated
hilts.
of Siva
by Siva to
newly picked up local PaisacT

which only one-seventh was
preserved in the work as
we have
it
The Nepalese version of the legend, however, places Ciunadhya's

birth at Mathura and makes king Madana of Ujjayini his
patron; it knows nothing of the wager but makes Gunadhya, on
being vanquished by Sarvavarman, write the story in PaisacI for
no other explicit reason than the advice of a sage named
The legend is obviously a pious Saiva

Pulastya.
modified in different ways in Kashmir and Nepal;
invention
2
from the
reference
Har$a-carita, one may inter that it was known
but the value of biographical and
in some form to Banabhatta
in
the
beyond question, if Sarvavarman is

introduced, Panini, Vyadi and Vararuci-Katyayana also figure in
other
details
te
not
the legend as contemporaries, although the Nepalese compiler

does not appreciate the grammatical interest, nor' the use of
in a
Given in Lacdte, op.
It is as a saint of Saivism that
Cambodian
ctt.,
Appendix,
inscription of about
p. 29]
f.
Gunu<Jbya figured
876 A.D., which
is of
in the
Saitite
Nepalese work, as well as

inspiration (S. Le"vi in
JA,
lilbTOHY Ot SANSKRIT LIT UK At U HE
94
The
Prakrit.
Satavahana
with
association
one of the
recalls
brilliant periods of Prakrit literature, and probably suggests that

the employment of Sanskrit by the Ksatrapa rulers probably
found a counter-movement in favour of the patronage of Prakrit
Satavahana
literature; but
denote any of several
being
kings,
dynastic name, which

does not help to solve
it
may
the
chronological problem.
But much controversy has naturally centred round the

value of the Gunadhya legend regarding its testimony on the
form of the lost work and its language. The legend speaks of
Gunadhya's work being written in Sloka and in the dialect of
people of the Vindhya regions, which is called the
dialect of the Piâcas or Paigacl.
Dandin, in his Kavyadarga
the wild
({.
was a type
romance known
was allowed
Sanskrit versions are
Dandin's statement,
knowledge
More inconclusive
some form, and
the Bhuta-bhasa
in
of the prose
of course, verse
a direct
the legend in
was written
the work
it
know
88), appears to
all
states that
but he thinks that
as Katha, in which,
The
to be inserted.
three existing
but this need not invalidate
metrical,
Dandin can be presumed to have possessed

the work already famous in his time.
if
of
the
is
location of the dialect in
evidence regarding the nature and

which the work was composed. In
2
as
accordance with the legend, the PaisacI Prakrit is localised
the dialect of the Vindhya regions lying near about Ujjayini, but it
3
was a North-western Prakrit of Kekaya

is regarded as the ancestor of the
which
and eastern Gandhara,
group of Dardic dialects now spoken in Kafirstan, Swat valley,
is also
maintained
On
who argues
See Keith,
*
that
it
the alleged Greek influence on MunAclhya's
the opposite
HSL,
Sten
866
p.
Konow
in
way
to
work, see Lacote, op.
is
pp. 284-86,
the Indian.
f.
ZDMG, LXIV,
1910, p. 95
and JRAS, 1921>
p. 269. Bsjas*ekhara (Kavya-rriimarpsa, p. 51) apparently holds the
view, in brief,
cit.
show that the Greek rommce was influenced by
that the Pais*aci
p.
244
f; Keith,
HSL,
same view. Sten Konow's
was an Indo- Aryan language spoken by Dravidians
in
Central India.
3
JRAS,
G. Grierson
1921, p. 424
Hastings,
ERE,
iu
f,
JRAS,
1905,
as well as
ia
under Paigaca, Vol.
p.
his
285
f,
ZDMG, LXVI,
Linguistic Survey,
(1918), p. 43 f.
1913,
1919,
pp. 49
Vol.
f,
at pp. 74-8C,
Ill, pt.
and
in
THE B9HATKATHI
The
and adjacent places.
Citral
conclusion
the
lies in
arriving at a final
difficulty of
statements of
the
that
fact
95
fairly
late
grammarians about PaiâcI Prakrit, as well as the doubtful
Prakrit
fragments cited by them as specimens, are meagre and uncertain.

It is also not safe to argue back from the character and location
The
dialects to those of a hypothetical Prakrit.
to
it was an
PaiâcI
was
meant
indicate
that
perhaps
designation
and
barbarous
inferior
dialect, and the sanction of a vow was
of present-day
required for
from Prakrit
that
to
it
employment
grammarians
was an artificial form
than
Sanskrit
it is
alone,
its
Vindhya
and' other sources
makes
of speech nearer
in
If
it
about
it
Dravidian
hardened
and
it
probable
some respects
/
and
which may be equally applicable
dialect influenced by
The
what we know
the average Prakrit.
a characteristic
North-west.
but
to a
to a dialect of the
question, therefore, does not
admit of an easy
although greater plausibility may be attached to the

linguistic facts adduced from the Dardic dialects.
The exact content and bulk of the original Brliatkatha cannot
solution,
be
even to the extent to which we can

determined,
We have two
approximate to those of the original Pancatantra
also
main sources
of knowledge, derived from Kashmir and

Nepal
both of them employ a different medium of
but
respectively,
nor absolutely
authentic.
expression, and are neither early
The
given by two metrical Sanskrit adaptations of

*
the Bouquet of Great
Kashmir, namely, the Brhatkatha-mafijar'i
first
is
'
Lac6te believes the PuiâcT to be based upon the Indo-Aryan

Lacote, op. cit. t p. 51 f.
language of the North-wee/, but spoken by non-Aryan people. He suggests a via media by
stating that Gunadhya picked up the idea of the dialect from travellers from the
North-west;,
ut his sphere of
work
lay
around Ujjayinll
Ocean of Story, Vol. IV, pp. ix-x.

2
Hemacandra's Prakrit Grammar,
JRAS,
Grierson
in
p 201
Vararuci speaks of
f.
1918,
p.
two
ed.
W. Thomas, Foreword
Pischel,
iv.
303-24;
for
Penzer's cd. of
Markendieys , see
For a discussion of the passages, see Lac6te, op.

erf.,
one Pais'acI dialect Heujacandra appears to distinguish three
;
number
to thirteen
Different localities
one locality is agreed upon, viz., Kekaya or N. W. Punjab.

3
Ed. Sivadatta and Parab, NSP, Bombay, 1901. Parts of
stories), translated
to
391.
varieties; Mftrkan<jeya increases the

i>ut
Cf. F.
with the
Eoman
text,
by
S. Le*vi in
it
JA, 1885-86,
are
mentioned,
(introduction and first
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT IJTERATHRE
96
the polymath Ksemendra, and the Katha-sarit-sagara,*

the Ocean of Rivers of Tales/ of Soraadeva, the latter written
Tale,' of
*
between 1063 and 1082 A.D. and the former about a quarter of a
2
Like Somndeva's work, that of Ksemendra is
century earlier.
divided
into
condensed abstract,
Mafijaris show)
31okas,
as
Lambhakas,
eighteen
more
but
of the nature of a
it is
and perhaps
industriously
faithfully
against
(as
his
other
It consists of about 7,5 "0

compiled.
than 21,000 of Somadeva's work
but
;
Ksemendra makes up for the brevity and dreariness of his

number of elegant, but mannered, descriptive and
narrative by a
to
abridge
Somadeva, on the other hand, is not anxious

but he shows considerable restraint in avoiding
erotic passages.
;
useless elaboration,
and
manner.
a clear and attractive

these
tells his stories
comparative evidence of
discovery in
of
was thought that

from the Prakrit
it
directly
been discarded,
their
1893
in
Nepal
now
evident zest and in
At one time
two Kashmirian versions drew
original, but the idea has
with
not only from the
contents, but also in view of the
second important
the
source,
5
namely, the BrhatkatM-loka-samgraha of Budhasvamin, which

Its date is unis also in Sloka, but unfortunately incomplete.
known, but
it
is
mainly on the probable date and
assigned,
1
Ed. Durgaprasad and Parab, NSP, Bombay 1889 (reprinted 1903, 1915 etc.). II.
Brokhaus edited i-v (with trs.), 2 vols. Leipzig 1813, and vi-viii, ix-xviii (text only) in Abb fiir
The work is well known from
die Kunde d. Morgenlandes, II and IV, Leipzig 1862 and 18G6.
its
Eng.
trs.
by C. H. Tawney under the
title
Ocean of Story
in Bibl. Ind., Calcutta 1880-87,
N. M. Penzer in 10 vols., London 1924-28.

reprinted with notes and essays, etc., by
2
See Biihler, Uber das Zeitalter des katmirisclien Didders Somadeva, Wien 1885.
Somadeva wrote the work

5
The
division
es
which has Sarga division.

'
Tarangas 'billows
*
On
these
to
please SilryamatT, princess of Jalarpdbara, wife of
Ksemendra
mother of Kalada.
also wrote
of his
sections are
called
Ananta and
works under king Kalas*a of Kashmir.
not seem to be original, being missing in
The
Gucchakas
Budbosvamin's version,
in Ksemendra, and
'
clusters
in Soraadeva, according to the respective titles of their "works.
descriptive passages,
Ksemendra 's work contains 7,561

5
most
Ed. F. Lacdte, with
gltkas,
trs,,
see Speyer,
op. ct., p. 17
f.
Speyer estimates that
Somadeva's 21,388.
Paris 1908-29 (i-xxviii).
The work was
first
discovered
by Haraprasad Sastri in Nepal, but its importance wag not realised till Lac6te edited the
work and published the results of his investigations. The MS is from Nepal, but otherwise
there
is
no sign of the Nepalese origin of the work.
THE BRHATKATHA
tradition
of
the
manuscript,
work
to
97
8th
the
or
9th century A.D.
28 Sargas and 4,539 stanzas,

Although
and also, as its name implies, an abbreviated abstract, its
evidence is highly important regarding the existence of two
this
traditions
distinct
is
a fragment of
the
of
remarkable divergences.
Tbe main theme

adventures of
both the recensions appears to be the

Naravahanadatta, son of the gay and amorous
of
Udayana, famed in Sanskrit

of
Madanamanjuka
as his
many
which show considerable and
text,
literature,
as his bride
and bis
and the land
attainment
final
of the
Vidyadharas
empire; but in the course of the achievement, he visits

lands and contracts a large number of marriages with
beautiful
maidens
of
kinds
all
and ranks.
vital
difference,
While the
recension
the
concentrates upon
main theme and gives
Nepalese
occurs
however,
in
treatment
the
the
of
narrative,
simple and connected
extraneous matters, the Kashtnirian
a
theme.
comparatively free from

recension is encumbered
by a stupendous mass of episodic stories, indiscriminately accumulated and remotely connected, regardless of the constant
break
and obscuration
recension,
for
of
instance,
the
original
ornits
the
The Nepalese
introductory
Gunadhya
theme.
Kashmirian, and plunges at once

into the story of Gopala and Palaka and of the love of Gopala's son
for Suratamanjarl, connecting it with the story of Naravahana-
legend,
which occurs
who
in
the
made the narrator of the tale of his twenty-six

The Kashmirian authors are apparently aware of this
marriages.
beginning, but the necessity of commencing with the Gunadhya
legend and making Gunadhya the narrator of the tale makes them
datta,
is
shift the story of -Gopfila, Pfilaka
and Suratamanjarl, and place
it,
The Nepalese
unconnectedly, as a kind of appendix at the end.
recension omits also the unnecessary tale of Udayana 's winning of
See Lac6te, Essai cited above, for a discussion of the Kashmirian versions, pp. 61-145,
Nepalese version, pp. 146-196, comparison of the two versions, pp. 207-18, and of the
1
the
original Bfhatkatha, pp. 1-59.
98
PadmSvati, and does not think
desirable to provide royal ancestry

Kalingasena, mother of Madanamanjuka, in
for the courtesan
it
In the
the questionable origin of the heroine.
Kashmirian recension, the hero Naravahanadatta does not even
conceal
order to
pake
his appearance
but the narrative of
till
his birth in
hero
the.
is
Bk. IV
interrupted
(in both versions),
for
two more books
Saktivega and Suryaprabha, who, recognising

in the infant the destined emperor of the Vidyadharas, relate
by the
their
stories
own
of
adventures
way, the main theme
as
is
aspirants
the
to
same rank.
constantly interrupted
Ksemendra and Somadeva
of legends, although
In this
by a vast cycle
are not in
perfect
Bk. IV, regarding the sequence and arrangement

It is clear that both the Kashthe extra mass of material.
agreement, after
of
mirian versions do not, in their zeal
producing a
of
narrative
marked, in
to
The
unified
Somadeva, who
spite of
preserve,
for
well-constructed
or
its
bulk,
is
collection,
work,
consummate
although
effect of
in
the
story-teller, is
by greater coherence
however strenuously, the
succeed
and desire
the main story.
accretions, for example, not only bring in entirely
irrelevant
Mrgankadatta and Muktaphalaketu, of expedition

the Camphor Land and the White Island for the winning
stones of
to
of
Ratnaprabha and Alamkaravati respectively, but also incorporate

the Vikramaditya cycle of legends and interpolate versions of
the entire Paflcatantra
and the
All this,
Vetala-pancavimati.
of countless number of small tales, legends
with the addition
and witty stories, would justify the quaint, but appropriate,

name of Somadeva' s largest collection as the ocean of the streams
of stories,
and which in their rich mass would make the over-
whelmed reader exclaim
How
original
that here
far these episodes
and
Brhatkatha cannot
be
is
indeed God's plenty
belonged to the
precisely determined, but it is
legend-cycles
much
of them is remotely and sometimes

confusedly
with
the main theme, and is entirely missing in the
connected
clear that
Nepalese recension.
speciallyc styled a
It
is
true
that
Budhasvamin's work
is
ompendium (Samgraba) and that his omissions
THE BRHATKATHA
may have been

1
V\f
dictated by a desire for^ abbreviation
that Budhasvainin
it
is
also
an independent writer rather than

a mere epitomator, although he may have adhered to Gunadhya's
But it is clear^ from the way in which the
narrative in the main.
possible
thread
main
of the
is
story of Naravahanadatta is kept
from being
an interminable maze of loosely gathered episodes, that

these interruptions or deviations from the predominant interest
lost in
could not have occurred on a large scale in the original,

to
presume from
literary merit.
its
reputation
was
if
we are
work of no small
that Budhasvamin follows
that
It
it
seems, therefore,
2
the original with greater fidelity than Ksemendra and Somadeva,
which they individually insert,

are following a recension refashioned and much enlarged in
Kashmir. In this recension the central theme appears to occupy,
who, apart from minor
stories
after the fashion of
essentials
Kavya-poets, a subordinate interest; their

are often abridged and throughout sacrificed to the
a
somewhat
confused insertion of tales derived from other sources.
Whether
uluborutioii of subsidiary adventures, as
Kashinirian
this
known
not
the
and there
language,
are
not
of
speaks
distinctly
between Somadeva and Ksemendra

oi a
to
was in Pai&lc! or in Sanskrit
recension
but Somadeva
as
well
enough
is
having altered
verbal
similarities
warrant the supposition
to
common
Sanskrit original.
In the absence of the original work of Gunadhya, an estimate
of its literary merit
tations
would be
own
have their
have been inherited

compilation
is
Each
characteristics,
from the
rapid,
futile.
dreary
original.
and
of
the
three
adap-
which may or may not
Ksemendra 's abridged
uninspiring,
except in orna-
mental passages," which doubtless show the influence of the

Kavya. Somadeva' s larger and more popular masterpiece has
Winternitz, GIL, III, pp. 315-17.

Lac6be, Essai, p. 207 f, Lacote believes that the Kashmir recension
the original Bfhatkatha. and

3
Bpeyer.oy.
eft., p.
was compiled about the 7th century A.D.
27
f,
is far
removed from
100
been rightly praised
and
story-telling
its
immensely superior quality of vivid

elegantly clear, moderate and appropriate
for its
Budhasvatnin's abstract, considered nearer to the original,

marked by a sense of proportion both in matter and manner a
style.
is
rapid narration, power of characterisation and simple description,

as well as by a more bourgeois spirit and outlook suiting the
tale
popular
but, in spite of these qualities,
It is difficult to say
prosaic cast.
not the
if
how
it is
far all
blemishes, of these
of
somewhat
the
praiseworthy
late
versions, produced
under different conditions, were present in the primary Brhatkatha,
a verbal or even a confident substantial reconstruction of which
qualities,
is
To
wellnigh impossible.
theme,
-stories
and outlook,
judge, however,
and characters, as
it is
possible
well ay
from
the
principal
iiom the general method

Gunadbya must have
to assert that
been a master at
of
adventure
tale, as well
all
weaving into his simple story

the marvels of myth, magic and fairy
as a kaleidoscopic view of varied
ideals
it
view of
in fairy
and well-conceived characters and
Although JSaravahanadatta
situations.
not one of court
life
or courtly
is essentially
life
of
fancy.
It
nor even
adventure,
is
kind
story is
of
heroic
of
of strange adventure
work
larger
and
gallery ol sketches from
liie,
certainly a
is
perhaps
it
bourgeois epic.
married Naravahanaclatta are perhaps too
ising
a prince, the
a picture consonant with the middle class
more varied appeal, containing a

romantic as well as real and Keith
as
is
and sublimated with the romance
lands
romantic
of
just in
character-
The loves of the muchnumerous and too light-
famed father LJdayana, but his chief and

best love, Madanamanjuka, has only one parallel in Vasantasena
of the Mfcchakatika while in Goraukha we have a fine example of
an energetic, resourceful and wise courtier and friend. It cannot
hearted, like those of his
be determined with certainty
the numerous tales of fools, rogues

and naughty women existed in the original
but they form an
unparalleled store-house ot racy and amusing stories, which evince
a wide and intimate experience of human life and are in
if
keeping
with the humour and robust good sense of people
at large.
DRAMAS ASCRIBED TO BHISA
THE DRAMAS ASCRIBED TO BH&SA
4.
From
1UJL
the dramatic fragments of Asvaghosa
it is
not unreason-
able to assume that between him and Kalidasa, there intervened

a period of cultivation of the dramatic art, which we find fully
developed in the dramas of Kalidasa, and which is warranted by
own
Kalidasa's
Of the dramatic works
Kaviputra.
know
references to the works
Bhasa, Somila
of
of the
and
two authors we
last
nothing, but a great deal of facts and fancies are
now
avail-
able about Bhasa's dramas.
known only by reputation, having

been honoured by Kalidasa and Bana as a great predecessor and
author of a number of plays, and praised and cited by a succesbut since then, much discussion
sion of writers in later times
his
with
name
the alleged discovery of his
round
has centred
Before 1912 Bhasa was
Between 1912 and 1915, T. Ganapati Sastri

published from Trivandrum thirteen plays of varying size and
merit, which bore no evidence of authorship, but which, on
original dramas.
account of certain remarkable characteristics, he ascribed to the

All the plays appear to have been based upon
far-famed Bhasa.
legendary material, but some draw their
theine
iruin
the
Epic
and Puranic sources. From the Kamayaim, we have the Pratima
and the Abhise/ca
from the Mahabharata, the Madhyama,
Duta-vakya, Diita-ghatotkaca, Karna-bhara, Uru-bhanga and
;
Pancaratra
but the
Svapna-rdsavadatta, Pratijna-yaugandharayariaiAvi-maraka&ud Carndatta Lave legendary or invented plots,

;
while the Bala-carita deals with the Puranic Krsna legend. 2

1
8. Le*vi,
TMAtre
literary itiejeiub
together in
3
indten t Paris
to
i,
p,
157
and
ii,
pp.
31-32 gives a r&mine' of
up to tLat time otLer up-to-date rel'ereocea are collected

C. H. Devadhar's ed, of the plays, cited below.
to Llafaa
Appendix
The legend is, of
18DO,
km^c
The
course, also found in the Harivarpja.
All the
plays are available in a
handy form i&'Bhasa->na{aka-cakra or Plays ascribed to Bhdsa, published- by C, E. Devadhar,

Poona 1937, but it is better to conHult the origiual Trivandrum editions, to which references
are givtn below.
Trs. into English in two volumes by
University Press, 1030-31.
but
it is
W.
C. Woolner and L.
There are also numerous editions
not necessaiy to enumerate
them
here.
of
some
of
Samp, Oxford
the individual
102
HISTORY OP SANSKRIT LITERATURE
plays were bailed
with enthusiasm as
the
long-lost
works
of
Bhasa, but the rather hasty approbation of a novelty soon died

down in a whirlwind of prolonged controversy. A large number
eminence and authority whole-heartedly supported

1
the attribution to Bhasa but the reasons adduced did not \\in
2
entire and universal satisfaction.
This led to a further and
of scholars of
more
detailed examination of the question, yielding
and new
were
some
fruitful
brought to
but
light.
Important arguments were advanced on both sides
it is remarkable that there is riot a
single argument on either side
results,
facts regarding the plays
also
which can be regarded as conclusive, or which may not be met

with an equally plausible argument on the opposite side. 8 The
problem to-day is delicately balanced but since emphasis may
be laid on this or that point, according to personal predilection,
;
scholars, with a few exception, appear to have taken
up unflinching attitudes and arrayed themselves in opposite camps. Between

4
the two extremes lies the more sober view which recognises that
1
For a bibliographical note
JBRAS,
in
JA, 1928,
JRAS,
on Bbasa
of publications
till
1921, see V. S. Sukthankar in
The following publications after 1921 are of interest S Levi

19 f A.K. and K.R. Pisharoti in BSOS, III, p. 107 f T. Ganaputi Sastri in
668 and BSOS, ITT, p. 627 A. K. Pisharoti, Bhasas Worts (reprinted from
1921-22, pp. 230-49.

p.
1924, p.
Malayalain journal, liasikaratna), Trhandrum 1925; K. R. Pisharoti in BSOS, III, p. 639, in

IHQ, I, 1925, pp. 103 f inlJBRAS. 1925, p. 246 f C. K., Devadhar in ABORl, 1924-25, p. 55 f
;
C.
Kunhan Raja
Madras 1927,
1922, p. 79
The
1920,
I,
XLV,
1925,
Balamanorama
ojj
8.
of the
S.
35-38
pp.
3,
pt.
Calcutta 1926
by V.
p.
877
Keith in
p.
and Journal
101
BSOS,
F.
of
Orient. Research,
W. Thomas
III, p. 295
JRAS,
in
H,
Weller in
Comm. Volume
doubt appears to have been voiced

independently by Ramavatar Sarma in
Allahabad 1914-15, and by L. D. Barnett in JRAS t 1919, p. 233 f and in BSOS t
p.
1916, pp. 189-95
An
JAOS, XLIV,
K. Clarke in
and 1927,
247
Jacobi, Bonn 1926, pp. 114-125 ; Winternitz in Woolner

A. D. Puselker, Bhasa, a Study, Lahore 1940, etc.
and Authorship
p.
first
I,
JRAS
519,
W.
Ind. und Iran, II,
/.
Harmann
Festgabe
2
p. 232 f
1925, p. 130
f,
1940, p. 297
Sarada,
in Zeitschr.
99).
(also
Among
K. R. Pisharoti
JRAS,
dissenters
in
Trivandrum Plays
works
in
Madras
are
cited
Memoirs
Kuppusvarui Sastri in Introd.
Press,
1921,
to
587-89,
pp.
above
BSOS
Bhattanatha
also
;
III,
pp.
35,
Svarnin in
I A,
and Hirananda Sastri
Arch.
Surv.
in
Bhasa
No.
28,
Saktibhadra's Ascarya-cujdmani,
ed.
of
of
India,
1929.
admirably judicious summary of the important arguments on both sides is given

Sukthanknr in the bibliographical note cited above, and in JBRAS, 1915, p. 126 f.
Notably Sukthankar, cited above, and Winternitz in GIL, III, pp. 186, 645; but later
is no longer
a believer in
\Viuternitz is reported to have expressed the opinion that he
Bhaaa'B authorship of the plays
(C.
R. Devadhar's Preface to the ed. cited above).
103
DRAMAS ASCRIBED TO BHASA
made
out,
but
the evidence available does not. amount to conclusive proof.

It will not be profitable to enter into the details of
the
prima
facie case for Bhasa's authorship can be
controversy, but certain facts and arguments are to be taken into

account before we can enter into a consideration of the plays.
Since learned opinion is, not without reason, strangely divided
nothing is gained by dogmatic and sweeping assertions and it

should be frankly recognised that the problem is neither simple
The first difficulty is the absence of
nor free from difficulties.
;
name
and colophons, of all

It has been argued that this would testify
the thirteen plays.
and it has been assumed,
to the great antiquity of the plays
the
of the author, in
the
prologues
plausibly but without proof, that the colophons were not preserved or that such details were left out in pre-classical times. But
while nothing can be argued from our absolute lack of knowledge

of pre-classical practice, the accidental and wholesale loss of
of
the colophons
the
same author
from
manuscripts of all the thirteen plays by

an assumption which demands too much
On the other hand, the fact should be
all
is
probability.
admitted at the outset that these plays are not forgeries, but form
a part of the repertoire of a class of hereditary actors of Kerala
(Cakkyars), that manuscripts of the plays are by no means rare,
and that in omitting the name of the author, they resemble some
of the plays of other classical authors similarly preserved
by actors
That they are not the absolutely original dramas of

Bhasa follows from this; and the assumption that they are
adaptations, in which the adapters had obvious reasons to remain
in Kerala.
nameless,
at
is
least
not
less
plausible.
The next argument
regarding the technique of the plays is perhaps more

for there is undoubtedly a lack of conformity to the
legitimate
dramaturgic
which are more or less

But the argument is not
regulations of Bharata and his followers,
obeyed by the normal classical drama.

sound as it appears. The technical peculiarities 1 relate to the
as
commencement
1
of
the
Prologue by the
M. Lindenau, Bhasa-stvdien, Leipzig
Sutradhara, which
1918, pp. 30-87,
is
104
supposed
to
have been noticed by Bfmnbhatta,
use of the
the
word Sthapana for Prastavauu,, the introduction of stage-figbts

and death-scenes, the tragic ending in some plays, and the
difference
4n the Bharata-vakya.
that, while
Bana's reference
1
entirely irrelevant,
is
ft
shewn
has been
either obscure,
in
reply
misunderstood or
the formal features recur also in Malayalam
manuscripts of quite a number of Sanskrit plays of other .authors

and are capable of other explanations equally plausible. In the
absence of adequate knowledge of pre-classical lechnique, such
peculiarities, as are not confined to the dramas in question alone,
are hardly of decisive value
at most,
we can
infer
the
interest-
ing existence of a different dramaturgic tradition, but this does

not prove the, antiquity of the Trivandrurn plays.
It has been also argued by the supporters of the attribution
have been borrowed
that expressions and ideas from these plays
While
or exploited by authors like Kalidasa and Bhavabhuti.
no strict proof or criterion of indebtedness is possible, it can be
equally well argued, on the contrary, that the author or adapter
*
of these
anonymous plays plagiarised the alleged passages
from standard Sanskrit authors. The citations, again, from
Bhasa, or criticisms in the rhetorical or anthological

1
It is pointed out that
commenced by
Bana's reference merely speaks
of the
the Sutra<5hfi,ra, a characteristic which, being true of
special application here.
all
literature,
Bhasa dramas
Sanskrit playa, has no
The formula nandyanle> found in the Southern manuscripts before

is now known to be a characteustic of most South Indian
and not after the N&ndf-^loka
Sanskrit plays in general, ami was, thus, apparently a kcal practice, \\hich
nor relevant to the discussion. It is not clear if Bana is really alluding
to such techuical jjfujovatiofcp &B the shortening of the preliminaries or the combining of the
manuscripts
is
of
neither material
The rhetorical works are neither unanimous

the Sthapaka.
of; the SutradhSr&^nd
nor perfectly clear regarding the jjbsltion of the vdndyanic formula or the use of the word
functions
Sthapanft.
With regard
to
the
employment
of
the
Bharata-vakya,
again, the
Tnvandrum
not ^follow a uniform practice which would support any definite conclusion
regarding them. There are no such extraordinary Patakas in the Trivandrum plnys as
plays do
suggested by Bana^ description

* The thirteen
antbolopry
verses
ascribed
Matta-vilasa and four aie attributed to other
Even
if
this
fluctuating
P.
883
f.
is
suspicious,
it
to
authors)
Bhfisa
proves nothing because of
character of anthological
attributions.
(one of
which occurs
in
the
are missing in the
See
F.
Trivandium plays.
the notoriously uncertain and
W. Thomas
in
JIIAS, 1927 f

upon by the supporters
relied
but they do
bility,
unfortunately
cians.
The
1
by some old authors
some
character
are
not
Trivandrum Svapna-
quoted by certain rhetori-
inasmuch
insuperable,
is
obvious.
The
discussion
regarding references in the plays to Medhatithi's Bhasya on

or to the Artha-dstra has not also proved very fruitful.
Manu 8
the
least
valid
of
And,
5
appears to be the Prakrit argument,

archaisms in the Prakrit of the plays
all
which presumes that

their earliness
prove
as
such an explanation
of
but here again
misquotations, or that they are

but
the wholly
conjectural
recension
the present
in
verses
indeed
is
difficulty
one can imagine that they

lost
which the passages are taken,

of Bhasa is cited and
that our present text of the
is
nfitaka does not contain

2
famous dramas
styled Svapna-vasavadatta
the difficulty
much
the plays from
true that one of the
ft is
have some plausifor these authors do not
of the theory,
not prove
name
105
for
now
is
it
clear
some
that
of
are obvious blunders, and that, of those which are genuine,
them
archaisms of a similar type recur in the Malayalam manuscripts

of the plays of other authors, including those of Kalidasa and
Harsa; they are apparently
made
the
local
developments and
The argument regarding the impossibility of

much weight, since wo know
Burnett points out, carry

1
cannot
be
safe basis of any chronological or literary conclusion.
Sukthankar in
JBRAS,
1925, p
135
the plagiarism of the

of
does not, as
three Kumftra-satnbhavas.
shews that the referenca
f,
title
of
Bamacandra and
Grunacandra in their Natya-darpana contains a situation and a stanza, quoted from a Svopnar&savadatta of Bhasa, which really belongs, with some textual difference, to the Trivandrum
play. F.
Thomas
in
JRAS,
192R, p. 835
missing in the Trivandrum play.

3
C,f.
Barnett in BSOS, ITT, pp. 35, 520-21
JfUUS,
4
similarly deals
f,
also F.
with Abhinav-igupta's citation
W. Thomas in JRAS, 1922, p 100 f.

Kith in BSOS III, p. 623 f Suktbank*r
;
in
1925, pp. 131-82.
See Hirananda Sastri, op.
W. Printz,
ZDAfO, LiXXH,
ctt., p.
13
f.
Bhasa's Prakrit, Frankfurt 19 H

1918,
p.
203
SnkthanUr
in
Keith in BSOS, IIT,

J4OS, XL, 1920, pp.
;
p.
290; V. Lesoy in
243-59,
andJBJUS,
i'J25,pp. 103-117.
*
Pisharoti in
Sukthankar
BSOS,
III, p. 109.
Even wh^re the
archaisms are genuine, it

dangeroui to argue about date without
fall appreciation of
possible dialectical differences, becmse a form may not necessarily in licate
difference of age but only a difference of dialect or locality.
is,
as H. L.
in
JBRAS,
Turner points
out.
1925, p. 103
(JRAS, 1925,
f.
p. 1?5),
106
The
historical
discussion,
of the Bharata-vakya,
is
similarly
shown
to
of
Leaving aside minor questions, these
are,
the important problems that arise out of the

It
identity
the word rdjasimha

be of very doubtful
alleged to be mentioned in
Bhasa's patron,
value.
regarding the
again,
be
will
that
seen
results
same
the
contradictory
support of Bhasa's authorship
;
the
Trivandrum
plays.
arguments advanced in
or
incontrovertible
is
of
hns led to absolutely
material
but none of
some
in brief,
reasonably
Opinion, again,
sharply divided about the age of
between those who place them in the 5th century B.C.
conclusive.
is
the plays,
and those
who bring them down by
different stages to the llth
century A.D., the estimate varying by about sixteen centuries

It is no wonder, therefore, that the whole question has run the
!
normal
course
of
enthusiastic
and subdued suggestion of a
acceptance, sceptical opposition

media. But beneath all this
via
diversity of opinion lurks the fundamental
merits
the
of
divergence about the
the
supporters claiming high

and
the dissenters holding
distinction, worthy
that the works are of a mediocre or even poor quality.
As the
literary
plays,
of a master-mind,
question of literary excellence
is
not capable of
exact
tion, the difference of opinion is likely to continue,
the personal bias of the

factor or material
the
different
of
Sten
Ksatrapa
Bamett
Bajasirph* I
1
scholars.
fertile
point
the
Konow, Ind. Drama,

Rudrtsiipha
(c.
676
that
A.D
Pee Sukfchankar,
of
ground
aspects of
conjectures
critic,
until
according to
some
objective
would supply a conclusive solution to the

should be made clear that the whole discussion
But it
problem.
has now come to
made
particular
determina-
where the plays need no longer be

romantic speculations.
Already
plays
p. 51,
have
been
searchingly investi-
would assign the author of the plays
to the reign
2nd century A.D., but the arguments are not conclusive.

rajasimha is a proper name and refers to Paijdya Ter-Maran
I,
i.e.,
).
JBRAS
1923
for different
p. 233,
estimates of the date by different
DRAMAS ASCRIBED TO BHISA
107
and even if no definite solution is yet logically justified

gated
by the results of these intensive studies, they have helped to clear
;
up misconceptions, negative baseless presumptions,

together a mass of material for further research.
These studies have
now
made
it
and bring
reasonable to assume that
the Trivandrum plays, whether they are by Bhasa or by some

other playwright, are of the nature of adaptations or abridge-
ments made
and they have in fact been regularlyused as stage -plays in the Kerala country.
This very important
for the stage,
fact should not be lost sight of in
any discussion of the plays.

It explains the traditional handing down of the plays without
mention of the author's name, in closely resembling prologues,
which are probably stage-additions,
as well as the
coincidence of
formal technique and a large number of repetitions and parallels,

which recur in these, as also in some other Sanskrit
plays of Kerala.
Some unquestionably
forms and
old Prakritic
grammatical solecisms may have in this way been

fossilised and preserved, although they do not necessarily prove
the antiquity or authorship of the plays.
The thirteen Trivangenuine
drum
plays
reveal undoubted similarities, not
but
structural,
also
suggest unity of authorship,

of
Bana and
and
stylistic
E.g.
others to a Bhasa Nataka-cakra; but since these

it
on the Prakrits
of the plays,
8.
Sukthankar
in
JAOS, XLI,
by Prioiz, Sukthankar and others,
1921, pp.
are
would be unsafe
common authorship on similarities which

other known authors preserved in Kerala.
on lexicographical and grammatical peculiarities, by C. J. Ogden

pp. 269 f (a list of solecisms are given in A pp. B in Devadhara's ed.)
V.
might
theory indicated by the reference
occur also
postulate
in plays of
by
verbal and
which
ideological,
adaptations, and the originals are not known,

to
only
in
;
as noted above
JAOS, XXXV,
1915,
on metrical questions,
10730; on the sources
of the
Udayana
JA, XIII, 1010, pp. 103-525 and P. I). Gune in ABORI, 1, 1920-21,
on a concordance of parallel and recurrent passages, by Sukthankar in ABORI, IV,
170 f: on the relationship between the Cdrudatta and fie Mrcchakattka by
legend, by F. Lacote in
pp. 1-91
1923,
p.
Vbe^ das
Morgenstierne,
S.
K. Belvalkar
Verhaltnis
1922, pp. 69-74, and J. Charpentier in

8
Some
zwischen
Carndatta und Mrcchakatika, Leipzig 1921,
in Proc. of the First Orient Con/., 1022, p. 180
JRAS,
1923, p. 599
of these are collected together in
Hirananda
f,
Sukthankar
in
JAOS, XLII,
etc.
Sastri,
op. cit., pp. 14-16.
HISTOfty 0# SANSKEIt LITERAtUftE
10&
of
modified form of the theory makes an exception in favour

a limited number of the dramas, the merits of which have
wice
received
wrote
and that the present
recensions,
of the
original
or at any
rate
has preserved
which Sudraka's drama
but they are
lead to
any
bharata
based.
make out
form a closely
but
story;
ascertaining
it
here
allied
group,
as
it
and
difficulties
the surviving
Mahameans of
the
of
definite
uncertainties,
behoves the sober student to adopt an
susceptibility
Maba-
for a fact.
In view of these
that
we have no
also
strong
measure conjectural, and do not
intermediate acts of a lengthy dramatised version
bharata
It is possible also that the five one-act
finality.
pieces
Mrcchakatika of Sudraka,
the
in a great
still
Malayalara
the fragmentary
is
a great deal of the original
these views undoubtedly
for
Bhasa
upon
But the authorship of the
quite uncertain. It must be said that the
is
as yet
is
remaining plays
reasons adduced
texts give
Carudatta
four acts of
first
it
possibly
Pratijna-yaugandharayana,
which the present
of
it,
that
suggests
and a
Svapna-vasavadatta
closely related to
case
It
recognition.
to
any
or
hasty
attitude
it is
from
free
The
conclusion.
dogmatic
clear
proving insufficient, the ultimate question

really comes to an estimate of the literary merits of the plays;
but on a point like this, opinion is bound to be honestly diver-
objective criterion
gent
plays,
The circumstance that all these

even including the limited number which may be, with
and naturally
some reason, ascribed
to
Bhasa,
are
Malayalam adaptations or
causes a further difficulty; for the

The
plays are in a sense by Bhasa, but in a sense they are not.
fact of their being recasts does not, of course, make them
recensions of
the
illusive.
Sukthankar, in
original,
JBRAS,
that the Trivandrum Svapna
1925, 134
f,
and Thomas
in
JRAS,
1928, p. 876
f,
believe
has probable minor changes, but has not undergone any great
transformation.
8
Morgenstierne,
Sukthankar
and
Belvalkar,
undoubtedly a fragment, but from internal evidence
it
as
is
cited
above.
The C&rudatta
probable chat the
is
author or the
compiler never contemplated writing only four acts. It is, however, not explained
work alone is recovered as a fragment. See below under fiudraka.
why
this
109
connexion with the original, but the extent to which

older material has been worked over or worked up by a later
hand is unknown and uncertain. The suggestions that have
forfeit their
been made about distinguishing the apparently older from

more modern matter and manner are more or less arbitrary
the
for,
in spite of unquestionably primitive traits,
the process
involves
Bhasa from the pseudo-
the difficulty of distinguishing the true
Bhasa, not merely play by play, but scene by scene, and even
It must also be admitted that all the plays
verse by verse.
are not, by whatever standard they are judged,
of
merit,
equal
One
and cannot be taken as revealing the alleged master-mind.
must
feel
that
some
of the scenes are very inferior and
some
of
At the same time, it

workmanship.
can hardly be denied that here we have a series of plays, which
the verses are
of feeble
are of varying merit but not devoid ot interest

entirety
they
somewhat
represent a
and that,
undoubted
may not belong

different
to
Bhasa,
tradition
of
that in part or in
but
they certainly
dramatic
practice;
they are not as old as some critics think, they are of

importance in the literary history of the Sanskrit
if
drama.
1
Leaving aside the fragmentar} Carudatta in four acts, the

two dramas which have won almost universal approbation are
the Svapna-vasavadatta and
the
in spite of obvious deficiencies,
PratijM-yaiigandharayana-, and,
the
approbation
is
not unjust.
Both these works are linked together by external similarities and

internal correspondences
and their theme is drawn from the
;
Ed. T. Gauapati
Trivandrucn
Sastri,
Ser., 1914, 1922
Sansk.
the text, along with
Sudraka's Mfcchal{atiJ\a t is reprinted by Morgenstierne, op. cit. The

fragment has no N&ndl verse, and abruptly ends with the heroine's resohe to start out for
correspondences to
C&rudatta's house.
The dramatic
significance from SudrakA's dram*.
T. Ganapati Sastri from Trivandrum

1920), Avi.maraka,
(also 1918,1925),
show any material divergence of a literary

Bhasa
The
play a are published in the following order by
incidents do not
Svapna
(also
1915,
Paftcaratra (also 1017), Bala-carita,
1916,1923, 1924), PratijUa (also
Madhyama
Duta-ghatotkaca, Karna-bhara and Uru-bhanga
one volume, the other* separately; A bh i$eka 1913; Carudatta 1914

1916 (algo 19<>4).
(also
all in
1917),
Duta-vakya
1912, the last five in
(also 1922)
and
110
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT
same legend-cycle
LITfiRATUfcti
Udayana, the semi-historical beau ideal of

whose story must have been so popularised
of
Sanskrit literature,
by the Brhatkatha that Kalidasa assures us
of its great popularity
The story of Udayana's two pretty amoubut

the
romantic
supply
plot to Harsa's two elegant plays
what we have here is not the mere banality of an amusing court-
in his time at Avanti.

rettes
make
Udayana and Vasavadatta do not

all, but we are told a great deal about
In the Pratijna,
intrigue.
their appearance at
them, especially about Udayana's accomplishments, his courage,

his love and impetuous acts.
It is really a drama of political
which the minister Yaugandharayana, as the title

the central figure; but it achieves a more diversified
intrigue, in
indicates, is
interest than
romance
the Mudra-raksasa by interweaving the well-known

Udayana's love and adventure into the plot.
of
Although the whole drama

rapidity of action,
it
The
carefully developed.
have been criticised by

as
Udayana
but
is
that the plot
Bhamaha
which
(iv.
40) as incredible,
is
not
unusual
need not be urged as a serious defect.
what stage the incident
clear at
clearly and
is
ruse of the artificial elephant appears to
in
the popular
It is,
of the
especially
the elephant-lore,
described as one well-versed in
a device
it is
be said
cannot
and
characterised by simplicity
is
tale
however, not
music
lesson,
and
made
alluded to
IV. 18, actually took place, nor why the captive king, at
into prison
first treated with honour and sympathy, was thrown
in
On
the legend of Udayana,
duction to Priyadar$ika t p.
2
It could not
Ixiii f
see Lacdte,
and references
cited
above, and
A. V.
W.
Jackson's intro-
cited therein.
have come between Acts II and III
for the jester
and the mi-lister know
and Udayana's famous lute is sent by Pradyota to Vasavadatta in Act II,

while Udayara lies wounded in the middle palace. In Act III we are told that Udayana, now
in prison somehow recovers the lute and catches sight of Vaaavadatta, as she goes in an
nothing of
it
open palanquin to worship at a shrine opposite the prison-gate. Nor is the music lesson
made the occpdion of the first meeting between Acts III and I / and yet no other version is
;
given in the play.

the theme
and the
is
Laodte
is
perhaps right in pointing out that the allusive waj
developed in these plays proves that
details,
it
ws
already
familiar to
in
which
their audience,
which the dramatist casually introduces or omits, are to be supplied from
popular tradition.
The
audience of the plays.
hiatus, therefore, did not perhaps prove very serious or mateiial to the
111

"
so that
bis fetters clank as he
drama
theless, the
who
minister
a
about
finely
bows before the gods."
depicts
the
prepared even by
is
successful
royal
Never-
fidelity of a
sentiment of
sacrifice of himself to
alliance.
Some
the
of
bring
episodes,
especially the domestic scene at the palace of Mabasena Pradyota

and the amusing interlude of the intoxicated page, are skilfully
drawn
the characterisation,
vivid and
effective
especially of Yaugandharayana, is
the sustained erotic sub-plot, despite
and
the non-appearance of the principal characters, enhances
its
main
interest of political strategy.
The much
'is less
open
praised Svapna-vasavadatta, on
It
to criticism.
more
is
the
other
hand,
effectively devised in plot,
unity of purpose and inevitableness of effect.

The general story belongs to the old legend; but the motif of
the dream is finely conceived, the characters of the two heroines
and there
is
and the gay old amourist of the

legend and of Harsa's dramas is figured as a more serious,
love-sick and imaginative, hero.
The
faithful, if somewhat
are
discriminated,
skilfully
main feature
of
the play,
however,
is
the dramatic
skill
and
delicacy with which are depicted the feelings of Vasavadatta, to

whose noble and steadfast love no sacrifice is too great while
;
but helpless,
love of Udayana as a victim of divided affections and motives of
It is a drama of fine sentiments; the movement is
statecraft.
her willing
martyrdom
is set off
by the equally
true,
smooth, measured and dignified, and the treatment is free from

the intrusion of melodrama, or of rant and rhetoric, to which
such sentimental plays are often
it
unpolished,
dramatist
and
also
reveals
to stint the
liable.
the
If it is
sureness of
word masterpiece
to
rough-hewn and
touch of
it
is
a great
absurd and
ungenerous.
But there are some
trifling inconsistencies
report of Y&savadatti'g death
tbe beginning that
is
the queen
made
is
the
and lack of inventive
pivot of the plot,
not really
dead.
One
skill, e.g.,
but the audience
may, however,
Coleridge's dictum of dramatic expectation, instead of dramatic surprise.
Ute false
knows from
justify
it
by
112

It
must be frankly admitted, however, that
these
possessed by the ten remaining Trivandrum

each
of them possesses some striking scenes or
plays, although
remarkable characteristics.
Excepting the Paftcaratra, which
extends to three acts, the Mahabharata plays, whose literary
features
not
are
merit has been
much
exaggerated, consist of one act each, and

of slight dramatic scenes than complete
form rather a collection
But they are meant

and make up by vigour what they lack
and finished dramas.

stuff,
lurking
situations.
fondness
The Madhyama has
which there
tale, of
discernible
is
is
no
be of
to
in
vii.
15).
in view of the
What
is
sterner
although
mock-heroic or violent
for
theme
of
finish,
the nature of a fairy

the motif of a
hint in the Epic ;*but
father meeting and fighting his own son unawares

nor is the idea of the 'middle one/ though
unknown,
is
not original,
cleveWy applied,
story of Sunahêpa (Ait, BTV,
the imagining of the situation out
Brahmana
original
is
but the possibilities of the theme are hardly

There is
well-developed within the narrow limits of one act.
also in the Epic no such embassy of Bhima's son as is dramatised
of the
epic tale
Duta-ghatotkaca, which describes the tragic death of

Abhimanyu and the impending doom of the Kurus there is some
in
the
taunting and piquancy, but no action, and the whole scene; is

The Duta-v&kya is more 'directly
nothing more than a sketch.
based on the account of the embassy of Krsna, described in the
Udyoga-parvan but it suffers also from the same Lack of action,

and the theme is exceedingly compressed and hardly completed.
While the introduction of the painted scroll of Draupadi is an
;
ingenious invention to insult the envoy effectively, the appearance
Vi^nu's weapons, though original, is silly in serving no useful

In spite of its tragic note and simplification
dramatic purpose.
|P|
of the original story, the Karna-bhara,
end
of
Karna,
.appeals
is
is
which describes the sad
scarcely dramatic, and the only
the elevation of
Kama's
character',
is
which
not only
The same sympathy

Uru-bhahga, Vhich represents
one-act play but really a one-character play.

for the fallen hero is seen in the
it
feature

the
theme
from that
of
113
Duryodhana's tragic death somewhat
The noble
of the Epic.
resignation of
differently
Duryodhana and
the invention of the poignant passage, which brings the biind

king and his consort on the scene and makes Duryodhana's little
climb on his father's broken thighs, reveal some

dramatic power but the introductory long description of the
son attempt
to
unseen fight is not happily conceived, and the play is also

remarkable in having as many as sixty-six stanzas in one act
alone
The
Paftcaratra, in three
extent, and
more
shows
and
invention
Tt
interest.
perhaps
possesses greater
selects, from the
Virata-parvan, the dramatic situation of the
Pandavas in hiding being forced into battle with the Kunis but
!
acts, is longer in
it
simplifies the
handled.
sacrifice,
on
the
epic
story,
While
details
attack
which
of
are
freely
is
omitted, Duryodhana's
Trigarta's
motif of his rash promise, Abbimanyu's presence
Kaurava side and capture by Bhiraa are invented; and
the
Karna
Duryodhana and
light,
the
are
Sakuni being the only
represented in more favourable

in the piece.
The number
villain
The play is
proportion to its length.
ingeniously titled, and there are some striking dramatic scenes;
but regarded as a story, it is far inferior to that of the Epic, and
of characters is large in
there
is
no substance
in the suggestion
that
it
is
closer
to
the
The epic plays are, no doubt,

epic feeling and characterisation.
of a heroic character, but they are far remo\ed from the heroic
age
their novelty
justified
in
by their
wins a more indulgent verdict than
is
perhaps
real merit.
The Ramayana plays are more ambitious and much larger

The Pratima seeks, in seven acts, to dramatise, with
extent.
considerable omission and alteration, the almost entire Ramayana

round the character of
story, but its interest centres chiefly
Kaikeyi is conceived as une femme incomto which she patiently

prise, a voluntary victim of public calumny,
submits for the sake of her husband's honour and the life of
Bhar^ta and Kaikeyl.
her
for
dear
the
15
step-son
and
here
again
martyr and the persecuted.
ISlftR
we find the same sympathy

The development of the
114
plot
is
made
skilfully
noble motive for
depend on the secrecy of Kaikeyi's
to
the
seemingly greedy conduct of demanding

the throne for her own son but for this, the plea of a Sulka
;
(dowry) promised to her by Dagaratha has to be substituted for

the two boons of the original, and the explanation of the secrecy
of her
motive
of the Statue
a situation
Hall
but
connected
is
it is
play, as the title
the scene of
the end
itself at
hardly
is
with
The scene
the same motif and creates
worked out as the key-note
The
would suggest.
Sita's
rather far-fetched v
abduction,
liberty taken in
no doubt,
of the
modifying
noble
substitutes
motive for the vulgar one of the greed for a golden deer
fails to be impressive by making
Kama a childishly
but
it
gullible
One of
person and Eavana a rather common, boastful villain.
the striking scenes of the drama is that of Dasaratha's sorrow and
death, which reveals a delicate
situation
the
handling of
pathos of the
but, on the whole, the, merits and defects of this
drama
appear to be evenly balanced. \/The Abhiseka, on the other hand,

takes up the Eamayaiia story at the point of the slaying of Valin
and supplies, in six acts, the episodes omitted in the other play, ending with the ordeal of S'itfl
and consecration
of Sugriva,
perhaps so named
because it begins and ends with a consecration/ But there is not
much dramatic unity of purpose behind the devious range of epic
and the consecration
incidents.
Its
of
The
Kama.
main feature
is
play
is
the sympathetic characterisation of
Valin and Eavana, but the other figures are of much less interest.
Eama is directly identified with Visnu but he is here, more or
;
less, a. ruthless
slaying of Valin no
crossing the ocean, the
warrior, of whose treacherous
In
'convincing explanation is offered.
miracle of divided
waters is repeated
from
the
episode
of
Vasudeva's crossing the Yamuna in the Bala-carita. Even if

the Abhiseka is not a dreary summary of the corresponding
parts
of
than
distinctly
the
it
Epic,
sequence
of
feebler in
contains
naturally
series
of
developed
dramatic character and
situations
incidents,
quality
rather
and
than
is
the
bRAMAS ASCRIBED TO BHISA

The
number
Bala-carita ,
in
five
acts,
is
115
upon a
based
similarly
Irom the early life of Krsna,

but there are some features which are not found in the epic and
1
If they are inventions, some of them (such as
Puranic legends.
of loosely joined incidents
the great weight of the baby Krsna, the gushing
the
water from
of
sands, or the incursion of Garuda and Visnu's weapons)
are
clumsy and serve no dramatic purpose, while the introduction of

Oandala maidens and of KartyayanI, though bizzarre, is scarcely
The
impressive.
and the softer
feeling
deal of killing in
the
most
is
not
much
and
ferocity.
and Kamsa
fighters
Kamsa. however,
is
little
on
hurled
baby-girl
1iero,
There
is
or
There
in evidence.
them
the
of
praise that has been
much sympathy.
of
effect
at least,
showered on
The Avi-maraka
outcast
but
above,
of
bull-demon,
not an entirely wicked person, but, as a fallen
completeness
whom
a great
the stone, as well as of the two prize-
of questionable merit
disguise,
missing,
is
melodramatic* vio-
in
all
the slaying
There
the
depicts the
it
it
is,
play
rather a
a
is
it
hardly deserves the high
with more zeal than reason.
love-adventure
a prince in
of
a curse has turned, for the time being,
sheap-killer.
however,
is
As such,
dramatisation of a series of exciting incidents.
drama
are
himself, rapidly slaughtered in two stanzas!
represented with
unity
is
career
dramas mentioned
of the epic
Bala-carita perhaps surpasses
lence
the
erotic episodes of Krsna's
It is interesting for its
into
somewhat
an
refresh-
not original, plot, based probably on folk-tale, of the love

ing,
of an apparent plebeian for a princess.
But from the outset it is
if
clearly indicated that the
be
handsome and accomplished youth must
other than what he seems; and the suspense
maintained up
the
to the
Pratijrla, the
unravelling of the plot
Vidusaka here
is lively
at
is
not skilfully
the end.
As
in
and interesting, but a
The
an apparent outcast is oddly fitted.
the
of
introduction
with
the
denouement of a happy marriage,
Brahmin companion
On
The motifs
iniDOrta.rtf.
the
Krna
ftlAmAnfa
to
stl
ZDMG
LXXIV, 1920, pp. 125.37.

legend see Winternitz in
and of the magic ring conferring invisibility are cleaily
tliA rtl^t A *~',va A annoronHv f Tt m
of recognition
fiiStORY OF SAfctSKRtT
116
busy-body, Narada, is rather lame and the drama is

not free from a sentimental and melodramatic atmosphere, in
celestial
which the hero seeks suicide twice and the heroine once. For
diversion from excess of sentiment, there are amusing scenes,,
such as the dialogue of the hero with the nurse and the small
episode of the jester and the maid; but there is enough of overstrained brooding and one long monologue in the course of the
burglary, in which the question
hero's sentimental
of the
number
one of
of lines, but
is
not merely
There
connexion.
vital
however, no justification for the claim that the Avi-maraka

drama of love primitive in its expression and intensity.
is,
is
these plays are more or less faulty,

and are not as great as they are often represented to be. Judgment must ultimately pass in respect of the Svapna and the
It will
Pratijna,
be seen that
all
which have the greater probability,
literary point of view, of being attributed
are not faultless
but
to
Sanskrit drama in these, as well as in the
other
They
also
student of
the
is_tbk,
plays,
irec
ty
are
the normal
which
Sanskrit drama
from the
least
Bhasa.
to
what appeals most
at
in
points often neglected in

favour of poetical excursions,
excesses and r het or ical_e mbej

'
II
sh
appearing never worries our

overcrowded by the rich variety
m en
t.a*.
The number
author,
but the
sentimental
of characters
stage
never
is
and, while most of the major

and delicacy, the minor ones are
is
There
considerable inventive
characters are painted with
skill
normally, neglected/
and even if the
power
not,
constructive
ability
is
not
always
praiseworthy, the swift and smooth progress of the plot is seldom

hindered by the profusion of descriptive and emotional stanzas,
and monostichs are

craftsmanship
in
freely
employed.
transforming a legend
There
or
is
an epic
drama, and daring modifications are introduced,
no
lack
although
of
into a
tale
it
may
be admitted that the craftsmanship is not always admirable, nor

The style and diction are
the modifications always well judged.
clear
and
forcible, but not
uncouth or inelegant; they have
little
DRAMAS ASCRIBED TO BH&SA

'
and
of the succulence
'
notice
to
fail
Even
of the ornate
slickness
casual reader will not
117
that
possess elaborate art and polish of the
Kavya.
the dramas
standard type,
do
not
but
that
rare
is, without apparent effort, vigour and liveliness of a
The plays defy conventional rules, and even conventional
kind.
there
are seldomjacking in dramatic
expression,
but
situations.
Perhaps a
less
enthusiastic
that most of the plays are of a

in
them the fusing and
lifting
judgment
somewhat prosaic
power
moments and
of a
would
find
and
miss
cast,
imagination
poetic
would be unjust to deny that they possess movement,

energy and vividness of action, as well as considerable skill of conbut
it
There
sistent characterisation.
nothing primitive in their
art,
and
on the one hand,

other, but there is
as
is
an assurance of
nothing of dazzling excellence, on the

an unadorned distinction and dignity, as well
Even
vitality.
exaggerated estimates,
or authors of the plays.
Whether
indicate an
and peculiarities
made from
after deductions are
much remains
all
to the credit of the
author
the aberrations, weaknesses
embryonic stage
of
art,
or* an
altogether different dramatic tradition, or perhaps an individual

nor is it certain that all or any
trait, is not definitely known
;
one of these plays really
belong
to
Bhasa and
to a
period of
nor, again, can we determine the extent

comparative antiquity
and nature of the recast to which they were submitted but what
;
is still
to consider is that here
important
we have,
at least in
some
Svapna and PratijM, a dramatist

or dramatists of real power, whose unlaboured, but not forceless,
The deficiencies
art makes a direct and vitally human appeal.
like
of the fascinating plays
are
patent,
and a
inclined to justify
the equally
critic
them
with a tender conscience
feel
but they need not diminish or obscure
The dramas have wrestled with and

and even if we cannot historically fit them in,
patent merits.
conquered time
they have an unmistakable dramatic,
;
this
may
would make them
of the Sanskrit
drama.
if
not poetic, quality,
deserve a place of their
own
and
in the history
CHAPTER
III
KAL1DASA
Of Kalidasa's immediate predecessors we know
little,
and
with the doubtful exception of the plays ascribed to Bhasa, we

know still less of their works. Yet, it is marvellous that the
Kavya
is
attains its climax in
never parallelled in
its
him and
later
a state of
history.
If
perfection
A6vaghoa
which
prepared
way and created the new poetry and drama, he did not finish
In the interval of three
the creation and the succession failed.
the
or four centuries
have
little
we know
of other kinds of literary effort, but
we
evidence of the type which would -explain the finished

It must have been a time of
excellence of Kalidasa's poetry.
movement and
productiveness,
and the employment
of
ornate
prose and verse in the Gupta inscriptions undoubtedly indicates

the flourishing of the Kavya but nothing striking or decisive in
;
What impresses
poetry or drama emerges, or at least survives.
us in Kalidasa's works is their freedom from immaturity, but this
prolonged and diverse
In Kalidasa we are
efforts extending over a stretch of time.
introduced at once to something new which no one hit upon
freedom must have been
the
result
of
something perfect which no one achieved, something

incomparably great and enduring for all time. His outstanding
individual genius certainly accounts for a great deal of this, but
before,
appears in a sudden and towering glory, without being

buttressed in its origin by the intelligible gradation of lower
it
eminences. It
is,
however, the
effect also of the tyrannical
domi-
nance of a great genius that it not only obscures but often wipes
out by its vast and strong effulgence the lesser lights which
surround it or herald its approach.
119
KALIDISA
Of the predecessors of whom Kalidasa himself speaks, or of

the contemporaries mentioned by legends, we have very little
There are also a few poets who have been confused,
information.
identified or associated
with Kalidasa
may have been
they
Most
temporaries or immediate successors.
con-
of these, however, are
mere names, and very scanty and insignificant works have been
ascribed to them by older tradition or by more modern guess-work.
Of these, the only sustained w ork is that of Pravarasena
date is unknown, but who may have reigned in Kashmir
whose
5th century
A.D.
He
in fifteen cantos, but if
it is
in Prakrit,
him
three
Kahlana
remarkable.
Sanskrit
(ii-16)
it
obviously aiodelled on
is
The
the highly artificial Sanskrit Kavya.
assign to
the
in
wrote the Setu-bandha or Ratana-vadha'2

3
anthologies,
but
stanzas,
they
however,
are
hardly
mentions Camlraka or Candaka as
dramas under Tunjina of Kashmir; but of him and

composer
his work nothing is known, excepting small fragments preserved
by Srivara in his Subhasitavali; and the identity of this dramatist
of
with the Buddhist grammarian Candragoniin, who also composed

a drama (now preserved in Tibetan and entitled Lokananda) is
Of Matrgupta, who is said to

hypothetical.
extremely
have been Pravarasena's predecessor on the throne of Kashmir,
and
who may or may not be identical with dramaturgist
4
Matrguptacarya, nothing remains except two stanzas contextually
attributed
i,
the
by
Kashmirian
See Peterson in Sbhv t pp. 60-61.
pp. 66, 84
f,
would place Pravarasena
ascription of the
Kauntalefoara-dautya
But Stein
only
8
an unfounded
to
NSP, Bombay
his
translation
Kaja-taraiigiy/i
of the Raja-tar ahgini,
The
Ksemendra and Bhoja is used to show
Kuntula, was a contemporary of Kalidasa, but it
Kalidasa by
conjecture.
Ed, 8. Goldschmidt, with German
and London
in
in his
II as late as the second half of the 6th century.
that Pravarasena, as the Vakat-aka ru'er of

is
Kahlana
1880,1884;
trs
ed, Sivadatta and
(and word index by P. Goldschmidt), Strassburg

K. P. Parab. with Skt. comm. of Ramadfcsa,
1895.
Kus. introd,, pp. 64-55.
8.
citations in later
i,
p.
32; fragments of this writer have been collected from
works and published by T.
Hetearch, Madras,
(1928), pp. 118-28.
R. Ohintamanj
in
the Journal
of
Oriental
L20
and
181, 252),
(iii.
in
his
poet,
one by
Aucitya-vicara-carca
stanza
as well as
Mentha
have patronised
to
said
is
whose Hayagrlva-vadha
first
another "Kashmirian, Kgemendra,

(ad 22). Matrgupta, himself a
2
or
Bhartraentha,
and
elicited royal praise
The
reward.
quoted by Ksemendra,
some commentators and anthologists, 4 but it is
this work, in Sloka, is
of
by
inadequate to give an idea of the much lauded

Tradition associates Enlidaea also with Ghatakarpara
obviously too
lost poem.
and Vetfilabbatta.
been suggested that Ghatakarpara may

be placed even earlier than Kalidasa but the laboured composition
of twenty-four stanzas, which passes under his name, hardly
It has
much
deserves
notice.
love-lorn
by making a
to her lover,
message
It
reverses the motif
the
in
woman,
and aims chiefly
season, send
rainy
as Yamaka,
the
in
at displaying skill
known
verbal trick of repeated syllables,
the Mcgha-duta
of
exclusively
using, however, only one variety of it, namely, the terminal. It

7
employs a variety of metres, but shows little poetic talent. Nor
Those are also giveu as Matrgnpba's
the fast stanza

*
ing
is
is
Kahlana,
iii.
referred
to
Sbhv, nos. 3181 and 2550.
It is
curious that
Karpatika by Ksemendra (Attcilya-vicara ad 15).

125 f, 260*62. The word mentlia means an elephant-driver, and this meanin a complimentary verse in Sml 1*1.61).
The poet is sometimes called
Mankhaka
Hastipaka.
in
assigned to
(ii.
Mentha as a
53) places
Subandhu, and Bana; Sivasvamin
47)
(xx.
the same rank with
poet in
equals him with Kalidasa
Rajasekbara thinks that Valmiki re-incarnated as Mentha

3 Suvrtta-tilaka ad iii. 16.
The poem is also mentioned
Bharavi,
and Dandin
while
K. De, Calcutta 1928,
(ed. S.
candra
4
(ed.
GOS, Baroda
Peterson, op.
cit
p.
243),
Kuntaka's Vakrokti-jivita
in
and in the Naiya-darpana of Eamacandra and Guna-
1920, p. 174).
pp. 92-94. Small fragments are preserved in Srlvara's
Subhasitavali,
nos 203-204.
5
H. Jacobi, Das Ramdyana,
p.
125 note.
Jacobi relies mainly on
the poet at the close that he would carry water in a broken
surpass him in the weaving of Yarnakas

author's
name
itself
may have had
hut the poern
fictitious
Yamaka, though deprecated by Inandivardhana,

and need not of
6
itself
Ed. Haeberlin in Kavya-samgraha,
p.
120
Kavya samgraha, I, Calcutta 1886,

Durscb, Berlin 1828, with German verse trs.
7
from
old,
been
the
being
the wager offered by
for
any one who would
anonymous, and
wager
itself
The
comprehended by
the
figure
Bharata,
prove a late date for the poem.
sagar in his
Sundarl.-Vasantatilaka,
Drutavilambita,
may have
origin
is
pitcher
f,
p.
Aupacchandasika,
which
is
reprinted by
357-66; ed. with a Skt.
Rathoddhata,
among which Rathoddhala predominates,
Jivananda Vidyacomm. by G. M.
Pufpitagra, Upajati
and
121
IUL1DASA
is
much
there
NUi-sara,
random
which
we accept the
if
gain
simpler in
is
collection of twenty-one
posed in a variety of
a
of
Nlti-pradipa
bhatta
metres.
sixteen
attribution to this poet of the
Of the
assiduously cultivated in Sanskrit.

doubtful
of
poems
com-
type is also the

ascribed to Vetala-
is
this
shorter collection
specimens of gnomic poetry, which has been
indeed fine
The
also
latter
which
stanzas,
merely a
is
stanzas,
moralising
but some of the verses of
but which
diction
are
much
which comprise
Kalidasa,
some
twenty works form an interesting subject, but no serious or comSome of them, such as
plete study "has yet been made of them.
the elaborate Yamaka-kfivya, called the Nalodaya* in four cantos,
and the slight RakMisa-kavyn

FM ITaeberlm,
op. cit. t p. 504
$nrdiiiavikridita,
rpijfiti,
1'
Jivanant'U,
Ed. Haebetlin, op. at.,
p.
o/>.
Some
5'2fi f
ctt.,
of the stanza^ are
fine,
Jivnnand.i, op. at., pp. 366-72.
7
ITpajati, \ aK;ntatilaka, SardiiiavikiTdiU,
Dnitaviiambita,
are
now
pp. 371-80.
&loka, Vrm<taatha\ila,
Rhujarigapravnta,
Mamlakianta, the Sioka piednminating.

other works and collections.
3
some twenty stanzas,
in
but
Vusantatilaka,
they
recur
in
The metres used are
Vamsasthavila, Mandakranta and
Sloka.
4
.iriku is
1<
st
for
he belongs to the time Ajitaplda of
Sanskrit Poetics,
pp. TO.5'2.
Sarikuka
p. 38.
i,
called son of Majiira
e -titled
contemporary of Kalidasa. He cannot be identical with

mentions as the author of the Bhucanabhyndaya, a poem now
also regarded as a
whom Kahlana
Surikuka,
Perhaps
see Peterscn in Sbhv, p. 1'27
to this
Sankuka,
cited as
P.
one of
Quackenbos, Poems of Maytira,
ânkuka,
is
which a passage
also attributed a
drama,
the
Natya-
is
quoted in
(p. 86).
Kd. with the Subodhinl comm. of the Maithila Piajftakara-tni^ra, and with introd., notes
trs. in
Calcutta
LAI,
and G.
S. K. De,
whicb he is
N13-16A.D.); see
the Anthologies, in
Am atya
Citrotpalalambitalta Prakarana, from
darpana of Ramacandra and Ounarandra
uud
Kashmir (about
is also cited in
Latin by P. Beuary, Berlin 1830; ed. Jngaunath Sukla, with the same comm.,
also ed. W. Yates, with metrical Engl. tra., Calcutta 1844. PischeUZDMG,
1870
p. 62fi)
adduces reasons
for ascribing its authorship
and author probably also of the Rak&asa-larya.

1883-84,
p.
1887, p. 69,
Ifi)
Agrees.
note,
on the Nalodoya
is
Ravideva's
date
is
With
to
Ravideva, son of Narayana
Bbandarkar (Report,
unknown, but Peterson (JBHAS, XVII,
this
view R. G.
in Three Reports. 1887, p. 20 f) states that a commentary

Samvat 1664 = 1608 A.D. But A. R. Ramauatha Ayyar ( JRAS
the author of the Nalodaya was a Kerala poet, named Vasudeva, son
corrected
d ited in
1925, p. 263) holds that
of Ravi, who lived in the court of Kuln5ekhara and his successor Rama in the first half of the
9th century (?), and wrote also another
Yamoka-k^vya, Ymlhivthira.vijaya (ed. NSP, Bombay
1897) and an unpublished alliterative

6
poem tailed Tripura-dahana see below under ch. vi.

Ed. A. Hoefer in Sanskrit Lesebuch, Berlin 1819; ed. K. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1890,
1900; also in Jivananda,

op,
16
1848B
cit,,
III, pp, 343-53; tra,
by P.
Belloni-Pilippi ia
GSAI, XIX,
122
definitely
some
known
wrongly ascribed
but
is
it
that
possible
of the Kalidasa
made
Apocrypha belongs to his contemporaries

more serious claim for Kalidasa's authorship
and followers.
is
to be
for the Rtu-sarrihara
as
youthful
the
of
production
the poem
been contested, however, that

may be
The Indian
young, but not with the youth of Kalidasa.
tradition on the question is uncertain
for while it is popularly
It has
poet.
who comments on
ascribed, Mallinatha,
2
and
Kalidasa, ignores it
rhetoricians did not accept
the
it,
for purposes of illustration
the other three
conscience
artistic
poems
Sanskrit
of
as they did the other three
of their
rules
nor
of
poems,
citation
is
any
found in the early anthologies.
The argument that the
4
poem is an instance of Kalidasa's juvenilia and is, therefore, not
taken into account by commentators, anthologists and rhetori-
from
!{
it
cians, ignores niceties of stylo, and
The Indian literary

The work is
preserve immaturities.
not bear the obvious stigmata of the novice.

sense never thought
it fit
to
hardly immature in the sense that
1906, pp. 83
f.
pp. 17^-76.
(i.
90.5)
poem.
There
aod SP
ft
lacks craftsmanship, for
it
sometimes called Buddhiuncda ov Yid\ad\inoda Kavya,
It is
Hacked
published by D. R.
is
a poet
in
lHQ
poem does
the
that
forgets
XIII, 1936,
named Eaksasa
or
692
p.
see
Raksasa Pamlita,
cited
XIX,
the date of the Rakâsa-Jtdvya at 1000 A. D. on
Jaina commentary on
puts the
1940, pp. 812-19)
the
strength of the
ia
1HQ, XIV,
respectively in Skm
in
(nos. 3810-11), although the stanzas in the anthologies are not taken
P. K. Gode (Journal of Indian Hist.,
which
a text of
K. De
8.
its
date
from the
lower limit of
1159 A.D.
of a
it.
Ed. \V. Jones, Calcutta 1792 (reproduced in fasc, hy H. Kreyenbor^r, Hannover 1924)
Latin and German metrical UP. by P. von Bohlec, Leipzig 1840 ;cd. W. L.
ed. with a
Pansikar, \vith the

2
comm.
Manirama, NSP, Bombay, 6th
of
ed. 1922 (1st ed.
Mallinalha at the outset of his commentary on Rag1m
1906).
speaks of only thiee Kavyaa of
Kalidasa on which he himself comn ents.

3
which
Excepting four stanzas in Sbliv, of
ncs.
assigned expressly to Kalidasa, and nos. 1703, 1704
But on the 9omposite text of

in J ^5,1927, pp. 109-10.
<
1913,
this anthology,
LXXIII,
410-412,
1919,
HSL
p. 194 f
and
pp.
82-84;
JRAS,
J.
1674,
fits
which renders
Hillebrandt, Kalidasa, Breslau 1921, p. 66

pp.
its
Keith in
Nobel in
1913, pp. 401-10;
1078
(=pts
tesiimor.y doubtful, see S.
JRAS,
Harichand
B, B. Johnston, introd, to Buddha-carita,

p. Ixxxi.
vi. 16, 19)
are
18, 20) are cited with kayor api.
1912, pp. 1066-70,
ZDMQ, LXVI,
Vlnde (Paris 1917), pp. 24042.

5
i.
1912, pp.
Sastri, I/Art
K. De
JRAS,
275-82,
pottiê de
123
kALIDASA
mannered and conventional, even
descriptions are properly
they
show some freshness
of observation
and weaknesses are such
its peculiarities
if
and feeling for nature

as
show
inferior literary
1
talent, and not a mere primitive or undeveloped sense of style. It
has been urged that Vatsabhatti in his Mandasor inscription
borrows expressions and exploits two stanzas of the Rtu-samhara.

The indebtedness is much exaggerated, 2 but even if it is accepted,
only shows the antiquity of the poem, and not Kalidasa's
If echoes of Kalidcisa's phrases and ideas are traceauthorship.
it
able (e.g.
ii.
for there is
10), they are sporadic
and
nowhere any suggestion
indicative
of
imitation,
of Kalidasa as a whole.
The
not altogether devoid of merit

otherwise
there would not have been so much controversy.
It is not a bare
description, in six cantos, of the details of the six Indian seasons,
poem
is,
of course,
nor even a Shepherd's Calender, but, a highly cultured picture of

the seasons viewed through the eyes of a lover.
In a sense it has
same motif
the
the treatment
is
as
is
seen in the
different,
between the two poems.
first
part of the
Megha-duta
and there
is
It strings
together rather
no community
but
of character
conventional
pictures of kissing clouds, embracing creepers, the wildly rushing
streams and other tokens of metaphorical amorousness in nature,

as well as the effect
the lover.
It
and
significance of the different
shows Hashes
verse and sense of rhythm,
seasons
for
an easy flow of
diction free from elaborate
of effective phrasing,
and a
complications, but the rather stereotyped descriptions lack richness of content and they are not blended sufficiently with human
feeling.
This would rather rule out the suggestion that inasmuch as it shares
ghosa'* weaknesses, it is a half -way house between A6vaghos.a and Kalidasa.
1
Cf.
G. K, Nandargikar, Kumaradasa, Poona 1908,
some
of
Aeva-
p. xxvi, note.
Very pertinently Keiih calls attention to Kalidasa's picture of spring in Kumdra iii and
Raghu* ix, and of summer in Raghu xvi (10 which scattered passages from the di aortas can also
3
be added); but the conclusion he draws that they respectively

loped style of
judgment.
the
same
poet
is
a matter
of.
personal
show
the*(leveloped and
preference
rather
than
of
undeveliterary
124
who
Unlike later Sanskrit poets,
often
are
modesty and speaks
puffers, Kaliclasa expresses
confident
himself.
of
little
self-
The current Indian anecdotes about him are extremely stupid,

and show that no clear memory remained of him. He is one
of the great poets who live and reveal themselves only in
His
works.
their
worst
at
uncertain,
ransacked
for
bear
they
and even approximate time, is at

best conjectural.
His works have been
date,
but
clues,
not
moments
they
Gupta power and
on the
subject
none of the theories are
no
material,
to
suffice
it
but
since
testimony to a period of culture, ease and

have been associated with the various great
of the
controversies
Let
successfully
general
prosperity,
definite
very
The hypotheses and
glory.
need
not
occupy us here, for

and without further and more
final,
convincing conclusion is attainable.

Kalidasa is mentioned as a
say that vsinee
Aihole inscription
of
great reputation in the
and since he. probably knows Asvagbosa's works
034
of
poet
A.I).,
shows a much more developed form and
Oth
oi
A.D.
culture
of
The
literature
Since
juid
the
as
enjoying,
style
(a
"
not gone unchallenged),

the
which, however,
his time are broadly fixed between the 2nd and the
century
man
of
has
position
limits
sense
and
works reveal
his
urbanity,
legends
on the subject, which
leisured
author
artist
as
probably
a
without yielding
am
tliscuBseu
tbtfadbarc
under
patronage
royal
any,
the
bulky and still growing. The various views, however, will he found in the
Huth, Die Zeit dex Kalidaw Idiss.), Berlin J890; B Liebich, Duv Datum des
definite result, is
following
Cundruyomin's und Kalidtisa's, Breslau 1003,
in Indoycrni. Fonchungcn XXXl,

p. 28, an
The
1912-13, p.
Diyvijaya o/ Raghn, Krakau 1914-15; Hillebrandt,
Kalidasa, Breslau 1921; Pathak in JBRAS, XTX, 1895, pp 35-43 and int-od. to Meghn-duta
Koith in J RAS, 1901, p. 578, 1905, p. 575, 1909, p. 433, Ind. Office Cat., Vol. 2, pt. ii,
I
198 f; A. Gawronski,
SD,
p. 1201,
in
JRAS
2
p. 143f
also references cited in Winternitz,
1918, pp. 118-22,
makea an attempt
See
to revive the
Univ.
Nandurgikar, introd. to Raghu

Studies, IT,* p. 80 f; K G. Sankar
gbost
is
later
than Kalidasa
phase in literary evolution.
is
to
preaurne,
in
Jf/LJII,
Kshetrcsh
IHQ,
without
p. 40
f.
P.
W. Thomas,
Dinnaga legend
I,
in
Allahabad
Chattopadhyay
312 f
To argue that A6va-
t-ufficiei.t
reason, a retrogressive
KALlDASA
1
is
Vikraixmditya,
it
Candragupta II
(cir.
and
Vikramaditya,
The
power.
J2fe
unnatural
not
380-413
who had
A.D.),
whose times were those
various
which the
arguments,
not
are
of
the
with
style
of
and
prosperity
and
literary
is
him
associate
to
by
historical,
when
invulnerable
reached,
position
they are taken in detail, but their cumulative effect cannot
We neither know, nor shall perhaps ever know,
be ignored.
if
any of the
brilliant
unjustifiable
to
unimportant
to
varied
done
place
know
and
living
have
our
of
state
present
him roughly
be
altogether
400 A.D.
at
the
it
not
is
shared the glorious and

a great time
but he might not
Kalidasa
that
of
learning
be
That he had
but in
correct,
would not
it
knowledge,
and yet
this,
is
conjectures
foremost
the
Sanskrit
of
poet
wide acquaintance with the life

literature.
and scenes of many parts of India, but had a partiality for
but it would perhaps be hazardUjjayini, may be granted
a
and
ous,
even
him
connect
to
unnecessary,
with
any
particular geographical setting or historical environment.
works are not only
Kfilidasa's
direct
but
reference,
personal
show
hardly
.they
and
devoid
singularly
in
of
his
all
poetic
grasp of
settling
genius growing
power. Very few poets have shown a greater lack of ordered
development. Each of his works, including his dramas, has
its distinctive
in matter and manner
it
is
characteristics
itself
gradual
hardly
of
question
difference
execution.
8. P.
younger
character and
All
therefore,
efforts,
Pandit
(Preface
to
admits
liagliu*)
of
quality,
nothing
the age of the
been
Vikramaditya
developed
in
of
Samvat
the
some
recent
this,
but
era,
i.e.,
to the
but the
and
conception
arrive
to
writings,
worse, but
better or
or older,
at
believes
Kalidasa's works that renders untenable (he tradition
in
view baa
of
of
whMi
first
relative
that
there
him
assigns
century B. C.
arguments
are
is
to
The
hardly
conclusive.
2
Huth attempts
Kalidasa
is
alooe; see
are both
too
to
finished
Keith's
redolent of
ascertain
effective
love
a relative chronology
metrist to
criticism
on the basis of metres, but
render any conclusion probable on metrical evidence

in
and youth and
SD,
p.
Raghu*
167.
is
That
Kumara*
and
mature and meditative,
Megka*
is
not a
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LlTERATtJrlE
126
chronology of his writings have not proved very successful,

and it is not necessary to indulge in pure guess-work and
express a dogmatic opinion.
The Kumara-sambhava
early, works, but it is in
is
own
its
regarded as one of Kalidasa's

way as admirably conceived
To the extent to which

poems.
a
it has
survived, it does not, however, complete its theme,
defect which it shares with the Raghu-vama also apparently
and expressed as
his
other
left
The genuineness
incomplete.
of
the
Kumara-sambhava is beyond doubt

narrative down to the marriage of Siva and
of.
the
seven
first
cantos
brings the
Parvati, and the
but
it
regarding the birth of the Kumara, is not

fulfilled.
Probably canto viii is also genuine along with the
first seven cantos,
it is commented
upon by Mallinatha and
the
promise of
title,
Arunagiri, and is known to writers on Poetics, who somewhat

squeamishly censure its taste iu depicting the love-sports of
2
adored deities
it also possesses
Kfilidasa's characteristic style
;
and diction.
the. rest of
of
criterion
The same remarks, however, do not apply to

the poem (ix-xvii) as we have it now.
These
sufficiently
or
Second
are
theories
question
it is
dramas
lo infer
Similar remarks apply
lateness.
Proc.
The
pure conjecture
character.
decisive
character of workmanship, but
Orient.
Conference,
plausible;
to
the
Calcutta
but their
very
elaborate
also
from
of
attempt
1928, pp. 239-47.
divergence from
differ
this
It
in
R. D. Earmarkar in
must be
said
another shows
one
and
quality
fact their earlineea
that the
that
the
incapable of exact determination.
is
Ed. A. F. Stenzler, with Latin trs. (i-vii, London 1838) ed. T. Ganapati Saatri,
with comm. of Arunagiri ind Narayana li-viii), Trivandrutn Skt. Ser. 1913-14. cantos viii-xvii
first published in
Pandit, Old Series, MI, by Vitthala Sastri, 1866. Also ed. N. B.
Parvanikar, K. P. Paraband W. L. Pansikar, with oornm. of Mallinatha (i-viii) and Sitarama
(ix-xvii\ MSP, 5th ed., Bombay 1908 (10th ed. 1927); ed. with comrn. of Mallinatha, Caritra1
vardhana and Sitarama, Gujrati Printing Press, Bombay 1898. Eng* trs. by R. T. H. Griffith,
2nd ed., London 1879. It has been translated into many other languages, and edited many
times in India.
which
is
Office Cat
2
The
accepted
,
vii, p.
as
NSP
ed.
contains in an Appendix Mai Hnatha's comm. on canto viii,

Inlian manuscripts and editions (see India
genuine in some South
1419, no. 8764).
For a summary
of
the
opinions,
pottique de VInde, Paris 1917, p. 235
f.
see
Harichaud
Sistri,
Kdliddsa
et
I'
Art
127
KXLIDASA
cantos
form a supplement
probably
who
zealous admirer,
not only insists
composed by some later

upon the birth of Kuraara
motive of his birth by describing his

It is unbelievable that Kalidasa
victory over the demon Taraka.
possibly he brought it to a proper
abruptly left off his work
but also brings out the
conclusion
but
it is
idle to speculate as to
The
eight cantos only survived.
city of the present sequel has not
from
the
why
seven or
first
remains that the authenti-
fact
been proved.
promise of the title, these

present a finished and unified
picture in
genuine cantos
The theme is truly a daring one in aspiring to
itself.
apart
Nevertheless,
encompass the love

later Greek poets to
deities
highest
whom
Homeric
the
the
unlike
but,
;.
was
inspiration
lost,
Sanskrit
the
poets never regard their deities as playthings of

Apart from any devotional significance which may be
but which Kalidasa, as a poet, never emphasised, the
fancy.
found,
theme was
and
its
in
ments
turn
Sanskrit
supplement.
on
chiefly
evidence
intrinsic
Verhandl
in
of
p.
the
taste,
174
of
as well
must
Orient.
and
silence
style
alive to
The extreme
d.
evidence,
stylistic
literature,
him
possibilities
ZDMG, XXVTT,
grammatical and
to
living reality
poetic
Jacob!
Weber
of
the
of
the
the
Berlin
commentators
1881,
217
and
JT.
f.,
it
2,
his
133-5<>;
pp.
The
f.
argu-
and
rhetoricians,
on
which need not be summarised here.
and treatn ent
MSS
at
is
will
Although the
best an unsafe guide, no studpnl
deny the obvious inferiority of the
for these additional
be admitted that, though an inferior production,
and there are ech es in
to
211
cantos
is
also
we know nothing about the'r source, nor ab ut the source of the commentary
them (the only notice of a MS occurring in E. L. Mitra, Notices, x, no. 3289,
however,
audience;
appealed
in Jnd. Slreifen, 111, pp.
literary niceties,
rarity of
have
Knngress,
to his
as
not only fiorn Kalidasa
'9
the sequel
works, hut
is
also lines
significant
and
of Sltarauaa
p. 88,.
or
It must,
not devoid of
merit
and phrases whirl
remind one of later great Kavya-poets. The cnly citation from it in later writings is the or<
found in Uj.'valadatta'a commentary on the Unddi-sntra, (ed. T. Aufrecht, Bonn 1859, ad iv
C6, p. 106),
with
iti
edition
is
cited
is a
where the passage
ravali
prayalbhahata bheri-iamlhavah
ig
given as
a qirtatioi
Kumarah (and not Kumare). It occurs a? a variant of Kumara* xiv. 32 in the NSl
but it is sad to occur also in Kurna adasa's Janakl harana, which work, however
by Ujjvdladatta (iii. 73) by its own name and ofc by the name of its author. If thii
>
genuine quotation from the sequel, then the sequelmust have been added at a
time, at least before the 14th century A.D., unless
quotation from
it
is
Kumaradasa and an appropriation by
shown that the passage
the author of the sequel.
fairly earlj
in question is
The question
re-opened by 8. P. Bhattacbarya in Proceedings of the Fifth Orient. Cow/., Vol. I, pp. 48-14.
v,
128
We
imagination.
derived
know exactly from what source

but we can infer from his
do not
his material,
of the Sakuntala legend, that
he must
Kalidasa
treatment
rehnndled
have entirely
and reshaped what he derived. The now mythology had life,

warmth and colour, and brought the gods nearer to human life
and emotion. The magnificent figure of the divine ascetic,
scorning love but ultimately yielding to its humanising influence,
the myth of his temptation leading to the destruction of Kama as
the emblem of human desire, the story of Uma's resolve to win
by renunciation what her beauty and love could not achieve by

coming back of her
their seduction, and the pretty fancy of the

lover, not in his ascetic
but
pride
in
playful
this
benignity,
poetic, but neither moralistic nor euhcineristic,
scanty Purfmic myth in
finished
form
working up of a
perhaps all his own.
is
purpose behind the poem, it is merged in its

on
ft is,
the other hand, not bare story-telling or
total effect,
a
of
it
is the
careful work of a poet, whose
recounting
myth;
feeling, art and imagination invest his pictures with a charming
Tf there is a serious
which
vividness,
is at
His poetic powers
finely
where
iii,
and intensely human.
spiritual
are best revealed in
canto
temptation in
once
the
his delineation of Siva's
mighty
words, describing the tragic annihilation of

the
by
word
terrible
of
brevity
sense.
gentle
humour
hermit
of Siva,
god
but
elaboration,
extreme
its
of destruction,
fine
and
example
is
also
of
love-god
not marred by a single
Kfilidasa's
found in
be
in
Uma's hermitage
the
charming fancy and
picture of the
an angry but firm
hermit's
few swift
the pretty
produces infinite suggestiveness by

almost perfect fusion of sound and
to
appearing
which evokes
leading on to the
is
effect of the
and his
depreciation
rebuke from
revealing himself as
the
jonng
Umfi,
god of her
desire.
known
The
to
story
is told in
Agvaghoea
in
MalialliSrnta, iii. 225 (Bombay ed.) and Ramdyana

some form, Buddha-writa, i, 88, xiii, 16.
97,
KILiDISA
The theme
of the
Raghu-vanifa
and gives
and extensive f
fuller
129
is
much more
to
scope
diversified
Kalidasa's
artistic
The work has a greater height of aim and range

imagination.
of delivery, but has no known predecessor.
It is rather a gallery
of pictures
than a unified poem
which put the uncertain mass
and yet out
of old narratives
a vivid poetical form, Kalidasa succeeds

finest
specimens
of the Indian
of these
in evolving
Mahakavya,
pictures,
and traditions into

one of the
which exhibits both
the diversity and plenitude of his powers. 2

Out of its nineteen
cantos there is none that does not present some pleasing picture,
none that does not possess an interest of its own ; and there is
throughout this long poem a fairly uniform excellence of style and

There is hardly anything rugged or unpolished anyexpression.
where in Kalidasa, and his works must have been responsible for
setting the high standard of formal finish
which grew out
of
all
But he never sacrifices, as later poets

proportion in later poetry.
often do, the intrinsic interest of the narrative to a mere elaboration of the
There
outward form.
is
invariably
equipoise and an astonishing certainty

the
fine
sense of
touch and taste.
In
Raghu-vama, Kalidasa goes back
theme, but
it is
write
however,
is
heroic times in
2[ives
us
question
is
is
doubtful
if
to early legends for a

he seriously wishes to reproduce its
The quality of the poem,

Heldengedicht.
more important than its fidelity to the roughness of
spirit or
which the scene
is laid.
Assuming that what he
only a glorified picture of his own times, the vital

whether he has painted excellent individuals or mere
abstractions.
Perhaps Kalidasa
regal characters, in
of
whom
Ed. A. P. Stenzler, with a Latin
is
little
tra.,
prone to depicting blameless

blatneworthiness had better
London 1832;
ed. with the
comm.
of
Mallin&tha
with English
y S. P. Pandit, Bombay Skt. Ser.,3 vols., 1869-74, and by G. R. Nandargikar,
and
of
comm.
with
(i-vi),
Narfcyana
ed.
Aruiiagiri
1897;
3rd
rs.,
revised ed., Bombay
translated in parts or as a whole.
and
Often
date.
edited
no
Press, Trichur,
langalodaya
8
3
is
The Indian opinion considers the Raghu-vaâ to be Kalidasa's greatest poem, so tht
the Caret that
Ra^hukara par excellence. Its popularity is attested by
fgrty commentaries on this poem are Unown
often cited as the
bout
130
been blended
but
if
they are meant to be
are
they
ideal,
yet
and, granting the environare

far
from
Kalidasa introor
ethereal
unnatural.
ment, they
clearly distinguished as individuals
an old-world legend and to an atmosphere strange

to us with its romantic charm but beneath all that is brilliant
duces us
to-
and marvellous, he
The
is
always real without being a
earlier part of the
realist.
accords
Raghu-vama
with
well
its
title, and the figure of Raghu dominates, being supported by the

but in the latter
episodes of his father Dilipa and his son Aja
;
Rama
the
the central figure, similarly heralded by

part
of DaSaratba and followed by that of Ku6a.
There
is
story
thus
is
unity of design, but the entire poem is marked by a singularly

are introduced in
varied handling of a series of themes.
We
first
canto to the vows and austerities of the childless
his queen Sudaksina in tending Vasistha's
sacred
Dilipa
and
cow and sub-
mitting to her test, followed by the birth of Raghu as a heavenly

boon.
Then we have the spirited narrative of young Raghu' s
fight
with Indra in defence of his father's
sacrificial
horse,
his
and
his
as
his
triumphant progress
conqueror,
to
threatened
which
all of
impoverish him,
generosity
accession,
which,
with picturesque brevity,
next three cantos (vi-viii) are devoted to
especially his Digvijaya, is

force
and
skill.
The
described
the more tender story of Aja and his winning of the princess
IndumatI at the stately ceremonial of Svayarpvara, followed,
after a brief interval of triumph and happiness, by her accidental
death, which leaves Aja
story of his son
disconsolate
and broken-hearted.
Da6aratha's unfortunate
hunt,
The
which follows,
becomes the prelude to the much greater narrative

and sorrows of Rama.
of
the
joys
In the gallery of brilliant kings which Kalidasa has painted,

his picture of Rama is undoubtedly the best
for here we have
realities of character which evoke his powers to the utmost.
;
He
did not obviously wish to rival Valmiki on his
but wisely chooses to treat the story

ftalidasa devotes one capto of nearly
in
his
own ground,
own way.
hundred stanzas
While
to
the
KILlDiSA
romantic possibilities of Rama's youthful career, he next accomplishes the very difficult task of giving, in a single canto of not
much
rapid but picturesque conmetre, of the almost entire
greater length, a marvellously
Rdmayana up
to the
winning back
Rama's
Sloka
Valmlki's
in
densation,
of
end of Kama's victory over Ravana and
But the
Sita.
pathos of the story of

reserved for treatment in the
real
and suffering is
next canto, in which, returning from Lanka, Rama is made to
describe to Sita, with the redbllective tenderness of a loving heart,
the various scenes of their past joys and sorrows over which they
exile, strife
pass in their aerial journey.
The episode
is
poetical
study of
reminiscent love, in which sorrow remembered becomes bliss^

but it serves to bring out Rama's great love for Sita better than
mere narration or description,

pictures
the
of
memory
of
theme which
love,
in the
is
varied
by the
presence of suffering,
Megha-duta, and in the two lamentations, in different situations, of Aja and Rati. Rama's passionate clinging to the
melancholy, but sweet, memories of the past prepares us for the
depicted in the
next canto on Sita's exile, and
heightens by contrast -the grief

of the separation, which comes with a still more cruel blow at
the climax of their happiness.
Kalidasa's picture of this later
history of
Rama, more
heroic
in
its
silent
suffering
than the
earlier, has been rightly praised for revealing the poet's power of
pathos at its best, a power which never exaggerates but compresses the infinite pity of the situation in just a few words.
The
which follows, sinks in interest ; but

has a remarkably poetic description of Kusa's dream, in which
story of
it
Rama's
son, Kusa,
his forsaken capital city,
forlorn
this,
woman and
reproaches
two more cantos
the addition
is
Ayodhya, appears in the guise of a
him
for
her
(xviii-xix) are added,
not clear.
They contain some
fallen
state.
After
but the motive of

interesting pictures,
and their authenticity

especially that of Agnivarna at the end,
is not
questioned ; but they present a somewhat colourless account
of a series
know
of
unknown and shadowy
kings.
We
shall
whether Kalidasa intended to bring the narrative
never
down
to
132
own
his
of
times and connect his
Eaghu
but the poein comes
form in which we have

that the theme
no
own
many
but even
brief sketch
from this
It will be seen
it.
not one, but
is
royal patron with the dynasty

to an end rather abruptly in the
if
the
work has
by the
real unity, its large variety of subjects is knit together
powers of colour, form and music of a marvellous poetic imaginaObjects, scenes, characters, emotions, incidents, thoughts
tion.
all
are transmuted and placed in an eternising frame and
setting
'
of poetry.
The Megha-duta* loosely called a lyric or an elegy, is

3
smaller monody of a little over a hundred stanzas in the
and melodious Mandakranta metre
but
no
it is
much
stately
less characteristic
The
last voluptuous king Agnivarna meets with a premature death; but he is not
one of the queens with a posthumous child is said to have succeeded. The Puranns
speak at least of twenty-seven kings who came after Agnivarna, and there is no reason why
1
childless
the poem should end here suddenly, but not naturally (see S. P. Pandit, Preface, p.
It has been urged that the
poet's object
Hillebrandt, Kalidasa, p. 42 f.).
15
is
f.
to
suggest a moral on the inglorious end of a glorious line by depicting the depth to which
the descendants of the mighty Eaghu sink in a debauched king like Agnivarna, who cannot
tear himself from the caresses of his women, and who, when his loyal subjects and ministers
want
to have a sight of him, puts out his bare feet through the
Even admitting
this as a not unnatural conclusion
C.
inexplicable.
Eunhan Raja (Annals
window
for
them
to worship
the poem, the abrupt ending
of
of Orient. Research, Univ. of
Madras, Vol. V,
pp. 17-40) even ventures to question the authenticity of the entire second half of the
starting with the story of Dadaratba
8
The
as
editions,
is still
pt. 2,
Raghu
but his reasons are not convincing.
The
well as translations in various languages, are numerous.
H. H. Wilson (116 stanzas) with metrical Eng. trs., Calcutta

Gildemeister, Bonn 1841 of A. F. Stenzler, Breslau 1874. The chief
earliest editions are those of
1813 (2nd ed. 1843)
of J.
Indian and European editions with different commentaries are

ed.
E. Hultzsch, London
With Vallabhadeva's eomrn.,

NSP, 4th ed.,
1911; with Mallinatha's c^rnm., ed. K. P. Parab,
R. Nandargikar, Bombay 1894, and K. B. Pathak, Poona 1894 (2nd

Eng. trs.); with Daksinavartanatha's comra., ed. T. Ganapati Sastri,
Trivandrum 1919; with Purna-sarasvati'scomm., ed. K. V. Krishnamachariar, Srivanl-Vilasa
Bombay
ed.
1881, G.
1916) (both with
Press, Sri ran gam 1900
Khiste,
Chowkhamba
with comm. of Mallinatba and Caritravardhana, ed. Narayan Sastri
Skt. Ser., Benares 1981.
an appreciation, see H. Oldenberg,
op.
cit
English trs. by Col Jacob, Poooa 1870. For

217 f. The popularity aud currency of the
p.
work are shown by the existence of sonce fifty commentaries.

3
The great popularity of the poem paid the penalty
of
number
preserved in Jinasena's Pars'va-
of
bhyudaya
stanzas vary in different versions, thus
(latter part of the
vartanatha
(c.
1200)
110,
8th century) 120,
Mallinatha
(14th
Tersion 117, Panabokke (Ceylonese version) 118.
as a
list of
spurious stanzas.
On
as
interpolations,
and the
total
Vallabhsdeva (10th century^ 111, Daksinacentury)
text-criticism^
121,
concordance
bee
in trod,
Purnasarasvatl 110, Tibetan

is
given in Hultzscb, as well
to eds.
of Stenzler,
Patbak
133
IULIDSSA
the
of
and
vitality
The theme
Kalidasa's
of
versatility
poetic
powers.
enough in describing the severance and

yearnings of an imaginary Yaksa from his beloved through a
curse
is
simple
but the selection of the friendly cloud
the Yaksa's message from Raraagiri

1
somewhat unreal,
of
tion
the
for
device,
sorrowful Yaksa
poet himself.
the
as
Alaka
is
as
offered
is
an
apology by the
but not an un-
It is
noble mass
Indian monsoon clouds, which seem almost instinct with
when they
travel
of
perhaps a highly poetical,

natural, personification, when one bears in mind the
of
bearer
novel, and
which the almost demented condito
from the southern
to
life
snows
the
tropical sky
but
the poem does not end
the
of
unreality
Himalayas
It has been urged that the temporary character of a very
there.
brief separation and the absolute certainty of reunion make the
of the
unmanly and
display of grief
sense of irrevocable loss
its pathos unreal.

Perhaps the
would have made the motif more effect-
the trivial setting gives an appearance of sentimentality to

The device of a curse, again^
the real sentiment of the poem.
ive
in bringing about the separation
a motif
which
is
repeated
in
another form in the AbhijMna-akuntala is also criticised; for

the breach here is caused not by psychological complications, so
dear to .modern times.
But the predominantly
fanciful character
of Sanskrit poetry recognises not only this as a legitimate
means,
but even departure on a journey,

on business as we should say
to-day ; and even homesickness brings a flood of tears to the
eyes of
grown-up men and women
and Hultzscb
Macdonell in
Beitrag
J. Hertel's
JRAS,
review of Hultzscli's ed. in
1913, p.
176
f.
Harichand,
zur Textkritik von Kalidasa's
Tibetan version).
Gdlting.
op. cit. t
Meghaduta
Sinhalese paraphrase with Eng.
p.
(Bias.),
trs.
238
Gelehrie
f.
Berlin
Anzeigen, 1912;
Herman Beckh, Bin

1907 (chiefly on the
published by the T. B. Pdnabokke,
Colombo 1888.
may
ed.),
1
Bhamaha (i. 42) actually considers this to be a defect. The idea of sending message
have been suggested by the embassy of Hanuraat in the Rdmayana (of. st. 104, Pathak*s
or of the Swan in the story of Nala in the Maliablulrata. Of. also Kamavilapa J&taka
(no. 297),
treatment
where a crow
is
is
sent as a messenger by a
Kalid&sa's own.
man
in
danger to his wife.
But the
184
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT
It is,
however, not necessary to exaggerate the artistic insuffifor, the attitude is different, but not the sense
ciency of the device

of sorrow.
If
we
leave aside the setting, the
poem
gives a true and
poignant picture of the sorrow of parted lovers, and in this lies its
real pathos.
It is true that the poem is invested with a highly
imaginative atmosphere ; it speaks of a dreamland of fancy, its
characters are semi-divine beings, and its imagery is accordingly
adapted ; but all this does not negate its
very human and
of
Its vividness
of
the
erotic
sentiment.
genuine expression
people even to imagine that it gives a poetic form

to the poet's own personal experience ; but of this, onfe can never
be sure. There is little of subjectivity in its finished artistic
touch has led
mood does
execution, and the lyric
not predominate
rich and earnest feeling,
unmistakable warmth of
but
the
its
expressed
the
through
melody and dignity of its happily fitting metre,
redeems the banality of the theme and makes the poem almost
The
not isolated, but

blended picturesquely with a great deal of descriptive matter.
Its intensity of recollective tenderness is set in the midst of the
lyrical in its effect.
Indian
is
however,
as
which,
more appropriate
and longing it is placed

which enhances
scenery
loneliness
natural
than
rainy season,
remarks, nothing
feeling,
description of external nature in
is
Rabindranath
for
rightly
am atmosphere of
also in the midst of splendid

its
the
poignant
first
appeal.
of
half
the
The
poem
is
heightened throughout by an intimate association with human

in the
feeling, while the picture of the lover's sorrowing heart
second half is skilfully framed in the surrounding beauty of
number
were made in later times to

imitate the poem, but the Megha-duta still remains unsurpassed
nature.
large
of attempts
as a masterpiece of its kind, not for its

cription, but purely for its poetry.
matter,
nor for
its
des-
Kalidasa's deep-rooted fame as a poet somewhat obscures his

merit as a dramatist; but prodigal of gifts nature had been to
him, and his achievement in the dra$a is no less striking. In
judgment
!
of
many,
On the DaU-kavyas,
see
his
Abhifflna*akuntala remains his
Chintahwan Chakravarbi
in
IHQ,
III, pp. 978-97.
135
KiUDISA
fullit is considered to be the

greatest work; at the very least,
blown flower of his genius. Whatever value the judgment may
in this work we have a unique alliance of
possess, it implies that
his poetic and dramatic gifts, which are indeed not contradictory
but complementary
from his poems

skilful
and
this fact should be recognised in passing
His poems give some evidence

dramatic moments and situations; but
to his plays.
handling of
of
his
dramas with an imaginative quality which

prevents them from being mere practical productions of stager
It is not implied that his dramas do not possess the
craft.
poetic gifts invest his
requisite qualities of a stage-play, for his Sakuntala has been of ten
not the only, much less the chief,

point of view from which his dramatic works are to be judged,
i lays often fail, not for want of dramatic power or stage-qualities,
successfully staged
but for
want
but this
of
is
It is
they are often too prosaic.
the dramatic and
poetic qualities are
poetry
very seldom that both

united in the same author.
As
dramatist Kalidasa succeeds,
he is a master of
mainly by his poetic power, in two respects
poetic emotion which he can skilfully harmonise with character
:
and action, and he has the poetic sense of balance and restraint
which a dramatist must show if he would win success.
theme, character and
follows
the
Kalidasa
situation,
essentially
poetic bent of his
genius. 'Love in its different aspects and situations is the
It is significant that in the choice of
dominant theme of
all
his three plays, care-free love
setting of a courtly intrigue, impetuous love as
in
the
romantic and
madness, and youthful love, at

In the lyrical
gradually purified by suffering.
and narrative poem the passionate feeling is often an end in itself,
undisciplined passion leading
first
to
heedless but
elegant but isolated
in the
drama, there
is
a progressive deepening
of the emotional experience as a factor of larger life. It,

therefore,
affords
the
poet,
as a dramatist, an opportunity of depicting its
moods and
fancies in varied circumstances, its infinite

range
and intensity in closeness to common realities. His mastery of
subtle
humour and p^thos^
his
wisdom apd humanity, come
into play
186
and his great love of life and sense of tears in mortal things inform
his pictures with all the warmth and colour of a vivid poetic
imagination.
The Malavikagniinitra
often taken to be one of Kalidasa's
is
youthful productions, but there is no adequate reason for thinking

The modesty shown in the
that it is his first drjamatic work.
2
repeats itself in those of his other two dramas, and

the immaturity which critics have seen in it is more a question
Prologue
of personal opinion than a real
fact
into a
for it resolves itself
form and theme, rather than any real deficiency of

The Malavika is not a love-drama of the type of the
difference of
8
power.
which
Svapna-vasavadatta, to
which possesses
Ibut
a far
has a superficial
it
more
serious
interest.
resemblance,
It
is
a light-
hearted comedy of court-life in five acts, in which love is a pretty

game, and in which the hero need not be of heroic proportion,
nor the heroine anything but a charming and attractive maiden.

The pity of the situation, no doubt, arises from the fact that
the game of sentimental philandering is
often played at the
expense of others
incident of the
status as
of
hindrances to
is
only an inevitable
the progress of a courtly

desire
royal
for
a lowly
its
Sanak. Ser
Bombay
into
2nd
ed.
8. P.
ed.. 1889,
Pandit,
comm.
with
of
Katayavema
and by K. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1915.
H. Tswney, Calcutta 1875 and London 1891 into German by Weber,
Tra. into Englisb by C.

;
but that
The motif
Ed- F. Bollensen, Leipzig 1879;
1400 A.D.),
Berlin 1856
it,
denouement in the ultimate discovery of her

a princess was perhaps not as banal in Kalidasa's
maiden and
are not in
game.
through
love-intrigue
(c.
who
French by V. Henry, Paris 1889. On Text-criticism
see C. Cappeller, Observa*
Malavikagnimiiram (Diss ),Regimonti 1868; F. Haag, Zur Textkritik und

Erkllrung von Kalid&xas Malavikagnimitra, Frauenfeld 1872 Bollensen in ZDMG, XIII,
Jackson in JAOS, XX, p. 343 f (Titne1859, p. 480 f; Weber in ibid., XIV, 1860, p. 261 f
tiones ad Kdlidasae
analysis).
1
word
For
If tbe
fuller bibliography see
work
is
Sten Konow, op.
nava, with
called
a reference
c/t.
p. 63.
to far-famed
predecessors,
the
same
used to designate bis Abhijflana-6aktin1a1a, which also modestly seeks the satisfaction
of the learned as a final test
and his Vikramorva&ya is spoken of in the same way in the
is
Prologue as
apurva, with reference to former poets (purva kavi).
nava and apurva, and no

8
In a sense,
Wilson's unfounded doubt about the authorship of the play led to
neglect, but
Weber and
all
plays are
valid inference 1s possible from such descriptions.
8. P. Pandit effectively set the doubt* at rest,
fee V. IJenry, lês Literatures
del 9 Inde,
p.
305
"
f,
its
comparative
For a warm eulogy,
137
K1LIDISA
time
therne
as
we
is
handled.
are
wont
to think;
but the real
question
is
how
the
Neither Agnimitra nor Malavika
may appear
but
are
to
the
they
impressive,
appropriate
atmosphere. The
former is a care-free and courteous gentleman, on whom the
burden of kingly responsibility sits but lightly, who is no longer
no
young but
possessing a
the latter
and
is
less
a faintly
the
is
be
loved
more
by the
Daksina Nayaka
ideal
and out of love
falling in
lively
the
by
while
The
looks
incorrigible king-lover.
who
character,
development of the plot
other dramas of Kalidasa.
of the
an
is
drawn ingenue with nothing but good
to
willingness
part in
capacity for
groat
The Vidusaka
who
ardent,
in
takes a greater-
play than in the
this
theme
interest of the
is
enhanced
complications of the passionate impetuousity and jealousy

young discarded queen Travail, which is finely shown off
against the pathetic dignity and magnanimity of the elderly chief
queen Pharinl.
more
not permit a
but it should
tion
is
serious
and
The
plot,
characterisa-
and the expression polished, elegant

The wit and elaborate compliments, the
clear,
dainty.
toying and
did
development of this aspect of the
not be regarded as a deficiency.
sharp
and .even
Perhaps the tone and tenor of the play
with
trifling
the
tender
the sentimental-
passion,
absence of deep feeling are in perfect keeping with

the outlook of the gay circle, which is not used to any profounder
ities
arid
view of
is
One need not wonder,
life.
therefore, that while
kingdom, the royal

amorous escapades of the somewhat
in progress in the
the
household
is astir
war
with
elderly, but youthfully
Gallantry is undoubtedly the keynote of the

joys and sorrows should not be reckoned at a higher
inclined, king.
play,
and
level.
Judged by
clumsy
1
its
or
turgid
The source
the Puranic stories.
its
own
in the
of the story is not
As
at.
standard, there
drama.
known, but
If
is nothing immature,
Kalidasa did not actually
is
it
clear that
Kalidasa owes nothing to
2 shows, accounts of Agnimitra were probably current and available
to the poet.
*
K. K. Pisbaroti
in Journal of the
Annamaki
Univ., II, no. 2, p. 193
take the play as a veiled satire on some royal family of the time,
and would think that the weakness of the opening scene
J8-J843B
is
if
not
deliberate.
f., is
inclined to
on Agnimitra himself,
138
originate the type, he must have so stamped it with the impress

of bis genius that it was, as the dramas of Harsa and Rajaêkhara
appealing modes of dramatic

expression and became banalised in course of time.
1
In the Vikramorvasiya, on the other hand, there is a decided
one of the
adopted as
show,
j,
weakness in general treatment. The romantic story of the love

of the mortal king Pururavas and the divine nymph UrvaI is
old, the earliest version
occurring in the Rgveda
95
x.
but the
passion and pathos, as well as the logically tragic ending, of the

2
is changed, in five acts, into an unconvincing
ancient legend
story of semi-courtly life with a weak denouement of domestic
,
union and
brought about
felicity,
magic stone and the grace
dame
belle
la
but
a passionate
heavenly
and
later
life
tions,
like
accepting
first
scene located
Kalidasa's
in characterisation
spouse,
happy and obefolk-tale and comedy of
as
story
and expression.
and romantic, they are
in
the
air,
there
it is,
If
and
the
introduced
is
is
figures
situa;
no deficiency
are
strange
transcripts from universal nature.
still
Even when the type does not
incidents
the
fierce-souled
into
on,
The modifying hand of

is obvious
and some strange
courtly
of
intervention
merci of the Rgveda, is transformed into

selfish
woman, an elevated type of the
courtesan,
dient wife.
but
sans
The
Indra.
of
the
by
appeal,
the
character
lives.
The
Ed. R. Lenz, with Latin notes etc., Berlin 1838; ed. F. Bollensen, St. Petersberg
1840; ed. Monier Williams, Heitford 1849; ed. 3. P. Pandit and B. H. Arte, with extracts
fromcomm.
ed.
K.
KStayavema and Ranganatha, Bom. Skt.

and M. B. Talang, NSP, with
of
Parab
P.
1914 (4th ed.)
Ser., 3rd
com in.
ed. 1901
of
lst
ed.
Bafiganatha,
1879);
Bombay
Gbarudev 8astri 9 with comrn. of Kfttayavema, Lahore 1929. Trs.

B. B. Cowell, Hertford 1851 into German by L. Fritze, Leipzig 1880
into French by P. B. Foucaux, Paris 1861 and 1879. Tbe recension
according to Dravidian
into
English
manuscripts
For
ed.
by
is edited
by Pfccbel in Monattber.
fuller bibliography see
Sten Konow, op.
d.
cit. t
kgl preuss. Akad,
m Berlin, 1876, p. 609
f.
p. 65-66.
Kalidasa's eource, again, is uncertain. The story is retold with the missing details
Satapatha Brdhmana, but the Pur&nic accounts entirely modify it not to its advanThe Ftoujmrftpa preserves some of its old rough features, but in the KathZ-sarittage.
t&g&ra and in the Matsya-purana we find it in the much altered form of a folk-tale. The
in the
latter version closely
Matiya-pwfya
resembles the one which Kftlidftsa follows, but
version
itself,
like
it
is
not clear
if
tbe
tbe Padtna-purcina version of tbe Sakuntala-legend,
modelled on K&lidaut's treatment of the

1(07.
is
139
KALIDISA
and chivalrous Pururavas
brave
madness shows, he
like
Agnimitra
tion
of
is
not the mere
is
a princely
trifler of
while the jealous queen AuÎnari

Dharim.
Although in the
or
Iravati
but
sentimental,
is
as
his
amorist
not a repetiact, the
fifth
missed of a tragic conflict of emotion between

the joy of Pururavas in finding his son and his sorrow at the
loss of Urvai resulting from the very sight of the child, there is
opportunity
yet
is
delineation
skilful
Kalidasa's favourite motif of the
unknown son and
of the
recognition
of
the psychological climax
crown of wedded love. There

are also features in the drama which are exceptional in the whole
range of Sanskrit literature, and make it rise above the decorum
The fourth act on the madness of
of courtly environment.
of presenting the offspring as the
unique in this sense. The scene is hardly dramaand has no action, but it reaches an almost lyric height in
Pururavas
tic
is
It is
depicting the tumultuous ardour of undisciplined passion.
a fantasy in soliloquy, in which the demented royal lover, as he
wanders through the
woods in search
of his beloved,
demands
from the peacock, the cuckoo, the

flamingo, the bee, the elephant, the boar and the antelope ; he
deems the cloud, with its rainbow, to be a demon who has borne
tidings of his fugitive
his beauteous bride
showers,,
love
away he
searches the yielding soil softened by

perchance, if she had passed that way, have
;
which may
may show some

The whole scene is
retained the delicate impression of her gait, and

vestige of the red tincture of her dyed feet.
melodramatically
1
genuine,
scenes.
conceived
and
if
meant
Prakrit
the
verses
are
be
sung behind the

The stanzas are charged with exuberance of emotion
they
are apparently
to
The authenticity of the Prakrit verses has been doubted, chiefly on the ground that the
of the type found in them is suspicious iu a drama of such early date, and that
Apabhramga
they are not found

calls
the
in
the South Indian recension of the text.
drama a Troâka, apparently
to the South Indian recension,
Upadhye,
introd. to
it
for the
song-element
conforms generally to the essentials of a Nataka.
Para watma-p raft Wa (Bombay 1987),
of the genuineness of the
The Northern
ApabhrarpSa verses.
p.
56,
recension
in the verses, but according
note,
who
See U. N.
arguf a in favour
OF SANSKBlt Lll'ERAfURfe
HlStORl*
and pl$y
of
we have nothing
but
fancy,
the drama but the isolation
of
individual
which appeals in
else
The
passion.
inevi-
tragedy of such a love is obvious ; and it is a pity that the

play is coptinued after the natural tragic climax is reached, even
at the cost of lowering the heroine from her divine estate and
tctble
making Ipdra break
his
word
That the AbhijMna-fakuntala
is,
in every respect, the
most
dramatic compositions, is indicated by

the almost universal feeling of genuine admiration which it
Kalidasa's
of
finished
The
has always evoked.
of the
the Adiparvan
in
old legend of
Sakuntaia,
Mahabharata, or perhaps
incorporated
some version
must have suggested the plot of this drama but the

difference between the rough and simple epic narrative and
Kalidasa's refined and delicate treatment of it at once reveals his
of
it,
The shrewd, straightforward and

transformed into the shy, dignified
distinctive ^dramatic genius.
taunting girl of the
is
Epic
and pathetic heroine, while the
who
lover in the Epic,
conduct of
selfish
refuses to recognise her out of
replaced by an irreprehensible forgetfulness which
The
earliest
(Bengal Recension)
edition
her
is
practical
is
policy,
obscures
his
The
tbat by A. L. Cbfoy, Paris 1830.
DevanagarT, ed. 0. Bdhtlingk, Bonn 184-2, but with better

materials, ed. Monier Williams, 2nd ed,, Oxford 1876 list ed. 1853) with coium. of RaghavaK. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1883, 1922. (it) Bengali, ed. R.
bbatta, ed. N. B. Qodbole and
drama
exists in four recensions
(i)
Kiel 1877; 2nd ed. in Harvard Orient. Ser., revised by 0. Cappeller, Cambridge Mass.
(w) K&6mIM, ed. K. Burkhard, Wien 1884. (it?) South Indian, no critical edition but
Pifcchel,
1922.
Abhirama, Sri Van! Vilasa Press, Srirangam 1917,
printed with comtn. of

to
reconstruct the
P. N. Patankar
has jet been undertaken. The earliest English trs. by William

On Texttrs. have been numerous in various languages.
Utilising all the recensions,
criticism,
see
1790
but
De
Pischel,
Attempts
1909, and by
by C. Cappeller (Kurzere Textform), Leipzig

Purer Devanagarl Text), Poona 1902* But no critical edition,
text,
(called
Jones, London
etc.
Kalidfaae
Caliuntali recensionibus (Diss.), Breslau 1872
and
Die Rezensionen der Cakuntala, Breslau 1875; A. Weber, Die Recensionen der Sakuntala
*in
Studien
Ind.
XIV,
fuller
bibliography,
XXlIi
p.
237
pp.
86-69, 161-311;
see Sten
Konow,
Hariohand
op. cit.,
pp.
Sastri,
68*70,
op.
ctt.,
p.
248
f.
For
and M. Schuyler in JAOS,
f.
$ha Padma-Pur&na version is perhaps a recast of Kalidasa's story, and there is no

reason to think (Win tern Hz, 0/L, III, p. 21&) tbat Kalidasa derived his material from the
Puraiâ, or from some earlier version of it. Haradatta Bar ma, K&lidfaa dnd the
a, Calcutta 1925, follows Winternitz.
lil
rULlDASA
love.
dramatic motive
thereby supplied, and tbe prosaic

and characters of the original legend are plastically
incidents
is
remodelled into frames and shapes of beauty.

best
its
flower
method
Kalidasa's
effect
unfolds
its
petals
in
see
to
of unfolding a character, as $
and sunshine
rain
melodrama, no lame denouement,
Here we
to
mar
the
there
is
no
smooth, measured
there is temperance in the

and dignified progress of tbe play
depth of passion, and perspicuity and inevitableness in action
;
and expression
essential poetic quality of style
Some
drama surpasses by
but, above all this, the
criticism,
its
and treatment.
however,
has
been
levelled against the
device of the curse and the ring,

which brings in an
clement of chance and incalculable happening in the development
of the plot.
It should be recognised, however, that the psycho-
artificial
logical
evolution
modern drama.
of
The
action
is
more or
a creation of the
less,
shaping our
ends, unknown to ourselves, is not a peculiarly Indian trait, but
is found in ancient drama in general
and the trend has been
idea
of
destiny
or divinity
from ancient objectivity to modern subjectivity. 2 Apart from

judging a method by a standard to which it does not profess
to
conform,
inferiority
cannot also be argued that there is an inherent

external device as
in an
compared with the
it
Criticised severely, for instance,
The curse
by H. Oldenberg
in
Die Lit.
d. alien Indiert, p. 261.
Candabhargava and tbe magic ring in tbe Avi-inaraka, wbich have a different
have
purpose,
only a superficial similarity, and could not have been Kalidasa's source of tbe
idea.
On tbe curse of a sage as a motif in story and drama, see L, H. Gray in WZKM,
of
XVIII, 1904, pp. 53-54. The ring-motif is absent in the Mahabharata, but P. E. Pavolini
(G&tF, XIX, 1906, p. 376; XX, p. 297 f.) finds a parallel in Jataka no. 7. It is perhaps
an old Indian story-motif.
8
C. E. Vaughan, Types of Tragic Drama, London 1908, p. 8 f. On the idea of Destiny
iu ancient and modern diama, see W. Macneille Dixoo, Tragedy London 1924, pp. 35-46.
The device of tbe Ghost as the spirit of revenge in Euripides* Hecuba and Seneca's Thyestes
,
is also
external, although
it
was
refined in the Elizabethan
drama, especially in Shakespeare.
The supernatural machinery in both Macbeth and Hamlet may be conceived as hallucination
projected by the active minds in question, but it stilt has an undoubted influence on the
development of tbe plot of the respective plays, which can be regarded as dramas of a
mm
at oJds with fate.
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT
142
LITERAttJfcfi
to
which we
complication created by the inner impetus,
are
in
the
present
day more accustomed,
perhaps too
It is not really a question of comparative
superstitiously.
excellence, but of the artistic use which is made of a particular
It is true that
device.
Kalidasa's
in
the
Abhijftana-sakuntala,
dramatic motive comes from without, but it is effectively utilised,

and the drama which is enacted within and leads to a crisis is
The lovers arc betrayed also by what

not thereby overlooked.
which reaps as
is within, by the very rashness of youthful love
sows
it
laid
and
the^ entire
in
responsibility
on the external agency.
there
nothing unreal or unnatural
have here not merely
uninotived.
is
We
hero and heroine; for a
folly, or a
mere
of
belief
is
it
drama
this
Granting the
fortuitous
girlish
time,
but not
blameless
of
tragedy
not
is
the
fault,
or
even
The unriddled ways

one's very virtues may bring misfortune.
be
as
or
of "life need not always
logical
comprehensible as one
may desire; but there is nothing illogical or incomprehensible
only Svadhikara-pramada, here as elsewhere, leads to distress,
and the nexus between act and fate is not wholly disregarded.
If the conflict, again, between the heart's desire and the world's
if
impediment can be
a sufficient dramatic motive,

if
great poetic consequence

a tragic curse, unknown to
it is
not of
role of invisible but benevolent destiny in shaping the
action.
It is true that
very
impediment assumes the form of

the persons affected, and plays the
the
we cannot excuse
course
of
ourselves by arraigning
Fate, Chance or Destiny; the tragic interest must assuredly be

but at the
built on the foundation of human responsibility
;
same time a human plot need always be robbed of its mystery,

and simplified to a mere circumstantial unfolding of cause and
effect,
all
in nostra potestate.
abstract, is a difficult question;
we
Fate
or
but, as in
Ourselves,
life
in
the
so in the drama,
need not reject the one for the other as the moulder of
human
action.
Much
is
and perhaps more misconceived,

the criticism that Kalidasa evinces no interest in the great
less
convincing,
143
KXLJDISA
problems of
human
As, on the one hand,

find nothing but art for
life.
misdirected effort to
Kalidasa's
work,
on the other,
so,
unimaginative attempt
turn the poet into
reconcile the
no
to seek a
It
than
art's
sake
in
in a
however, difficult to
the well-known eulogy
is,
view mentioned above with
an
would be a
would be a singularly
work of art and
it
problem
philosopher.
it
who
speaks of finding in
the young year's blossom and the fruit
Kalidasa's masterpiece
"
the earth and heaven combined in one
of its decline," and
of
less
artist
"
Goethe,
name."
In spite of its obvious poetical exaggeration, this

it sums up with
metaphorical but eloquent praise is not empty
;
unerring insight the deeper issues of the drama, which is bound

to be lost sight of by one who looks to it merely for a message
or philosophy of
life.
The Abhijfiana-ahuntala,
unlike
not based on the mere banality of
much more
love
by
most Sanskrit plays,
serious interest in depicting the baptism
silent
suffering.
but
court-intrigue,
has
of
youthful
Kalidasa's
own
with
Contrasted
is
Mdkvikagnimitra and Vikramorva&ya, the sorrow of the hero and

heroine in this drama is far more human, far more genuine and
love is no longer a light-hearted passion in an elegant surround;
emotion ending in madness, but a 'deep and

or
a
steadfast
rather
emotional
enthusiasm,
progressive
The
experience, which results in an abiding spiritual feeling.
ing, nor an explosive
drama opens with
a description of the
enjoyment (upabhoga-ltsama)
vernal
and even
season,
in the
made
for
hermitage where
thoughts of love are out of place, the season extends its
witchery
and makes the minds of the young hero and heroine turn lightly
to such forbidden thoughts.
At the outset we find Sakuntala,
an adopted child of nature, in the daily occupation of tending

the friendly trees and creepers and watching them grow and
bloom, herself a youthful blossom, her mind delicately attuned

to the
sights and sounds in the midst of which she had grown up
since she had been deserted by
her
amanusl mother.
scene appears the more sophisticated royal hero,
full of
On
the
this
pride
144
of youth
love
and power, but with a noble presence which inspires
and confidence, possessed
of scrupulous regard
for
rectitude
but withal susceptible to rash youthful impulses, considerate of

others and alive to the Dignity and responsibility of his high
station, but
is
egoistic
every
in the
to
enough
must be right because he

happen as he wishes
fulfilment
to
self-confident
extremely
He
accustomed
wishes
off her feet
It
it,
and
everything
In his impetuous desire
it.
wishes
his
and
promptings of his own heart.

believe that everything he wishes
he wants, he does not even think

return of Kanva.
of
was easy
it
necessary
him
for
to
in
carry
does
gain what
wait for the
to
to
the
young
girl
seclusion
the
for, though brought up

peaceful
and stern discipline of a hermitage, she was yet possessed of a
natural inward longing for the love and happiness which were due
;
Though fostered by a sage and herself

youth and beauty.
the daughter of an ascetic, she was yet the daughter of a nymph
whose intoxicating beauty had once achieved a conquest over
to her
the
austere
and
terrible
This
Visvamitra.
beauty
and
tins
power she had inherited from her mother, as well as an inborn

keenness and desire for love; is she not going to make her
own conquest over this great king? For such youthful lovers,
love
can never think of the morrow
moment.
All
was easy
at first
can only think of the

the secret union to which they
committed themselves obtains the
it
ratification of the foster-father.
she realises the pity of taking love as an end in itself,

The suffering comes
of making the moment stand for eternity.
But
sooii
as swiftly and unexpectedly
as the
happiness
was headlong and
heedless.
To
thoughtless lovers the curse of Durvasas comes to

With high
play the part of a stern but beneficient providence.
hopes and unaware o( the impending catastrophe, she leaves for
these
the house of her king-lover,
taking farewell from her

with an unconscious anxiety
tenderly
sylvan friends, who seem to be filled

but very soon she finds herself standing utterly
for her
Her grief, remorse and
humiliated in the eyes of the world.
;
K5LIDASA
self-pity are aggravated by the
secrecy from Gautami,
as
accusation of unseemly haste and

as by the sterner rebuke of
well
"
Thus does one's

Sarrigarava
But the unkindest cut comes
insultingly
from her lover himself,
instincts
to
heedlessness lead to disaster
refers
145
of
without
feminine
the
to
who
and
shrewdness,
turbid swelling flood
compares her,
knowing,
which drags others also in its fall. Irony in drama or in life
can go no further. But the daughter of a nymph as she was,
she had also the spirit of her fierce and austere father, and
She
ultimately emerges triumphant from the ordeal of sorrow.
soon realises that she has lost all in her gambling for happiness,
and
wordy warfare
She could not keep her lover
useless.
is
She bows to the inevitable and

by her youth and beauty alone.
chastened and transformed by patient suffering, she wins back
;
end her husband and her happiness.

But the king is as
Still arrogant, ironical
yet oblivious of what is in store for him.
the
who
veiled
he
wonders
and self-confident,
lady might be her
in the
beauty draws him as

sense
of
punishment comes
who had dragged
surroundings and
in
gives
any
due course
the
left
ring of recognition
act.
irresistibly
forbids
rectitude
it
once
did,
and yet his
But his
improper thought.
for he was the greater culprit,
unsophisticated
her
is
as
in
from
girl
the mire.
her
sylvan
the
When
unwittingly
he realises the gravity of his
reproachful form now haunts him and
recovered,
Her resigned and

him no peace in
midst of his royal duties
the
and his
makes his grief

more intense arid poignant. The scene now changes from earth
to heaven, from the hermitage of Kanva and the court of the
utter helplessness in rendering
any reparation
king to the penance-grove of Marica

the
earth changes
to
that
love
is
and
the
spiritual
love that
and divine.
was
of
The
again brought together equally

strangely estranged pair
have passed through the trial of
strangely, but not until they
There
a
sorrow and become ready for
perfect reunion of hearts.
is
no explanation, no apology, no recrimination, nor any demand

for reparation.
Sakuntala has now learnt in silence the lessons
is
1P-1343B
146
of suffering
and with
desires left behind, the
king comes,
sadder and wiser man.
The young
without
absolutely,
Kalidasa's
standard,
now
blossom
year's
ripens
autumnal maturity.
into the mellow fruit of
Judged
and impetuous
chastened and subdued, a
his former self-complacency
reference
us
impress
plays
an
historical
their
admirable
to
by
but
combination of dramatic and poetic qualities
poetry that he surpasses even in his dramatic works.
;
it is
in pure
It
should
be admitted that he has the powers of a great dramatist

merge his individuality in the character he represents
paint distinct individuals, and not
may
the height of a situation
he can
with
personified abstractions,
consistent reality and profound insight

his romantic situations
he can
not be
human
into
but he
justified,
nature
is
all
always at
within certain limits, he has construct-
order, and the action is perspicuous,

high
and
naturally developed
adequately motived he makes a skilful
use of natural phenomenon in sympathy with the prevaling tone
ive
ability
of
of a scene
he gives by his
and
easy
unaffected
manner the
impression of grace, which comes from strength revealed without

he never tears a
unnecessary display or expenditure of energy
;
passion to tatters nor does h& overstep the modesty of nature in

he does not neglect the incident in
producing a pathetic effect
;
all this and more may be

favour of dialogue or dainty stanzas
But the real appeal of his dramas lies in the
freely acknowledged.
;
appeal of their poetry more than in their purely dramatic quality.
His gentle pathos and humour, his romantic imagination and his
fine poetic feeling are more marked characteristics of his dramas
than mere ingenuity of
portraiture
of
plot,
liveliness
men and manners.
of incident
They
save
and minute
him from the
prosaic crudeness of the realist, as well as from an oppressive and

The elegant compliment
unnatural display of technical skill.
'
Prasanna-raghava that Kalidasa is the grace

but poetry at the same time
emphasises the point
of the author of the

'
of poetry
is
not too
seductive
for
but not a sentimentalist
him.
who
He
is
a master of sentiment,
sacrifices the realities
of
life
ape}
KALID1SA
he
character
common
nature
is
147
romantic, but his romance
and not a series
and
common
sense.
not
is
He
from
divorced
writes
dramas
real
the poetic fancy

passages
and love of style do not strangle the truth and vividness of his
He is also not in any sense the exponent of the
presentation.
of elegant poetical
He is rather
opera^ or the lyrical drama, or the dramatic poem.
the creator of the poetical drama in Sanskrit.
But the difficult
standard
which he
set
could not be
developed
in
except
an
extreme form by his less gifted successors.

In making a general estimate of Kalidasa' s achievement
one
as a poet,
the
feels the difficulty
superlatives
in
of
case are
this
avoiding
amply
reputation has always been great; and this

case where both Eastern and Western
exactly analogous standards,
are
in
superlatives
justified.
but
Kalidasa's
perhaps the only

critics, applying not
is
general
agreement.
That
the greatest of Sanskrit poets is a commonplace of literary

criticism, but if Sanskrit literature can claim to rank as one
he
is
of the great literatures of the world, Kalidasa's
galaxy of world-poets must be acknowledged.
high place in the

It is not necessary
eulogium of Goethe and Anandavardhana but the agreement shows that Kalidasa has the gift
of a great poet, and like all great poetic gifts, it is of universal
to
it
prove
the
by quoting
appeal.
This high praise does not mean that Kalidasa's poetic art
and style have never been questioned or are beyond criticism.
Leaving aside Western critics whose appreciation of an alien

art and expression must necessarily be limited, we find the
Sanskrit rhetoricians, in spite of their great admiration,
sparing in their criticism
and, like
are not
Ben Jonson who wanted
to
blot out a thousand lines in Shakespeare, they would give us a

" faults " which mar the excellence of Kalifairly long list of
dasa's otherwise perfect work.
the details of the alleged defects,

that
his
Kalidasa, like
rhetoric
is
of
We
are not concerned here
but
with
they happily demonstrate

not faultily faultless.
That
Shakespeare, is
the best kind is shown by the hundreds of
148
but that they

passages approved by the rhetoricians themselves ;
sometimes disapprove his not conforming rigidly to their laws
is
also
is
dis-
his
successful,
him freedom of
and expression and saving him from much that is wooden
obedience
idea
obedience
his
If
significant.
often
is
no
successful in giving
less
and merely conventional.
Even
in
the
of
imposing gallery
Sanskrit poets
who
arc
always remarkable for technical skill, Kalidasa has an astonishing

display of the poetic art but he never lends himself to an over;
development of the technical to the detriment of the artistic.

The bgend which makes Kalidasa an inspired idiot and implies
a minimum of artistic consciousness and design is perhaps as
There
is little
that he shared the learning of his time, but he weirs
ing
lightly
like a flower;
work conceal
city of his
which goes into
its
upon the
insistence
misleading as the counter-error of too great

consciousness and elaboration of his art.
his
doubt
learn-
while the deceptive clarity and simpli-
amount
the
making.
It
of
is
cultivation
and
polish
not spontaneous creation
but while lesser poets lack the art to conceal art, he has
the
gift
music and colouring to give an effective

He belongs to a
spontaneity and inevitability.
of passion, imagination,
appearance of
which
tradition
insists
upon
literature being
learned
pursuit,
one of the great and limpid writers who can be

approached with the minimum of critical apparatus and commen-
/but he
is
tatorial lucubrations.
This marvellous result
is
made
possible because
Kalidasa's
works reveal a rare balance of mind, which harmonises the artistic sense with the poetic, and results in the practice of singular
moderation.
No
command
that
of
approach him in the

instrument, the measured word.
other Sanskrit poet can
mysterious
Kalidasa has a rich and sustained elevation of diction, but it is
never overwrought and very rarely rhetorical in the bad sense.
Conceits
and play upon
words are
to
be found in him, as in
Shakespeare, but there are no irritating and interminable puns ;

no search after strained exnressions. harsh inversions or involved
KALIDASA
constructions
of
no love
for jewels five
making them
words or
too
Kalidasa's love of similitude,
words long
laboured
no torturing
for the ideas.
which he has been
for
Even
so
highly
makes
him
it as a mere
never
verbal
but
trick,
employ
praised,
made a natural concomitant of the emotional content for
it is
suggesting more than what
is
On
expressed.
emotions and fancies never run
his ideas,
over the limits
of
riot or ride
which they
within
words,
other
the
hand,
rough-shod
are
compressed
with tasteful economy and pointedness of phrasing. The result
sound and sense, a judicious harmony
is a fine adjustment of
of
word and
idea, to a point not often reached
This
by other
Sanskrit
not only in the extraordinary vividness and

poets.
precision of his presentment of images and ideas, but also in
seen
is
word, line and stanza to

produce a running accompaniment at once to the images and
ideas. The felicity of expression, its clarity and ease, which have
modulation of
the
letter,
syllable,
been recognised in Kalidasa
as
the
best instance of the Prasada
Guna, come from this careful choice of a rich store of words,

both simple and compound, which are not only delicately attuned
made
but also
If
it
is
with the
alive
it
simplicity,
is
haunting suggestion
simplicity
made more
of
poetry.
elegant than
by sheer genius for proportion and vividity.

There are hundreds of words, phrases and lines in Kalidasa,
echoing passages and veritable gems of expression, giving us
ornateness
itself
an infinity of fresh and felt observations, which fasten themselves

on the memory
such is the distinctness of his vision and the
;
but
elaborate,
of
gift
not
phrasing
laboured,
is
of
accuracy
one of
the
of
tests
touch.
his
a
great
If
the
writer,
but it is also combined

Kalidasa possesses this happy gift
with the still more rare gifts, seen in perfection in great poets,
;
of putting
multumin parvo and
of
opening up unending vistas of
thought by the magic power of a single line or phrase.

1
study of Kalidasa's
Orient. Con/,,
Upama
has been
Poona 1922, pp. 205-26.
general, see Hillebrandt, Kaliddsa, p. 107
On
f.
made by
P.
K. Gode in Proc. of the First
Kalidasa'a relation
to
Alaipkara literature in
150
Kalidasa
is
he
indeed careful of form, but
not careless of
is
Like later Sanskrit poets lie does not make his narrative
a mere peg on which he can luxuriously hang* his learning and
matter.
Whatever may be
skill.
seldom unequal to
said about his choice of themes,
The wide
them.
and even
emotional
legendary, mythical,
grasp over their realities, are seen in the
his
huge and diverse material
in
the
human
ment
his
which he handles,
in
Raghu-vam$a, creates a
his Kumara-sambhava
an environ-
in
lovers
Megha-duta and
of poetical fancy in his
is
subjects,
and
fantastic,
way
story out of a divine myth in

and depicts the passionate Jove of hapless
a
of
exploration
he
He
dramas.
his
not always be at the height of his power through the entire

length of a work, but he is always at the height of a particular
may
situation.
His sources are not exactly known,
that his subjects serve
him
for the stuff
but
out of which he creates;
and Kalidasa perhaps borrows nothing from

He is not
originals that makes him Kalidasa.
teller of a story as the
maker
of
restraint accomplish this
or the content to
The same
and
is
Mandakranta
of his short
moric metres
like
much
the
taste
and
other.
shown by the
also
skilful
and
prosody to the diction
number
theme of the poems.

Kalidasa employs is only about twenty.
total
supposed
so
unerring
not
by
allowing either the form
it,
adjustment of a mobile and sensitive
The
his
his
making
overwhelm or exceed each
sense of balance
clear
is
it
of different metres
With
the
which
exception
poem, they are either Sloka,
of
few
or a
Vaitaliya, Aupacchandasika or Puspitagra, but
the general bulk consists normally of the relatively short

measures of the Tristubh-JagatI family or metres akin to
lyrical
it.
In
the drama, of course, there

greater metrical variety suited to
In the bigger poems the
the different situations and emotions.
is
story in
It
is
remarkable thai the
Raghu
xii,
well as for the narration of
theme,
vii
c/.
is
used not only for the condensation of the Kauiayana

9
Raghu x and Kumara* ii, aa
Stotra of deities both in
Raghu *s Dig vi jay a.
For
repetition of the
same metre
for similar
Vijogini in Aja-vilapa and Bati-vilapa; Upajati in describing mairiage in
and Kumdra*
Kumar ^
loka
but al*o for the
viii, etc.
vii;
KathoddhatS in depicting amorous pastimes
in
Raghu
Raghu*
xix
and
151
KILIDISA
short lyrical measures are perhaps
meant
continued
for facility of
the simplicity and swing of the stanzas make

but even in
narrative flow in a clear arid attractive stream
narration
his
the
descriptive and
leisurely
reflectively
serious passages, they

:
never
The
imagination ||
poet.
and
music
of
the
on
the
long-drawn-out
stately
Mandakranta,
the picturesque and melancholy
other hand, very well suits
feeling or
the thought,
cramp
recollections of love in his
Kalidasa
and
equally at
is
though
Megha-duta. It is, however, clear thai

in. both short and
long measures
home
of canto ix of the
part
the
the
deliberately to
skill
Raghu-varnsa
in
meant
is
varied
display
poet's
metres, the
not unpleasing.
But, normally, it is not a question
of mere metrical skill, but of the developed and delicate sense of
rhythmic forms and the fine subtlety of musical accompaniment
variation
to the
is
power
With
of vivid
and elegant presentation.
same sense
the
of
Kalidasa's
equipoise
holds in perfect fusion the two elements of
human
and his
His nature-pictures grow out
feeling.
situations
merge
the
into
imagination
beauty and
natural
of the
situations,
This
nature-pictures.
is
palpable not only in his Megha-duta, but practically throughout

his other two poems and his dramas.
The pathos of the destruction of
Kama
is
Rama's tender
staged in
the
life
and
loveliness
recollection of past joys and sorrows
associated with the hills, rivers and trees of
of
is
Dandaka
spring;
intimately
the pretty
amourette of Agnimitra, the madness of Pururavas, or the woodland wooing of Dusyanta is set in the midst of the
sights and
number of Kalidasa's beautiful

similes and metaphors is drawn from his loving observation
of natural
phenomena. The depth and range of his experience
sounds of nature.
countless
and insight into human life is indeed great, but the human
emotion is seldom isolated from the beauty of nature
surrounding
it.
Kalidasa's warm humanism and fine poetic sensibility
romanticise the natural
as
well as the
they supply to his poetry the grace
ground
ancl scenic variety.
mythological
\\orld,
and picturesqueness of
and
bacl$-
152
It will
be seen that the sense of universality
in
Kalidasa's
its
work springs not merely from
humanity and range of
interests, but also from the fact that it reveals him as a great
master of poetic thought who is at the same time a master of
all
Diction, imagery, verbal music, suggestion,
the elements of poetry are present in intense degree and in many
poetic style.
forms and combinations novel and charming; but they all exhibit
a marvellous fusion of the artistic consciousness with poetic
Kalidasa's poetic power, which scorns
anything below the highest, is indeed not narrow in its possibilities of application, but its amplitude and exuberance are always
imagination and feeling.
held in restraint by his sense of

act as
art,
an incubus, but as a chastener.
which, however,
His
work,
and downs in
no perpetual
between his
interval
worst
of excellence
never hampered or hurried; there
it
it, no great
maintains a level
is
does
therefore,
series
best
not
is
of
ups
and his
and stamp of distinction
ruggedness and angularity are delicately

smoothed away; and the even roundness of his full-orbed poetry
appeals by a haunting suggestion of serene beauty, resulting from
throughout.
All
merging of thought and feeling in sound and visual effect.

But from this spring both the strength and weakness of
a subtle
Kalidasa's poetic achievement.

recollected
in
emotions,
denotes the aesthetic
If
both
attitude
contemplation of
tranquil
eastern and western theory,
and forms the essence
of
true
work is certainly marked by it in an eminent

His tranquility, considered as an attitude' towards life,
poetry, Kalidasa's
degree.
not easy-going indifference or placid acquiescence in the order

of things; there is enough of earnestness and sense of sorrow
is
must have been hard-won, although we are

denied the sight of the strife and struggle which led to its attainment, or of the scars or wrinkles which might have been left
to indicate that
behind.
it
In his poetry,
serenity of artistic
bore fruit in the unruffled dignity and

accomplishment. At the same time, it enit
couraged a tendency towards reserve more than towards abandon.

Kalidasa's poetry seldom surprises us by its fine
it is
excess;
158
KALIDASA
The polished and the ornate

always smooth, measured and even.
the rugged and
is as much natural to Kalidasa as, for instance,
While Kalidasa broiders the
the grotesque to Bhavabhuti.
have
exquisite tissue of poetry, Bhavabhuti would
homespun.
This
perhaps not so
is
much
it
studied
rough and
effect
as
temperamental attitude in both cases. The integrity and sincerity

of primal sensations and their fervid expression, which Bhavabhuti often attains, are rare in Kalidasa's highly refined and
cultured utterances.
It is
not that Kalidasa
is
averse to
what
is
intense and poignant, as well as grand and awe-inspiring, in life and

nature, but the emotions are chastened and subdued in the severity,
There is
strength and dignity of finished poetic presentation.
a
or
not
in
Kalidasa,
nothing crude, rugose
tempestuous
jarring
note of violence or discord, but everything is dissolved in the
harmony and beauty

this attitude is as
The
of reposeful realisation.
obvious
as
its
poetic
gives the perfect artistic aloofness
limitation
possibility.
conducive to
real
of
While
it
poetry,
it
deprives the poet of robust and keen perceptions, of the concrete

and even gross realism of undomesticated passion, of the freshness of the
but
drossy,
unalloyed,
ore
direct
from
the
mine.
Kalidasa would never regard his emotions as their own excuse

for being, but would present them in the embalmed glamour
of poetic realisation,
or
in
the
brocaded
garb of quintessenced
Kalidasa has perhaps as much optimism for civilisation as Bhavabhuti has for savagery
but he does not often
rhetoric.
attain the depths
and
untamed roughness.
heights
It is for
dasa's pictures, both of
life
which Bhavnbhuti does by bis

this reason that some of Kali-
and nature,
finely poetic as
they are,
still too refined and remote.
The Himalayas do not appear
to Kalidasa in their natural
grandeur and sublimity, nor the
are
Danâka
forest in
wild
its
beauty
and
ruggedness
all
pictures are to be properly finished and framed, but" thereby

lose much of their trenchant
setting and appeal.
But
all this
poetry does not

20-1848B
is
not
swim
mere suavity or
in langour, cloyed
finicality.
with
its
these
they
Kalidasa's
own sweetness
HISTORY OF SANSKhlT LITERATURE
154
the chastity and restraint of his imagination, the precision and

energy of his phrasing, and the austerity of his artistic vigilance
save him from mere sensuous ideality.
Nor is it classical correct-
ness in the narrow sense that
The ornate
of literature.
mere
rarely
achievement of the refined
form
in its proper
in
or
prettiness
might be learned
Kalidasa,
aesthetic
effect of a
schools
the
in
means very
therefore,
make-believe
is
it
the
thought or feeling chiselled
and
of
beauty
becoming thereby a poetic
or
It
thus
involves
the process through which
thought
feeling.
the poet lifts his tyrannical passion or idea to the blissful contemplation of an
Kalidasa
sentiment.
aesthetic
above his subject in the sense

often merges himself in it in
of
command,
the
sense of
keep himself
can
as
Bhavabhuti too
surrender
and
the
respective treatment of pathos,

in which Kalidasa' s poetic sense of restraint and balance certainThis is nowhere more clear
ly achieve a more profound effect.
difference
is
best seen in
their
than in the picture of Kama's suffering on the occasion of

exile,
is
drawn
to
Sita's
respectively by the two poets. Bhavabhuti 's tendency
elaborate
pathetic
scenes
almost
to the verge of crudity,
omitting no circumstances, no object animate or inanimate which

he thinks can add to their effectiveness
and, like most Sanskrit
;
he
poets,
is
unable
to
when enough has been
stop even
said.
But Kalidasa, like Shakespeare, suggests more than he expresses.

Not one of those who gather round the body of Cordelia makes a
phrase
the emotion
is tense,
but there
is
no declamation
to
work
up. The terrible blow given by the reported calumny regarding

his beloved makes Rama's heart, tossed in a terrible conflict
it
between love and

beaten with a
hammer
shed
of
flood
Kalidasa's
Rama
break
duty,
;
tears.
but
It
a truly
in
pieces,
like the heated iron
he does not declaim, nor faint, nor

is
this silent suffering
tragic
figure.
Not
returns and delivers the spirited but sad messnge
which makes
until
Laksmana
of his banished
king in him breaks down and yields to the man

but even here Kalidasa has only one short stanza (xiv. 84) which
sums up with infinite suggestion the entire pity of the situation,
wife that the
CHAPTER
THE SUCCESSORS OF KILIDASA
The
IN
POETRY
an exact chronology, as well as the

paucity and uncertainty of material, does not permit an orderly
historical treatment of the poets and dramatists who, in
all
difficulty of fixing
between Kalidasa, on the one hand, and

Magha and Bhavabhuti, on the other. It must have been a
period of great vitality and versatility for there is not a single
probability, flourished
department of literature which
But
is left
untouched or
left in a
rudi-
great deal of its literary productions is

mentary condition.
the
few
that
remain do not adequately repreand
probably lost,
sent
its
of the
many-sided
activity.
We
know
nothing,
for
instance,
which presupposes Hala's

compilation, and which sums up its folk-tale in the lost
Prakrit
extensive
poetical
collection of
literature,
Gunadhya's Brhatkatha.
No
early collection also of
the popular tale in Sanskrit has survived

descendants of the beast-fable, typified by
the
possible
Pancatantra, we
Concurrently with the tradition of Prakrit love-
know
nothing.
poetry in the stanza-form, illustrated by
must have
and of
started the
us the early Sataka of

of Bhartfhari
same
tradition
in
Amaru and which
and others
the
the
Sattasaf of
Sanskrit,
is
followed
Hala,
which gives
up by those
but the exact relationship between the
unknown. The origin of the religious and

gcomic stanzas, such as we find crystallised in -the StotraSatakas of Mayura and Bana and the reflective Satakas of BhartrNor do we know much about the
hari, is equally obscure.
beginnings of the peculiar type of the Sanskrit prose romance
and we possess no earlier specimens of them than the fairly
two traditions
is
mature works
of
Dandin, Bana and Subandhu,
who belong
to
&IStORY OF SANSKRIT
156
The dramatic works
this period.
Bbasa and Kalidasa must-
of
have inspired many a dramatist, but with the exception of

Sudraka, Visakhadatta, Hara and the writers of four early
Monologue Plays (Bhanas), ascribed respectively

Sudraka, Xsvaradatta and Syamilaka, all other
perished
to
Yararuci,
names have
Narayana probably, and Bbavabhuti

the end of this period.
The number of early
while Bhatta
certainly, corne at
poetical
works
fewer.
If the poetical predecessors
in
Sanskrit, the
so-called
of
is
still
all
dis-
Mahakavyas,
Kalidasa have
appeared, leaving his finished achievement in poetry to stand by

Bharavi,
itself, this is still more the case with his successors.
Kumaradasa and Magha, with
Bhatti,
practically complete the
them, the general
high and wide-spread

solitary
of the
With the example
this period.
to guide
list
of a
but, since
few
of the
composers
minor
much
prominent
poets,
Mahakavya
consummate master
level of merit
become
altitudes
just
of
of poetry
should have been fairly

is
apparently
and
lost,
the
in
our
numerous
survey.
THE EROTIC SATAKAS OF AMARU AND BHARTRHARI
1.
Although love-poetry blooms in its fullness in the Sanskrit

literature, more than in the Vedic and Epic, its earliest speci-
mens
are lost.
element in
of the love
erotic
be supposed that the passionate

nature never found expression. The episode
It should not
human
of Nanda and Sundari
theme
of the
poem
the Kunstpoesie,
the
show
that
the
by A^vaghosa,
of Ghatakarpara, as
existence of the Megha-duta,
have been neglected.
painted
erotic
well
as
the very
could not
poetry
Love may not yet have come to

polished and cultured Kavya
its
;
own
but
in
the
example of Eala's Sattasal, whose stanzas are predominantly

erotic, makes it possible that in folk-literature, the tradition of
which
is
at
least
absorbing theme.
partially
preserved
The Prakrit
in
poetry here
Prakrit,
is
it
finds
doubtless as
an
con-
THK
ventional aB Sanskrit, and
but
clear that, while
it is
i57
SATAKAS OF AMAlUJ
EfeOTIC
is
not folk-literature in
these early
Prakrit
its
true sense
popular
for
have
love
their
the
the
masses,
principal
early
subject,
among
as
have
so
far
Sanskrit poems,
survived, do not often accept
they
is
theme.
indeed no evidence to show
There
exclusive
their
it as
that the Prakrit love-lyric
the prototype of
is
the presumption is strong that the erotic
stanzas,
the
but
Sanskrit,
sentiment,
which had
diffused itself in the popular literature, survived in Prakrit poetry,
and gradually invaded the courtly Sanskrit Kavya, which provided a naturally fertile soil for it, and of which it ultimately became
the almost universal theme.
It is
works
remarkable, however, that, with the
like the
exception of a few
Megha-duta, the Ghatakarpara monody and the
Glta-govinda, which, again, are not unalloyed love-poems, the

Sanskrit erotic poetry usually takes the form, not of a systematic
well-knit poem, but of a single poetical stanza standing by itself,
in
which the poet delights
to depict a single phase of the
or a single situation within the limits of a
Such
is
emotion
finely
the case mostly with the seven hundred Prakrit
which pass under the name
of
Hala Satavahana.
form.
finished
stanzas,
If in Prakrit the
highest distinction belongs to Hala's Sattasal for being a collection
which gives varied and charming expression
the emotion of
to
love, the distinction belongs in Sanskrit without question
to the
Sataka of Amaru, about whose date and personality, however, as

It is a much
little is known as about those of Hala.
smaller
work, but
it is
no
less distinctive
and delightful.
Sataka, meaning a century of detached stanzas, is usually

regarded as the work of a single poet, although it is probable
that Hala's seven centuries, in the main, form an
antho-
The
logy.
most
1
of
form,
the
Although
the
early
however,
allows
Satakas contain
commentator Ravicandra
finds
easy
interpolation
much more than

a
and
a hundred
meaning in Amaru's
work to be merely a
rhetorical text-book of the satne type as liudra Bha(ta's $rhgara*tilaka, meant to
illustrate
the various classas of the
Nayika and the diversity of their amorous conditions
stanzas
philosophical
And Vemabhupala, another commentator, would
take
the
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LlTERAftkR
158
it is not
always possible, however, for several reasons,

to separate the additions with certainty, and arrive at a definitive
The Amaru-fat aka* for instance, is known to exist in at
text.
stanzas,
least four recensions,
in
which the text fluctuates between

4
and 115 stanzas, the number
of 96
stanzas
of
totals
common
to all
but given in varying sequence, being only 51.

The uncertainty of the text not only makes an estimate of the
work difficult, but also diminishes the value of any chronological
the
recensions,
conclusion which
stanza in
the
works.
later
9th
the
of
beginning
drawn fr^m the citation of a particular

Vamana's quotation, 6 for instance, in
be
may
naming the work
or
the
century,
of
author, establishes
these stanzas occur in the present text of
stanzas without
three
nothing, although
Amaru's
tfataka.
The
mention of Auiciru as a poet of eminence is found in the

middle of the 9lb century in Anandavardhana's work, but it is of
earliest
little
as
assistance,
The
unreliable
in the
attribution
and there
is
Amaru
is
much
perhaps a
'
earlier
writer.
which often quote from Amaru, is notoriously

divergence regarding the number and sequence of
anthologies,
great
deal of
stanzas in the texts of the commentators and in the manuscripts of the work
*
B. Simon, in four recensions (Roman characters), Kiel 1893 (Of. ZDMG, XLIX,
ed. Calcutta 1808 (see J. Gildemeister, Bibliothecae Sanskritae, Bonn 1847, p.
cd.
1895, p. 577f)
,73,
Havicandra (ahas Juanananda Kaladhara); ed. Durgaprasad, with

comra. of Arjunavarmadeva, with addl. stanzas from commentators and anthologies, N8P, 3rd
no. 162), with the comrn. of
ed. f
Bombay 1916
8
(1st ed,, 1889).
(com ID. Vemabbupala and Kamaoandanatha), Bengal
Viz., South Indian
Wesb Indian
(comtn.
Arjunavarmadeva and Kokasambhava), and Miscellaneous

(comm. Ramarudra, Budramadeva, etc.). Simon bases his text chiefly on the South Indian
Havicandra),
recension, but
who
is
it
(comra.
hardly supersedes the text of Arjunavarmadeva of Dhara (circa 1215 A.D.),
the oldest
known commentator.
critical
examination of materials.
Arjunavarman's printed
text
No
certainty, of course, is
possible without further
contains 102 stanzas; in the
N3P. (Bombay)
appendices add 61 verses from other commentators and anthologies.
the
on the analogy of one-metre Satakas of Bana and Mayura, that only

Sardulavikricjita metre are original, would give us about 54 to 61 in recensions
(ZDMG, XXVII,
stanzas in the
ed.,
Aufrecht'a suggestion
p. 7f),
Mil, and only 83 in recension iv. For the anthology stanzas, some of which are fine pieces, but
some of these are not traceable
ascribed sometimes to other authors, see Thomas, Kvs t p. 22 f
;
in the printed text
they are in varied metres.
ed, Simon, DOS. 16, 30, 89
Dhvany&loka ad
iii.
7.
Vamana, Kavydlatpkara,
iii.
2.
iv. 3.
12
v. 2. 8.
THE EROTIC SATAKAS OF AMARU

that he
159
than Bhartrbari proceeds chiefly

on the debatable ground of style and technique; but after the
The suggestion
poetic
elaboration
art of Kalidasa,
Amaru
certain
is
which would
characteristics
this period,
and
finish
of expression
may
any writer, and need not prove anything. Even

later than Bhartrhari, the
works of both exhibit
in
be expected
if
is later
preclude
a date later
than
and probably they could not have been very far apart
from each other in time.
Amaru
is
less
wide in range than Hala,
but he strikes
perhaps a deeper and subtler note. Araaru's poems lack a great

deal of the homeliness and rough good sense of Hala's erotic
stanzas; but they do not present, as more or less Hala's versesdo, the picture of simple
describes,
imagery,
chances,
love
set
among simple
Amaru
scenes.
with great delicacy of feeling and gracefulness of

the infinite moods and fancies of love, its changes and
its
strange
vagaries
and wanton
wiles, its
unexpected
thoughts and unknown impulses, creating varied and subtle

His language, with all the resources of Sanskrit,
situations.
but not extravagantly ornate and his gift of
lyric phrasing gives it the happy touch of ease and naturalness.
Amaru does not confine himself to the narrow limits of Hala's
is
carefully studied,
slow-moving moric stanza, but appears to allow himself greater

His employment of
metrical variety and more freedom of space.
1
long sonorous metres, as well as short lyric measures, not only

relieves the monotony of metrical effect, but adds richness,
weight and music to his
little
camoes
of thought
and feeling.
In spite of inequalities, almost every stanza in this collection

2
possesses a charm of its own; and the necessity of compressing
The metres employed in their order of frequency are

SarJulaviktidita, HarinI,
3 kliarinl, Mand&kranta,
Sragdhara, Vaaantatilaka and MalinT; while Drutavilambita, Vaktra
and Vaiplasthavila occur sporadically in some recensions only. See Simon's metrical analysis,
:
p. 46.
For some specimens, with
Literature,
Calcutta 19-29,
Mysore 1986, pp.
1-80.
p.
translation, see 8. K. De,
28f;
Treatment
C Jl. Narasimha Sarma,
of
Studies
Lore in Sanskrit
in
Sanskrit
Lft.,
100
one whole idea or image within the limits of a

single stanza not only gives a precision and restrained elegance
to the diction, but also presents, in each stanza, a complete
synthetically
picture in a finely finished
form.
In this art of miniature word-
painting, of
which we have already spoken, Amaru unquestion-
ably excels.
The
and
all
love
stanzas
which the sense and the
in
impassioned,
depicted in his
the emotions of longing, hope,
often youthful
is
spirit
jealousy,
ecstasy,
meet, with
anger, dis-
reconciliation
and fruition. Amaru's
despair,
appointment,
is
from
different
indeed
world
ours, but his pictures are marked
by a spirit of closeness to life and common realities, not often
4
seen in the laboured and sustained masterpieces of
this period , as
well as by an emotional yet picturesque directness, by a subtle har-
sound and sense, and by a freedom from mere rhetoric,

qualities which are not entirely devoid of appeal to modern taste.
But, on the surface, the light of jewelled fancy plays, and makes
mony
of
beautiful
even
the joys and

sea of
the
pains
hopes of love.
pangs which are inseparable from

It is not love tossed on the stormy
arid
manhood and womanhood, nor
and pain of
But, as
finite
hearts which lead
we have already
ing the playful
moods
is
it
to a
that
richer
infinite passion
and wider
life.
said, the Sanskrit poet delights in depict-
of love, its aspects of Llla, in
which even
When
he touches a deeper chord, the

unmistakable, but its poignancy is rendered
sorrow becomes a luxury.

tone of earnestness
is
pleasing by a truly poetic enjoyment of its tender and pathetic

implications. Rightly does inandavardhana praise the stanzas of
Amaru
containing the veritable ambrosia of poetry; and in

illustrating the theme of love as a sentiment in Sanskrit poetry,
all writers on Poetics have freely used Amaru as one of the original
as
and best sources.
In Sanskrit sentimental poetry,
Amaru
should
be regarded as the herald of a new developmental' which the result

is best seen in the remarkable fineness, richness of expression and
delicacy
of
thought
Satakas, of the
drama.
and
feeling
of
the
love-poems of later
numerous anthologies^ and even
of
the
poetical
THE gATAKAS OF BEARISH ARI

The same
more
found
we
traits as
or less
in
in the Sataka
notice
centuries
later
which the 3rhg&ra-ataka
not only for its early date
and
are
among
must be singled out,

but also for
excellence,
literary
Amaru
of
of love-poems,
of Bhartrhari
which attaches
161
the legends surrounding the

Tradition ascribes to him
mysterious personality of the author.
also two other Satakas, on wise conduct (Nlti) and resignation
the
interest
of
sophy
speech,
well
as
(Vairagya), respectively,
of
little
From
that
an exposition of the philothe
Although
Vakyapadlya.
last
softer gift of poetry, it is not
the
inherently impossible for the poet
grammarian.
as
entitled
named work shows
to
turn
to
into
philosophical
Buddhist pilgrim Yi-tsing we know

Bhartrhari, apparently the author of the
the
grammarian
and even if his reference

Vakyapadiya, died about 051 A. D.
does not make it clear whether Bhartrhari was also the poet of
;
them need not

Bhartrhari, the grammarian, was probably a
the
three
be
exaggerated.
8
but the fact that the
his ignoring or ignorance of
Satakas,
Buddhist,
Vedanta persuasion
of two Bhartrharis;
1
Ed.
a.tingralm
P.
Bohlen,
p. 14.'J f.,
Satakas reveal a Saiva of the
does not necessarily

for,
apart from the question of interpolation,
Latin
with
reprinted
in
contains the Nlti a-id Vairagya at
justify the supposition
trs.,
Berlin
1833;
also ed. in Haeberlin's
from a number of Mas, and with extracts from commentaries, by K. T. Telang,

1874, 1885.
of
TI e three Satakas are alto printed, under the
Eamucandra Budhendra, NSP,
[6th
revised ed.,
edition of the Satakas is still a necessity.
Tawney inL4, V, 1876

Wortliam, Trubner
(reprinted
Kavyawhich also
Jivananda's Kavya-saipgraha, TI, p. 53 f,

The Nlti and Vairagya ha\e
pp. 125 f, 172 f.
Eng.
separately,
London 1886;
J.
title Subbasitatris'atI,
Bombay 1022
trs., in verse, of
Calcutta
1877);
list ed.
been edited,
Bomb
comm.
ciitical
1902].
Nlti and Vairasya

all
M. Kennedy, London 1913;
the
C.
Satakas
Skr. Ser.,
with
by C. H.
trs.
W. Gurncr,
B.
H.
Calcutta
1027.
2
Sometimes 'he grammatical poem Bhatti-ltavya
is
ascribed
to
Ivm, but there
ia
name BLatti aa a Prakritised form of Bhartr to support the attribution.

The legends which make Bhartihari a brother of the still IE ore mysterious Vikramaditya is
useless for any historical purpose.
The story has been dramatised in later times in the
Bhartrhari-nirveda of Harihara,ed. NSP, Bombay 1912. Cf. Gray in JAOS, XXV, 1904,
nothing more than the
p.
197 f; A. V.
3
W.
Jackson in JAOS, XXIII, 1902,
See Pathak in
JBRAS, XVIII,
acceptance.
4
Telang. op.
cit. t p. ix f ,
p.
313
f.
1893, p. 341 f; but this view has not found geceral
162
Hara
invokes the
likewise
Buddha
Nagananda, but pays
in his
homage to Siva in his Ratndvall.

The texts of the Satakas of Bhartrhari, as they stand, are
much more uncertain and devoid of definite structure than that
and stanzas from them occur in the works
of Amaru's Sataka
of other well known writers, or ascribed to other authors in the
The fact, however, -should not be made the ground
anthologies.
;
presumption that Bhartrhari, like Vyasa and Canakya,

name under which miscellaneous compilations were
is only a
2
or that Bhartrhari himself incorporated stanzas from
passed,
of
the
other writers to
make up
his
own poem. 3
The argument
lacks
ingenuity nor plausibility, but very few Satakas, early

or late, have escaped the misfortune of tampering and interpola-
neither
and
tion;
the
before
necessary
examination
critical
problem
of
can
the
be
textual
question
is
solved.
satisfactorily
prevent us from accepting the tradition

of Bhartrhari 's original authorship, which is almost uniform and
unbroken, and which does not relegate him (o the position of a
There
is still
nothing
mere compiler.
Nor is there
to
any
cogency
Sriigara-satalia alone is genuine,
the
made on
shows individuality and unity

As the text
a single creative mind.
it
in
suggestion
that the
the alleged ground that
of structure as the product of

itself is
admittedly uncertain,
regarding both originality and order of stanzas--, such surmises,

based on content and style, are always risky but there is hardly
anything to justify the position that the Srhgara-sataka can be
;
sharply distinguished in this or other respects from the Niti- and

If
there is any substance in the legend
Vairagya-satakas.
recorded by Yi-sting that Bhartrhari vacillated no less than seven
times between the comparative charms of the monastery and the
world,
it
signifies that the poet
E.g. in
a century of passionate
AbhijnanaMuntala, Mudra-raksasa and Tantrakhyayika
pp. 74-75.
Sbhv,
who wrote
Aufrccht, Leipzig Catalogue, no. 417.
Bohlen, op.
cit.,
Prefatio, p.
viii.
see
Petergon,
THE ÂTAKAS OF BHARTRHARI
163
stanzas could very well write the other two centuries on
worldly
wisdom and renunciation.

The susceptibility to contrary attractions is evident in all
The Ntti-ataka should not be taken as a
the three Satakas.
mere collection of moral maxims or an epitome of good sense
and prudence; it shows at once a lurking attachment to the
world and an open revulsion from
with considerable bitterness,

capable of understanding
me
my
sayings
good
have,
are full of envy
all
by arrogance disqualified;
"
the outset
at
The
sordidness.
its
poet says,
Those who are
men
power are
in
others labour under stupidity
grown
therefore,
old
all
within myself."
In the same strain, the poet refers to the haughtiness of kings,

to the
to the power of wealth, to the humiliation of servitude,
clash of passion and prejudice with culture and education,
to the
wicked and the ignorant reviling the good and the wise, and to the
distressing things of life, which he calls darts rankling in his
Nor
heart.
inelastic
mind.
idealist,
is
is
by
refers to the
wreck of
the
Vairfigyu-sfitaha
work
of
belief
sense
the
of
and spending,
one's self-respect, and of the
never-ending worries of
earning
hopes in the striving for an ideal

complacency of humanity in the midst
;
decay and death, and
falls
an
goodness of the world

hollo wness and wickedness.
its
insults to
of
the
in
human
smug
an ascetic or
gives expression to the passionate pain
and perpetual
of service
the
It-
whose inborn
shattered
It
the
back upon the cultivation
it
condemns
of
disease,
of a spirit of
detachment.
The
of
joys
on
love
a
;
vehemence with which Bhartrhari denounces the

two poems is
life and attractions of love in these
with
level
for the
his
attitude
3rhgara-ataka
is
disclosed
not
so
in
his
much
stanzas
poem on
on
love
on the essential emptiness of love, an outburst not so much

on its ecstasies and sunny memories by a self-forgetful lover, as
on its darkening sorrows and wrongs by a man in bitter earnest.
as
It indicates a
restraint
"
;
mind wavering between abandon and

the fair lady or the cave of the mountains/
frame
of
either
164
"
either an abode on the sacred

"either youth or the forest,"
banks of the Ganges or in the delightful embrace of a young
woman " sentiments like these are scattered throughout. The
delights of life and love are as much captivating as they are
reprehensible
the bitterness of
denunciation only indicates
the
the measure of the terrible fascination which love and
life
exert
on the poet it arises not so much from any innate repugnance

as from the distressing necessity of convincing himself and tearing
away from them. Bhartrhari's philosophy of love is simple:
woman is both joy and sorrow, trouble and appeasement there
;
is
continual attraction and continual repulsion
much
man
the poet ceases to love at
all
and
from loving too
takes
asceticism.
to
temperament and strong passions, the poet frankall that is delightful, but it gives him no peace
of artistic
ly delights in
nor any sure foothold anywhere.

The tone is not sombre, but
pungent, and even vitriolic. Bhartrhari inevitably reminds one
Asvaghosa, by the side of whose indignant outburst against
woman, can be placed his biting interrogation: "Who has
of
woman
created
creatures
as
contrivance
woman, who
is
verse of indiscipline, the abode of

evil, the deceitful soil
for
the
bondage
the whirlpool of
all
of
all
living
the
doubt,
uni-
daring, the receptacle of all

of manifold distrust, the box of trickery
all
and
illusion, a poison coated with ambrosia, the hindrance to

heaven and a way to the depth of hell?"
If the poet sometimes
attains a calmer frame of mind in his two other Satakas on
Niti and Vairagya, his intense
conviction
be best understood in the light

their attendant sufferings
It is
love.
of
the
hard-won, and can

powerful longings and
is
which he describes in
no wonder that
his
assumption
of
his
the
Sataka on
yellow
garb
so often conflicted with his craving for

worldly delights.
Bhartrhari, therefore, differs from
and expression.
woman
tion
He
as such, even
he
of tender
is
is
Amaru
both
in
attitude
too earnest to believe in the exaltation
of
though he cannot withstand the fascina-
too serious to depict in swift succession the
memories and pleasing pains
hundreds
of love, its flying thoughts
165
THE 6ATAKAS OF BHAUT&HARI
and dancing feelings, its delicate lights and shades, in the same
way as they reflect themselves in Amaru's little poems in their
warmth and colour. Bhartrhari's miniature love-stanzas

have not the same picturesqueness of touch, the same delicacy
playful
and elegance of expression, but they gain in intensity, depth

and range, 1 because they speak of things which lie at the core
of his being they have enough piquancy and sharpness to require
;
If
any graceful trimming.

and the relation of lovers
Amaru
describes the emotion of
own
their
for
worries, and consider love and women

or
ideal
aspect.
Amaru
has
There
is
number
large
of
poet
is
and
makes
sometimes
The metres employed by Bhaitrbaii
in
diversified, but his inclination to long sonorous
twenty-two
times.
See L. H.
the
real
poetry,
but
reflective
stanzas
but
absence
the
difficult to
separate
with
the
epithet
philosopher, he should
present texts of his
three
shown by
use of
measures
is
The Metres
Gray,
it
cited also
Bhadanta, be the Buddhist logician and

1
its
forget
in any fanciful
If, however, the anthology
compositions.
Dharmaklrti, who
to
it
life,
anthologies,
or uncertainty of chronological data
the early from
more
of
aspects
itself
apart from
erotic
scattered throughout the Sanskrit
the late
larger
life
perhaps
Bhartrhari has more genuine feeling.
and without any
sake
implication for connecting them with

Bhartrhari is too much occupied with
love
of
bis
Bhartrhari in
poems
are
Sragdbara
JAOS, XX,
1899,
pp. 157-59.
It is noteworthy that Amaru always speaks of man's fickleness, and never echoes the
almost universal bitterness regarding woman's inconstancy, which characterises much of
2
the poetical, as well as
religious
and didactic,
commends boldness and even aggressiveness

facetiously explains
by saying that otherwise woman
appreciation of Bhartrhari, see C. R. Narasimba

Lit. d. alien indien, p. 221
3
tery,
The
Bhartrbarj, in one passage, re*

with women, which the commentator
literature.
in dealing
f.
S.
K. De
will
Sarma, op
op. cit.
p. 34
dominate
cit.
pp.
man
28-56;
For a general
H. Olden berg,
f.
which leaves no alternative between the world and the monagand renunciation, is not only an individual trait, but seems to have marked
attitude of mind,
between love
a class of Sanskrit poets, who wrote stanzas, applicable by double entente

once to the themes of enjoyment and resignation. In general also, the Sanskrit
poets
have enough simplicity and integrity of feeling to make them grateful for the joys of life, but
penitent when they have exceeded in enjoying them. In such an atmosphere, it is clear, the
the outlook of
at
idea of the
at
all.
chivalrous Platonic love or
the
so-called
intellectual
love
could
not develop
166
The
belong to a period between the 6th and 7th century A.D.
total number of stanzas independently assigned to him in the
1
2
different anthologies is about sixteen.
There is nothing of the
scholar or the pedant
being placed by
II
in
collection, its loss is
The vogue
this
much
them
are worthy
of
Amaru and
Bhartrhari.
a
to be regretted.
but
which the Sataka
also
is
period
and Barm,
their
of
lost
by the Stotras of Mayura

theme and method are different.
spirit,
hymns
in
their
the art, but evolved a
of
praise
poetry
new
The Epics,
praise and prayer.
the secret of
as
number
large
of
teachers of their
compositions
;
some
similar
religion.
well
as
meant
to
poems
religious
solely
behind
hagiology.
for
the
adoration
in
which
in
poems
while
addressing
the
of
of sacred
of
and
deities
Some
purpose
mere theological collections
of
poem
Puranas and
the
receive
stay
own pantheon and
are
are
not
making
Their descen-
type of Stotras or
new Hindu mythology
the Jainas and Buddhists do
obtained from
deities
Tantras of uncertain date, abound in liturgical

the gods of the
came
poetry
illustrated
their religion poetry and
dants
of
style
the Vedic times, but the ancients possessed
which are
the intervals of heavier work, wrote such
into
The production
cults
poems,
THE STOTRA-SATAKAS OF BANA, MAYURA AND OTHERS
2.
in
some
and
the side of those of
of
Dharmaklrti,
little
elegant
an erotic character,
of
generally
these
in
these
and
sects
epithets
or
For a complete list, see Thomas, Kvs> pp. 47-50, which gives also a list of Dharmaworks translated into Tibetan, including two Stotras. Also see Peterson,
klrti'e poetical
Sbhv, pp. 46-48, and in
ZDM G, XXVJI, p.
*
JBRAS, XVI,
pp. 172-73;
Aufrecht in Ind. Stud.,
XVI,
pp. 204-7,
41:
Anandavardhana quotes one (iii, p. 216 /at>anya-cira*nna) with the remark

.Mo/ra iti prasiddhih,
and be adds
Dharmafarteh
tatha c&yaip
satflbhavyate ca tasyaiva
another stanza (p. 217) by Dharmaklrti, which is not found in the anthologies. The first of
Of
these,
these stanzas
ticara.
is
also quoted
and ascribed to DharmakTrti by Kgemendra in
his
lucitya-
THE STOTHA-SATAKAS OF BANA, MAYURA AND OTHERS

hundred or thousand sacred names
strings of a
most
167
them
of
have a stereotyped form and little individuality but the .higher

Asvaghosa's earlypoetry and philosophy also invaded the field.
eulogy of the Buddha in Buddha-carita xxvii is unfortunately lor.t
;
the spuri-
in Sanskrit, while the Stotras of his school, ns well as
Gandl-stotra of a somewhat later time,
ous
We
poetical worth.
have, however, two
Visnu and Brahman, both

gods in Kalidasa's Raghu
respectively, although
it
may
Mahakavyas
made
ba
in
In
Siva.
deity
a similar
that
this
by the
4-15)
(iii.
there
connexion,
Stotras
insertion of
no
is
in
the
Mahadeva by
Bharavi's poem, that of Krsna by
of the period, such as
Arjuna in the closing canto of
Bhisma
metre; uttered
somewhat strange
is
to
remarkable Stotras to
and Kumara
16-32)
(\.
direct -Stotra to his beloved
reference
Sloka
in the
much
of
are hardly
the
Stava
of
$i6upala-vadha xiv, and that of Candl by the gods in
Ratnakara's Ham-vijaya
xlvii
(167
But
stanzas).
praise
and
panegyric very early become the individual theme of separate

poems and an endless number of Stotras has survived.
They
1
are mostly late,
attempted
but
of
little
few have
very
difficult task of
al
and
>acied verse.
literary
\\orth
succeeded
in
for
many
the
exceedingly
Their theme and treatment do not
\vn\s concern Vairagya, but their devotional feeling
ed, and
they
are
seldom
have
merely
is
undoubt-
Their
doctrinal or abstract.
not poetry, and they seldom attain its proper

objective, however,
accent.
It is no wonder, therefore, that the
Sanskrit poeticians
is
and anthologists do not give much prominence
to the Stotra
works,
nor consider them worthy of a separate treatment.
The
early efforts of
Mayura and Banabhatta
are
not
very
but they illustrate the

but distinctly' laboured, manner
rhetorical contrivances to this kind of litera-
impressive for their purely poetic merit,

early application of the elegant,
of the
Kavya and
its
For religious hymnology,
studied, see
S.
P.
in general,
Bhattacharyya, The
PD. 340-60, for an eloquent appreciation.
a subject
which has not yet been adequately

of Old India in
IHQ, I, 1925,
Stotra-Literature
168
ture.
Mayura
is
associated,
Jaina legends, asser-
commentators and recorded traditions
tions of late
with Banabbatta as a literary
by marriage either
related
late
by
chiefly
of anthologists,
court of Harsa and
rival in the
as brother-in-law or father-in-law.
as
The
speak of Mayura's affliction with leprosy by the

angry curse of Bana's wife, Mayura's alleged sister or daughter,
whose intimate personal beauty he is said to have described in
legends
also
an indiscreet poem.
This work
the
but
highly erotic,
is
rather
supposed to be identical with

of
poem
conventional,
eight
fragmentary stanzas, which goes by the name Mayurastaka* and

which describes a fair lady returning from a secret visit to her
Three of
lover.
stanzas are in Sragdhara (the metre of Surya-
its
6ataka) and the rest in Sardulavikridita
than
it
taste, to the "tiger-sport" of the lady
man amorously
inclined,
Tf
the
more wit
with
with the
"demon
of
which makes even an
a lover," and to the beauty of her limbs

old
refers,
poem
poem
is
is
it
genuine,
itself started the

possible that such descriptions in the
legend but the legend also adds that a miraculous recovery from
;
was
through the grace of the sungod, by Mayura's composing his well-known poem, the Sfirynthe
unhappy
All that is
disease
known
of
effected,
Mayura and
his genuine and
ascribed
works
be
will
found
in
GK P. Quackenbos, The Sanskrit Poems of Mayura, New York 1917 (Columbia Univ. IndoTranian series^; it gives the works in Roman transliteration, with Erg. trs. and notes, and
also contains the Candt-jataka of
Bana with
trs.
and not^s.
In the enumeration of tbe friends of his youth, who are said to have been of the saone
age (cayasa samanah), Bana refers in hia Harsa-carila (ed. A. A. Fuhrer, Bombiy 19r9,
p. 67 ; ed. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1892, p. 47, 4th ed., 1914, p. 42) to a certain Jangulika or
*
snake-doctor, appropriately
earliest
mention
of the poet
NQvasahasahka-carita
Rftjas'ekhara in
Sml
(ii.
O'v.
named Mayuraka, who may

Mayura, along with Baija,
or
may
not
in the court
18 of Padmagupla (about 1005 A.D.).
The
be our
of
poet
Harsa occurs
but
the
in
the
Inter eulogistic stanza of
68), however, punningly alludes to the art of the snake-doctor
two stanzas (Nos.
The
from the Sarya-tataka of Mayura

occurs in Inandavardhana's Dhvanydloka (2nd half of the 9th century), ii, p. 92 and 99-100.
There is another much inferior tradition which connects him, along with many other Sanskrit
earliest
anonymous quotation
poets, with king Bhoja of

8
of
9, 23)
Dhara.
also in JAOS, XXXI, 1911, pp. 843-54.

Quackenbos, op. ct't., pp. 72.79, text and trs.
kenaisd, rati-raka$ena ramitd
ardula-vikridita
st.
3; and
;
-4
prtyahga-gahanam Vfddho'pi kdmayale,
st. $.
dfjtv&
rupam
idarp,
THE STOTRA-6ATAKAS OF BINA, MAYURA AND OTHERS

1
But
in praise of the deity.
fataka,
must be
it
of
work, which retains in
literary
much by
The theme
display.
the
that
said
the Sataka gives the impression of being actuated not so

piety as by the spirit
169
of
the
present form exactly one hundred

2
stanzas, consists of an extravagant description and praise of the
sun-god and his appurtenances, namely, bis rays, the horses that
draw
its
his chariot, his charioteer
The
solar disc.
rolling
sixth stanza of the
the
to
refers
poem
and the
itself
suni's
healing diseases, which apparently set the legend

but the belief that the sun can inflict and cure
of
power
Aruna, the chariot
being preserved in the Iranian story of Sam,

the prototype of the Puranic legend of Samba
it may not
have anything to do with the presumption that the cult of the
is
leprosy
old,
sun was popular in the days of Harsa, even

described in the Harsa-carita as
devotional
its
attitude,
Sragdhara metre
for
and
compound words,
of
jingling
the
its
and
syllables
devotee of the
poem
with
is
all
the elaborate
obvious partiality
its
constant alliteration,
construction,
other
With
sun.
written in
is
diction,
difficult
Harsa's father
if
rhetorical
devices,
is
equally
Ed. G. P. Quackenbos, as above. Also ed. in Haeberlin, op. ct.> p, 197 f, reproduced
K. P. Parab with comin. of
op. cit. II, p. 222 f; ed. Durgaprasad and
with
of
1927
ed.
comra.
Yajnes*vara, in Pothi form,
Tribhuvanapala, NSP, Bombay 1889,
1
in Jivananda,
Baroda Samvat 1928 (=1872 A.D.). The Ceylonese paraphrase (Sanna) by Vilgamrnula"
Mahathera, with text, ed. Don A. de Silva Devarakkhita Batuvantudave, Colombo 1883
JRAS, XXVI, 1894, p. 555 and XXVIII, 1896, pp. 215-16).

2
With an apparently spurious stanza at the end, not noticed by the commentator, in
NSP ed., giving the name of the author and the Phala-Sruti. The order of the stanzas,
(see
however,
is
not the same in
a loosely constructed
3
poem
all
editions and manuscripts
but this
of little
is
consequence in
of this kind.
remarkable that puns are not frequent; and the poem has some clever,
but very elaborate, similes and metaphors, eg., that of the thirsty traveller (st. 14), of
the day-tree (st. 34), of the dramatic technique
antidote
(st. 31), of
against
poison
(st.
50)
It
ia
there ia a play
41); harsh-sounding
by
Mamma{a
alliteration.
of
syllables often
occur
to ten
(st.
(st. 6,
18
98 etc.);
cf.
Buddha -carita
while
st.
ii.
71 is cited
as an instance of a composition, where facts are distorted in order to effect an

finds in the diction of the Gaudas, is abundant
The Aksara-<Jambara, which Bana
here, as well as in
tators,
on the numerals from one
series
Ma own
Madhusii'laoa
Canft-tataka
(about 1654 A.D.I,
tion of eastern poets (Pauraatya)
and
it
gives
is
no wonder that one of the commen-
to both
Mayura and Bana the designa-
170
The
elaborate.
and
quality of graceful and dignified expression
metre may be admitted in fact,

the majesty which this compactly loaded metre can put on has
seldom been better shown but the highly stilted and recondite
the flowing gorgeousness of the
tendencies of the work have
little
touch of spontaneous
Whatever power there
tion about them.
of
is
visual
inspira-
presenta-
by the deliberate selection and

The work is naturally
pracfice of laboured tricks of rhetoric.
favoured by the rhetoricians, grammarians and lexicographers,
1
and frequently commented upon, but to class it with the poems
is
it
tion,
neutralised
often
Kalidasa and Bhavabhuti shows the lack of ability to distin2

guish between real poetry and its make-believe.
of
The Candl-$ataka
it
is
mentaries on
Bana
no higher poetical merit

by rhetoricians and anthologists, and com6
are much fewer.
Written and composed in
cited even
of
is
of
it
the same sonorous Sragdhara metre
same elaborate
less
rhetorical
diction,
(102 stanzas) and in the

the poem shows noteworthy
Mayura's Sataka, and lends

tradition that it was composed in admiring
similarity to
of Candi's slaying of the buffalo-demon
in
the Mdhabharata
a high-flown
^for
The number
it,
commentaries
being mentioned
listed
but
the
for
of
panegyric
old,,
The myth
story,
embellishing
Candl, including a glorification
by Aufrecht
is
25;
see
in
this
work, are
Quackenbos,
op.
108*
cif. f p.
Mayura
About 20 stanzas
in
in the anthologies
poetical value.
For
other poets as well

9
of
not
rivalry.
and amplified in the Puranas
44-46)
(ix.
but Bana makes use of
is
the
to
plausibility
Ed.
in
metres,
of 'them
not
traceable
are clever
these, see
see
is
artificial,
Some
assigned
tc
but are not of mucli
of these verses are ascribed to
iv,
with a Sanskrit comm.
ed. G. P. Quackenbos, at
Sana's authorship of the work. Arjunaexpressly ascribes this work to Bana and
:
nothing improbable in
in the 12th century (on

it.
less
There
quotes a stanza from
and
Quackenboa, pp. 229-242.

Thomas, Kvs p. 67f
Kavyamala, Gucchaka
above, pp. 243-357.
varmadeva
various
some
There
is
Amaru,
st. 1)
a picturesque description of a temple of Candika
in
Bana'i
K&dambart.
4
*
*
The earliest quotation is by Bboja, who cites at. 40 and

Only two or three commentaries are, so far, known.
With
may
or
the exception of sis stanzas in
may
Sardulavikridita
66.
(nos.
25, 32, 49, 55, 66,
not be original, for the variation has no special motive.
7-2]
THE STOTRA-SATAKAS OF BINA, MAYURA AND OTHERS

of the
power
of Candl's left
foot
which
killed
the
171
demon by
its
Bana does not adopt Mayura's method of systematic description of the various objects connected with Candl,
but seeks diversion by introducting, in as many as forty-eight
marvellous kick
stanzas, speeches in the
first
person (without dialogue) by Candl,

Mahisa, Candl's handmaids Jaya and Vijaya, Siva, Karttikeya,
the gods and demons
and even by the foot and toe-nails of
Candl! Bana has none of Mayura'-s elaborate similes, but puns*

are of frequent occurrence and are carried to the extent of
involving interpretation of entire individual stanzas in two ways.
There is an equally marked tendency towards involved and
recondite constructions,
but the
and love
devices
stylistic
of
more numerous and prominent. The work

reprehensible features of the verbal bombast with
conceits are perhaps
has
ali
the
which Bana himself characterises the
style of the
the long-drawn-out and never sluggish melody of
metre does not
fully
redeem
its artificialities of
Gaudas.
its
Even
voluminous
idea and
express-
ion, while the magnificent picturesqueness, which characterises

Bana's prose works, is not much in evidence here. To a greater
than Mayura's Sataka, it is a poetical curiosity rather

than a real poem
but it is an interesting indication of the
extent
decline of poetic taste
which now begin
One
to
and growing
mark the growth
of Bajaêkhara's eulogistic
muktavall
l
70) connects
(iv.
artificiality
of the
of poetic form,
Kavya.
stanzas quoted in the Sukti-
Bana and Mayura with Matanga
(v.
I.
the
court of king
Har?a. Nothing remains of his work except four stanzas quoted
in the Subhasitavali, of which one (no. 2546), describing the sea-
Candala)
Div&kara as their
literary rival
in
girdled earth successively as the grandmother, mother, spouse
and
daughter-in-law, apparently of king Harsa, has been censured for

2
that the
It has been suggested
inelegance by Abhinavagupta.
J
The G08
the note that the
edition
(Baroda 1938,
reading Matanga
is
p. 45)
reads Candala, without any variant, but with
found in
SP.
Apparently
the latter reading
is
sporadic.
1
note
5.
F. Hall, introd. to Vasavadatta, Calcutta 1859, p. 21, and Maxmuller, India, p. 880,
172
poet should be identified with Manatunga, the well
known Jaina
l
Scarya and author of two Stotras (namely, the Bhaktamara in

2
Sanskrit and Bhayahara in Prakrit), on the ground that some
Jaina tales of miracles
him with Bana and Mayura.
connect
4
undoubtedly weak, and the presumption that
Stotras of Bana, Mayura and this poet were meant
But the evidence

the
three
is
to
respectively
celebrate
The
more schematic than convincing.
is
Saktism
sun-worship,
and Jainism
date of Manatuiiga
monastic records place him as early

as the 3rd century A.D., but other traditions bring him down
to periods between the 5th and the 9th century A.D.
There
uncertain
is
the Jaina
comparison between Manatunga's Stotra and

the Satakas of Bana and Mayura.
It consists of 44 or 48
basis
little
is
of
and shorter Vasantatilaka metre, in praise

the Jina Rsabha as the incomparable and almost deified
stanzas, in the lighter

of
saint
but
it
not
is
in the ornate
manner, but
rhetorical
devices,
devotiorial
feeling
distinctive in its
To
besides
it is
much
less
XIV,
is
form and content.

well
three
The
title is
The legend
known
commentary on
pp
it
ascribed,
some Buddhist Stotras
plays,
authorship.
1-10; also ed.
and
trs.
of
Of these,
H. Jacob!
in Ind. Stud.,
poem
of releasing the devotee
from
See Quackenbos, op.
The
not yet printed.
Manatunga from
self-amputated
itself to
is
In
1309 A.D.
(Peterson, Report 1882-83, p. 52).
of the Jina's delivering
general reference in the
literary
vii,
are
suggested by the opening words of the poera.
parallel of Ca^di's healing the
later
It
and the
elaborate,
himself
Addressed to Jina ParSvanatha, hut the work
Jinaprablia Suri wrote a
saint.
Harsavardhana
Ed. Kavyamala, Gucchaka
p. 359f.
2
Bana and
the
punning, are not prominent. Its

unmistakable, but there is little that is
doubtful poetical value, if not of doubtful

1
to
especially
the king-poet
the
A3ir form of
the
directly addressed
Mayura's Satakas, being

is
in
forth
set
limbs of Bana,
the Jioa's power,
his self-imposed
is
fetters,
on the
probably suggested by the
apparently in a metaphorical sense,
fetters.
cif., p. 10f.
Jaina Stotras, in spite of their devotional importance, are not of much
value; see Winterniti,
HI L
II,
p. 55lf.
Even
the Kalyana-mandira Stotra (ed.
Kavyamala and Ind. Stud., loc. cit.) of Siddbasena Divakara is a deliberate and much more
laboured imitation of the Bhaktamara in the same metre and same number (44) of stanzas.
THE MAH1KIVYA FROM BHARAVI TO MIGHA

the
a
Suprabha or Suprabhata
recovered in Sanskrit,
of twenty-four stanzas addressed to the
morning hymn
in the
Stotra,
173
About a dozen occasional stanzas,
Malini metre.
is
Buddha,
chiefly of
but of a finer quality than the Stotra,

are assigned to Harsa in the anthologies, in addition to a large
riumber which can be traced mainly in the Ratnavall and the
an erotic character,
Nagananda*
THE MAHIKIVYA FROM BHIRAVI TO MIGHA
3.
One
this
most remarkable offshoots of the
the
of
represented by a group of
is
period
literature of
Kalidasa's
direct
and
impressive poetical descendants, who made it their business to

keep up* the tradition of the sustained and elevated poetical com-
known
position,
in Sanskrit as the
ed and established
Mahakavya, but who develop-
such a way as to stereotype it for all

The impetus, no doubt, came from Kalidasa's two
time to come.
it
in
Mahakavyas, but the form and content of the species

were worked out in a different spirit. It would be unhistorical
so-called
connexion to consider the definitions of the Mahakavya

8
given by the rhetoricians^ for none of them is earlier than
Kalidasa, and the question whether Kalidasa conformed to them
in
this
Ascribed wrongly to king

It is
manuscripts.
in
App.
B.
to
Harâdeva
given in extenso by
P. V.
Kane's ed. of
Kashmir
of
Thomas
in Bstan-hgyur and in Minayeff's
JRAS, 1903, pp.

Harsa-carita, Bombay 1918.
in
703-7*22
and reproduced
See Sbhv, Introd. under
Suprabhata.
2
introd.
The anthologioal and

to
Thomas, Kvs.
3
or
'
J.
flee
Nobel
Great Poem
verses
ascribed
to
Harsa
are collected together in
ed.
The Foundations
of the type of the
inscriptional
Nariman, Jackson nnd Ogden, New York 1923, p.

M.L, Ettingbausen, Harsavardhana, Louvain 1906, pp. 161-79.
PriyadamJ:a
of
and
Indian Poetry, Calcutta 1925, p. 140f. The Mahakavya

and exploits, but it is not a work
poetical narrative of heroic characters
is a
Great Epics, the Mahabharala or the Ramayana, which correspond to our
sense of a heroic poem, but which are classified and distinguished as It hasas.
denoted by the prefix

directness
xlivf,
'
'
great
The eminence
does not refer to the more primitive epic or heroic spirit nor to
and simplicity, but rather
to
the
bulk,
sustained
workmanship and general
If an analogy is
literary competence of these more sophisticated and deliberate productions.
in the same relation to the Great Epics as the work of
stand
the
Mahakavyas
permissible,
Milton does to that of Homer.
174
does
Nor should the group
not arise.
of
early
with
poets,
whom we
On
are occupied here, be supposed to have followed them.

the contrary, the norm, which even the two earliest rhetori-
cians,
Bhamaha
(i.
19-23)
have
themselves,
especially
(i.
14-19),
lay
down
deduced from the works of these poets
been
appears to
and Dandin
from those of Bharavi, the main features
which are generalised into rules of universal application.

As such, the definitions are, no doubt, empirical, but they deal
of
with accidents rather than with essentials, and do not throw
much
light
upon the
historical
or
character
poetic
these
of
compositions.
for
Perhaps
the
this
as
definitions
of
reason,
Vamana
3. 22)
(i.
no special interest
but
brushes aside
important to
note that the rather extensive analysis of Rudrata (xyi. 7-19),
more than that of earlier rhetoricians, emphasises at least one
interesting characteristic of the
when
it
prescribes
the
it is
Mahakavya, as we know them,
rules for the development of the theme.
he speaks indeed of such formal requirements as the commencement of the poem with a prayer, blessing
Like
his
predecessors,
or indication
of
the
content,
pursuit
worldly success,
noble descent of the hero, the
life
(conduct,
the
division into
ornaments,
the end of each canto,
diverse topics
of the
fourfold
ends of
and emancipation),
love
the
occurrence of sentiments and

the change
cantos,
and so forth
of
metre at
but he also gives a
list
of
which may be introduced into the main narrative.
These include not only subjects like political consultation,

sending of messengers and spies, encampment, campaign and
triumph
of
the
hero,
but also descriptions of towns, citizens,
oceans, mountains,
sport
All
rivers,
seasons,
this
is,
of
course,
moonrise,
dawn,
and amorous dalliance.
sunset,
in park or in water, drinking bouts
found conspicuously
but Rudrata adds that in due time
prescri'bed
as
it is
and Magha
the poet may resume the thread of the main narrative, implying
thereby that these descriptions, no matter what their relevancy
in
\s,
Bharavi
should be inserted
a&a matter
of conventional amplification
THE MAHAKiVYA FROM BHIBAVI TO MXGHA

and embellishment, and
a
for
itself
considerable
whom
in
Kalidasa,
matters
subsidiary
may even
the
but
hold up and interrupt the story
This
length.
narrative
in
175
seldom
never loses
Bharavi and
happens
interest
its
Magha
these
in
in
banal
connected with the main theme, spread over at least

viii-x) and six (vi-xi) entire cantos respectively, until
topics, loosely
five
(iv, v,
the particular poet has leisure to return to his
Bhatti
is
scattered
able
is,
them
to
these
in
(cantos
i,
iii, viii,
ix
and
xii).
and
the over-loading
of
meant
to afford the
his luxuriant
ing.
While
diversified,
is
thereby
to
is fairly
obvious.
make
show
off
his skill
the content of the
and learn-
poem
rich and
one
inevitable result of this practice is that the stciry

pushed into the backgionnd, and the poetical em-
bellishments,
the
tends
and
poet unchartered freedom to indulge in
descriptive talent and

it
subjects
the parts necessarily leads to the
weakening of the central argument.

The motive for such adventitious matter
It is
Although
passages, evidence of fluent, and often fine,

the inventiveness is neither free nor fertile,
power,
but moves in the conventional groove of prescribed
descriptive
ideas,
While
sparing in these digressions, which are found mostly

in cantos ii, x and xi, Kumaradasa devotes consider-
space
there
narrative.
interesting
incidental and accessory, become

Mahakavya. The narrative ceases to be
instead of being
main point
of the
compared
to the descriptive,
argumentative or erotic
there is abundance, but no
divagations of unconscionable length

sense of proportion.
The theme, therefore,
is
and
of
insignificant;
whatever
may
be
there
often too slender

it
is
swamped
huge mass of digressive matter, on which the poet chiefly

concentrates; and the whole poem becomes, not an organic
whole, but a mosaic of poetic fragments, tastelessly cemented
by a
together.
It
must be admitted that there
is
no lack of interesting
matter in these Mahakavyas, but the matter is deliberately made

The elegant, pseudo-heroic
less interesting than the manner.
or succulent
passages are generally out of place, but they are an
176
admirable outlet for the fantastic fancy and love of rhetoric and
declamation which characterise these poets.
At the time we
have reached,
its
attaining
The
the
stream of original thought and feeling, after
high-water mark in Kalidasa, was decidedly slacken-
pretend to hand down the

tradition of their predecessor's great achievement, but what they
ing.
successors
lack in poetic
Kalidjisa
of
they
inspiration,
and varied sense.
The whole
make up by
rhetoric in
literature is
indeed so saturated
its full
with rhetoric that everything, more or less, takes a rhetorical

turn.
It
seeks to produce, most often successfully, fine effects,
not by
matter, but by power of form, not by the glow

of inspiration, but by the exuberance of craftsmanship
and one
of
power
may
left
If Kalidasa
truly say that it is the age of cultivated form.
Sanskrit poetry a finished body, the subsequent ages did no
more than weave

There
is,
its
successive robes of adornment.
therefore,
an abundance of technical
technical skill of no despicable

period, but there
is
kind
in the
and
skill
Mahakavyas
of this
a corresponding deficiency of those subtle
and
which make a composition vital in its

no
rhetoric,
doubt, serves its own purpose in these
appeal.
poems, and no one can deny its vigour and variety; but it never
goes very far, and often overreaches itself by its cleverness and
indefinable poetic powers,
The
excess. It breeds in the poets an inordinate love for itself,
seduces
them
disproportionate to their theme, and

diction and imagery, unsuitable to their
to a prolixity,
an
extravagance of
thought and emotion. This
to
which
and manner,
which
is
rare in
want
of
balance between matter
Kalidasa and which a true poetic
very often prominent in these lesser

poets and their popularity makes the tradition long and deeply
It degenerates into a
rooted in Sanskrit
poetical literature.
instinct always
avoids,
is
methods and means wholly to

achieve style, and loses all touch of spontaneity and naturalness.
To secure strength, needless weight is superadded, and elasticity
deliberate
is lost
in
selection of
harmony
too
certain
mechanically studied.
The
poets
are
never slipshod, never frivolous; they are indeed f ar too serious^ far
THE MAHAKAVYA FROM BHARAVI TO MAGHA
177
Theirs is an equable
high or dive deep.
a
and
rather
than a throbeven
merit, producing
effect,
dainty
bing response to the contagious rapture of poetic thought and
too sober either to soar
As they never sin

feeling.
heaven of poetry.
against art,
they seldom reach the
Nevertheless, the poets we are considering are not entirely

devoid of purely poetic merit, even if they are conscious and
consummate
The
artists.
nor inanimate,
nor
period, as
we
see
it,
is
neither sterile
it supported by the prestige of a single

with
peopled
striking figures; and, apart from
smaller poems of which we have spoken, the body of larger works
produced is fairly extensive in quantity and not negligible in
name.
quality.
It
is
is
Even
necessary to
not awn ken
if
highest level, it is not

qualities of the literature may
do not reach the
they
them.
belittle
The
enthusiasm, but it is certainly

marked by sustained richness and many-sided fullness. Of the
four
the fullest
greater
poets
critical
of
this
namely,
period,
Bharavi,
Bhatti,
we possess only a single

work of each. It is not known whether they wrote more works
than what have survived.
The verses quoted from these poets
Kunmradasa and Magha,
in the anthologies
in their extant
and
poems
it is
curious that
works are generally traceable

view of the uncertain and fluctua-
rhetorical
;
but in
ting character of these attributions, the surplus of untraceable

verses need not prove loss of other works which they are conjectured to have written.
While Bharavi and Magha select for
their
themes particular episodes
of
the Mahabharata, Bhatti and
Kumaradasa conceive the more ambitious

entire story of
the
Ramayana.
heroic subject from the Epics but
and their treatment has
little
of
as well as the vivid mythological

a.
project of rehandling the
All the four agree
their inspiration
in choosing a
is
not heroic,
simplicity and directness,

background, of the Epics.
the
Bharavi
Of the composers of the Mahakavya who succeeded

Kalidasa, Bharavi is perhaps the earliest and
certainly the
23-1343B
HISTORY OF SANSKBIT LITERATURE
178
All that is
foremost.
known
much
earlier
to the
same half-century
of
him
is
that
he must
be
placed
than 634 A.D., at which date he had achieved

poetic fame enough to be mentioned with Kalidasa in the
1
As the inscription belongs
Aihole inscription of Pulakegin II.
which Bana
as that in
somewhat extraordinary
silence about Bharavi 's achievement is
need not be taken to imply Bbaravi's

nearness of time to Bana.
but
it
The subject-matter
of
the
flourished, Baiia's
contemporaneity
2
Kiratarjuniya
derived from one of the episodes of Arjuna 's
of
career
or
Bharavi
is
described
in
the Vana-parvan of the Mahabharata* Under the vow of twelve

years' exile the Pandavas had retired to the Dvaita forest, where
v
the taunt and instigation of DraupadI,
supported by the vehement urging of Bhlma, failed to move the scrupulous Yudhisthira
The sage Vyasa appears, and
to break the pledge and wage war.
on his advice they move

out to win divine
to the
and Arjuna sets

Siva to fight the Kauravas.
Kamyaka
weapons from
forest,
Indra, in the guise of a Brahman ascetic, is unable to dissuade

Arjuna, but pleased with the hero's firmness, reveals himself and
wishes him success.
whose appeal
Arjuna's austerities frighten the gods, on

Siva descends as a Kirata, disputes with him on
the matter of killing a boar, and, after a fight, reveals his -true
form and grants the devotee the desired weapons. This small
,and simple epic episode
is
selected for
expanded and embellished
treatment in eighteen cantos, with all the resources of a refined

and elaborate art. Bharavi adheres to the outline of the story,
For the alleged relation of Bharavi and Dan<Jin, see 8. K. De in IHQ, I, 1925, p. 81 f
also G. Harihara Sastri in IHQ, 111, 1927, p. 169 f, who would place
,
III, 1927, p. 396;
Bharavi and Dandin at the close of the 7th century.

14 in the Kattka on Pan,
i.
3, 23,
The
quotation of a pada of Kirata XIII.
pointed out by Kielhorn (IA,
XIV,
p. 327), does not
advatce
the solution of the question further.

*
Ed. N. B. Godabole and K. P. Parab, with the comm. of Mallinatha, NSP, Bombay
of Citrabhanu, ed. T. Gnnaputi Sastri,
i-iii, with the cojmm.
1885 (6th ed. 1907); only
Trivandrum
Skt. Ser., 1918; trs. into
1912.
3
Bomb,
ed., Hi. 27-41.
German by
C. Cappeller in
Harvard Orient.
Ser.,
xv,
THE MAHAK&VYA FROM BHARAVI TO MiGHA

but he
it
fills
up with a
large
mass
o( matter,
some
179
which have
of
hardly any direct bearing on the theme. The opening of the poem
with the return of Yudhisthira's spy, who comes with the report of
Suyodhana's beneficient rule, at once plunges into the narrative,

but it also supplies the motive of the following council of war and
gives the poet an opportunity of airing his knowledge of statecraft.
The elaborate description of autumn and the Himalayas, and of
the amorous sports of the Gandharvas and Apsarases in land and
water, repeated partially in the following motif of the practice of

nymphal seduction upon the young ascetic, is a disproportionate
meant obviously
from the
Apart
digression,
powers.
flavoured picture of
who
others
is
tradition,
another
sports,
him with
graceless
in
is,
real feeling for nature,
of
question
imitated
and there
amorous
for a refined
like
greater
one sense but
in his
even
if
of- descriptive
display
Bharavi's
relevancy,
those
Magha and
of
gusto
and created a
certainly
graceful
in
painting of natural scenery, a

for nature somewhat tricked and
The
martial episode, extending over two cantos, of

the rally of Siva's host under Skanda's leadership and the fight
with magic weapons, is not derived from the original ; but, in
frounced.
spite of elaborate literary effort, the description is rather
one of a
combat
and the
as
it
should be
conducted
in
artificial
poetry,
mythical or magical elements take away much of its reality.

Bharavi's positive achievement has more often been belittled
than exaggerated in modern times.
Bharavi shares some of the
peculiarities of his time and falls into obvious errors of taste,
but in dealing with his poetry the literary historian need not be
His attempt
accomplish astonishing feats

1
of verbal jugglery in canto xv (a canto wliich describes a battle I)
wholly apologetic.
The
from the art
to
are said to have originated

puerile tricks of Citra-bandha, displayed in this canto,
of arraying armies in different
forms iu the
battle-field
Bat
it is
more
plausible
that they arose from the practice of writing inscriptions on swords aod leaves. They are
(xix.41) as indisfor the first time by Daîn ; but Magha appears to regard
recognised
pensable in a Mahakavja.
^them
Rudraâ deals with them in sutne
by Inandavardhana, suffered by
rejected by ViSvanatba.
Mammata
io
detail, but they
deference to poetic
practice,
are discredited
and summarily
lilSTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE
180
by a singular torturing of the language is an instance of the

worst type of tasteless artificiality, which the Sanskrit poet
must have been partly the fault of his

time that it liked to read verses in which all or some of the feet
are verbally identical, in which certain vocables or letters are
the same
exclusively employed, in which the lines or feet read
is
commit
apt to
but
it
backwards or forwards, or in a zigzag fashion.

with such excesses in Kalidasa
We cannot be sure, however,
Bharavi,
;
seen for
if
One never meets

the
first
time in
Bbaravi originated
might have developed in the

but there can be no doubt that Bharavi succumbed to
the practice
interval
it is
the deplorable taste
what was probably a powerful temptation

of committing these
display ingeneral and
in his day of rhetorical

atrocities in particular,
'His pedantic observation of grammar, his search for recondite

metres are aspects
vocabulary, his conscious employment of varied
of the
same tendency towards laboured

is
His
subject,
not original; it is capable of interesting

necessarily conditioned by its mythical charac-
though congenial,
treatment, but
artificiality.
is
and more so by Bharavi's own idea of art. But these patent,

though inexcusable, blemishes, which Bharavi shares with all the
Mahakavya writers of this period, do not altogether render nugahis great, though perhaps less patent, merits as a poet and
ter,
tory
artist.
Bharavi as a poet and artist is perhaps not often first-rate,

It is seldom that he attains the full,
but he is never mediocre.
but he possesses
hauntifig grace and melody of Kalidasa's poetry,
not a
little
of
Tvalidasa's
with frequent simplicity,
charm of habitual ornateness, expressed

force and beauty of phrase and image.
There are occasional bursts of rare and elsewhere unheard music,

but what distinguishes Bharavi is that, within certain narrow but
He
a master of cultivated expression..
in
the first flush of the
has the disadvantage of comi-ng after and not
impregnable limits, he
is
of the age; his poetry is

poetic energy
more
sedate,
more weighted
with learningjjid technique; but, barring deliberaii^rtificialities,

he is seldom fantastic to frigidity or meditative to dulness.
MAHAKAVYA FROM BHARAVi TO MAGHA

Bharavi 's
not
does
subject
for
call
.18i
treatment.
light
With his command of polished and stately phrase, he is quite

at home in serious and elevated themes
but the softer graces
;
and diction are
of his style
also seen in the
effect
elegant
which
he imparts to the somewhat inelegant episode, not on love, but

on the art of love, which is irrelevantly introduced, perhaps
The beauty
chiefly for this purpose.

is
an
ever
in
Bharavi's
also
is
kinds
twenty-four different
are
however,
1
employed.
mostly
short
metre
about
He
in
all,
twelve
is
employs about
most of which,
being
principally
two Mabakavyas, he employs

which suit the comparative
in his
measures,
lyrical
Bharavi's
order.
moderation.
of
only
sporadic,
Like Kalidasa
cultivated,
universally
mean
poets,
and developed, but his practice
skilled
considerable
characterised by
maidens
of
Sanskrit
the
so
this
form
and
of nature
with
sphere which is
achievement is of no
but even
metrical
theme
attractive
which encourage
therefore, no unnecessary
ease of his manner, and avoids larger stanzas
There
complexities cf expression.
is,
display of metrical skill or profusion, nor any desire for unlimited
freedom of
He
verse.
us,
gives
in
general,
equable music, eminently suited to his staid and

but there
is
not
much
of
finer
cadences or
flawless
stately
and
theme
more gorgeous
of
melody.
Bharavi's strength, however, lies more in the ^ descriptive
and the argumentative than in the lyric touch
and this he
;
attains by his undoubted
power of phraseology, which is indeed

from
not entirely
indulgence in far-fetched conceits, but
which is never over-gorgeous nor over-stiff. His play of fancy
free
is
constant
dignity
of
and
brilliant, but there is
In each of cantos
does not favour
much
occur but on'y
Bharavi
diction.
once
in vii,
xviii,
we
eacSi,
are J.iloddli-itagiti.
Svagata
no
love
for
complicated
find sixteen different kinds of metre,
the use of rare or difficult metres
Kutila and Vaqis'.ipiitrapatita.
Prabars-m
and
has
always a calm and refined
Thj only metres
Jalidhiramala,
mes, however, Vaita'Iya
in ix, Pu$pitagra iu x,
Udgua
in xii
in
of this
Candrika,
ii,
but Bharavi
kin
I,
which
Mattamayiha,
Pramitaksara in
and Aupacchandasika ia
iv,
xiii.
162
HISTORY
SANSKRIT LITEfeATUllE
Ofr
compounds bis sentences are of moderate length and reasonably

and forceful there is no perverse passion for volleys of
;
clear
abundance
laboured adjectives, or
for complexities of tropes and comparisons.
He has the faculty
for
of
a poetical
up
building
of
argument or
a picture
by a succession
complementary strokes, not added at haphazard, but growing

the application has vigour and
out of and on to one another
of
variety and seldom leads
give
they
surprise;
pleasing
brevity and proprietyj
His phrases often
to tedious verbiage.
are
expressed with marvellous
impossible to improve
to get something better one has to change the kind.
it is
upon them;
Bharavi's poetry, therefore, is seldom overdressed, but bears

Of the
the charm of a well-ordered and distinctive appearance.
remoter and rarer graces of style, it cannot be said there is none,

The Artha-gaurava
but Bharavi does not suggest much of them.
profundity of thought, which the Sanskrit critics extol in
but it
Bharavi, is the result of this profundity of expression
or
once
at
is
maturity
is
source
of
expression
is
the
of
healthful by
his strength
His
his weakness.
grace and polish
its
by
sound and sense
pleasing
its solidity of
and
but
it
has
it
little
enthusiasm or uplifting magnificence of great

One comes across fine things in Bharavi, striking,
poetry.
though quaintly put, conceits, vivid and graceful images, and
but behind every
even some distinctly fascinating expressions
of the contagious
clear
image,
vistas,
every
no backgrounds
colouring
for the
without making
it
his
making
it
fantastic.
visual
or feeling, there are no
thought
form is too methodical and the
Nevertheless,
too^ artificial,
expression without
is
ostensible
jejune
Bharavi can
he can embellish
His word-music, though
his
idea
subdued,
pictures, though elaborate, are convin-
soothing
If he walks with a solemn tread, he knows
cing.
;
refine his
bis
foothold
In estimating Bharavi's
place in Sanskrit poetry, we must recognise that he cannot give
us very great things, but what he can give, he gives unerringly;
makes a
and
seldom
he
a sure master of his
is
false step.
own crafty
THR MAHAKIVYA FROM BHARAVI TO MAGHA

Bhatti
b.
Bhatti, author of the Ravana-vadha,
The
us long.
name
poet's
itself
which
after his
presumably
Bhatti-kavya
styled
more usually
is
name, need not detain
cannot authorise his
identifica-
with Vatsabhatti of the Mandasor inscription,
tion
We
Bhartrhari, the poet-grammarian.

8
work that
183
nor with
are told in the concluding
was composed at Valabhi ruled over

by Srldharasena, but since no less than four kings of this name
are known to have ruled at Valabhi roughly between 495 and
stanza
of the
641 A.D.,
it
Bhatfci lived, at
the
earliest, in the
beginning of the
6th century, and, at the latest, in the middle of the 7th.
The
Bhatti seeks to comprehend,

/hi twenty cantos, the entire story of the Ramayana up to Kama's
so-called
return from
to
berately
Mahakavya
of
Lanka and coronation
in the words of
but
it
is
perpetrated
deli-
grammar and rhetoric. It Is,

the poet himself, like a lamp to those whose eye
the rules of
illustrate
grammar; but without grammar, it is like a mirror in the

hands of the blind. One can, of course, amiably resolve to read
is*
work
the
soon
will
poem,
recognise
ignoring its professed purpose, but one

the
warning
propriety of the poet's
composition is a thing of joy to the learned, and

not easy for one, who is less gifted, to understand
without a commentary.
Sound literary taste will hardly
that
that
it
as
the
it
is
justify the position,
but there
which evinces sound
literary taste.
ed.
Ed.
K. P.
is
not
much
in
Govinda Sankar Bapat, with comm. of Jayarnatigala,

Trivedi, with comro. of Mallinatha, in
Bomb.
As suggested by B.
C.
Majumdar
in
JRAS,
work
itself
NSP, Bombay 1887
Skt. Ser., 2 vols., 1898; ed. J.
Tarkaratna, with comm. of JayamaAgala and Bbaratamallika, 2

(reprint of Calcutta ed. in 2 vols., 1808).
2
the
1904, p. 306f
vols.,
Calcutta 1871-78
see Keith in
JRAS,
1909,
p. 435.
3
The stanza
See Hultzsch in
Bbamaha, but
value.
S.
On
since
is
not commented upon by Mallinatha.
ZDMG, LXXI1,
Bhamaha's date
1908, p. 145f t
itself is
The work
uncertain, the fact
is
is
of course
not of
much
the relation of Bbatî'a treatment of poetic figures to that
K, De, Santkrit Poetict,
I, pp. 61-57.
of
known
to
chronological
Bbamaha,
see
384
Apart from its grammatical ostentation, the poem suffers

from a banal theme. Bhatti attempts some diversity by introducing speeches and conceits, as well as occasional description of
seasons and objects, but the inventions are
medium
difficult
obstacle
serious
drawback
which
those
is
of a consciously
to their
laboured
is
language
What
appreciation.
and
negligible,
is
the
indeed
more serious
that the poet has hardly any freedom of phraseology,
conditioned strictly by the necessity of employing only

words whose grammatical forms have to be illustrated
is
methodically in each stanza; and
all
thought,
idea
feeling,
or
It
expression becomes only a slave to this exacting purpose.
must be said, however, to Bhatti's credit that his narrative flows
undisturbed by
and
starched
lengthy
weighted
digressions
that
his
diction,
though
without
is
grammatical learning,
and laboured compounds;
the inevitable play of word and thought, there
by
complexities of involved construction

that, in spite of
is
nothing recondite or obscure in his ideas;

1
though undistinguished,
fication,
Even
very generous taste
can be
ends
all
very
much improve
that
its
through
hard
doubtless find
Bhatti
is
is
will
and that his
smooth, varied and
admit that
here
said in favour of the work, but
its
position as a
poem.
If
versi-
lively.
practically
it
one
does
not
can labour
and
one will
damaiginj^^
a glimmering of fine and interesting things.
But
a writer of
much
less
original
inspiration
than
contemporaries, and his inspiration comes from a direction
his
other
than the purely poetic. The work is a great triumph of artifice,

and perhaps more reasonably accomplished than such later
proceed even to greater excesses; but that is
a different thing from poetry.
Bhatti's scholarliness has justly
triumphs of
artifice as
propitiated scholars, but the
self-imposed
curse of
artificiality
Like tbe early Mahakavya poets, Bhatti limits himself generally to shorter lyrical
lor ger metres like Mandakranta,
SardiilavikrTdita and fragdhara being used but
The loka (iv-ix, xiv-xxii) and Upajati i, ii, xi, and xii) are bis chief metres. Of
rarely.
1
metres;
uncommon
each.
metres, AiSvalalita, Nandana, Narkutaka, and Prabaranakaliba
occur
only
once
THE MAHAKIVYA FROM BHIRAVI TO MAGHA
whatever poetic gifts he really possesses. Pew read

but even his best is seriously flawed by his unfor-
neutralises
his worst,
tunate outlook
and, unless the delectable
regarded as a strenuous intellectual

Bhatt-i's
work with
Kumaradasa,
of
pursuit
exercise,
poetry
few can speak
ie
of
positive enthusiasm.
c.
Kumara,
185
Kumaradasa
known
also
Kuinarabhatta
as
deserves special interest as a
or
from the
poet
Bhatta
that
fact
he consciously modelled his Janakl-harana. 1 in form and spirit, on

the two Mahakavyas of Kalidasa, even to the extent of frequently
plagiarising his predecessor's
This must have started

admirer
and
follower
the
of
ideas
and sometimes his

2
legend
Kalidasa
makes
which
into
his
phrases.
this
great
friend
and
contemporary, and inspired the graceful but extravagant, eulogy

3
of Kajasekhara,
the Sukti-muktavali
(4.
76) of
quoted in
Jahlana.
late
Ceylonese tradition of doubtful
value
identifies
author with a king of Ceylon, named Kumaradhatusena or

Kumaradasa (circa 517-26 A. D.), son of Maudgalayana. Even
our
the identity
if
is
questioned,
the
poet's
fame was
widely spread in the 10th century for the

(p. 12) refers to the tradition of the poet's
certainly
author of the
mimamta
Kavyabeing born
Reconstructed and edited (with the Sinhalese Sauna), cantos i-xv and one verse of
by Dharmarama
Sthavira,
Devanagarl, by Haridas
in Sinhalese characters,
Fastri,
Calcutta 1893;
Colombo 1891
i-x, ed.
the
same prepared
G. R. Nandargikar,
Bombay
xxv,
in
1907
some Devanagarl Mss, but most of these appear to owe their origin to the
Sinhalese source); xvi, ed. L. D. Barnett from a Malay alam Ms in BSOS 9 IV, p. 285f,
(Roman text\ to wli h addl. readings furnished from a Madras Ms by S. K. Be in BSOS,
(the ed.
IV,
utilises
p. 611f.
2
Rhys Davids in JRAS, 1888, pp. 148-49.

The stanza punningly states that no one, save Kumaradasa, would dare celebrate the
abduction of Slta (Janakl-harana) when Raghuvamta was current, as no one but Ravana would
3
dare accomplish the deed
when Raghu's dynasty
existed.
Nandargikar, Kumaradasa and his Place in Skt. Lit. %

Poona 1008, argues for a date between the last quarter of the 8th and the first quarter of
RajasVkhara (Kdvya-mimdinsd ed.
the 9th century A. D., which seem* quite reasonable.
4
Keith in
&OS, 1916,
JRAS,
1901, p.
p. 26) quotes
2f_ 1343B
578f.
anonymously Janaki* harana,
xii.
37 (madarp navai$varya).
186
Kumaradasa's stanzas are quoted

1
anthologies dating from about the same time.
blind, and
The
entire Sanskrit text of the Janahi-harana
recovered, but
been
in
the
the
Sanskrit
has
not
yet
has preserved a
fourteen cantos and of
Sinhalese
literature
Sanna or word-for-word gloss of the first

2
the fifteenth in part, which brings the story down to Angada's
embassy to the court of Eavana. From this gloss it has been
which
possible to piece together a text,
but which
restoration,
8
the
cannot
perfect
from the
far
diverge
very
extent of the original work is not known, but since
The
original.
perhaps not a
is
gloss also preserves the
and the
colophon
stanza
last
of
canto xxv, giving the name of the work and the author, it is
probable that the poem concluded with the theme of Rama's
coronation
correct,
bandied
apparently
is
then it
coincides,
exactly
the work
Bhatti.
of
remarkable
the
in
this
in
extent
Like
canto.
that
of
its
If
this
is
Kumaradasa's
poem
subject-matter,
with
the
Ravana-vadha, again, the

Janakt-hararia suffers from a banal theme derived from the
Epic,
although
Kumaradasa's
different.
In the handling of the story, Kumaradasa follows his
instance, a picture of
which
Ayodhya,
by the account
while the sports of Daâratha
For the citations see Thomas, Kvs. pp, 84-36. Kemendra in

a stanza to Kumaradasa, of which one foot ia
Whether
the poet
knew
the Katika (circa 650 A-D.)
and Vamana's prohibition (v.

reference to Kumaradasa. These and such other
JRAS,
1901, p. 266)
entirely
is rivalled
(ad 24) wrongly ascribes

Pitaftjali.
are
of Mithila in canto vi, is given,

1
treatment
but, for diversity, poetical descriptions

In the first canto,
freely introduced.
for
original fairly faithfully
and episodes are
and
object
is
Aucitya-vicara*
already* quoted
debatable (see
1.5) of the use of
references
bis
khalu has no
bj
Thomas
in
particulai
are too indefinite to admit
ol
any decisive inference.

1
The Madras Ms
cantos, but
it is
existing
very corrupt
in
the
Govt.
transcript of
Mas Library,
unknown original,
Orient.
an
known how far it is derived ultimately from the Sinhalese Sanna.

describes Kumaradata as king of Ceylon and son of Kumaramani.
L^|UmaDn
in
WZKM
V1I
1893 ' PP- 226-32;
F.
The
For an analysis
of the
poem, see the
article of
Thomas,
and
it
twentj
ia
last verae of the
W. Thomaa
pp. 204-OQ.
*
contains
cited above.
in
JRAS,
not
Mg
1901
TEE MAHAKAVYA FROM BHiRAVI TO MIGHA

and his wives in the garden are described in canto
Hi.
a fine description of the rainy season in canto xi, while
187
We
have
the
next
with a picture of autumn. In most of these

Daâratha's
passages the influence of Kalidasa is transparent.
lecture to Rama on the duties of kingship has no counterpart in
canto
matches
it
Kalidasa's poems; but the appeal to Visnu in canto

of
cription
dalliance of
in
spring
Kama
canto
and Slta
entire canto
the
Hi,
after marriage,
condition (Purva-raga) before marriage
the
viii
des-
on the
and Sita's lovelorn
the
in
ii,
preceding
canto,
inevitably remind one of similar passages and episodes in Kalidasa's

two poems. But these digressions are neither too prolix nor too
numerous^ and the interest of the narrative is never lost. In

this respect Kuinaradasa follows the manner of Kalidasa rather
than that of Bharavi, and has none of the leisurely and extended
scale of descriptive
and
erotic writing
which
prevails in the
later
Mahakavyas,
The incomplete and

Kumaradasa's work makes
but the remark
not
wholly
it difficult
to
satisfactory
make
recovery
a proper
of
estimate
not unjust that the Janaki-harana, as a poem A

is
more artificial than the Raghu-varriSa and the Kumarasambhava, perhaps more than the Kiratarjuniya, but it does not
approach, in
the later
is
content,
Kavya.
form and
Some
of
the extravagance of
Kumaradasa's learned refinements
diction,
take the form of notable grammatical
and of a decided love
and lexicographical pecu-
circumlocution, alliteration
and dainty conceits, but none of these propensities take an undue
or elaborate prominence.
His metrical skill is undoubted, but
liarities,
for
Kalidasa in his two longer poems, he prefers short musical

metres and does not seek the profusion or elaboration of shifting
like
1
Although. Kumaradasa has a weakrhythmic forms.
ness for the pretty and the grandiose, which sometimes strays
or recondite
moderate in the use of poetic figures

some play upon words, but no complex puns.
into the ridiculous, he
there
is
The
only
is
uncommon, bat minor* metre
ia
Avitaiha.
188
Although Kumaradasa' s poem furnishes easy

reading, his poetic power
liable
is
be
to
much
and pleasant
The
overrated.
compliment which ranks him with Kalidasa, no doubt* perceives

some superficial similarity, but Kumaradasa's originality in
treatment,
idea
and expression
is
considerably
impaired by his
of
Possessed
considerable
produce a counterfeit.
He
ability, he both gains and loses by coming after Kalidasa.
has a literary tradition, method and diction prepared for him for
desire
adroit
and
to
employment, but he has not the genius
strike out his
own
who
well-bred poet
mediocrity
poetic
With
path.
tion, he loês individuality
and
follows the
:
he
is
to rise
inherited
way
of
facility
distinction.
them
above
execu-
Kumaradasa
is
not golden,
excellent, learned
of glittering, but
admirable
but
not
but not pedantic, neat but not overdressed, easy hut not simple.
He has a gift of serviceable rhetoric and smooth prosody, but he
seldom brilliant and outstanding. He has a more than competent skill of pleasing expression, but he lacks the indefinable
is
not easy to feel as much enthusiasm

but it is not just on that account
for Kumaradasa as for Bharavi
charm
of great poetry.
It is
to
deny
to
him
a fair
measure,
though by comparison,
of
the
extraordinarily diffused poetic spirit of the time.
d.
The
Magha
usually accepted date for
Magha
is
the latter part of the

reached by evidence
7th century A.D. The approximation is

which is not altogether uncontestable ; but what
is
that the lower terminus of his date
tion from his
is
v. 1.10, v,
(ed.
A.D.
Dhvany&loka, ed. N8P, 1911, Second Uddyota, pp. 114, 115 = <5/û
(end of the 8th century) Vatnana quotes from
little earlier
N8P, Bombay
at the fend
respectively,
v.
20 and
Maghft^îi^/?ji^l2,
2.10; x. 21=*v.
1.
13; xiv. 14=iv. 3. jfc
1916, p. 11) similarly
certain
furnished by the quota-
poem by Vamana and Anandavardhana
of the 8th .and in the middle of the 9th century
is fairly
MukulabhaMa^
*Q
-^
quotes-&ta iii,
iii.
58.
16Kdvy&L
THE MAH5KIVYA FROM BHIRAVI TO MIGHA
189
and the upper terminus by the very likely presumption that he

is later than Bharavi whom he
There are
appears to emulate.
five
poem which
stanzas appended to Mcigha's
the third
give, in
person, an account of his family, and which are
commented upon
From these verses we
by Vallabhadeva, but not by Mallinatha.
wasDattaka Sarvasraya, and his grandfather Suprabhadeva was a minister of a king named Varmala.
An attempt has been made to identify this Varmala (v.l.
learn that
Magha's
father
Varmalata, Dharmanabha or -natha and

Varmalata, of
whom
But neither
this date
is
an inscription of
beyond all doubt.

Like Bharavi,
comparison,
from a well
Magha
known
625 A.D.
about
beyond question, nor the
whom
with
invites
inevitably
of his
king
exists.
identification
Stiupala-vadha
Mahabhdrata
the
of
episode
Magha
theme
the
derives
with
Nirmalata)
but
the
difference of the story, as well as
perhaps personal predilection,

makes Magha glorify Krsna, in the same way as Bharavi honours
Siva. At
Yudhisthira's royal consecration, Bhisma advises
the award of the highest honour to Krsna, but Sisupala, king of

the Cedis, raises bitter protest and leaves the hall. In the quarrel
which ensues, Sisupala

1
See Kielhorn in
insults
Bhisma and
accuses Krsna of
Gottinger Nachrichten, 1900, pp. 143-46, and in
R. G. Bhandarkar, Report 1897, pp. xviii, xxxix
JRAS,
mean
1908, 409f
D. R. Bbaudarkar in EI IX, p I87f

9
Pathak
D. C Bhattacharyya in IA
in JBRAS, XXIII, pp. 18-31 Kane in JBRA8, XXIV, pp. 91-95
XLVI, 1917,p.l91f;H. Jacob! in WZKM, III, 1889, pp. 121f, and IV, 1890, p. 236f Klatt
in WZKM, TV, p. 61 f.
The minor arguments that Magha knew the Kdsikd or the Nydsa of
;
Ndganandaof Harsa (xx. 44) are, for the iniefinitenesa

The Jaina legends have bocn invoked to prove that
was
a
Magha
contemporary of the poet Siddha (about 905 A.D.), but th* legends only show
More worththat the Jainaa made u?e of famous men ia tlieir anecdotes, and nothing more.
Jitendrahuddhi (Siu*
of
the allusions,
less is the
porary
of
ii.
112) f or the
hardly worth much.
Bhoja-pTabandha account which makes Magha, as aUo
The legend
King Bhoja.
related in
poets, a contemis
equally
useless.
8
m my other
Merutunga> Prabandha-cMamani
ed.
Mallinatha,
Atmaram
Kftshi
NSP, Bombay
Sastri
Skt.
Vetal
Ser,
1888, 9th ed. 1927,
Hultzsch, Leipzig 1929,
and
no.
Hosing, with oomm^ o
1929;
69,
ed.
Durgaprasad
with coram. of M&llinatha only.
S|ia ^tracts, by
text in roraan characters.
J. S.
Vallabhadeva and
and
Trs. into
Sivadatta.
German by E.
Cappeller (Balamagha), Stuttgart 1915,
&
with
190
tricks, including theft of his
affianced
Having endured
bride.
SiiSupala's insolence so far, on account of a promise to his mother

to bear a hundred evil deeds of her son, Krsna now feels that he
is
The
his discus.
SUupala with
even simpler and more devoid
and severs the head
relieved of the pledge,
epic story here is
of incidents than the episode of Arjuna's
but
it
contains a
number
of
fight
of
with the Kirata,
which
rival speeches,
Magha
give
an opportunity of poetical excursions into the realm of

and moralising, vituperation and panegyric. The outline
epic story
is
accepted, but
slenderness
its
of
the
and simplicity are
ex-
panded and embellished, in twenty cantos,

descriptive
and
erotic passages
Bharavi,
upon those of
deliberately
variation
is
politics
by
long
modelled,
introduced
in
series
it
of
seems,
the
first
canto by the visit of Narada to Krsna at the house of Vasudeva,

with a message from Indra regarding the slaying of Siûpala
but it has its counterpart in Bharavi's poem in the visit of Vyasa
;
to Yudhis^hira.
similar
council
of
war
follows,
Baladeva advises expedition and Uddhava caution
in
which
and the know-
displayed by Uddhava corresponds to

After this, Magha,
evinced by Bhima in Bharavi's poem.
ledge of statecraft
that
like
Bharavi, leaves the narrative and digresses into an even more

luxuriant^ but disproportionate, mass of descriptive matter extending practically over nine cantos (iv-xii), as against Bharavi's
Krsna's journey to Indraprastha to attend Yudhisthira's
seven.
consecration and the description of the mount Raivataka, which
comes on the way, correspond to Arjuna's journey and description
of the
Himalayas
and
Magha wants
to surpass
Bharavi
in
the
Display of his metrical accomplishment by employing twentyfour different metres in canto iv, as opposed to Bharavi's sixteen
in canto v.
The amours and blandishments
and Gandharvas in Bharavi are

and succulence
women
Tsy
the
these cantos
Magha
and
with greater elaboration

frolics of the
Yadavas with
it
is
remarkable that in some of
same metres (Praharinl and

Magha makes a similar, but more
selects
Svagata) as Bharavi does.
the Apsarases
rivelled
amorous
of fulsome beauty
of
the
THE MAHAKSVYA FROM BHARAVI TO MIGHA
191
extensive, exhibition of his skill in the over-ingenious construction

of verses known ns Citra-bandha (canto xix), and follows his
predecessor in introducing these literary acrobatics in the description of the battle, although the battle-scenes are
depicted, in both
cases,
by poets who had perhaps never been

the
It is clear that
that
in implying
for
tradition,
is
once,
his
Magha composed
to a battle-field
probably right
with
$i$upala-vadha
view to surpass Bharavi's Kiratarjumya by entering into a com1

The orthodox Indian
petetion with him on his own ground.
opinion thinks (with a
Magha
has been able
their
pun upon
goes further in holding that
Magha
names) that
completely, and even
respective
eclipse Bharavi
to
unites in
himself Kalidasa's
power of metaphorical expression, Bharavi's pregnancy of thought

and Dandin's gracefulness of diction. While making allowance
for exaggeration not unusual in such
also admitting freely that
Magha can
indiscriminate
never be mentioned
by any one who loves Sanskrit poetry,

of the present
modelling of
day
to
it is difficult
share this high eulogy.
poem on
his
that of
praise,
for
and
lightly
reader
Magha's deliberate
Bharavi,
with the purpose
considerably takes away his originalthe appearance of a tremendous effort.) He can
of outdoing his
predecessor,
ity,
and gives
it
claim the literary
some
merits
of
of Bharavi's demerits.
Bharavi,
but he also exaggerates
In respect of rhetorical
is not unsuccessful, and
skill
and
exuberance of fancy, Magha

may have
even surpassed Bharavi; but the remark does not apply in respect
of real poetic quality, although
him a
gift,
it
would not be
even by comparison, of
just
to
deny
to
real poetry.
But Magha's work, though not great, has been distinctly

undervalued in modern times, as it was once overvalued. It is
The question
of
Magha
ralationship to Bharavi has
been discussed by Jacob!
(in
m$
structure of the two poeuas,

121-40) by a detailed examination of the
t pp.
their form, content and parallel passages, with the conclusion that Bharavi's poem served as
a model for that of
Jaoobi (p. 141 f.) further wants to show that Bana and
WZKM>lll
Magha.
Subandhu borrowed from M&gba, but the
parallelisms adduced are not definite
enough to be of
192
impossible to like or admire Magha heartily, and yet there are

His
qualities which draw our reluctant liking and admiration.
careful and conscientious command of rhetorical technique is
He
has an
undoubted power of copious and elegant

diction, and his phraseology and imagery often attain a fine,
though limited, perfection. OHis sentences have movement, ease
and balance and the variety of short lyrical metres, 1 which he
assured.
prefers, gives his stanzas
swing and
cadence.
himself
Magha
tells us that a good poet should have regard for sound and
Like Bharavi, he
and so he cultivates both.
is
lover
sense,
of
har-
monic phrases and master of cultivated expression, but he is

perhaps more luxuriant, more prone to over-colouring, and more
consciously
He
ingenious.
can attain
indulgence in conceit, but he is
never
by a free
Fine felicities
profundity
abstruse.
and Magha's faculty of

sporadic
neat and pointed phrasing often rounds off his reflective passages
He does not neglect sense for
with an epigrammatic charm.
or brilliant flashes
are
not
mere sound, but the narrative is of little account to him, as to

most Kavya poets ;Cand the value of his work lies in the series
of brilliant and highly finished word-pictures he
Prom
paints}
the hint of a single line in the Epic, he gives an elaborate picture
consecration ; and he must bring in erotic
of Yudhisthira's
are even
themes which
rhetorical
the
lacks
we
art
the flush
go,
we
are
to
his
subject
than
In his poetry the

Sastric
learning and
the time come into full flower, but it
Bharavi.
that of
relevant
less
of
and freshness
of natural bloom.)
stopped to admire
At every step
some
elegant object, like

garden with a guide. \ Magha
walking in a carefully trimmed

can make a clever use of his knowledge of grammar,
he can pour his
statecraft, erotics and poetics
lexicon,
Jancy into a
is often an uninspired and
uninspiring
would like to raise admiratioa to its
;
faultless
mould
but
accomplishment.
1
On
metres which
Fiwnze 1912,
ii,
p.
it
He
Magha employs!
55; Keith,
F*cobi in Ind. Stud, xvii, p. 444
f.
HSL
see
La Metrica degli Indi,

On metrical licences of Magha, see
V OrientaUtten>CoHgr48g, p. 136 f
Belloai-Pbillipi,
pp. ld'j-31-
and in Verharid L dee
THE MAHAKiVYA FROM BHARAVI TO MAG HA
193
height in every line, so that in the end the whole is not

Of real passion and fervour he has not much, and
admirable.
he does not suggest much of the supreme charm of the highest

but he has a soft richness of fancy, which often inclines
poetry
;
him towards sweetness and
poet, not of love, but of the art of
rather
indelicate
theme
Like Bharavi, he is a
lovej but he can refine the
prettiness.
of
amorous sports with
considerable
perhaps not fortuitous that Magha selects Krsna,

and not Siva, as his favourite god. The Indian opinion speaks
highly of his devotional attitude, and Blrisma's panegyric of
It is
delicacy.
Krsna, to which Bharavi
has
praised; but one at
observes
once
here
temperament of the two poets.

There can be no doubt that Magha
and a willing slave,
He
tion.
to
poet, but
cut-and-dried
himself go.
original path for himself, but
he
his
is
poetic
in
literary
verse
convenbut
he
power,
Tie does not choose to seek out an
appears to possess a great
never seems to
is a
the
in
difference
handicapped by the fact that
gift is considerably
a slave,
the
often
is
nothing corresponding,
let
reserve
of
content to imitate, and outstrip,

if possible, his predecessor by a meretricious display of elaborateness and ingenuity.
The sobriquet Ghnnta-Magha, which lie is
said to have
won by
is
the midst of sunset and moonrise, to

sides
two
is
hill,
set
in
whose two
hung, is perhaps appropriate in bringing out

but it only emphasises his rhetorical quality,
a different thing from the poetical, although the quaint
bells are
this characteristic
which
comparing a
an elephant on
his clever fancy in
simile is not a just specimen of what he can do even in the

rhetorical manner. ( Magha's extraordinary variety,
however,
conditioned by corresponding inequality. His poem is a careful

mosaic of the good and the bad of his predecessors, some of
is
whose inspiration he may have caught, but some of whose

mannerisms he develops to no advantage. Apart from deliberate
absurdities, the appearance of his poetry
able, with
feels
very
AJC
its
that
its
features
generally
irreproach-
and jewellery, but one

are insignificant
and its
correct make-up, costume
often
1O4OD
is
194
expression devoid of
some
fire
the
of his pictures,
make one
more
feel
and
The fancy and
air*
brilliancy
what
distinctly
is
and
but
there,
of
diction
his
of
finish
not
vividness
which
of
The extent of his influence

perhaps not incapable.
on his successors, in whose estimation he stands even higher
Magha
is
than Kalidasa and Bharavi, indicates the fact that
it
Magha,
is
more than Kalidasa and Bharavi, who sets the standard of

verse-making but the immense popularity of his poem
later
also
shows that there

and more
demand
for poetry
lower
of a little
artificial kind.
THE GNOMIC,
4.
Although
didactic
always a
is
DIDACTIC AND SATIRIC POEMS
between gnomic and

the two Satakas of Bhartrhari on Niti
and
it is difficult
verse,
to
distinguish
Vairagya may be taken as partially typical of the didactic

spirit and possessing a higher value ihan, say, the collection of
gnomic stanzas, which pass current under the name of Canakya

and contain traditional maxims of sententious wisdom. Of the
didactip
pronounced
this
type
does
period
not
many
possess
other specimens than the Satakas of Bharlrhari, unless
we regard
Dvadasa-panjarika Stotra) as one of the

genuine works of the great Samkara. This latter work, however,
is a small
didactic, outburst of seventeen
lyric, rather than
the
Moha-mudgara
for
by the feeling of transitoriness of all

moric Pajjhatika metre and elaborate
things;
rhyming give a swing and music to its verses almost unknown
in Sanskrit, and probably betoken the influence of Apabram&t
stanzas,
inspired
finely
while
mortal
or
vernacular
As such,
poetry.
early, but
dated very
its
it
is
it
doubtful
is
if
it
can
undoubtedly a poem of no
be
small
merit.
The gnomic
antiquity in
1
J.
P.
Ed.
however, finds expression

aspects of Indian literature.
spirit,
many
Haeberh'n in
Kavya*rpgraba, Calcutta
in Kavyasamgrahft, Calcutta
Vidyasagar
607f. For Stotras ascribed
io
1888, p. 352
1847,
p,
text and trs.
Saipkara, see below under cb,
VI
from
remote
Such
tersely
263f,
in
reprinted
y P. Neve in
(PevofcionaJ Poetry).
JA
xii,
GNOMIC, DIDACTIC AND SATIRIC POEMS
195
composed in the Sloka metre,

appear in the Niti sections of the two great Epics, in the
Puranas, in the law-books and in the tales and fables, while some
epigrammatic sayings,
of the earlier
helped
moral stanzas occurring in the Brahmanas perhaps
establish
to
mostly
the
Buddhist and Jaina
the
in
tradition
later
non-Sanskritic
But the stanzas
literature.
are
mostly
scattered and incidental,
and no very early collection has come

down to us, although the Mahabharata contains quite rich
masses of them in the Santi, Anusasana, Prajagara. section of the
Udyoga and other Parvans. That a large number of such stanzas
formed a part of floating
currency
and
is
indicated
repetition
in
and had
literature
indiscriminate appropriation
their
by
various
of
kinids
works mentioned above; but
it
wide anonymous
serious
and
amusing
would be hardly correct
to say
that they represent popular poetry in the strict sense of the term.
They rather embody the quintessence of traditional wisdom, the

raw materials being turned into finished literary products, often
adopted in higher literature, or made the nucleus of ever-growing
collections.
They
the wit of one and
are of
unknown
wisdom
of
many
and authorship, being

but they were sometimes
date
;
and conveniently lumped upon some apocryphal

)e Vararuci, Vetalawriter of traditional repute, whether he
collected together
bha^ta or Canakya.
But the
collections are
dynamic, the
centuries and bring-
often
process of addition going on uninterruptedly for
ing into existence various versions, made up by stanzas derived

from diverse sources. The content of such compilations is thus
the stanzas being mostly isolated but someunder
grouped
particular heads, and embraces not only
astute observations on men and things but also a great deal of
necessarily
varied,
times
polity, practical morality
and popular philosophy.
thing deeply original, but the essential facts of

are often expressed with considerable
wit and wide experience of life.

the
but
elaborately
varies,
The
life
shrewdness,
There
and
is
no-
conduct
epigrammatic
finish of the verses naturally
terse
and
compact
style
of
expression, sometimes with appropriate antithesis, metaphors and
196
often
similes,
rhetoric
clever
the
produces
and their
deliberate
and
neat
of
effect
pleasing
form renders
literary
all
theories of popular origin extremely doubtful.
most of the early collections are

while those which exist are undatable
but the one ascribed
It
lost
unfortunate
is
Canakya and passed
to
that
minister of
tional
Candragupta
some
nucleus,
and elsewhere.
of the verses being found also in the Epics
It exists in a large
number
of recensions, of
1
have been
at least seventeen
known
the accumulated sagacity of the great

appears to possess a fairly old tradi-
off as
distinguished,
and
it
is
which
variously
as Canakya-nlti* Ganakya-$ataka,* Canakya-nlti-darpana,
5
G
The number of verses in
or Laghu-canakya.
Vrddha-canakya
each recension varies considerably, but the largest recension
of
in
Bhojaraja,
manuscript, contains 576 verses in

which the Sloka predominates. 7
as
work on
is
polity
be no doubt that, both in
of
the
Sarada
among
metres,
lost
was
original,
deliberate
is
its
but there can

extremely limited
thought and expression, it is one
;
gnomic stanzas in Sanskrit,

which must have been derived from fairly old sources.
of the richest
many
variety
Whether
in
not clear, as the number of verses devoted to
this topic in all recensions
and
of
Canakya would imply,
association with
its
preserved
chapters,
eight
finest collections of
Oscar Kresaler, Stimmen indischer Lebensklugheit (Tndica, Heft 4), Leipzig 1907,
Five recensions (viz.) Canakya-nltiastra, Canakya-niti-âtaka Laghu-eanakya,
pp. 38-46.
Vrddha -canakya and Canakya-sloka)

previously unpublished stanzas, by
Weber
2
Ind.
are printed in
Roman
Eugene Monseur,
transliteration, with translation of
Paris:
Ernest Leroux 1887.
See
aluo
Streifen, I, pp. 253-78.
Ed. Mirzapore 1877
also a
somewhat
different version,
ed.
Agra 1920, mentioned by
Kressler.
3
Ed. J. Haeberlin, op. cit. reprinted by J. Vidyasagar, op. cit. 9 II, p. 385f.
Ed. Mathuraprasad Misra, Benares 1870 reprinted many times at Benares..
Ed. Bombay 1868; trs. by Kressler, op. cit. p. 151f. It has 840 verses in 17 chapters
9
of equal length,
<
Ed. Agra 1920, as above also
The other metres
tilaka,
Vftms'athavila,
PuspitagrS, Prthvl,
HarinI
ed. E.
Teza (from Galanos Ms), Pisa 1878.
in their order of frequency are
SikbarinI,
Indravajra, SardulavikrKjita, Vasanta*

besides sporadic Drntavilambita,
Arya and Sragdhara,
Mandakranta, Maiini, Batboddbata, Vaitallya, VaisVadevI,
See Kressler
op. cii. t p. 48,
Sftlini
and
Of
satire, or
very
towards
Its theory of poetry
precluded
pasquinade
and serenity of Sanskrit
sphere of the smooth tenor
compositions
and even in the farce and comic
or bitter.
of
satire,
for
the
arrant
fools
of vivid realism
the
in
writing the
and downright knaves are
objects not of indignant detestation but of
amount
artistic
mostly connected with erotic themes, is hardly keen

They may touch our sense of comedy, but rarely our
laughter,
sense
and complacent attitude
any serious cultivation of this type of

or
mock-heroic
lampoon, parody,
Invective,
all that the word satire
connotes were outside
life
literature.
the
proper sense, Sanskrit has
satiric verses in the
show.
little to
i97
early
Bhanas,
satirical
well
will
portraiture
in the stories of
as
found
be
Dandin, but
reac|j the proportion and propriety of a real satire.
they seldom
The
and
as
Some
mild ridicule.
work
an erotico-comic, if not fully

the Kuttanl-mata or 'Advice of a Procuress
earliest datable
of
'
satiric,
tendency
is
Dfimodaragupta, which in spite of
of
is
subject,
highly
interesting
particular genre in Sanskrit.
person,
who
is
Jayapida of
of
work
its
tract,
ugly
title
and unsavoury
almost
The author was
creating
this
a highly respectable
mentioned by Kahlana as a poet and minister

Kashmir (779-813 A.D.), and the fact that his
quoted extensively in the Anthologies, as well as by

Mammata, Hemacandra and others, bears testimony to its high
is
literary
reputation.
named
The theme
is
slight.
courtesan
of
unable to attract lovers, seeks advice

of an old and experienced bawd, Vikarala, who instructs her to
ensnare Cintamani, son of a high official, and describes to her
Benares,
in
detail
the
Malati,
cunning
art
strengthen her discourse,

courtesan
erotic
of
and
winning love
Vikarala narrates
the
Haralata and her lover Sudarsana,
and the pathetic sentiments intermingle,
Ed. Durgapraaad in Kavyamala, Gnochtka
materials, ed.
Tanaaukhram Manaasukhram
1U24. Trs. into
German by
J. J.
iii,
NSP, Bombay
gold.
the
which
the
story
in
as
To
of
well
as
the
1887; but with ampler
Tripathi, with a Sanskrit commentary, Botabay
Meyer, Leipzig 1903.
19d

of
tale
the
dancing girl Manjari and king Samarabhata of

which Manjari gives an enactment of Hara's
Benares, in
Ratndvall and succeeds by her beauty and blandishments to win
much wealth from the prince and leave him impoverished. With
touches of
graceful
wit and humour,
problems in the
delicate
doctrine of love are set forth; and in spite of the obvious grossness
of its
dangerous content, the work does not lack elegance of

while the
ment,
vation
certain
of
though not wholly agreeable, are

and vividness from a direct obser-
characters,
drawn with considerable

social
skill
The
type,^.
heightened, but they are in
are
pictures
doubtless
and do not present

the work lies in these
essentials true,
all
mere caricatures. The chief interest of

word-pictures, and not in the stories, which, though well
without distinction,
of
in the
subject-matter^
which,
not above reproach.

Kuttanl-mata
the
Although
displays a wide
and things, it is based undoubtedly upon
delicately handled,
men
nor
the
of
art
treat*
told, are
though
is
Erotics,
the
Vaisika
of
experience
a
close
study
Upacara or VaisikI Kala,
elaborated by Vatsyayana and Bharata for the benefit of the raan-
about-town and the courtesan
but, on this ground, to reject
lightly as mere pornography is to mistake the

There is indeed a great
lively little sketch.
real
it
trend of the
deal of
frankness,
and even gusto, in describing, in no squeamish language, the

art and mystery of satisfying the physical woman; and the
heroines of the stories are
Modern
is
the centres
of
would perhaps
no proof of moral depravity.
On
own
times
taste
but there
made
coarse
intrigues.
and fulsome
-regard all this as foul
the
contrary, the
we
learn from
(as
perhaps
Kahlana), is openly and amusingly depicted by the author, not
with approval, but with object of making it look ludicrous. As
moral depravity,
of
his
most cpmic writings in Sanskrit, the erotic tendency

and there is not much direct satire.
But, even
in
is
is
narrow, Damodaragupta
scope
to paint black as
does not seek
question of black
and white for the
real
white
prevails,
if
humourist,
but
leaves
most part alone.
his
who
the
At the
199

conclusion of
his
poem, he
will not fall victim
the
to
deceit
who
that any one
us
tells
of
reads
and
panderers,
rogues,
it
procuresses ; but his work is not a mere guide-book for the

It is a work of art in which
blind, the weak and the misguided.
there
no didactic moralising, but which is characterised by

and animated, but not merciless, painting of droll life,
is
direct
essentially of the higher grades of society.
men
kinds of
in
the
hates
neither
one
comedy rather than

taining exposure of
walks
all
nor
of
rogues
poet
and
the other.
despises
two
sees
but he
fools
The
result is
not virtuous indignation but enter-
satire,
human
life
The
Damodaragupta
frailty.
is
a perfect
words and also a poet

and the facetious style, couched
in slow-moving and serious Arya stanzas, is eleganlly polished,
in polite banter and power of gentle
yet simple and direct
artist in
There
hardly anywhere any roughness or bitterness

and the witty, smooth and humorous treatment makes the work
If the atmosphere is squalid, it is not
unique in Sanskrit.
but
depressing,
amusing. Damodaragupta is daring enough to
ridicule.
skate on
hindered
culture
see
trying
the
the
is
that
to
thin ice, but he has balance and lightness to carry him

and if his onset is not biting, it is not entirely tooth-
through
less. That
;
is
extraordinary
popularity
tribute
later
to
authors
imitate
him
realism, acrid satire or

of literature, thus
of
its
coarseness of his
his
work
with
never
subject
men
innate literary merit.
of taste
But we
and
shall
Kseraendrn, also a TCnshmirian, in

without his gifts, lapsed into bald
like
unredeemed vulgarity.
inaugurated, had
never developed properly in Sanskrit.
great
The
difficult
possibilities,
type
but it
CHAPTER Y
SUCCESSORS OF KALIDISA IN PEOSE AND DRAMA
THE PROSE KAVYAS OF DANDIN, SUBANDHIT AND BANA
1.
a.
The
General Remarks
peculiar type of
prose
which
narrative,
the
Sanskrit
theory includes under the category of Katha and Akhyayika, but

which, on a broader interpretation, has been styled Prose Romance
or Kunstroman,
fully developed
first
makes
its
appearance, in this
form in the works
in
period,
Dandin, Subandhu and Bana.
of
But the origin of this species of literature is shrouded in greater

obscurity than that of the Kav\a itself, of which it is presumed
We
to be a sub-division
cessor
who
know
at least of
forerunners of Dandin, Subandhu and
The
mation.
A^vaghosa as a prede-
heralded the poetic maturity of Kalidasa,
Bana we have
antiquity of this literature
is
but of
undoubted,
the
infor-
little
but no
previous works, which might have explained the finished results

diversely attained by these authors, have comedown to us.
We
have seen that the Akhyayika is specifically mentioned by Katyayana in his Varttika and Patailjali, commenting on it, gives
;
Akhyayikas known
Sumanottara and Bhaimarathi
names
him, namely, Vasavabut we know nothing

datta,
about the form and content of these early works. The very title
to the
of the Brhatkatha and the designation Katha applied
the
of three
to
;
individual tales of the Pancatantra, one of whose versions

called Tantrdkhyayika, indicate
an
early
familiarity
is
also
with
the
words Katha and Akhyayika, but the terms are apparently** used
to signify a tale in general, without any specific technical connotation.
1
We
The Katha and
know nothing,
the
again, of the Carumati of Vararuci,
Skhyayika are mentioned
in
Mahabhdrata
ii.
11.
88 (Bomb. Ed.), but
Wiiitermtz has shown (JRAS, 1903, pp. 571-72) that the stanza is interpolated. The Sanskrit
ikhyayika, as we know it, has no similarity to Oldenberg's hypothetical Vcdic XJchyana;
SUCCESSORS OF KALIDASA IN PROSE

from which a stanza
the tfudraka-katha
201
quoted in Bhoja's &rhgara-'praka6a, nor of

a Katha) of Kalidasa's predecessor
it is
is
(if
Somila (and Bamila), nor of the Tarahgavati of Srlpalitta, 1 who

and praised in Dhanapala's Tilakamanjarl and
is mentioned
Abhinanda's Rama-carita as a contemporary of Hala-Satavahana.
Bana himself
alludes to the
called respectively the
of the
prose composition,
clearly intimat-
intended to be an AkhyayikS and his
also offers a tribute of praise to writers
Uccbvasas
Vaktra metres as two of
its
and to
distinguishing
Bana even mentions Bhattara Haricandra,
characteristics.
name, as the author
to us
of a prose composition of
high merit ;
9th centuryA
with Kalidasa,
testimony the Prakrit poet Vakpati, in the
by mentioning Haricandra along

Subandhu and Bana.
subscribes
It
Subandhu
as
refers,
to its division into chapters called
the occurrence of
to this
is
He
a Katha.
Akhyayika who preceded him, and
also does,
only a
of
classes
Katha and the Akhyayika,
ing that his Harsa-carita
Kadambari
two
seems
clear, therefore, that
Bana
is
no innovator,
nor
is
Haricandra the creator of the Prose Kavya, which must have

gradually evolved, with the narrative material of the folk-tale,
under the obvious influence of the poetic Kavya during a considerable period of time.
But an effort 3 has been made to prove,
for in the
Akhyayika the prose is essential and the verse

and references.
negligible.
See Keith
in
JRAS
1911, p. 979 for full discussion

1
This
is
obviously the Dharraa-katha or Jaina religious story, called Tarangavati,
who
of
already mentioned as Tarangavatikara in~tbe Anuogaddra,

and therefore must have flourished before the 5th century A. D. The scene of the story is laid
SrI-padalipta or Siri-palitta,
at grftvasti in the time of

is
in
preserved
is
Udayana
but the work
is lost.
Tarahgalold, composed in Prakrit
the
Its romantic love-story,
verse
in
1643 A. D.
however,
According to
E. Leumann, who has translated the Tarahgahld (Miinchen 1921), Sri-padalipta lived as early
as the~2nd or 3rd century A. D. There is a tradition that he lived in the time of Salivabana.
A MS dfcthe Prakrit work is noticed in the Descriptive Cat of

Pattan by L. B. Gandhi (G08, Baroda 1937), introd., p. 58.
*
Ed. F. Hall, p. 184.
3
to
Weber
in
SB A W, XXXVII,
Kadambari, 2nd
917 and Ind. Stud., XVIIT, p. 456
Bhandar
at
Peterson introd.
Bombay 1889, pp. 101-04. But Lac6te ccmea to the opposite conclusion
See discussion of the question
the Greek romance from the Sanskrit
borrowing by
by L. H, Gray, introd.
f,
in the Jaina
ed.,
of the
1915, p. 784
p.
MSS
HSL
to
Vasavadatta
p. 865
(cited below), p. 86 f;
and Winternitz, GIL,
Keith in
III, p. 371 f .
JRAS,
1914, p. 1108;
202
% adducing
literary device, that
and
parallels of incident, motif
the Sanskrit romance was directly derived from the Greek. Even
admitting some of the parallels, the presumption is not excluded
that they might have developed independently, while the actual
divergence between the two types, in form and spirit, is so great
any theory of borrowing no more than a groundless

The Sanskrit romance, deriving its inspiration
conjecture.
both by
directly from the Kavya, to which it is approximated
from
theory and practice, is hardly an exotic it is differentiated
as to render
the Greek romance by
its
comparative lack
of
interest
in
the
Greek romance, as
narrative, which is a marked quality of
1
which
well as by its ornate elaboration of form and expression,
It
stories.
is absent in the naivete and simplicity of the Greek
the
is
true that the fact of difference need not exclude the
possibility
no substantial
borrowing but, as in the case of the drama,
fact has yet been adduced, which would demonstrate the positive
of
borrowing by Sanskrit.
So far as the works of the rhetoricians are concerned, the
fact of
forms of the Katha and the Akhyayika are those noticed

2
In the Akhyayika, according to
by Bbamaba and Dandin.
earliest
the subject-matter gives facts of actual experience, the

the story is told in pleasing
narrator being the hero himself
Bhamaha,
called Ucchvasasand containing metriprose, divided into chapters

cal pieces in Vaktra and Aparavaktra metre, indicative of future
be allowed to poetic invenhappening of incidents scope may

like the abduction of
tion, and the theme may embrace subjects
a maiden (Kanya-harana), fighting, separation and final triumph
;
of the hero
and
it
should
be composed
his, no doubt, a few specific
The Greek romance
in
instances
Sanskrit.
of
rhetorical
In the
ornaments,
such as hom&iteleul a, parisosis, alliteration and strained compounds, but they are not comwhich essentially depends on them. There is
parable to those in the Sanskrit romance,
the picaresque type of story which we find in
hardly anything in Greek corresponding to
1
fta, on this question, 8. K. De,
QSOS, III, 1M5,
p,
60747
The Akhyayika and
also J, Nobel, op. cit.,
p.
156
the Katha in Ol&Mical Sanskrit in

f,
SUCCESSORS OF KlLIDiSA IN PROSE

Katha, on the other hand,
the
203
is
subject-matter
generally
an
invented story, the narrator being some one other than the hero
there
is
verses
no division into Ucchvasas, no Vaktra or Aparavaktra

and it may be composed either in Sanskrit or in
Apabhramâ
It will
analysis are, strictly,
be seen at once that the prototypes of this

not the two prose narratives of Bana, nor
Dandin and Subandhu, but some other works which have

It is worth noting, however, that the
not come down to us.
older and more rigid distinctions, embodied by Bhamaha, were
those of
perhaps being obliterated by the innovations of, bolder poets and

we find a spirit of destructive criticism in the Kavyadara of
;
Dandin, who considers these refinements not as essential, but as
more or
formal
requirements.
Accordingly, Dandin does
not insist upon the person of the narrator, nor the kind of metre,
nor the heading of the chapter, nor the limitations of the linguistic
form
less
as
fundamental marks of difference.
in view of current poetical usage, in
This
is
apparently
which both the types were
perhaps converging under the same class of prose narrative, with

It must have
only a superficial difference in nomenclature.
been a
criticism
of
period
also
(as
transition, and
uncertain
Vamana's
brushing
Dandin's negative
of the whole
aside
controversy) implies that no fixed rules had yet been evolved

to regulate the fluctuating theory or practice relating to them.
It is clear that the uncertain
as the extremely small
does not give us

clature and
number
of
much guidance
ideas of early theorists, as well
specimens that have survived,

the
nomen-
Prose
Kavya.
in definitely fixing
original character of
the
Sanskrit
Nevertheless, the whole controversy shows that the two kinds
prose narrative
were differentiated at
characteristic.
from
least
in
of
one
important
merely formal requirements, the
Apart
was
conceived, more or
Akhyayika
less, as a serious
composition
dealing generally with facts of experience and having an autobiographical, traditional
semi-historical
interest
while the
which may sometimes

Dancjin contends) be recounted in the first person, but whose
Katha waa essentially a

(as
or
fictitious narrative,
HIST6RV OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE
204
have been modified in course of
to
was
chiefly on the
These older types appear

time
and the modification
chief interest resides in its invention.
model popularised by Bana in his

Accordingly we find Budrata doing nothing
lines of the
two prose Kavyas.

more than generalising the chief features
rules of universal application. In the
of
Bana's works into
Akhyayika, therefore, Rudrata

need not be the hero
authorises the formula that the narrator

himself, that the
Ucchvasas (except the
two stanzas, preferably
in the
of the chapter in question,
first)
should
with
open
Arya metre, indicating the tenor
and that there should be a metrical
introduction of a literary character.
All these
conformity with what we actually find

The Katha was less touched by change
injunctions are in
in
Bana's Harsa-carita.
in
form and substance,
but the erotic character of the story, consisting of the winning

of a maiden (Kanya-labha), and not abduction (Kanya-harana)
the
of
earlier
in accordance with the
metrical
was
theorists,
prevalent model
introduction, containing
and
motives
expressly recognised
of
while,
the Kadambarl,
statement of the author's
authorship, is also required. This

It is
practically stereotypes the two kinds in Sanskrit literature.
noteworthy, however, that later rhetoricians do not expressly
family
of
speak of the essential distinction based upon tradition and fancy,

although they emphasise the softer character of the Katha by
insisting that its
main
issue is Kanya-labha,
which would give
free scope to the delineation of the erotic sentiment.
obvious that the prescriptions of the theorists are interesting historical indications of later developments, but they do
not throw much light upon the origin and early history of the
It is
Sanskrit Prose Kavya.

is difficult
In the absence of older
and does not admit
problem
There can hardly be any
Paftcatantra
'
The
type,
affinity
which
is
old lexicon of Ainara also accepts
with
clearly
(i. 6.
yikopalabdharthd, and prabandhakalpand kath& t
5-6)
the
material,
of a precise determination.
the
beast-fable
distinguishable in
this
distinction
when
it
the
of
says
form,
akhya*
205
SUCCESSORS OF KALID1SA IN PROSE
content and spirit ; but it is perhaps not unreasonable to assume

that there was an early connexion with the popular tale of heroes
and heroines, including the fairy

appears to
tale of
This
magic and marvel.
be indicated by the very designation of the Brhatkatha
Katba and the express mention of this work as a Katha by

Dandin and the indication is supported by the suggestion that this
as a
was drawn upon by Dandin, Subandhu and Bana.

granted, a distinction should, at the same time, be made
early collection
If this is
for the
Brhatkatha, in conception and expression, was apparently
type. The available evidence makes

more than probable that the popular tale never attained any of
the refinement and elaboration which we find in the prose
a composition of a different
it
romance from
its
beginning,
Dandin and
in a less degree in
in
more extravagant manner in Subandhu and Bana. From this

point of view, the prose romance cannot be directly traced back
its immeby Gunadhya's work
Kavya itself, whose graces were
transferred from verse to prose for the purpose of rehandling and
to the popular tale represented
diate ancestor
the
is
elaborating the popular tale.
form was applied
ornate
It is
not
known whether
the
new
the historical story and then employed

to embellish the folk-tale, as the basis of the distinction between
first to
the Akhyayika and the

that the prose romance
influenced by
it
Katha seems to imply; but it is evident

was evolved out of the artistic Kavya and
throughout
The
its history.
theorists,
unequivo-
include the prose romance in the

cally and from the beginning,
category of the Kavya and regard it as a kind of transformed
Kavya
in almost every respect, while the popular
tale
and the
beast-fable are not even tardily recognised and given that status.
It seems probable, therefore, that the prose romance bad a
twofold
of
the
origin.
It
folk-tale,
draws freely upon

rehandles
some
of
the
its
narrative
material
natural and
super-
and motifs, adopts its peculiar emboxing

arrangement of tales and its contrivance of deux ex machina,
natural
and,
of
in
the
incidents
fact, utilises all
Indian
that
story-teller.
is
But
the
its
common
form
stock-in-trade
and
method
of
206
story-telling are different,
and are derived essentially
from the
for
a
cultured
audience, the
Kavya.
Obviously written
has
romance
not
prose
only the same elevated and heavily ornamented diction, but it has also the same enormous development
In fact, the existing specimens combine a legendary content with the form and spirit of a literary
tour de force.
The use of unwieldy compounds, incessant and
of the art of description.
elaborate puns, alliterations
and assonances, recondite allusions
and other literary devices, favourite to the Kavya, receive greater

freedom in prose; but stress is also laid on a minute description
and on an appreciation of mental, moral and physical

From the Kavya also comes its
qualities of men and women.
love-motif, as well as its inclination towards erotic digressions.
of nature
Not only
is
the swift and
narrative
simple
the
of
clothed
tale
the resources of learning and fancy, but we find

(except in Dandin's Dasakumara-carita) that the least part of the
lavishly with
romance
is
all
the narrative, and nothing
is
treated as really important
but the description and embellishment. From this point of view,

it would be better to call these works Prose Kavyas or poetical
compositions
in
prose,
than
use
the alien nomenclature Prose
Eomances, which has a connotation not wholly applicable.
The
evolution of the peculiar type of the Prose Kavya

the Metrical Kavya, with the intermediary of the folk-tale,
not have been a
difficult process
in
view of the
term Kavya includes any imaginative work of a

and refuses to make verse an essential. The
material
the poetical
both in prose
and
manner
verse.
If
is
Wordsworth's famous dictum that there

between verse and prose, the direction
is
the
that
fact
literary character
medium
far-off
is
need
im-
is
becomes important
of expression
this
from
no
anticipation
of
essential distinction
towards simplicity
not
In the absence of early specimens

of imaginative Sanskrit prose, it is not possible to decide whether
the very example of the Prose Kavya is responsible for this
but towards elaborateness.
attitude, or is itself the result of the attitude
mation
of the Prose
Kavya
to the Metrical
but
the
approxi-
Kavya appears
to
have
DANDTN
207
been facilitated by the obliteration of any vital distinction between
compositions
literary
in
and
verse
in
But
prose.
for
the
peculiar type of expository or argumentative prose found in technical works and commentaries, verse remains throughout the
medium
history of Sanskrit literature the normal
of
expression,
while prose retains its conscious character as something which
has to compete with verse and share its rhythm and refinement.
At no period prose takes a prominence and claims a larger place

The simple,
to poetry and its art.
it is entirely subordinated
clear and yet elegant prose of the Paiicatanlra is considered too
;
jejune,
and never receives
its
proper
development
for
poetry
have invaded very early, as the inscriptional records

show, the domain of descriptive, romantic and narrative prose.
An average prose-of-all-work never emerges, and even in tech-
appears to
nical treatises pedestrian verse takes the place of prose.
Dandin
b.
The Daakumara-carita
of
Dandin
peculiarities of the Sanskrit Prose
illustrates
some
of
the
Kavya^ mentioned above, but
it
does not conform strictly to all the requirements of the theorists.

This disregard of convention in practice may, with plausibility,
be urged as an argument in support of the identity of our Dandin
with Dandin, author of the Kavyadar6a,
who, as we have seen
above, also advocates in
But
theory a levelling of distinctions.
from the rhetorician's negative account no conclusive inference
Ed.
H.H.
Wilson, London 1846 ;ed. G. Bdhler and P. Peterson, in two
pts., Bon, bay

by G. J. Agasbe, Bombay 1919; witb four comms.
(Padacandrika, Padadfpika, Bhusana and LaghudTpika), ed. N. B. Oodabole and Vasudeva
L. Pansikar, NSP, lOtb ed., Bombay 1925. (1st ed. with two comm., 1888; 2nd ed.
1887,
1801,
revised
in
one
vol.
witb
tbree comm., 1889V

Trs. into English (freely) by P.
London 1873, revised by C. A. Rylands, London 1928 by A.
Trs.
into
German by
Leipzig 1902;
poeme,
ii,
Bombnv
trs.
Paris 1862.
1926, apd
W.
W.
Jacob (Hindu Tales),

Ryder,
Chicago 1927.
Meyer, Leipzig 1902, and by J. Hertel, in Ind. Erz&Mer 1-3,
into French by H. Fauche in Une Tirade, ou drame, hymne, roman et
;
J.
J.
Editions with Engl.
by C.
Sankararama
trs.
Sastri,
also
published in India by
Madras 1931
M. R.
Kale,
"
208
be creating a new genre

without consciously concerning himself with the views of the
The problem of identity cannot be solved on this
is
and the romancer
possible,
may
theorists.)
slender basis alone
and there
pregnable evidence on the
no unanimity nor im-
so far,
is,
Some
question.
are
critics
satisfied
1
with the traditional ascription of both the works to one Damjin,
and industriously search for points to support it. However good
the position
is,
need not be
final.
On
not
name Dandin
mendicant
of
and
rare
itself,
certain order,
and
title
than one Dandin.

is
authorship
are
capable of being applied to more than one

therefore does not exclude the possibility of more
be taken as a
person,
the other hand, the
to designate a religious
employed
may
errors in traditional ascription
very strong ground for denying identity of

made out 2 by not a negligible amount of
also
which Dandin the prose-poet offends against the

It is a poor defence
prescriptions of Dandin the rhetorician.
to say that a man need not practise what he teaches; for the
instances
in
question is more vital than mere mechanical adherence to rules,

but touches upon niceties of diction and taste and general outlook.
\The presumption that the DaSakumara belongs to the juvenilia of

Darujin and the Kavyadara is the product of more mature
is
judgment
in
ingenious,
The
work.j
either
in the
Marga
DaSakumara
but
there
exaltation
general
Kavyadartia
and
is
its
nothing
immature
the
Vaidarbba
of
the
supposed illustration in
a
supply at best
vague
argument, which
need not be considered seriously. That both the authors were
Southerners is suggested, but not proved for while the indications in the Kavyadar$a are inconclusive, there is nothing to
;
8
show that, apart from conventional geography, the author of
the romance knows familiarly the eighteen different countries
The
tares about
andp
carita
of
attribution
three works to
them are no longer
of
much
Dandin by Bajafokhara and the needless
value; see 3. E. De, Sanskrit Poetics, I, p.
conjee-
62
note
72.
*
Agaahe, op.
Bee
Mark
(Diss.),
ctf.,
pp. xxv-xxxv.
Collins,
The Geographical Data
Leipzig 1907 f p. 46.
of the
Rayhuvamta and the Daâkumdra-
209
DAN DIN
mentioned
Datakumara only
of the
and suggest
both
of
works
the
is
Kavyadara
the
work
for the
possible to assign to the
is
things which existed

date of Halrsavardhana's
reveal a state of
anterior to
probably in a period
empire,
The geographical items
in the course of the narrative.
much
It
KavyadarSa.
unknown
is
a date
the
to
approximated
is
true that the time
while
but
than what
earlier
the date
of the
the
of
beginning
8th century, there is nothing to show that the DaSakumara cannot

8
The use of rare words, grammatical
be placed much earlier.
solecisms and
on which stress
admit
is
sometimes
laid for a
which
comparatively
suggested by the
also
is
affected
so-called degenerate society painted
by Dandin
would apply equally well

the
earlmess of
Gaturbhan'i,
and the
and
daubted
superficial
in
Maik
honour
Bana. (The
to
it
Collins,
op. fit., p. 9
developed
of
Lanman, Cambridge Mas*.,
no argument
the Mrcchakatika
to
which
a
Sanskrit Poetica 1 p 58
t
more
IHQ
relation of
to
f,
167
advocacy (Indian Studies

an earlier date for the Kavyad'irta
of Keith'd
in spita
19*29, p.
Bhamahi.
him towards the
Bharavi
395-96)
close of the 7th
f)
of
This
is
not the place to enter into
to
Dandin
and
Weber
(see Keith,
(Indische
Collins (op.
eifc.,
HSL,
Datakumti ra
(see S.
K De
but the reliability of the account
1868, pp.
it is
Meyer (op.
some time before
311-15, 353),
would place. Da/a7rwmfira
discussing the question, however,
the
the
Bhamaha's
in
is
not
preface, p. xvi).
Streifen, Berlin
p. 48)
of
of
G. Harihara Saatri in ibid, III, pp. 169-171), would place

and beginning of the 8th century A. D.,~ a date which is
near enough to that of Dandin of the Kavyftdarta
beyond question
than
reopened question, but there is still

priority will survive Keith's strenuous onslaught.
alleged
be
cannot
reason to believe that the presumption
The
the
of
f.
De,
I, p. 31 f; III, p.
the
is also
and diction.
spirit, style
on the ground of Dandin's priority
date,
that
picture
Da$akumara bears
which the
resemblance in
fact
prose and
romance has certainly none of the

form of those of Subandhu and
for a late date; for
again,
late
more reasonable, explanation
of an entirely opposite, but
of an early date,
Daakumara
peculiarities of .the
stylistic
cit..
585
pp. 120*27}
A.D.
In
better not to confuse the issue by presuming beforehand
rhetorician.
Agashe's impossible dating at the
based on deductions from very slender and uncertain data. The fact
literature before the llth century or
that the DaSakumfaa in not quoted in the analogical
the 13th, are arguments from
before
not
produced
that adaptations in the vernacular were
not rightly accept the worthies*
does
however,
much.
silence which do not prove
Agaahe,
the
identity
of
llth or 12th century
271848B
romancer
the
ia
and the
210
Dafakumara-carita, in
form, shows, with

of
having been left
its
present
Bana's two
romances, the peculiarity

end is
unfinished, biit it also lacks an authentic beginning. ) The
in four Ucchvasas, called
usually supplied by a Supplement
Uttara-pithika or Sesa, which
is
now known
work
be the
to
of
Deccan writer named

a comparatively modern
Cakrapani
1
Diksita, son of Candramauli Diksita; but a ninth or concluding
Ucchvasa by Padmanabha
3
dhiraja Goplnatha
are also
and
continuation
known
to
by Maharaja(The beginning is
exist.
in five
Purva-pithika,
Ucchvasas, which is believed on good grounds to be the work of
some other hand than that of Dandin. ) The title Dafakumara-
found
in
similarly
Prelude,
we
carita suggests that
called
are to expect
accounts of the
but the present extent
of ten princes,
adventures
Dandin's work
of
proper
contains, with an abrupt commencement, eight of these in eight

Ucchvasas. The Purva-pithika was, therefore, obviously intended
to
supply not only the framework
the
of
stories
while
missing stories of two more princes
undertakes to conclude the story of Visruta
;
Dandin's
chapter of
last
Purva-pithika, which
work.
was
acceptance, exists in various
legend, relied upon
The
by Wilson,
Like the
6
forms,
also
the
the
Uttara-pithika
incomplete in the
Uttara-pithika, the
left
not
apparently
but
and the
accorded
general
details of the tales
which makes Dandin an ornament of the court of Bhoja
reference to Bhoja-vaqiB** in Ullasa
hypothesis,
viii (ed.
Agashe, p. 129) does not support this
Kalidasa also uses the name Bhoja
referring probably to the rulers of
for
x,
Vidtrbba.
1
Eggeling, Ind.
Agashe,
Office Cat., vii, no. 4069/2934, p. 1553.
op. cit. t p. xxiv.
Wilson, introd., p. 80; Eggeling, op. cit. vii, no. 4070/1850, p\ 1554.
Some MSS (e.g. India Office MS. no. 4059/2694; Rggeliug, op. cit., vii, p 1561) and
some early editions (e.g., the Calcutta ed. of Madan Mohan Tarkalamkar, 1849) do not contain
t
the Purva-pithika.
that the Prelude
in which
it if
The
The
ed. of
Wilson and others include
it.
Wilson ventured the conjecture

view of the various forms
the work of one of Dandia's disciples; but iu
now known
conjecture must
*
is
to exist
be discarded.
and
Some
also because
it
is
missing
in
some MSS,
this
of the versions are also obviously late

productions.
version, which begins with the solitary benedictory stanza brahmanda-cchatra.

and narrates, in five Ucchvisas.the missing stories of the two
princes Puspodbbava and
8on*dstta, along with that of the missing part of the story of Bfriavahana and his
lady-toy*
dofitfa*
211
do not agree in
with
the
Dandin's
body of
text.
genuine
Dandin's own narrative goes, each of the

the friends and associates of the chief
far as
(So
nor
versions
all
who
princes,
seven
are
hero,
Eajavahana, recounts his adventure, in the course of which each
own
carves out his
career and
secures
princely
spouse.
work opens abruptly with an account of Rajavahana,

captive and led in an expedition against Cainpa, where
the
course of a turmoil he finds

his desire
they
comprised
rather
in
complex
the
second
the
of
Ucehvasa,
companions. By
adventures, which are
seven
one of
The
chapters.
which
Apaharavnrnmn,
is
the
in
his
remaining
of
story
of
their
.relate
severally
each
in
the rest
all
But
made
comes
and best in
the longest
being rich in varied incidents and interesting

The seduction practised on the ascetic Marici by
the collection,
chiracters.
who
the accomplished courtesan, Kamamanjari,
merchant 'Vastupala,
monk
into a Jaina
strips
him
to the
the adventure in
also deceives the
loin-cloth
the
and turns him
gambling house; the
ancient art of thieving in which the hero is proficient

the
punishing of the old misers of Cainpa who are taught that the
goods of the world are perishable the motif of the inexhaustible
;
purse
all
ness, are
Avantiaundari
these, described with considerable humour and
woven
is
the usually accepted Prelude, found in moat
beginning required
Kobin Hood,
cleverly into this tale of the Indian
spurious character has been
shown by Agaghe.
by theory
benedictory stanza however,
of a
at the outset
is
It
is
Katba
anonymously
would indicate that
quoted
MSS. and
remarkable
or
in
printed editions.
that
Akhyayika
Bhoja's
vivid-
the
is
usual
Its
metrical
missing here. The
Sarasvatl-kan^Jidbharana
this Prelude
must have been pce6xed
Prelude
Another
by Bhatfca Narayana is given in App. to
century.
Agashe's ed., while still another in verse by Vinayaka in three chapters is noticed by
no. 40871/686a, p. 1553. M. ft Kavi published (Madras 1924) a
vii,
Eggeling, op. cit.
fragmentary Avantisundarl-kathd in prose (with a metrical sumrmry called *Katha-$ara),
Borooah, 1884,
(ed.
at
p. 114)
the fact
least before llth
which
is
ascribed to
implausible; see 8.
1
On
Dandin as the
K. De in
IHQ
the art of thieving,, sec
pp. 97-193, 193-229 and
lost
I, p.
and III,
Bloomfield
Proc. of the Amer.
as a literary theme, see L. H. Gray in

is
Purva-plthika
31
in
p.
of
394
his
romance,
but
this
Amer. Journ.
of
Philology,
Philosophical Soc., LIT, pp 61G-650
WZKM,
19
quite
f.
XVIII, 1904, pp
50-51.
XLIV, 1923,
On burglnry
Sarvilaka in
also a scientific thief, with hi* paraphernalia, like Apaharavarman.
tfce
who
plunders the rich to pay the poor, unites lovers and reinstates
The next
unfortunate victims of meanness and treachery.
not equally interesting, but it is not

devoid of incident and character ; it is the story of the recovery of
tale of
Upaharavarman
is
by means of a trick, including the winning of the queen's favour, murder and pretended
transformation by power of magic into the dissolute king who bad
the lost
of the hero's father
kingdom
1
its
The succeeding
very similar in
theme of resuscitation of his father's lost rank as the disgraced
usurped.
story of Arthapala
is
minister of the king of Kasi, and incidental winning of Princess

Manikarnika, but it has nothing very striking except the pretend-
The fifth story of Pramati

ed use of the^device of snake-charm.
introduces the common motif of a dream-vision of the Princess
Navamalika of Sravasti, and describes how the hero,
of a
woman,
contrives (by the trick of being
left
enter the royal apartments and have access to

it
also gives
tional
an incidental account
watching
of Mitragupta,
the
Suhma
the
of
princess
but
somewhat unconvenThe sixth story
Brahman
of a cock-fight by a
a deposit) to
as
the
in the dress
who wins
is
country,
high seas and on
Princess KandukavatI of Damalipta in

varied by introducing adventures on the
a distant
island,
and by enclosing,
after
the
manner of the Vetala-pancavimati,

ingenious tales,
recounted in reply to the question of a demon, namely, those of
four
Bhumini, Gomini, Nimbavati and Nitambavati,

trate the
maxim
that cunning alone
is
the
way
all
of
which
illus-
The
to success.
seventh tale of Mantragupta is a literary tour de force, in which

no labial letters are used by the narrator, because his lips have
been made sore by the passionate kisses of his beloved. It begins
with the episode of a
weird ascetic
goblins, repeats the device of
and
his
two
ministering
transformation
pretended
through
magic into a murdered man, and places the incidents on the

coast of Kalinga and Andhra,
On
the art of entering another's
American Philosophical Soe.
LVI,
The
body as a
last
incomplete narrative of
fiction- motif,
1917, pp. 1-48.
sea-
see
M.
Blootofield
in
Proc,
Vi^ruta relates the restoration

prince of Vidarbha, to
the
of
hero's
young
not
over-
proteg6,
power by a similar clever,
but
scrupulous, contrivance, including the ingenious spreading of a

false rumour, the use of a poisoned chaplet and the
employment
of a successful fraud in the
Durga
name and
but the arguments defending idle
the
of
image of
pleasures, which speak
presence
the language of the profligate of all ages, as well as the introduction of dancers and jugglers and their amusing sleight of
hand,
are interesting touches.
It will
be seen at once that Dandin 's work
ably from such normal specimens of the

of
Subandhu and Bana

is
tionality
Dandin
is
carita is
respect,
which
is
and
it is
Prose Kavya as those

its unconven-
no wonder that
not favoured by theorists, in whose rhetorical treatises
not cited
till
the llth century A.D.CjThe DaSakumara-
rightly described
as
romance
of
In this
roguery.
comparable, to a certain extent, to the Mrcchakutika,

also a drama full of
and to the four old Blianas,
it is
rascals,)
ascribed to Syamilaka, Isvaradatla and
not the main topic of interest in
Bhana,
remark-
differs
others;
but
rascality
is
Sudraka's drama, nor is the

by theory from dealing
as a class of composition, debarred
with low characters and themes of love,
.Dandin's work, on the other hand,
and
revelry
derives
gambling.
supreme flavour
such characters and
its
from the vivid and picturesque exposition of

themes.) Although the romantic interest is not altogether wanting, and marvel and magic and winning of maidens find a place,
concerned primarily with the adventures of clever tricksters.

that the Prose
(Dandin deliberately violates the prescription
it is
Kavya, being
sub-division of the
Kavya
in
general, should have
a good subject (Sada^raya) and that the hero should
high-souled.
Gambling,
burglary,
murder, impersonation, abduction and
and
cunning,
illicit
be noble and
fraud,
love
violence,
form,
jointly
in every story;) and

severally, the predominating incidents
definition of love as the determination to Assess
Mantragupta's
de I'audace
of
its
erotic
in
Danton's
situations.
famous
Wilson,
phrase is indeed typical

with his
mid-Victorian
214
sense
of
morals of the
and
work,
loose
principles
and lax
opinion has been repeated in a

modern critics but the point is over-
modified form by some
the
looked that immorality, rather
jhe Dasakumara
theme.
the
of
speaks
propriety,
is
than
is
romance
rakes and
deliberate
its
imaginative fiction, but
in spirit to the picaresque
gives a lively picture of
morality,
it
approaches
modern Europe,
of
which
ruffians of great cities.)
(It is
not an open satire, but the whole trend is remarkably satirical in

utilising, with no small power of observation and caricature, the
possibilities of
amusing
incorrigible rakes, unscrupulous rogues,
hypocritical ascetics, fraudulent priests, light-hearted idlers, fervent
cunning bawds, unfaithful wives and heartless courtesans,

who jostle with each other within the small compass of the swift and
lovers,
racy narratives./
cities
where the
Even
meet.
The scenes
scum and
the higher
with
are accordingly laid in cosmopolitan

refuse of
world of
all
gocls,
The
countries and societies
princes and Bralunans
gods are
brought in to
justify disgraceful deeds in which the princes engage themselves
the teaching of the Jina
the Buddhist nuns act as procuresses
is
regarded
little
respect.
is
declared
the
by a Jaina
Brahman's greed
Two
to ridicule.
deeds are the
to
be nothing
but
a swindle
and
and love
of cock-fights are held up

which actuate the princes of wild
delights of love and for the possession of
of gold
chief motives
desire for
a realm, but they
monk
are not at
all
fastidious about the
means they
Their frankness often borders on

gain their ends.
cynicism and, if not on a lack of morality, on fundamental non-
employ
to
morality.
lit is a
strange
world in which we move,
life-like,
no doubt,
in its skilful portraiture, but in a sense, unreal, being sublimated
with
tale.
marvel and magic, which are seldom dissociated from folkWe hear of a collyrium which produces invisibility, of a
chains transformed deliciously into a beautiful nymph,

of burglar's art which turns beggars into millionaires, and of
captive's
magician's charms which spirit away maidens. JThis trait appears

to have been inherited from the
popular tale, and Darwjin's
DANDIN
indebtedness
to the
Brhatkatha
But the treatment undoubtedly

ful in
to
further developing
is
the lively elements of the popular tale,
other.
but the one
Kavya
The brier
;
been industriously traced.

Dandin's own. ) He is successhas.
which he judiciously applies the
of the
215
literary polish
never allowed
and sensibility
overpower the
of realism and the rose of romance are
cleverly
is
to
combined in a unique literary form. In the laboured composithe exclusive tendency towards the
tions of Subandhu and Bana
sentimental and the erotic leads to a diminishing of interest in the
its comic possibilities. JThe impression^ that one
from Dandin's work, on the other hand, is that it delights
caricature and satirise certain aspects of contemporary society
Its power of vivid characterisation
an interesting period.
narrative or in
receives
to
in
realises this object
presenting, not a limited
by
number
of types,
but a large variety of individuals, including minor characters not

altogether devoid of reality and interest.) There can be little
doubt that most of these are studies from life, heightened indeed,
not wholly agreeable, but free from the touch alike
of mawkishness and affectation, fit is remarkable that in these
but faithful
realistic does not
pictures the
finical
gives
pageantry to
traction to
the
to
way
There
are
artistic,
vividly authentic. IF
from convention
conduct,
fact.)
quench the
^We
to impression,
pass) from
from abs-
abundant instances of tie author's
wit and polite banter,
sense of humour, his
but the merely
his
power
of gentle
and caricature, which effectively contribute to the realism

of his outlook. ) For the first time, these qualities, rare enough
in the normal Sanskrit writing, reveal themselves in a literary
Dandin's delightfully) unethical/) romancero
and make
form,
satire
a conventional Prose Kavya, but a distinct literary

picaresco,(not
creation of a new type in Sanskrits
There is more matter, but the manner has no difficulty in
joining hands
and
leisurely
with
Dandin's work avoids the extended'scale
it.
manner
of proceeding, the elaborate descriptive
Agaabe, op.
n't., p.
xh
f,
and
216
sentimental
divagations,
eccentricities of taste
tfce
and extrava-
which are derived from the tradition of the

regular Kavya and developed to its utmost possibilities or impossibilities in the imaginative romances of Subandhu and Bana.
gance of diction,
The arrangement
swift and
of the tales
narrative
easy
enormous digressions.
is
judicious, and the comparatively
never
is
The
overloaded
method
episodic
by constant and
is old and forms
a striking feature of Indian story-telling, but in the
the subsidiary stories never
course oi
beat
out,
Even
main narrative.
the
Da&akumara
hamper nor hold up

the
the
four clever stories in
Ucchvasa are properly emboxed, and we are spared the

endless confusion of curses and changing personalities and stories
the sixth
within
stories.
Not only Dandin's treatment, but also (his style and diction
are saved from the fatal fault of over-elaboration by his sense of
He is by no means an easy writer,

proportion and restraint.
but there are no fatiguing complexities in his diction it is
;
energetic and yet elegantly articulated/
inordinate love for disproportionate

sentences, nor by
weakness
It is
not marked by any
compounds and sesquipedalian
for far-fetched allusions,
complex
The advantage
puns and jingling of meaningless sounds.

a style, free from ponderous construction
obvious for
is
bellishment,
of such
and wearisome em-
the graphic dressing
up
of
its
un-
conventional subjects of a cheat, a hypocrite, an amorist or a

and the Kavya- refinements would have been wholly
braggadacio
;
out of
place.
descriptions,
Occasionally
such as
we
indeed
find
Dandin indulges
in the
pictures
in
florid
of the sleeping
Ambalika or the dancing Kandukavati, but even in these cases he

keeps within the limits of a few long sentences or only one printed
attempt at a literary feat in the avoidance of
labial sounds in the seventh Ucchvasa, but it is adequately
motived and Dandin wisely confines himself to a sparing use of
page.
There
is
an
suggested that Dandin makes no

pretension to ornament, but, in the main, his use of it is effective,
limited and pretty, and not recondite, incessant arid tiresome,
such verbal ingenuity.
It is not
8UBANDHU
217
highest praise goes to Dandin as the master of vigorous and

and his work, in its artistic and social
elegant Sanskrit prose
;
is undoubtedly a
unique masterpiece, the merits of
which need not be reluctantly recognised by modern taste for
not conforming to the normal model.
challenges,
SUBANDHU
c.
In
Prose KSvya
those of
and accepted
theory
is illustrated,
normal type
the
practice,
o{ the
not by the work of Dandin, but by

In these typical Prose Kavyas,
Subandhu and Bana.
however, there
exuberance of
less
is
the
life,
descriptions are
more abundant and elaborate, the narrative is reduced

mere skeleton, learning loads the wings of fancy, and the
and treatment lack ease and naturalness.
heroes, nor dubious adventures, but deal
somewhat sentimental and bookish,
if
the romantic devices, derived
all
and transformed
softer
personages
in
style
ruffian
They employ
folk-tale, of reborn heroes
dreamland of marvellous but
and present them
adventure,
with chaste and noble,
characters.
from
a
They have no
to
in
gorgeous vehicle of
elaborately poetical, but artificial, style.

1
The date of Subandhu, author of the Vasavadatta, is not

Attempts have been made to establish its upper
exactly known.
and the lower terminus, respectively, by Subandhu's punning
2
and a supposed
allusion, on the one hand, to the Uddyotakara
work
of Dlmrmakirti," belonging
Ed. P. Hall, Bibl. InJ., with comm.
ilmoat verbatim
ihariar
3.
with
Gray,
in
own
his
comm.,
Sri
1S74,
Yani-vilasa
3rd ed.
Press,
1907
8
!t
is
Gray,
bauddha-sawgatim
p. 318.
KrishnamaLouis
1906; ed.
There
1913.
Sivarama
is also
an
Hall,
p.
earlier
235;
ed.
(v.
1.
is
sat-kavi-kavya-racanam) ivalatiikara-bhujitam,
not
found
in
all
Mss
(Hall,
p.
236),
he.
cit.
and no work of
L*vi (Bulletin de
BauddhasarpgatyalaipkSra has yet been found.
18) denies that Subandhu alludes to Dharmaklrti's
1903,
d'Extrime-Orient,
p.
Francis
^barmaklrti's called
iterary activity.
28
(ed.
1859, reprinted
R. V.
p. 180).
remarkable that the reading
'E'cole
ed.
New York
somm. of Jagaddhara which deserves publication.

2
nyaya-sthitim (v. 1. -vidy&m) ivoddyotakara-svarupam
Srirangam, p, 803; ed.
Srirangatn
characters, Columbia University Press,

century see S K. De, Sanskrit Poetics, I,
roman
>elon*s to the 18rti
middle of the
the
of Siv<mlina Tripatbin, Calcutta
Vidyasagar, Calcutta
J.
by
to
least
at
1343B
218
sixth century A.D., and, on the Bother, by Bana's allusion to a

Vasavadatta, which is supposed to be the same as Subandhu's
work
name, in the preface
of that
early in the
seventh
the question
is
But
century.
not
from
free
the
Dharmakirti nor that of

conclusively settled;
nor
Even
part
to his Harsa-carita,
it
composed
must be recognised that

Neither the date of
difficulty,
taken as
be
can
Uddyotakara
beyond question, in the absence of

the author's name, that Bana really alludes to Subandhu's work.
if
the
early
is it
7th
the
of
century
is
taken
be
to
and the Uddyotakara, it would make

Subandhu a contemporary of Bana. The traditional view that
the date of Dharmakirti
Bana wrote
his
romance
to
that
surpass
arose from Bana's qualification

'
of
his
Subandhu probably
of
own Kadamban
20)
(st,
surpassing the two,' these two being,
by the epithet ati-dvayl
according to the very late commentator, Subandhu's Vasavadatta

and Gunadhya's Brhatkatha. But the doubt expressed, 4 though
5
Since the
abandoned, by Peterson has been lately revived.
6
proceed chiefly on the
arguments on both sides of the question
later
The argument that Bana, by the use of Sle?a in this stanza, mean* to
Stanza 11.
Subandhu's
fondness
for it, is weak; for Bana usea Slesa also in the stanzas on Bbasa
imply
and the Brhatkatha.
1
Among other Inerary or historical allusions made by Subandhu, the reference to

Vikramaditya and Kanka in the tenth introductory stanza bus been made the basis of entirely
problematic conjectures by Hall (p. 6), Hoernle (JRAS, 1903, p. 545f) and B. C. Mazumdar
(JRAS, 1907, p. 406f); see L, H. Gray, introd., p. 8f. The description of Kusumapura and
8
Subandbu's practice of the Gaud! Biti may suggest that he WAS an eastern writer, but the
geography of the work is too conventional and the argument on Biti too indefinite to be
There are two other punning allusions by Subandhu, apparently to a Gana-karika"
decisive.
with a Vrtti by
Surap&la
Kamalfikara-bhikgu
1
is
(cd.
Srirangam,
314)
p.
(p.
Bhnudatta, the commentator, belongs
not grammatically
correct,
Inirod. to
See
WZKM>
in
to
be
doubtful.
Possibly
dhiya) read by other commentators
it
(c/.
is
OLD,
2, 1941, p. 7).
Kadamban,
Kane,
introd.
I,
1887, pp.
JRAS,
1920,
to
115-3i;
pp.
pp. 71-73.
Har$a>carita>
Berlin 1868, I, pp. 369-86; Telang in
alto
But the phrase ati-dvayl
to the 16th century.
and the reading appears
graphical scribal error for aniddhaya (qualifying
IV, no.
and an obscurely mentioned work by

recognised and traced.
319); but these have not yet been sufficiently
F.
JBRAS
xif
p.
XVIII,
W. Thomas
386.387;
Introd. to Sbhv, p. 183
in
Mankowski
Inditche
Weber,
1891, p. 147f;
WZKM,
iu
WZKM
XII,
W.
1898,
S tret fan,
Cartellieri in
21-33
pp.
f
t
XV,
1901,
p.
246f'
Keith in JftAS, 1914 (arguing that Subandhu cannot be safely ascribed to a period substantially
SUBANDHU
debatable grounds of the standard of taste and morals, and of
style
and diction, it is scarcely possible to express a final opinion
without being dogmatic. The only one characteristic difference

of Subandhu's prose from that of Bana, apart from its
being
is
the
but
of
use
excessive,
uninspiring,
self-imposed,
paronomasia
but
(Slesa);
this argues
neither
posteriority, but only suggests the greater

of
in
speech
Subandhu's
this
date
The
period.
is
the
in
nor
currency of this figure

certain point
about
only
that
fact
for priority
the
first
half
of
the
8th century, Vakpati in his Prakrit poem Gaudavaho (at. 800)

connects Subandbu's name with those of Bhasa, Kalidasa and
Haricandra, and a
little later
same century, Vamana quotes
in the
anonymously a passage which occurs, with a

Subandhu's Vasavadatta. 2
With
the Vasavadatta of the
by various poets in
nothing
common
Sanskrit
except the
Udayana
literature,
name
slight variation, in
legend,
made famous
Subandhu's romance has
and since the
story, as told
by
Subandhu, does not occur elsewhere in any form, it appears to be
But the plot is
entirely invented and embellished by our poet.
neither rich nor striking.
The handsome
prince Kandarpaketu,
before 650 A.D.); Sivaprasad Bhattacharya

to
wh
iti
IHQ, IV, 1929, p. 699f. There
cb attention does appear to have been drawn, but it is no less important,
the passionate
condition of
Vasavadatta at the sight of
hrdayam vtlikhttam iva utkirnam
iva t
it describes
Kandarpaketu and runs thus
kllitam iva
pratyuptam
marmantara-sthitam iva, which appears to be reproduced in a
following three lines from Bhavabhuti's Malati-madhava (v. 10)
iva,
one passage
is
iva
vajralepa-ghaîtam
metrical
form in the
lineva pratibimbiteva hkhitevotkirna-riipeva ca
pratyupteva ca vaJTalepa-ghatitevantaTmkhdteva ca
sa
na
The verbal resemblance cannot be dismissed as

here improves upon what he
Bhavabhuti
is
known
gaiu, p.
2
accidental;
weaves into the texture
to have borrowed phrases from
on the part of Bhavabhuti

1
cetasi ktliteva vitikhaiS cetobhuvah paftcabhih...
but considering that BhavabhQti
of his
poem and
also the fact that
Kllidasa, the presumption of borrowing
is likely.
=
Kavyalarpk&ra i. 3.26 (kulia-sikhara'khara'nakhara) V&savadattd, ed, Sriraran3S1 and ed. Hall, p. 226.
For other references
to
Subandhu and
thinking that the reference in the
work see Gray, pp. 34.
his
DaMtimSra*
to
Udayana and Vasvadatt&, and not to Vasavadatta
Gray
Vasavadatta clearly alludes
of
Subandhu '0 romance.
is
right in
to the story of
dream a
beholds in a
son of Cintaraani,
lovely
maiden; and,
setting out with his friend Makaranda in search of the unknown

beloved and resting at night in the Vindhya hills under a tree, he
overhears the
conversation
of
couple of parrots that princess
Vasavadatta of Pataliputra, having similarly dreamt of KandarpaWith the

ketUj has sent her pet parrot, Tamalika, to find him.
help of the kindly bird, the lovers unite
the
father of
chief, the
her
princess, plans
lovers
on
elope
but as Srngarasekhara,
marriage with a Vidyadhara
;
magic steed
to the
Vindbya
bills.
Early in the morning, while Kandarpaketu is still asleep, Vasavais chased by

two gangs of
straying into the forest,
datta,
-
Kiratas
but as they
but trespasses
out and fight for her, she eludes tbem

where she is turned into stone
fall
into- a hermitage,'
by the curse of the unchivalrous ascetic. Kandarpaketu, deterred

from self-destruction by a voice from the sky, finds her after a
and
a long search,
It
will be
of the fair
touch the curse terminates.
seen that
weak and almost

consist of the
at his
the
argument of such tales

The general scheme appears
central
insignificant.
and
frail type,
romantic adventures, in which

vision, talking
parrots,
magic
their final
all
But the
voice in the air are utilised.
union after a series of
the narrative motifs
steed,
to
hero with a heroine
falling in love of a passionate
and
is
curse,
of
dream-
transformation and
interest of the story-telling
not in incident, but in minute portraiture of the personal

beauty of the lovers and their generous qualities, their ardent,
if sentimental,
longing for each other, the misfortune obstruct-
lies
ing the fulfilment of their desires, their pangs of thwarted love,

and the preservation of their love through all trials and difficulties until
their
romantic
final
union.
All this is eked out lavishly
of
commonplaces
the
Kavya,
descriptions of cities, battles, oceans,
inoonrise and the like, and by
A list
of these are
literaiy devices
see
Gray
made out by
in
WZKM
by highly flavoured
mountains, seasons, sunset,
the display of enormous
Cartellieri,
XVIII, 1904,
by the
op. cit.
p. 89f.
Sastric
For a study of these motifs as
22l
SUBAKDHU
learning and technical
Subandhu's poverty
skill.
and characterisation,
of invention
not surprising ; and criticism

therefore,
has been, not unjustly, levelled against the absurdities and inconis
But the slenderness
sistencies of his story.
much
a matter
over-developing
Subandhu
to
of importance
developing or
Stress
it.
theme
of the
has been
not so
manner
the
as
is
of
rightly laid
on his undoubted, if somewhat conventional, descriptive power

but the more than occasional descriptive digressions, forming the
;
the Kavya, constitute the bulk of bis

merely the means of displaying his luxuriant
inseparable accessory of
work, and are made
The
rhetorical skill and multifarious learning.
the lady of Kandarpaketu's vision, for
attractiveness of
instance,
outlined in a
is
some one hundred and twenty lines only The

1
wise censure of Anandavardhana that the poets' are often regardless of theme and sentiment and exceedingly engrossed in verbal
brief sentence of
tricks is
more than
in its application
just
Prose Kavya of
to the
this type.
It
he
is
be
however,
must,
not overfond
of
said
Subandhu's
to
that
and even when
compounds,
long rolJing
credit
they occur, they are not altogether devoid of majesty and melody.
When he has no need for a long sentence, he can write short
The soundones, and this occurs notably in the brief dialogues.
effects
always tedious, nor his use of words always

What becomes wearisome in its abundance is
are not
atrocious.
Subandhu's constant search

expressed in endless
strings of
(Virodhabhasa).
incongruity
coruscating ideas and

nous.
When we
grammatical
sections
of
are
red
ed.
and similes
lion of
-
brilliant
than lumi-
is
rahta-pada like a
painted with red lacquer as
lady
lines,
taken to the
Dhvanyaloka,
feet being
because the
are
epithets
paronomasia (Slesa) and apparent

For this reason, even his really
that
told
grammar with
we
conceits,
images become more
treatise, her
blood- coloured,
the night,
for
or
that
the rising sun
dawn clawed
verge of
NSP, Bombay
ludicrous fancy
1911, p. 161.
is
the elephant of
;
but

9
such instances abound from page to page. 1

genuineness of
his
which, however,
own work
as
In a stanza, the
doubted, Subandhu describes
is
treasure-bouse
of
literary
and
dexterity,
pun in every syllable of his composition. We h ve indeed the dictum of the KavyadarSa (ii. 362)
that paronomas i generally enhances the charm of all poetic
Sanskrit permit its
figures, and the extraordinary resources of
declares
that
he has woven a
rt
but the rhetorician probably never means that the

paronomasia should overshadow everything. The richness of
effective use,
Subandhu's fancy and his ingenuity in this direction

astonishing and justifies his boasting but it cannot be
;
he has
flsed
visualisation
means
often
this
figure
with
which makes
is
indeed
said that
judgment or with the sense
this,
as
well as
other, figures
of
Subandhu's paronomasias are

far-fetched and phantas-rnagoric, adduced only for the
of beautiful expression.
sake of cleverness, and involve

of the language.
much
straining and even torturing
It is true that in the stringing together of
puns
Bana also makes much use

habit of the Katha when he describes
it, and refers to this
Bana never indulges in
as nirantara-6lesa-ghana.
But
Subandhu does not stand alone.

pf
it
unceasing fireworks of puns and other devices, and his poetic
and power of picturesque description

make
his
all
for
weakness
for
adornment.
amends
literary
ample
nor
lacks
these
other
on
the
hand,
saving graces
Subandhu,
does he command the humour, vigour and variety of Dandin. He
becomes, therefore, a willing victim of the cult of style, which
imagination
can be produced in the ordinary way.

In order to appreciate Subandhu's literary accomplishment
this fact should be borne in mind and it ia as unnecessary as it
believes that nothing great
is
hypercritical either
unduly.
It
to depreciate
of
Kriftbcamacbariar has given
8abodtm'0
exaggerate his
should be conceded that, in spite of
and sentiment, Subandhu's work
or
verbal accomplishment.
is
its
fancy, pathos
characterised by
(op. ctt., p. xixf)
merits
an element
an almost exhaustive
list of
instances
SUBANDHU
of
mere
trick
which
certainly impairs its
should not be assumed that
enjoyed a
is
fame and
223'
it
literary
a stupendous
is
influence disproportionate to
doubtless a greater poet and
value
can
wield
its
it
which
trifle,
Bana
worth.
wonderful
but
spell
of
language, but Subandhu's method and manner of story-telling do

not differ much from those of Bana, and conform to the general
scheme
Kavya. But for his excessive fondness for

Subandhu's
paronomasia,
style and diction are no more tyranniand parallelisms in words
cally mannered than those of Bana
and ideas have been found in the respective works of the two
of the Prose
It is true that
poets.
fancy occupies
itself
Subandhu's
more with the
the poetical, possibilities of his
but somewhat cold,
glittering,
rhetorical,
subject
but
rather than
with
making allowance
one must recognise the same technique and

paraphernalia in both Subandhu and Bana.
They deal with the
self-same commodities and if richness of vocabulary, wealth of
for individual traits,
profusion of epithets, similes and conceits, and

frequency of learned allusions are distinctive of Subandhu, they
are also found in Bfuia.
Whatever difference there is between
description,
the two romancers,
it
is
one not
in
kind but
in degree.
would appear, therefore, that both Subandhu and Bana

exhibit in their works certain features of the Sanskrit prose
It
same character, must have belonged

The tendency is
tendency of the time.
narrative which, being of the

to the general literary
Dandin, but
extreme
and we
not so apparent
carried to its
phenomenon
is,
in
Subandhu and Bana
in
find,
more
or
less,
it is
a similar
we pass from Bharavi to Magha. It

explanation which puts it down to incom-
in poetry, as
however, a
facile
petence, bad taste or queer mentality

historical significance, perhaps
more
the question has a

in
prose than
in
deeper
poetry.
Louis H. Gray calls attention to certain stylistic similarities

between Subandhu's Vasavadatta and Lyly's Eupheus ; but if
any point in drawing a parallel, it lies precisely in the

fact that the work of the Sanskrit stylist, like that of the
Elizabethan mannerist, is a deliberate attempt to achieve a rieh A
there
is
224
variegated and imaginative

berate attempts
prose
carried to fantastic excess.
it is
fanciful style tends to the florid
restrained and
although like
style,
tamed
all
deli-
The ornate and
and extravagant, and needs
to be
but the plain style inclines equally towards

needs to be raised and inspired.
the slipshod and jejune, and
The
plain style, evidenced in
the
proportioned, clear and sane, and
ary purpose, but

ate
expression
is
is
constantly
is
indeed
well
suitable for a variety of liter-
fitted for fanciful,
it is ill
it
Pancatantra,
liable,
gorgeous or passionwhen not used with
something more than ordinary scholarship and taste, to degeneor insipidity.

Neither Subandhu nor
rate into commonness
Bana may have
evolved
properly ornate style, suitable for

counteracting these perils and for elevated imaginative writing,
but their inclination certainly points to this direction.
It is not
a
which annoys, but their use

but out of proportion, to their
the rhetorical habit in these writers

of rhetoric, not in proportion,
narrative, description, idea or feeling.

of the
commonplace and
Perhaps in their horror
in their eagerness to avoid the
extreme of too heavy

lose raciness, vigour and even sanity
the
being dull, they proceed to
ornamentation, and thereby
danger of
opposite
reason the
worthiness
their motive and the
measure of success which they achieved should not be missed.
We have an interesting illustration here of what occurs every-
but for
this
of
where, namely the constantly recurring struggle between the

but in trying to avoid plainness,
plain and the ornate style
but
unbalanced
writers practically swamp it
these well-meaning
;
with meaningless ornateness, by applying to prose the ill-fitting

The gorgeous standard, which
graces and refinements of poetry.
they set up, is neither faultless nor easy to follow, but it is curi-
ous that
It is a
never questioned for centuries.
their successors never realise their literary motive,
it is
exaggerate their literary

to normalise the style
mannerisms.
down
It
was
pity
that
but
only
for <the later writers
exuberant excesses,
but it is strange that they never attempted to do so. Perhaps they
fell under the fascination of its poetical magnificence, and were
by cutting
its early
225
BANABHATTA
actuated by the theory which approximated prose to poetry and

affiliated the prose Kavya to the metrical.
There has never been,
therefore, in the later history of Sanskrit prose style, a real ebb
between maxima and minima.
and flow, a
real flux
this reason
perhaps that the perfect prose style, which
mean between
golden
It
is
for
keeps the
the plain and the ornate, never developed in
Sanskrit.
There
thus, no
is,
essential difference of literary inspiration
between
Subandhu and Bana
rendered
ineffectual
There
only,
Subandhu's
gifts are often
the
by
mediocrity of his poetic powers.
the sameness of characteristics and of ideas of workman-
is
ship; but while Subandhu
The extreme
excellence,
literary tendency,
Bana can
often plods,
as well
which both
of
often
soar.
the extreme
defect, of the
them represent
in their indivi-
as
however, better mirrored in Bana's works, which

reach the utmost limit of the peculiar type of the Sanskrit prose
dual way, are,
narrative.
d.
in
In the
first
two and
the
a half chapters of his Harsa-carita and
stanzas
introductory
an
account of himself
gives
his royal
his
patron A
He was
being traced
ancestry
account
Bdnabhatta
of
and
a
to
his
Kadambarl,
his family
Brahman
Vatsa,
Banabhatta
as prelude to that of
of the Vatsyayana-gotra,
of
whom
given as the cousin of Saradvata,
is
mythological
son of SarasvatI and
In the family was born Kubera, who was honoured

by many Gupta kings, and whose youngest son was PaSupata.
Pagupata's son was Arthapati; and among the many sons of
Dadhica.
They lived in a place

Arthapati, Citrabhanu was Bana's father.
called Pritikuta on the banks of the Hiranyabahu, otherwise known
1
father,
a^ree, except ]in one omission, namely, the name of Bana 'ft great-grandnot found in the Kadambari. For a recent summary of all relevant
The accounts
PMupata,
is
questions regarding Bana and his works, as well as for a full bibliography, see A. A. Maria
Sharpe, B ana's K&dambari (Diss.. N. V. de Vlaamsche, Leuven 1937), pp. 1-108, which also
contains Dutch
trs.
89-1948B
of work, with indices
and concordances,
226
as the river Sona. Bana's mother Rajyadevi died while he
was yet
young, but his father took tender care of him. When he was
about fourteen, his father died; and in the unsettled life which
followed, Bana wandered about from place to place, mixed in
dubious company, acquired evil repute as well as rich experience,
returned home and lived a life of quiet study. He was summoned
Harsavardhana, ostensibly for being taken
to the presence of king
his misspent youth,
to task for
camp near
at his
Manitara on the Ajiravati. He was at

1
ness, but afterwards with much favour.
home, Bana was requested by his
visit
He
great king.
the
town
of
received with cold-
first
After some time, on a
relatives
speak of the
to
began his narrative, after having warned his

do full justice to his theme. The story
audience of his inability to
in the remaining five Ucchvasas, but
is told
It
was possibly never
his intention
to offer a complete
even in a hundred
for he tells us that
recount the whole
of Harâ's
story
unfinished.
is left
it
lives
account;
he cannot hope to
mighty deeds, and asks
his
they would be content to hear a part.

have already spoken of the value of the
audience
if
We
important
famous
ffarsa-cana/)which
with
Bana.
a
descripliterary predecessors
.JThe story begins
tion of SthanvJgvara and of the glorious kings, sprung from
metrical preface to the
speaks of the
of
known
It is not
Bin* was
fairly
what stage
Harsa
tt
of Harsa's
young when
reason to presume that
Bana wrote
in his
career
Bana met him.
It is
assumed that
is no
greatness patronised him) and that there
in the early part of
Harsa *s reign, which ended in 647 -A. D.

troubles he mentions in Uochvasa i,
Bana never alludes to troubles of poverty among oth^r

and we are also toll that he inherited wealth from his
from his patron, but there
works to Harsa.
ancestors.
He acknowledges gifts
nothing to support the legend that he sold some of his literary
is
The earliest quotation from BSna, though anonymous, occurs in Vamana's

K&vyalamkara (2nd half 'of the 8th century) v. 2. 44, anukaroti bhagavato ndrdyanasya
td, Peterson, p. 6), In the middle of the 9th century, Bana and his two
( =Kadajnbari
t
Inandavardbana
works are nwtjtimied

by
"
'
101,127).
8
Ed
with same
v^fc
*
A>
;wft)l
^^^P"
C0mm
comm^^^pKlpbay
notes, etc.),
BombaflllL
in
his
Dhranyahka
(ed.
NSP,
pp.
87,
100,
,,
'
Strpkara Bombl Skt"

'
Ser " 1909
ed
K p
-
Parab
>
1892 (6th ed. 1925) ; ed. P. V. Kane (without comm. but with
Trs. into English by E. B. Cowell
and F.W. Thoznas,
Ix)ndoii 1907,
22?
BiNABHATTA
Puspabhuti, from whom is descended Hanjavardhana's father,

Prabhakaravardhana. Harsa's elder brother is Kajyavardhana
and
his
sister
married to Grahavarman of
is
KajyaSrI
the
Maukhari family
of Kanyakubja.
Then we have a more brilliant
than pathetic picture of the illness and death of Prabhakaravardhana, whose queen Yasomati also ascends the funeral pyre,
Kajyavardhana from his successful campaign

against the Hunas, and of his reluctance to ascend the throne.
But before Harsa could be installed, news reaches that the king
of the
return
of
Malava has
of
Eajyavardhana
Grahavarman and imprisoned
slain
treacherously killed
the king
by
Gauda.
of
ends
\\ith
is
Harsa's expedition
mean time^he
to save his sister follows, but in the
prison and
Rajyafri.
defeating the Malava king, but he
succeeds in
escapes from
by a Buddhist sage. The story abruptly

the meeting of Harsa and Rajya^ri while the tale of
is
rescued
The work gives us nothing about the

being told.
later career of Harsa, nor any information regarding the later
her recovery
is
stages of Bana's
own
life./
V The Harsa-carita has
Prose
attempt at writing a
Subandhu's Vasavadatta,
the Kadambarl,
deals
the
distinction
an
Kavya on
being the
of
first
theme.
historical
as well as Bana's other prose narrative,
with
legendary
fiction,
and everything
is
viewed in these works through a highly imaginative atmosphere.

The Harsa-carita is no less imaginative, but the author takes his
own
of some actual
sovereign as his hero and weaves the story out
events of his
picture,
but
its
In this respect
it is, is
tive,
supplies a contemporary
hi ch, in the paucity of other records, is indeed valuable;
The
of
sum-total
the story,
in
no more than an incident
cannot be said that the
from the
it
document should not be

importance as an historical
overrated.
as
career.
historical point
picture
of
view.
is
lavishly
Harsa's
either
Many
full
embellished
career
or
points in
and
it
satisfactory
the narra-
action and identity of the Malava

especially the position,
See below, ch. VI, under Poema with Hiitoricti Theoie*.
228
and
Gauda
the
and the gorgeously

descriptive and ornamental style leaves little room for the poor
thread of actual history.
Even if the work supplies picturesque
kings,
are
obscure
left
accounts, into which the historian

actualities of life in
of
retreat,
camp and
military
may
expeditions,
delve,
profitably
in
court,
and
of the
monastery and village

of social and religious
observances and practices, we learn very little indeed of the

political facts of the great emperor's reign as a whole.
\It is clear that Bana writes his Harsa-carita more as a

romantic story than as a sober history of the king's life, and stops
when he
flight./
is satisfied
The term
style, spirit
a Prose Kavya, and the fact of

theme does not make it historical in
work
having an historical
history
long
sufficiently
for, in all essential, the

its
Historical Kavya,' which is often applied to

other ^works of the same kind, is hardly expressive
and
this
Muse has taken
that his
'
and treatment.
is
The reproach
and historical sense
India was
little
interested
historical incident
never took seriously to chroniclining,

as history in
modern times.
India
perhaps not entirely
is
in
that
The
much
uncertainties
little
just,
as such,
what
less to
had
of
is
but
and
known
pre-history,
India to a comparatively late period ; and

to
note
that the idea of evolution is, in the
it is also important
same way, scarcely recognised in the sphere of thought and
therefore, continue in
speculation.
psychology
Perhaps the explanation is to be sought in the

of the Indian mind, which takes the world of
perhaps we
imagination to be more real than the world of fact
in modern" times attach too much importance to fact or incident
and make a fetish of history or evolution. In any case, history
;
had
little
mythological
of the
rulers
the Kavya, which apparently considered the

heroes to be more
interesting than the actual
place
in
day.
Even when
real
personage
treatment, as in the case of Hara, he is elevated

with all the glory and some of the fiction of the
is
taken for
and invested
mythological
The Sanskrit theory of art also, in its emphasis on

imaginative and im personalised creation, encouraged abstraction,
hero.
229
B&NABHATVA
admitted belief in fate and miracle, and had
human
concrete facts and forces of
same
stood
drama,
The
historiography.
themes, never
duty
to
that
be
of a poet.
way
for
life.
of a vigorous
of clear
and
Bana, write on
like
poets who,
the
The
and
critical
histori-
historians, but conceive their
;is
would not be proper, therefore,

historical
to what is essentially a
It
'
the
attach
the
in
claim merit
cal
to
also
feeling
human
nature and
which tended against the creation
spirit,
sensitive
little
qualification
'
Kavya.
The imposition
but
creation,
even
keeping
within the semblance of
Kadambarl, which is an entirely imaginawhich like the Harsa-carita, is also left
fact is absent in the

tive
of
was, however, death which, cut off the work ; and

we are told by Bana's son, Bhugana, 1 that he wrote the latter
part, not out of literary ostentation, but as a task of filial duty.
unfinished.
We
do not
It
know
in
what way Bana himself would have rounded
the inherent difficulties of the remainder of the plot, but the

It gives the
inferiority of the supplement is generally admitted.
of
introducing complexities, but there is also an
impression
off
The
anxiety of bringing the story to a somewhat hurried close.
command over the ornate style and diction is undoubted, and the
son
some
possesses
mannerisms
the excellences of the father; but to the
of
which are often exaggerated, are added
of the father,
a few peculiar to the son.
(The
story of the
Kadambarl,
and loves of two heroes,

well
known
to
require
which deals with the
each of
detailed
noteworthy that Bana's portion

1
In some
Pulinda.
MSS
Dhanapala
was the name.
3
'e.g.,
Stein,
Jammu
whom
is
reborn
twicers
summary here. But it
of the composition stops
Cat.,
lives
Bombay
is
even
1894, p. 299), he is called Pulioa or
in his Tilaka-mafijari (Pref verse 26)

,
too
seems to suggest that Palinda
Ed. P. Peterson, Bomb. Skt Ser., 1883; ed. P. V. Kane, Bombay 1911, 1920;
Purvabhaga only); ed. K. P. Parab, with comm. of Bhanucandra and Siddha-
(3rd ed. 1921,
candra,
N8P, Bombay
occasional omissions) 0*
these editions.
1890 (7th
ed.,
revised
M. Bidding, London
by
1896.
V.
Panshikar 1928).
Summaries
Engl. tw. (with
of the story will be found in
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LlTERATUbli
theme is properly developed. It introduces the

Can<Jala maiden and her speaking parrot into the court of
Sudraka and puts the entire narrative in the mouth of the
1
parrot.
Apart from absurdity of the device, it is noteworthy
the
before
method
that the old
the parrot's
for
of
emboxing
tale
within tale
retained
is also
tale includes that of the sage Jabali
concerning
Candrapida and Vaiâmpayana, along with the story told by
Mahaveta of her love for Pundarlka. After the meeting of
Candrapida with Kadambari, whose entrance into the story is

too long delayed, and his hurried return to Ujjayini, Baija's
work ends abruptly with the welcome news which Patralekha

It is clear
brings to him of Kadambari's assurance of love.
that, like Spenser,
lived to finish
it.
Bana conceived of too

The plot is only begun
large a plan and
but
unfolded.
hardly
we have no
his son, but
It is
never
completed ingeniously enough by

means, except from scattered and uncertain hints in the narrative
itself,
knowing whether Bana wanted
of
to develop
with
it
bewildering turn and confusion of curses and

Half-told as the tale is
personalities of reborn heroes.
its later
all
changing
by him,
he meant Sudraka, the hearer of the story,
but a redundant figure at the outset, is to become the real hero
we cannot be
sure
if
end as the reborn Candrapida, who in his turn is to be the

moon-god in his former birth, or whether Vaiâmpayana is to
in the
for
recounting the tale
of
the work.J
these elaborate intricacies occur in the second part
turn out as the transformed parrot
This important fact

his
highly complex
constructive
Kadambari
the
of
power.
Sumanas
(or
Oa
the
r61e of
when one criticises Bana for

and charges him with deficiency of
plot,
The
to
the
Brhatkathft,
Parrot in
XV1IT, 1904, p. 42.

9
Somadeva's Kafha-santâgara^
whole passage
is
of
the
story
much humbler one
of
King
striking
parallelism
narrated in
2
the
ignored
Sumanasa),
versions of the
1
is
itself
may
story
x. 3
the two
suggest that
literature,
(Tawney's
trs.,
see L.
Kasbmirian
Bana may have

H. Gray
Calcutta 1884,
reproduced in Peterson's introd. to the K&dambari, pp. 84-95)

rf, xvi, 185 f.
in
ii,
;
WZKM,
p. 17 f
the
Kemecdra
BINABHATTA
wanted
to utilise the motif
to speculate
we have
it
and rebirth, but
of curse
whether he would have done
The complications
now.
231
in the
it
it is
useless
same way as
of the plot, as developed in
Bhusana's supplement, can hardly be inferred from the dry bones

of the much simpler and less refined
original, occurring in the
versions of
the
which has
a somewhat different
denouement and which attaches degrading forms of birth to the
heroine Mandarika and her father, on the rather frivolous ground
Brhatkatha,
of a curse proceeding
from wild grief
one case and repent-
in the
ance for pronouncing the curse in the other.

That the method of emboxing tales can be carried
to a con-
seen in the arrangement of Soraadeva's Kathasarit-sagara, where, often with an insignificant framework, we
fusing extent
is
have A's account of B's report of C's recounting of D's relating

what E said, and so forth, until we have the disentangling of
of
the entire intricate progression, or reversion to
which the reader

not
ill
in the
suited to a
meantime probably
succession
story,
The form
forgets.
disconnected
of
main
the
tales,
as
is
the
in
Pancatantra, where they are narrated generally by the characters

There is further
of the frame-story or of the inset stories.
Daaknmara-carita, where their several

experiences are narrated, with a semblance of realism, by the
princes themselves in the first person, and in the Vetala-paftca-
improvement
the
in
vimtati, where
the separate tales are connected to

In the Kadambari, the old machinery
all
main purpose.
one
serve
is
adapted,
with a clever plan, to the conditions of the complex narrative.

The device of first-hand narration is made an essence of the
form
for
the inset
stories
is
know
sonal experience.
The main
and
main
which
narrative here
the hero, but in effect by the sage Jabali,

insight to
which the
each subsidiary
the
allowed to describe as coming within
scope of per-
narrator could not himself

narrator
explain matters
know
vividly what he
relates,
is
who
not
is
recounted
by
his
supposed by
and who can describe
and objectively but each of the minor narratives, like that

of MahaSveta, gives effective expression to intimate knowledge
freely
232
and
feeling,
and
made
is
to
essential
plot.
The denouement, as developed by Bhusana,

To a certain extent, this is true
criticised as flat.
allowance for the device of curse
1
in the discovery at the

to
the
in
two
is
story,
lives,
is
hero,
of
his
in
love
only the listener
is
who had
and whose listening to the story
dition of the reawakening
making
but,
an element of surprise
end that Sudraka, who
himself the real
sometimes
common enough
and rebirth
one should admit that there
folk-tale,
is
is
in vain
loved
a necessary con-
Kadambarl and
for
of
bringing his second life to an end by his revived longing for

As a rule, the romance- writers, like the poets, are
reunion.
rather poor inventors of plot, and
conventional
of
make use of
all
the paraphernalia
as well as of the fantastic ornate-
story-telling,
more arrangement,
in
Bana's
narrative
interest
in Subandhu's
and
than
progress
and, in spite of the complexes of past and present lives, there
ness of an overworked diction
but
there
is
cannot be
of the
much doubt
that the threads of the stories of the
two maidens, which form
his
main theme,
are
loves
skilfully
interlaced.
(The
chief obstacle to our appreciation of
Bana's constructive
weakness for elaborating the tales, by dwelling too much on details, in a style which draws prose and poetry
The lack of proportion is due
together in an unnatural
gift,
however,
is
his
alliance.)
partly to largeness of handling, and partly to a prodigal imagina-
tion
which prefers lawless splendour
the sense of proportion
ment.
There
narrative
palace, of
in
is
is
the Vindhya
For a study
decent
for
instance,
description
forest
and
of
to
ût
insipidity,
the very foundation of style
no need,
lavish
to
lose
UjjayinI,
and
treat-
sight of
of
the
Sukanasa's
hermitage, of the temple of
of these mo'ifs as literary devices, see
L. H. Gruy
in
WZKM, XVJII, 19f 4,
pp. 53-64. Gray cites ao instance from the story of Arthapala in Dasakumara* where there
incarnations involving six
is a bint not fully developed, of a very complex scheme of three
is Bana's heroes, and not his
heroines, who
persons. It is noteworthy, however, that it
t
Undergo three rebirths each.
233
BINABHATTA
Candika^ of night and moonrise, all of which give us wonderful

word-pictures, no doubt, but most of which are certainly overdone.
Dana's power of observation and picturesque description,

his love of nature, his eye for colour and ear for music, the richness of his fancy and his wealth of words, are excellences which
are unquestioned but they are seldom kept within moderate
bounds. \ His choice of subject may be good, but his choice o"f
;
The
scale is fatal.
ing,
vagant in
is
swamps
its
The
undiscriminating in its
a
reality
excluded in
eighteen,
delineation of Mahasveta's
convincing
matters of
who
visual
picture.
detail.
is
his
of
too extra-
it
actually
too
is
beauty
metaphors and epithets
of
heaping
astonish-
truly
the
description of UjjayinI, for instance,

terms to give us a vivid notion of what
in his time.
present
often
The
pictures.
was
readiness of his resources
but the exaggeration
The
Nor
are
physician,
to
absurdities
youth
attends upon the dying Prabhakaravardhana,
is
of
so
fanatically attached to his king that he must also burn himself on

the funeral pyre on his patron's death.
It is not that Bana's
Bana can be
imageries lack visualisation and proper phrasing
forcible and direct when he chooses the sense of humour is not
;
picture, for example, of the Dravida

ascetic, or in his description of Skandagupta as having a nose as
altogether
wanting
in
his
long as his sovereign's pedigree the advantage of contrast is utiall this and more
lised in the characterisation of the pairs of lovers
;
is admitted.
But the censure is just that Bana allows no
Whether in
pass until he can squeeze no more out of it.
tion or in speeches of lamentation
and
exhortation!,
descrip-
no possible
no existing variety of synonymous

omitted, no romantic symbolism and conceit overlooked,
detail is missed,
topic tq*
epithets
nor any
brilliant rhetorical device ignored.

It is clear that
over-ostentatious
narrative, but
Bana's evident
method
is
relish in
a hinderance
also to the realities
of
this
extended and
not only to vigorous
sentiment and
character.
not unjustly, on the shadowy nature

of his personages, some in their second and even third birth 1 and
Comments have been made,
234
sentiments.
But, making allowance for
exaggerated
aberrations inevitable in a rich and exuberant talent, it must be
their
paid that Bana's
sentiment
depicts is
power
characterisation
of
or
delineation
of
The world he
not entirely divorced from reality.
removed in time and character, but not in appreciation
is
and sympathy, from our own. The tale is strange, as also its
manner of telling, but the element of marvel and magic is a
recognised concomitant of the popular tale and need not of itself
diminish
its
value as a romance, any more than
the imaginative
character of Spenser's Faery Queene impairs its interest as a

poem. The scene is laid as much in Kadambari's home, situated
beyond the Himalayas and peopled by Gandharvas and Kinnaras,

as in Ujjayini where Candrapida's very human father TarapTda
and his practical minister Sukanasa hold court in royal splendour.
\Tbe world of fancy is conceived as vividly as the world of humanity
but
machinery fades away when we

face with a tale of human love and sorrow,
the whole
are brought face to
unreal
set forth in its idyllic
charm
as well as in its depth of
cannot be denied indeed that these old-time
pathos.
romancers are
:\Et
Tiot
always good at assessing the fine shades of human conduct they

see life as an affair in which black is black and white is white,
;
Bana attempts
black and white seldom merge in dubious grey.
to infose some diversity of colouring into his Patralekha and his
Sukanasa, but they are too
are endowed with nobility,
fine to
be
(His two heroes

devotion and charm, but
life-like.
courtesy,
more
the
or less, of broad types of characthey give
impression,
ter they are hardly human beings. \ All this must be frankly
But it must also be admitted that Bana possesses a
admitted.
;
wonderful insight into the currents of youthful passion and virgin

modesty, in their varying impulses of joy and grief, hope and
and this forms the pith of his work in its surrounding

embroidery. It is perhaps for this reason that he is more successdespair
ful in delineating
Kadambarl, with
filial
his
its
duty,
two
heroines.
maidenly love of
timid balancing of the new-born longing and
is finely
set off
\The
by the pathetic
fidelity
of
BXNAMATtA
235
the lovelorn Mahasveta,

awaiting her lover for long years on the
shores of the Acchoda lake.
If they are overdressed children of
Bana's poetic imagination, his romantic ideas

a vivid and effective embodiment
they are no
;
them
of love find in
less brilliant types,
but they are at the same time individualised by the sharpness of

the impression>)
[Indeed^ the chief value of Bana's unique romance

in its narrative, not in its characterisation, nor in
but
its
lies,
not
presentation,
sentiment and
poetry.) In this extraordinary tale

a
us
gives
poetic treatment, in two different ways, of youthful love, having its root not only in the spontaneous emotion of
this life, buHn the recollective affection of cycles of existence, in
in-
its
Bana
what Kalidasa and Bhavabhuti
births firmly rooted in the heart. (Jt

possibilities of the belief
longer existence
which
former
describe as friendships of
study of the poetic

it
conceives of a
transmigration
in
is
and the
links the forgotten past
living
bonds of tender and unswerving memories. If love in

this romance moves in a strange and fantastic atmosphere of
present in
myth and
folk-tale, the unreality of the
dream-pageant acquires
a vitality and interest from the graceful and poetic treatment of
the depth and tenderness of human love, chastened by sorrow
and death, enlivened by abiding hope and faith, and heightened

by the touch of an intrepid idealism:) And the extravagance, of
its
luxuriant diction
romantic
is
perhaps a
vehicle for this extravngantly
fit
tale of love.
There are some

would deny
to
Bana
classic onslaught of
critics,
a high
Weber
charge, in brief, is that
who on formal
however,
rank as a
*
has been
Bana's
style
prose
writer
grounds
and the
vTbe
from the
repeatedly quoted.
and diction
suffer
an unduly laboured vocabulary, syntax, and ornamentaHis prose has been compared to an Indian jungle, where
vices of
tion.
progress, is
In
ZDMG,
Weber, Indische
rendered
impossible
183, quoted by Peterson,

Streifen,
pp. 308-86,
op.
by luxuriant
ct<.,iDUod,, p. 38.
undergrowths,
On
this
romance, see
EtESfORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATttRti
path for himself, and where wild

in wait for him in the shape of recondite words, far-
until the traveller cuts out a
beasts
lie
fetched allusions, vast sentences, undiscriminated

epithets in a multitude of
epithets
compounds and
aggressive
of a
battalion of puns, similes, hyperboles, alliterations and
His
ces.
it is
erudition,
tendency to overloading
complained,
and subtelty
is
heavy
in its
his sense of
upon
whole
assonan-
outrageous
proportion
faulty in its excessive use of literary embellishments
is
and in the
construction of really enormous sentences, in which the
verb or
the subject is held over to the second, third, nay, even to the
sixth page of print, all the interval being filled with more
than illuminating series of jgbrases and phrases
dazzling
uponj)hrases
is
his
and
incessant
weakness for play upon thought or word

he is dominated by the perverse
irritating
;
desire of producing the graces of poetry in prose

his style is
ponderous
and
affected
in fact, he has all
grandiose,
the
and often
of imperfect
into
falls
the
worst faults of verbal and
mental bombast which can characterise a
some measure
the grandeur of
writer.
prose
sympathy may be suspected
While
in this
unqualified denunciation, there is a great deal in this view which
But
is justifiable.
it
should not be forgotten
that
richness of
vocabulary, wealth of description, frequency of rhetorical ornaments, length of compounds and elaborateness of sentences, a
grandiose pitch of sound and sense are

Prose Kavya and in this respect Bana
;
common
is
features
perhaps
less
of
the
reprehen-
than Subandhu, whose unimaginative stolidity aggravate,

rather than lessen, the enormity of the blemishes.
The author
sible
of the
is
Kavyadarta asserts that a profusion of compact compounds

the very life of Sanskrit prose, and that paronomasia is the very
soul of poetic figures
these writings.
this
dictum
Whether Bana
exemplified only too well by

felt himself fettered by the literis
ary canons of the rhetoricians,
or whether these fetters themwere

on
selves
the model of the works composed by himself
forged
and his compeers, is a question which need not be discussed
here
but
it
must be admitted
at once that
in
Bana's romance,
BANABHATTA
and horror
floridity, subtlety
of
the
237
obvious gets altogether ihe
compared with succinctness, simplicity and directThat Bana can write with force and beauty and achieve
ness.
considerable diversity of style has been pointed out by his
upper hand, as
apologists, but this cannot be taken as his
can seldom write
without elegancies,
tendency to degenerate into
mannerism.
general practice.
He
and his manner has a
He
is
often
unable
to
concentrate in a terse phrase the force of pathos and passion, but

reduces its strength by diffusing it into gracefully elaborated
sentences.
All this
not faultless
he
and even more cannot be denied.
Bana
is
indeed very faulty. But all this should not

works with those of Dandin, which are
compare
and
conceived
executed, nor emphasise points in which
differently
;
is
lead us to
his
We
should judge him on his own

obviously deficient.
merits, and not by any standard which he does not profess to
It is useless to expect things which he does not aim at,
follow.
he
is
but
it is
necessary to find out in what he
is
truly efficient.
seems strange that one should be capable of denying the

It is eccentric, excessive
splendour of Bana's prose at its best.
It
and even wasteful, but its organ-voice is majestic in movement

and magnificent in volume and melody. It would often seem
that the nobly wrought diction moves along in its royal dignity
and its panorama of beautiful pictures, while the poor story lags
behind in the entourage and the humble sentiment hobbles along

But it should not be forgotten that it is mainly
as best as it can.
language and picturesqueness of imagery that Bana's luxuriant romances retain their hold on the
by
its
wonderful
spell of
imagination, and
it is
precisely in this that their charm lies.

lunar rainbows rather than that
It
of
an atmosphere of gracious
No one denies that Bana's prose is useless for
strong sunlight.
average purposes, but the question is whether it suits the purpose
is
for
which
it is
intended, whether the high-flown style
shape the rough
stones of popular literature into
gems
is
able to
of romantic
may be said that a more terse and simple style would

beauty.
have been appropriate for his account of king Harga, but the
It
HJLStORY OF SANSfcRJtl' LJTERAttJtlfe
238
wojrk, as
we have
Kavya than
already said, should be taken
as an historical production,
more
more as a Prose
a
as
stupendous
Still more should the
panegyric than as a real biography.
Kadambarl be taken as a gorgeous and meandering tapestry
work, in which an over-fertile fancy weaves endless patterns of
great but fantastic beauty.
It
is
conceded
that
prose
in
its
normal proportion is hardly Bana's natural organ of speech, nor

is poetry, if one is to judge from his Candl-gataka
but he affects
;
If
a kind of prose-poetry in which he is unique.
of
rhetorical
the
he
Sanskrit poets,
passion
by the
rhetorical
obscure
if
he
is
swayed
is not merely
if he writes
long sentences, his sentences are seldom
he has a fondness for epithets and compounds, they
1
are not always devoid
Bana
is
neither
abstruse and the
of
vividness,
harmony and
stateliness,
an imaginative recluse, nor a lover of the

difficult, but he has an undoubted gift for the
picturesque, the tender
and the
He
has a rare mastery

over a certain gamut of feeling and fancy, but his prettiness or
succulence never lack dignity nor become namby-pamby.
In
pathetic.
and overwhelming profusion, his elaborate sentence-pictures are seldom wanting in the
Bana has an
variety, swing and cadence of balanced phrase.
spite of their long-drawn-out, brilliance
amazing command over words and an irrepressible talent for

melodious and majestic phrase but he is not so much a creator
of words and phrases as an architect of sentences and paragraphs.
;
In the combination
of
pictorial
effect
splendour of word-music, they form

vignettes of
astonishing
lavishness.
with
the
elegance
and
an unparalleled series of
!'e would be monotonous
one who determines to plod doggedly through the

whole work, but he is attractive if attention is confined at a time
to the marvellous richness of his fancy revealed in one or two of
and tiresome
to
his delightful
whole farrago
and descriptions. Bana pours out the

his ideas, and has a provoking, and sometimes
episodes
of
meaningless, habit of heaping them up in the enormous mass of

He is verbose, not in the sense that he takes
a single sentence.
many words
to express an idea, but in the sense that
he
gives
6UDRAKA
239
He
expression to a multitude of ideas where a few would suffice.
always in the danger of being smothered by hisown luxuriance.

Indeed, Bana's work impresses us by its unfailing and unrestrained wealth of power we have here not an abundance, but &
is
It
riot.
of
useless to seek a motive behind his
is
judgment and
sheer
workmanship;
voluminous
of
delight
tumultuous fancy, and the love
work or sobriety
we have
what
expression,
of all that
is
the
here
the
is
largeness
of
grand and glorious
in fact or fiction.
THE DRAMA FROM SUDRAKA
2.
As in poetry,
Kalidasa
is
still
not yet set in.

tic
in the
an
dramagreater
variety
With
period.
drama, the period which folio v\ed

expansive age in which stagnation has
so
Unfortunately, only a limited number of

survived
but, fortunately, they show
works has
elasticity,
TO BHAVABHUTI
and
vitality
the exception of
than
the
Amaru and
poetical
works of this
Bhartrhari,
we
have,
on the one hand, Bharavi, Bhatti, Mayura, Kumaradasa and

Magha, who (Jo nothing more than work variations in the same
tradition
of
writers
the
poetry
of
but
we
have, on the other hand, Sudraka,
four
Harsa,
Bhanas,
early
Vigakhadatta,
Bhatta
and
Mahendravikrama,
Bhavabhuti, each of
Narayana
whom represents a different and interesting type of the drama. '
a.
Sudraka
In the long and varied history of the Sanskrit drama the

1
It is sorneof Sudraka occupies a unique place.
Mrcchakatika
F. Stenzler, Bonn 1847; ed. N. B. Godabole, with eoram. of Lalla Diksita
and Prthvidhara, Bomb. Skt. Ser., 1896; ed. K. P. Parab, with comm. of Prthudhara,
N8P, Bombay 1900, 3rd revised ed. 1909, 5th eJ. 1922. Trs. into English by A. W. Ryder,
1
Ed.
A.
Cambridge Mass., 1905; also by R. P. Oliver, Univ. of Illinois,

several times into German and French,
U.S.A., 1988. The work has been translated
fuller
For
bibliography see Sten Konow, op. cit. p. 59. For
and also in other languages.
Harvard
Orient.
Ser.,
fuller bibliographies of dramatic
consul^
besides
Step JConow,
one
should
writings dealt
with in the
M.
Sanskrit Drama,
Bibliography of the
Schuyler's
following pages,
New
'240
taken
times
sometimes
the oldest extant Sanskrit dramas, and
one of
as
as a
mere recast and continuation, by a clever but
anonymous playwright, of the fragmentary Carudatta ascribed

to Bhasa.
But we have no exact knowledge of its date, origin
and .authorship, nor of its relation to the Carudatta. The work
has been variously assigned to periods ranging from the 2nd
1
century B.C. to the 6th century A.D,, but even
none of the
if
opinions advanced carries complete conviction, there can hardly

In spite of the
be. any doubt that it is a fairly old work.
number
round the name of
which have gathered
of legends
nothing is known of him beyond

2
the somewhat fanciful account
given in the Prologue of the
Sudraka,
its
We
play.
author,
reputed
are told in this eulogistic reference

8
was a great Brahman king

curious
the
the
proficient in
the
in
art
his
of
Sudraka
we
find
and among
that he was
;
and the Samaveda, in mathematics,

courtesan and in
the
lore of
from
royal author
the
is
not impossible to support, to a

knowledge betrayed in the drama
it is
also said to
have obtained the grace
York 1906, and Winterniz, GIL, iii, under respective authors and works.
editions and works on the plays are mentioned here.
Analyses of the
with below
dealt
author
the
concerning
statements which
The
name
excellences,
Egveda
elephants,
limited extent,
itself.
of
details
of the
the
that
are
available in French,
giveu
by
L4vi,
Sylvain
German and English
Sten Koi:ow and Keith
respectively,
we have
Only important
plots of the plays
;
as they are thus
avoided repetition as
much
as possible.
The
various opinions are summarised
see for references; also K. C.
Slen
Eonow
Mehendale
in
by Sten Konow, Ind. Drama, p. 57, which

Bhandarkar Comm. Vol, Poona 1917, p 367 f.
himself would identify Sudraka with the Abbira king Sivadatta (about 250
A.D
),
white Jolly shows (Hindu Law of Partition, Inheritance and Adoption, Tagore Law Lectures,
Calcutta 18d3, p. 68 f.) that the knowledge of legal procedure evidenced in Act ix follows
what we
find in the law-books belonging to the 6th
Munich 1918,
kaha,
p.
83 note), on
and 7th
centuries.
Jecobi (Bhavisatta-
the astrological data in act iv, believes that the
drama
have been written before the 4th century A.D. Sten Konow's view is effectively
criticised by J Charpentier in JRAS, 1923, p. 595 f., who discusses the question in some
oot
could
detail.
*
The
use of the perfect tense, indicative of an event long past, io stanzas 3, 4, and 7
of the prologue ia significant; but

tradition or it not trustworthy.
3
gee Charpentier,
loc. eft,
it
need not imply that the information
is
not
based upon
ÛDRAKA
of Siva
and
241
after
performing the horse-sacrifice and placing his

son on the throne, he died by entering the fire at the
astonishing
and
a
hundred
of
ten
years
days.
age
;
Whether
an historical or a mythical king

and Sudraka's identity and authorship must yet
is not certain
be regarded as unsolved problems.
The fact that Kalidasa's
this
all
describes
predecessor, Somila (with Ramila) wrote a 3udraka-katha perhaps

indicates Sudraka's legendary character accepted even before
and to later authors like Dandin, Bana, Kalhana

and
he is already a figure of romance, 1 assoSomadeva
(iii. 343)
ciated with Vidiâ, Pratisthana, Vardhamana and other places.
Kalida?a'stime
Late legends connect him with the Andhrabhrtyas and Satavahana

(or Salivahana), but to melt down the legends and recoin historic
from them,
truth
when they
bear
upon their very face the
Some facts may

possible but not convincing.
myth,
stamp
have been drawn into the legends, and probably real incidents and
of
names
is
from
real
but the attempt to separate the

or
the unreal is, more
less, a pastime of ingenuity. The
evidence failing, the internal is equally elusive. Even
of real persons occur,
external
assuming that the Mrcchakatika is a rechauffd or recension of the

Carudatta, there is yet no decisive evidence regarding Bhasa's
authorship of the drama
and even
the ascription
if
is correct, it
suggest a definite date for either of the two works.

royal authors in historic times were not averse to having
is insufficient to
As
works written
who
a
for themselves,
it
been
has
believe in an historical Siidraka that
wise
and grateful
patron and allowed
courtier,
his
ascribed
own name
maintained
the
real
his
work
to perish.
author,
to his
later
xiviii, p. 117)
bharana
(p.
romance called giidraka-vadha
and a drama entitled
( 1),
Vikranta-tiidraka
878) and Srhg&ra-pral<a$a
like
royal
This suggestion,
wholly lacking proof, stands on a par with the equally
by those
fanciful
quoted by B&yamukuU (ZDMG,

quoted in Bho;Vs Saras tatt-kan^hd-
is
is
both the authors apparently
make Sudraka
the hero.
Heraacandra in his Kavyanusdsana (ed. NSP, Bombay 1901, p. 835) mentions a S&dralcakathS by PaficaSikha, which is also cited by Bboja in his Sihgara-praWa (see 8, K. Pe iu
BSOS, IV, 1926, p. 281),
81
1843B
242
but
late
author
skilful
1
drama on the
this
some
that
presumption
basis of the Carudatta, or
a recension
revised
which the Carudatta
of the original on
composed
was based, and
itself
concealed his identity by passing off his work under the far-off
famous name of Sudraka. Much less convincing, for want of
2
of an early date based upon
proof, again, is the hypothesis
Greek Comedy. We
no more than impressions. But even on
New
similarities with the
some accidental
are, therefore, left to
however inadequate, it is not possible to assign a

Yamana already in the
date to the Mrcchakatika.
this ground,
very late
8th century refers
(iii.
composition by Sudraka, and

8
anonymously, one of which occurs
2, 4.) to a
quotes two passages

4
also in the Garudatta, but the other does not.
also
Carudatta
In
are not found in the
in
varies
the
the total
number
of verses
42
Mfcch *, the remaining

four
first
acts
of
the
in
Sudraka's
four
acts is
55,
identical; but the
being
which
13
number
of
See above, under Bhasa.
129.
is
play
of
total
Belvalkar shows by an examination, chiefly of incident and expression, that the Carudatta
an abridgment or adaptation of Sudraka's drama. Suktbankar
could not have been
adds a
critical
with regard
review oi the
to
"
that
holding
version, and
the Carudatta version
hence (as a corollary),
is,
Carudatta
(Poona
1939),
and
plays
on
the
it
whole,
older
than
Devadhar, in
expresses the view
that
the
not itself the
is
has preserved a great deal
But C. B.
incident (especially
furnishes prim a facie reasons for
our Carudatta
if
Mrcchakatika, then, we must assume,

"
is based.
which the Mrcchakatika
ed.
versification, dramatic
technique, Prakrit,
time-scheme) of the two
of the
introd.
Carudatta
the
Mrcchakatika
original of the
is
original
to
upon
his recent
abridged
from
He maintains,
by adducing the main differences of the

"
two versions, that the author of the Carudatta, whoever he was, wanted to make a pleasing
comedy out of the first four acts of the Mrcchakatika and hence has avoided reference to the
the first four acts of the Mrcchakatika.
revolution,
political
to
Bobasena and*
to the law-suit,
which
is
con tern pleted by the vengeful
Sakara."
*
Windisch, Einfluss, cited above, J>. 12
see
Keith
s criticism
in
SD,
pp.
63-64,
and Sten Konow in IA XLIII, 1914, pp. 65-66.

t
Kavyalarpkara t ad. iv. 3. 23, dy&tarp hi

act ii, but missing in Caru*)\ and ad
,
Affccfc
ndma
v. 1. 3,
purusasyasivphasanarn
rajyam
the entire stanza, ydsarp, balir
\>havati(~tircch\ i. 9; Can*', i. 2).

'
Only one verse from Sudraka, not traceable in the drama,
is
quoted in the anthologies,
namely, Sbhv t no. 1271. A BhSna is also ascribed to him, for which see below, under
CatuTbhani.Gr&y (JAOS, XXVII, 1907, p. 419 f) shows that Sudraka's grammar does not
conform closely to the norm, a fact which indicates riot only his departure from convention
^ttt
probably
also his early date.
SUDftAKA
243
Whatever may Lave been the date and whoever may have
been the author, there can be no doubt that the Mrcchakatika is
one of the few Sanskrit dramas in which the dramatist
departs
from the beaten track and attempts to envisage directly a wider,

fuller and deeper life. He has paid for his boldness and
originality
by the general disregard of his great work by the Sanskrit theo1
but he knows that he is writing a drama, and not an
rists;
elegant series of sentimental verses in accordance with
cribed mode.
It is, thus, not the usual type of a
the
pres-
dramatic poem,
but possesses distinctly dramatic qualities, which make a greater

appeal to
it
picture
work
of
is
modern
worthy
swift-moving
4
of direct
plot
in
its
46
The
ii.
interest,
earliest
4), etc.
in
quotation
See R. G. Basak in
The unity
IHQ,
in a clear,
employment
its
forcible
of
use
and
variety of
in its witty dialogue, in its general
dramaturgic works occur in the Avaloka on Dasarupaka,
See Mebendale, op.
handling
freedom from the usual fault of
skilful
its
the
in its variety of
sharpness of characterisation, in
its
in
diction,
life,
skilful
8
sustained
of
Sanskrit and Prakrit metres,
i.
contemporary
and homely imageries conveyed
unaffected
of
of a great dramatist in its
incidents and characters, in

over-elaboration,
Apart from the graphic
idea.
some phases
of
presents
truly
and
taste
cit.
p. 370.
1929, p. 229-325.
But the criticism is

of action is questioned by Gray in introd. to his trs.
on a misconception of acts ii-v, which he thinks to be episodic, forming a subplot of little connexion with the main plot. - But all these so-called episodes are necessary
for characterising Vasantasena and her love, and therefore essential to the main theme.- It
really based
is
remarkable that there are six shifting scenes
house and in the street outside,

is also
in
act
i,
which take place in Carudatta's

This feature
a difficult feat indeed for the stage-manager
noticeable in the Mudra-rak$asa and probably points to the
an enlarged
existence of
stage.
4
Except perhaps the elaborate description
of Vasantasena 's house
and the Abhisarika
scene.
5
rapidity
are,
It is significant that the
and directness
in their
of style.
Sioka
The
order of frequency,
is
greatly
four most
favoured
being
apparently suitable for

to the Sloka,
commonly employed metres, next
Vasantatilaka, Sardulavikricjita, Arya,
and
Indravajra
there are Vidjunmala and Vais*vadevi. No other

(including Upajati) ; of more unusual metres
On the use of the
Sanskrit play exhibits such a variety of Prakrits as found in the Mrcc.h*.
Prakrits see Pischel,
Orammatik der Prakrit-sprachen (Strasbourg
p. 882, 1918, p. 613; Keith,
8D,
pp. 140-42.
1900), p. 25
JRAS,
gauraseni predominates and MaMrasJrl
1913,
is rare,
244

and dramatic
liveliness
and in
in
mastery of deep pathos

rare quality of quiet humour. In spite of its somewhat
its
conventional
developed,
effect,
happy ending,
its
which,
however,
and
verges almost upon tragedy;
it
is
adequately
neither the plot
nor the characters can be regarded as conventional.
All these
excellences invest the simple love-story of this ten-act
middle-class
life
remark that
it
some
is, in
respect, not undeserved.
derived from
an
curious
'"
which
episode,
The
title
title
but an equally
Little Clay-cart
hero's
son and
little
gives rise to complications of the plot, which are finally
denouement
the
and the episode
a psychological significance
What
more remarkable
is
time, we turn from
that
the
in
resolved
of the clay-cart also has
turn
the
in
is
"
to the leaving of the
leads
heroine's jewels in the toy clay-cart of the
in
of
with a charm peculiarly its own

and the
is the most Shakespearian of all Sanskrit plays
The drama has not only a

curious theme and treatment.
The
is
comedy
of
the
heroine's
life.
drama, for the first

and queens to a more
this
stories of kings
from the dramatisation of time-worn

atmosphere,
to a more refreshing plot of everyday life, the scene of
plebeian
8
legends
1
names
In contravention
madhava.
in acts
iv, vi
ii,
and
viii
of
for
Natya-darpana,
or Prahasana.
The presence
shady characters
Dafarupaka
call it
The Avi-rnaraka
Apart from the question of the relation of the Mfcch*.
Brahman
We
version
the
is
of
is
cannot be
not as plebeian as
ground only up
sure that
Bfhatkath&
example
is,
of
a heroine already of
all
obviously, not entirely
a Saipkirna Prakarana
the
it
(cf.
to
appears.
the
idea
of
first
to the Cdrudatta,
the
for
story
Madanamanjuka
the Central
sub plot of Gopala and Palaka
was
may
a courtesan
not have
probably
which work,
four acts, the source of the story is

in
falling
from the story of Kumudika and Uupinika, as we find
derived
the
his play after the
Prakarana, the Mdlati-
inasmuch as such characters are apparently appropriate to the Bhana
p. 119)
however, covers the same
but
of
of the
unknown.
naming
Bhavabhiiti's
dramaturgic prescription, Catudatta does not appear at
makes the author
this
in
it
not conform to the technical Definition and has none of the grosser
traits of the typical Vidusaka.
legitimate,
the convention of
defies
we have
while his simple-minded and whole-hearted friend, Maitreya, with his
does
doglike faithfulness,
Sudraka
that
It is noteworthy
of the hero and the heroine, as
occurred
The
there.
it
in
love
in
with a
Somadeva's
the
cqurtesan
original;
is
Asian dramatic fragment, of which we have spoken.
is also
known
to
be an* old legend.
But
the relation of the play to the Carudatta, does not detract from
all
tbis,
as
its originality,
well
also
The
as
which by
SUDftAKA
245
which
is
laid in a cosmopolitan
When we
city like Ujjayini.
turn from the two masterpieces of Kalidasa and Bhavabhuti to
this third great Sanskrit drama, we find ourselves
descending, as
it were, from a refined
of
and
sentiment to the
atmosphere
poetry
firm rock of grim reality.
And yet the drama is not at all shorn
and sentiment, which
of real poetry
world
unfolded
the
by
flourish
drama,
no
world
less in
the strange
which thieves,
in
gamblers, rogues, political schemers, mendicants, courtiers, idlers,

bawds and courtesans jostle along
freely. The love that it depicts is not the sad and romantic love of
police constables, housemaids,
Dusyanta and
his woodland beloved, nor yet the
conjugal affection idealised in
fond and
deep
Rama and
Bhavabhuti 's story of
and curiously, the love of a man about town

for a courtesan, which is nevertheless as pure,
strong and tender.
The strange world supplies a fitting background to this strange
Sita, but simply
love
and an inventive originality
the
private affairs of
lovers with
volves the city and the kingdom.

freely
thrown
comedy
displayed by linking the
is
a political intrigue
which
in-
Into the ingenious plot are also
of errors leading to disaster
and an act of
burglary leading to happiness, a murder and a court-scene ; and

considerable fertility of dramatic imagination is displayed in
working out the

its
number
of society,
itself
"
of
is
its
also
only serious defect being
singular
interesting characters,
in
conceiving
drawn from
from the high-souled Brahman
to the
all
grades
sneaking thief;
would, at leaat from the literary point of view, exclude tbe work from being stigmatised
an inexcusable plagiarism/* Even though it may have borrowed, it certainly transmutes
what
1
its
of the plot,
The drama
great length,
large
as
details
it
borrows by a
The
political
fine
dramatic sense and workmanship.
background which
prologue, in which there
is a
practically
permeates the entire drama, even from

is entirely absent in the Carudatta.*
reference to king Palaka,
the episode of Palaka is loosely connectCharpentier, however, thinks (JRAS, 1925, p. 604 f ) that
a detached nor a fully developed
neither
is
it
that
is
missed
ed and adventitious. But the point
subplot; and even
if it is
considered unessential to the main story,
cuous but runs through the thread

incidents.
What
atmosphere
moment of
is
more important
never becomes conspi-
is
that the episode
is
some of the
necessary to create the general
which the whole host of rascals are capable at any

a revolution.
from
stealing a gem-casket to starting
kinds of acts, ranging
of the bizarre society,
all
it
of the central theme, supplying motives to
in
246
they are presented not as types, .but as individuals of diversified

*
interest ;
and it includes, in its broad scope, farce and tragedy,
and pathos,
satire
and
poetry
and
kindliness
wisdom,
humanity.
In the midst of
all
who
the motley assemblage of characters,
are mostly rogues and rascals and are yet true, and not altogether
unlovable, gentlemen, stand out prominently the hero and the
heroine.
The Sakara Samsthanaka, with
and brutal
lust,
power
presents an excellent
ignorant conceit
contrast, but the author's
his
of effective characterisation is best seen in
his
conception
two main characters. The noble Carudatta, a large-hearted

Brahman by birth and wealthy merchant by profession, does not
represent the typical Nagaraka, whose whole round of life
of the
and pleasure
consists of love
for there
is
nothing of the
gilded
his refined character, and his chief

interest is not gallantry.
There is a note of quiet self-control in
and even in love most of the courtship is done
most of his acts
dandy and dilettante
in
He
young man
breeding, culture and

uprightness, whose princely liberality wins the admiration of the
whole city, but reduces him to lonely poverty. If the change of
by Vasantasena.
fortune makes
nor does
it
him
is
it
bitter,
debase his mind
does not
it
of
make him
him
only teaches
misanthrope
to take
life
at
Carudatta is endowed with great qualities,

proper value.
but like the conventional hero he is not made a paragon of virtue.
its
He
is
He
by no means austere or self-denying.
of the world,
who
loves literature,
music and
is
a perfect
art, does
man
not disdain
against the
gambling, nor share his friend Maitreya's
He never assumes a self-righteous attitude r his great
hetarae.
bias
virtues
are softened by the milk of
human
kindness.
His youth
does not exhibit indifference, and the most outstanding feature of

his character is his quiet and deep love for Vasantasena.
1
Siidraka's
For a
men
brief
are perhaps better individualised than bis
appreciation of the
Literature, Calcutta 1929,
pp. 80-87
women.
play see S. K. De, Treatment of Love in Sanskrit

and for a summary of the story see S. K. De in Talet
from Sanskrit Dramatists, Madras 1930, pp.
62-96,
SUDRAKA
The wrong
of this unconventional love

disappears in the ideal
beauty which gathers round
make
truth
it
247
it
and
strength and
Vasantasena has neither the
its
escape degradation.
of Sakuntala nor the mature
girlish
charm
Sita.
Witty and wise, disillusioned and
seen
much
of a sordid world
arid her love is true
makes such
purity,
and
womanly
dignity
of
has
sophisticated, she
she
deep
a feeling difficult.
has yet a heart of romance,

even in a social status which
Much
wealth
and
she
position
has achieved by an obligatory and hereditary calling, but her

heart is against it, and it brings her no happiness.
Her meeting
with Carudatta affords a way of escape, but she is sad and afraid
her misfortune of birth and occupation should stand in the
way. It is a case of love at first sight, and for the first time she
lest
is really
in
The touch
love.
of
this
new emotion quickens
rapidly into a pervading flame and burns to ashes her baser
self.
She can yet hardly believe

strange even to herself.
that she, an outcast of society, has been able to win the love of
the great Carudatta, the ornament of Ujjayini, and asks, half
It is all so
morning after her first union with her beloved,

true.
She is fascinated by the lovely face of
incredulously, the
that
if all
is
Carudatta's
hunger
for
little
arms
son and stretches out her
motherhood which has been denied
child in his innocence refuses to
come
to her
in
to her.
the
great
But
the
and take her as his
mother, because she wears such fine things and ornaments of

which makes her take
gold a harsh speech from a soft tongue,
off her ornaments, fill the toy clay-cart of the child and ask him
:
to get a gold cart to play with.
Her
love
makes her
realise
the
and true affection.

emptiness of riches and the fulness of a pure
When the Sakara threatens to kill her for not submitting to
"an inamorata of a beggarly
himself, and taunts her as
Brahman/' she
is
not ashamed but replies
"
Delightful words
Growing furious,
Pray, proceed, for you speak my praise."
her
takes
SakSra
by the throat. She
the brutal and cowardly
out for succour, but she remembers her beloved
does not
cry
ta
and blesses his name.
"
What,
still
dost
thou repeat
248
that
by rage, as he strangles
her; but on the verge of imminent death the name of Carudatta is
still on her lips, and she murmurs in a
namo
struggling voice
name,"
spits out the Sakara, blinded
"
caludattassa,
My
homage be
to
Carudatta!"
The dramatic
might have
action reaches a natural climax, and the work

ended here with a tragic note; but the tragedy is
converted into a comedy
weak
of
which may appear
reunion,
denouement, but which
is
as
by a skilful
a convention
logically developed
The happy ending is

handling of the incidents.
enforced by theory, but in this drama convention is nowhere
It is a drama of social
and
respected as mere convention.
artistic
and the dramatist
challenges,
strength in
putting them
have been, as one of

real
life,"
but
its
its
aware of
perfectly
his
The Mrcchakatika may not

" a
from
forth.
critics
author
is
contends,
never sacrifices
transcript
real
for a
life
stereotyped manipulation of the threadbare sentiment and action.

If he really works up the fragmentary Carudatta, or some previous
original, as Shakespeare is said to
succeeds in producing
its
entire conception
masterpiece,
spirit,
Caturbhdnl
of the
connected
closely
atmosphere and
reworked old pieces, he

which stands by itself in
and execution.
The Authors
b.
Somewhat
have
with
but limited
in
the
Mrcchakatika
scope and
in
inferior in
tour one-act monologue plays, discovered

literary quality, are the
and published in 1922 under the title Caturbhani, one of which
J
is
actually
Sudraka.
ascribed to
The
four
Bhanps
are
the
Ubhayabhisarika, the Padma-prabhrtaka the Dhurta-vita-samvdda

,
and
the
Ed. M. Ramkrishna Kavi and
works deserve
in Centenary
in
ascribed
Pada-taditaka,
JRAS,
to be belter printed
Supplement
1926, pp. 63-90.
to
S.
respectively
K. R-imanatba
JRAS,
1924, pp. 129-36,
Calcutta Review, 1926, pp. 127-47,
Vararuci,
Sastri, Sivapuri, (Trichur) 1922.
anJ kuown. For studies
Snkumar Sen has
to
of these
woiks, see F.
and JRAS, 1924,
p.
262
translated the Ubhayabhisarika into
W.
f
The
Thorn. B
S.
K. De
English ID
THE AUTHORS OF THE CATURBHANl
249
1
Sudraka, I^varadatta and Syamilaka, on the authority
a traditional verse.
the
mentioned in
the
lower limit of the

references
Except
name nor
author's
chiefly of
in Syarailaka's Pdda-taditaka, neither
the
occasion
Pada-taditaka,
2
however,
Kuntaka
performance
these plajs.
to
rudimentary prologue
of
the
of
is
The
is
obtained by the
and Ksemendrn, * ail
Abhinavagupta,
belong to the end of the 10th century ; while the lower
limits of the date of Padma-prabhrtalia and Dhurta-vita-samvada
of
whom
by Hemacandra's
5
KavyanuSasana at the end
are
quotation and reference in bis

of the llth and beginning of the
given
12th century; but the lower limit of the Ubhayabhisdrika is not

kno\\n.
Since, however, they exhibit similar characteristics and
form a group by themselves, between which and the later
specimens of the Bhana (the earliest of which is certainly not

earlier than the 13th century) a considerable time must have
elapsed, there can be
to
the
age
little
doubt
the earlier
of
Bhanas belong
on the
dramatists; and,
that
classical
the
four
strength of facts revealed in the plays themselves, their general

atmosphere, the types of men and nations that they deal with,
their
their tone and temper,
lexicographical and stylistife
peculiarities,
at least
Thomas
perhaps not
is
one of the Bhanas,
in placing
wrong
them, or
time of Harsa of Kanauj or
in the
A comparative study of these

even that of the later Guptas."
Bhanas with the later specimens, in the light of the
of
prescriptions
and
which
manner,
There
is
the
dramaturgists,
would
justify
nothing to show that the play
is
would
the
also
general
show
method
inference that
by Sudraka, nor anything to dispute the
author ship.
*
See the editor's Preface to the Bhanas.
The
reference
occurs
in the
com in. on
Bharata, ch xiv.
Ed. S. K. De,
Calcutta 1928, i. Ill (^Pada-taditaka 55) anonymously.
Pada-t. 33, l^b-Aucitya-vicara, ad 16 and Suvrtta-tilaka, ad ii. 81. The colophon
is apparently confirmed by these citations by
says that Syamilaka is an Udlcya the statement
3
Kashmiris n authors.
6
Ed. N8P,
p. 839.
The
identity of
son of the Abhlra king Sivadatta,
93-1843B
is
ISvaradatta
with Ifharasena
not proved,
suggested but
(c,
236.239 A.D.),
250

be
these Bhanas, as a group, should
to
assigned
a period
later
than that of Bharata's Natya-astra, but much earlier than that

of the standard work of Dhanafijaya (end of the 10th century).
Compared with later plays of the same type, the Gaturbhanl

presents more variety, greater simplicity/ a larger amount of
social satire and comic relief, a more convincing power of
drawing individuals rather than abstractions, easier and more
colloquial
certain rough
Vita
the
and some
style,
the sole actor.

is
poetry in spite of
real
Except in the Dhurta-vita-samvada,

"
hero"; but, as the friend and
coarseness.
not exactly the
is
who never
emissary of the hero,
plays,
measure of
The
slight,
plot,
but
it
appears,
of
course,
does
not
in
here
he
the
fills
stage as
such one-act monologue

consist
merely
of the
adventures of the Vita and usual reunion
conventional amorous
on the contrary, as much variety is introduced as is

Tn the Padma-prabhrtqka,
possible within its narrow scope.
1
Karnlputra Muladeva, in love with Devasena, sister to his
beloved hetaera Devadatta, commissions his friend Sasa the
at the end
to
Vita,
ascertain
the
Devasena's mind.
of
state
The
.Vita
walks through the streets of Ujjayini, exchanging imaginary

conversation with various kinds of amusing people and taking an
interest in their affairs,
and returns with a
commission successfully,
lotus-flower as a souvenir from
discharges
of
gift
his
In the DhurtaDevasena, from which the play takes its name.

vita-samvada, the clever and experienced Vita, finding the rainy
season
too
depressing,
amusement.
He
comes out
cannot afford dice
clothes are reduced to one
to
garment
spend the day in some

and drinking even his
so he
wends
his
way towards
of Muladeva KariiTsuta, which is alluded to by Bana, probably goes back

Karnisuta being regarded traditionally as the author of a manual on
Sana's reference : karnlsuta-katheva samnihita vipuldcala tasopagata ca
Tie legend
lo the Brhatkatha,
theft.
In
(Kadambari
ed. Peterson, 1900, p. 19,
of the story, both of
see
M.
whom
11.
16-17;,
occur in this play.
punning allusion
Oa
is
made
to
Sasi and Vipula
the character and adventures of Muladevt,
Bloomfield in Proc. American Philosophical #oc,,
UL 1918, pp. 616-60,
THE AUTHORS OK THU CATURBHANl
251
'
the street where courtesans
live,
meeting various kinds of people

house of the roguish couple
and ultimately
reaching the
Vigvalaka and Sunanda, where he passes the
day in discussing
certain knotty problems of Erotics
put to him by Visvalaka.
"
The title
between
a
Dialogue
Rogue and a Rake/' therefore,
appropriately describes its content; and it gives an amusing
epitome of the aesthetic and erotic laws which govern the life of
a rake, and forms a companion volume to such works as DamoIn the Ubhayabhisarika, tin* Vita is
daragupta's Kuttanl-mata.
requested by his friend Kuberadatta
to
propitiate
his
offended
lady Narayanadatta but when, after the usual series of wayside

adventures, he reaches the house of the latter, he finds that the
;
urged by the witchery of the season, had already set out

in search of each other and forestalled him in effecting a reunion.
lovers,
In the Pada-taditaka, the theme
is
more interesting and novel,
if
The Vita sets out to attend an assembly of rouges

who have met to consider the question of expiation
them by Taundikoki Visnunaga, the nominal hero,
less edifying.
and
rakes,
referred to
Maharnatra, and himself an officer of the, king, for

the indignity he has suffered by allowing an intoxicated courtesan,
named Madanasenika, to kick him, in
a Saurastra
girl,
playfulness, on such a sacred spot of his body as his head Some
the son of
not Visnunaga, but the girl herself, who should

others suggest
expiate for setting her foot upon such a beast
that Visnunaga should rub and shampoo her dishonoured foot ;
think that
it is
another proposes that he should bathe his head with the water
with which she washes her feet, and drink the same; the poet
Rudravarman
shorn
of
by setting her
Visnunaga
head
dishonoured
his
should be
agreed, on the proposal of the presidMadanasenika should put more sense into her
but in the end,
ing rake, that

lover
that
prescribes
it is
foot
on the president's own head
in the sight
The scene
of action of
cities like Ujjayini or
all
these
Kusumapura
the author probably
wants
to
plays
and
in
is
laid
in imperial
one case (Pada-tadi-
disguise
the
name
of
the
252
actual city,
whose scandals
arc
by calling
recorded,
Sarva-
it
in
hhauma-nagara, an imaginary cosmopolitan city somewhere
Western India. Of course, the Vita takes his usual promenade
in the hetaera's street and carries on imaginary conversations,
but the characters are not the conventional types of the
town and the courtesan

up the
man
about
they are sufficiently diversified to keep
interest of the narrative
and a zest
is
added, in
spite
of
by a decided leaning towards satirical and

comic portraiture, which is rare in later Bhanas entirely engrossed
One would seek in vain in later decadent writings
in eroticism.
the erotic theme,
power of observation and reproduction of the classes of

peoples and personages who are described or ridiculed in the
for the
Caturbhanl.
Characters
like
the sky-gazing
Sarasvatabhadra,
poet with a verse on the spring recorded on the wall, Dattakalasi
the pedantic Paninian
and
with bis sesquipedalian affectation
war on the Katantrika?, Samdhilaka, the Sakya-bhiksu, who consoles the
hetaera
Samghadasika with
words of
the
Buddha,
"
Bhava
Mrdangavasulnka the decrepit Nataka-vita, nicknamed
Jaradgava," the thoughtless young rake Sresthiputra Krsnilaka
averse to marriage, the penniless impotent
laka and
his
dried-up
mistress
hypocritical Buddhist
Nagna-sramana Vi6va-
Sunanda,
VilasakaundinI
virtue
of
the
who always
Parivrajika
easy
to
the
mention
scriptures
only a few are specimens
quotes
which are unknown to later Bhanas. 1 The Vita, who is the
central figure 1
not such a
As a
be.
is
also not altogether a despicable
character
here,
worthless amorist as the later Bhanas depict him to

character, he is neglected in the serious drama, but he
appears in the Carudatta and attains considerable development in

the Mrcchakatika. In theBhana he is in all his glory he appears,
no doubt, as an erotic character in these early works, but he is
;
still
figured as a poet skilled in the arts,

The Buddhist monks and nuns, who 6gure also in
from later Bhana and Prahasana, and
vilasa, disappear
Sroiriyas, wicked Pauranikas, Saivas, Vaisnavaa and
foreigners mention d and caricatured in
and has not yet become

the
their
Bhagavadajjuka
place
is
taken
and Maltaby
absurd
Bhagavatas. The large number

the Caturbhanl is also a noteworthy feature.
of
THE AUTHORS OF THE CATURBHANi

a gallant in the worst sense in
Bhanas.
which he
appears
253
in
the
later
Apart from their naive exuberance of robust grossness, the

Caturbhani stand unique for their amusing pictures of the lives
and adventures, scandals and gossips, of a class of people who
infest all imperial cities,
and would not be unworthy
whom
of the author of the Mrcchakatika, to
The language employed
actually ascribed.
out, with the exception of

Pada-taditaka (pp. 21, 23)
sational
tone, very
romances
of
unlike
and
that
is
of the
pen
Bhanas
Sanskrit
is
through-
Prakrit
passages in the
racy, well turned and conver-
its
the
of
Subandhu and Bana,

"
appreciative critic as
The
short
t\*o
one
of the
affected prose
of
rightly characterised by
is
the
an
the veritable ambrosia of Sanskrit speech.
1 '
and vigorous, and does not hamper

the interest by unnecessary display and profusion.
The literary
metrical variety
is skilful
importance of the Caturbhani, therefore, cannot be gainsaid.

The Bhanas in later times become mere literary exercises, devoid
and monotonous
of variety
erotic sentiment
form of the
art.
in
their
they subside into
The Caturbhani, on
cloying insistence on
conventional
and
the
lifeless
the other hand, have more
life
and greater freedom of handling and draws upon other legitimate

Their marked flair for
sources of interest than the erotic.
humour and
comedy and
satire, their natural
presentation
interesting characters, not

motley group
a few vivid touches of the
with
but
suggested
painted
elaborately
brush,
are
Sanskrit
of a
characteristics
literature;
polite
banter, their
of
and,
which
apart
are
from
not frequently found in

their being the earliest
specimens of a peculiar type of dramatic composition, they possess

a real litenry quality in their style and treatment, which makes
them deserve
a place of their
own
in the
history of the Sanskrit
drama.
Bbarata lays down that the Bhana should be dhurta-vita*samprayojya', the Vita need
" the
but he is the only character
not be
hero." as he is not in most of these early Bhan*3,
to him in later Bhanas, in
transferred
is
the
and
naturally
the
heroship
who fills
stage,
1
of his former
which, however, he becomeg a poor shadow
self.
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LlTEllATUftK

Of the same
treatment and
scope,
and
lively
satirical
literary
but
character,
Matta-vilasa
the
is
quality,
inferior in
of
Mahendravikrama-varman. The prologue of the play, fortunately,

gives the name of the author and describes him as a king of the
Pallava dynasty
in KancI, the
and son of Simhavarman
modern Conjevaram and
the
scene
is
laid
the ancient capital of the
All this enables us to identify the author with

Pallava kingdom.
the king of that name, known to us from inscriptions, which
mention the Matta-vilasa as a work of
his,
and
also give
him the
Avambhajana, Mattavilasa and Satruraalla,

The king ruled in KancI about 620
all found in the play itself.
a
thus
A.D., and was
contemporary of Harsavardhana and Bana.
titles of
Gunabhara,
The play
is
farcical
slight
sketch
in one act, technically
belonging to the category of the Prahasana, which is closely

It depicts with some liveliness the drunken
allied to the Bhana.
revelry of a Saiva mendicant, bearing
human
skull- in lieu of
alms-bowl and accordingly calling himself a Kapalin, his wandering with his wench through the purlieus of Kaiici on his way to
*
a tavern, his scuffle with a hypocritical Buddhist monk whom
he accuses of the theft of the precious bowl which he has lost,
his appeal to a degenerate Paûpata to settle the dispute, and the

final
recovery of
the bowl from
from a stray dog.

1
The
a rnad
incident
is
Ed. T. Ganapati Sastri, TrivaDdrum Skt.
JRAS,
BSOS, V,
man who had
amusing but
On
Ser., 1917.
retrieved
trivial,
this
drama
it
and the
see L.
D.
L.
U.
Eng.
Except that the author is named in the prologue,
the play shows the same technique of stage-craft and other peculiarities as the plays
Barnett makes this fact the basis of the suggestion that the Bhasa
attributed to Bbasa.
Barnett in
1919,
Barnett,
1930, pp. 6G7-710.
pp. 233-34,
BSOS,
1920,
I,
pt. 3,
pp. 36-38.
trs.
dramas are the products of an anonymous playwright

who composed them at about the same period as that
of
of
Southern dramatic
Mahendravikrama.
school,
But
since
shown also by several other plays of other dramatists of known or unthe conclusion, we have seen, cannot be justified in the form in which it is
the features are
known
dates,
stated.
* It is
significant that the
name of Nagasena,
and his mumbling of the
diksapadaand his inward fretting about restrictions regarding wine and women are interesting
On false ascetics and nuns in Indian fiction in general, see M. Bloo nfield in JAOS,
touches.
monk, a
frail
son of the Church, bears the
the famous Buddhist divine and protagonist of the MtUndapaftho
XL! V,
1924, pp. 202-942.
HARBA
satire
but broad.
caustic
a high
characteristics .of
some power
evinces
It
but
order,
vivid portraiture
of
255
no distinctive
within
its
limits
literary
it
shows
and elegant style,

and certainly deserves an indulgent verdict as the earliest known
1
of the Prahasana or farce, which in later times
specimen
in a simple
becomes marked by greater vulgarity and
less
literary skill.
Harm
c.
Three dramas, entitled respectively PriyadarSika, Ratnavall

and Nagananda, have come down to us under the name of
Sri-Harsa
and in
of the author
and
spite of
some discussions
about the identity

ascription of the works, there cannot be much
doubt that the
dramatist was identical with king Srl-Harsavardhana Slladitya of Sthanvi^vara and Ivanyakubja, \\ho was the
patron of Banabhatta and of the Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang,
and who reigned in the first half of the 7th century (circa 606648 A.D.). The authorship of the plays is now assured by
abundant evidence, partly external and partly internal. Doubts
do not appear to have existed on the subject from the 7th to the
9th century; for Damodaragupta, in the 9th century, describes
The Bhagavadajjuka ascribed to Bodbayana (see below) is probably a much later work.
Although a small farce, as many as nine different metres are employed in the Matta-vildsa;
1
Prakrit are employed, but the uncertainty of scribal modifications in

South Indian manuscripts precludes any positive inference from such archaic forms as are
also found in the Bhasa dramas.
apparently varieties of
For
dar$ika.
sutnn ary of the
see
discussion,
Doubts regarding authorship appear*
scholiasts on an
atated that,
(v.
1.
of
it
bears Harsa's
sometimes found
in
ed. of Priya-
the remarks of
some
the
In explaining the passage some commentaries

allowing that
introd. to
have been raised by
Kavya-prakata of Mammata (i 2), in which

Bana) and others obtained wealth from Srlharsa and the
opening passage
Dhavaka
A.V.W. Jackson's
to
name; and
K*sbmirian MSB,
it
ascribe the
sinco
is
RatnavaH
the reading
to
it is
like.
Dhavaka, although
of Dhavaka, is
Bana, instead
assumed that Bana, who was a
prote'ge'
and
Harsa's court, received recompense for writing some of the dramas which now
in
the king's name. It must be admitted that the evidence is extremely late and wek,
pass
for Mammae's statement merely refers to Harsa's well-known generosity as a patron of
litterateur at
letters.
Of Dhavaka
highly implausible.
\ie
know nothing, and
disparity
of style
would make Bana'a authorship
256
in

his
Kuttani-mata
work
Harsa
the
of
performance
and
Ratnavali,
a
while Yi-tsing, in the

last quarter of the 7th century, clearly refers to a dramatisation
of the subject of the N&gananda by Harsa. 8
That all Jhe three
ascribes the
plays are by ths
same hand
verbatim repetition of
Harsa as the author,

exists in all the
to
distinctly
by the almost
the same Prologue-stanza which praises
as well as by the close likeness which
is
three plays
also rendered certain
with regard
as
ter
the
drama,
is
somewhat
c
Priyadariika
practically variations of a single
and the striking similarity
theme, treatment,
kindred ideas, repeated
structural peculiarity, parallel situations,
phrases and recurring stanzas.

Although the Ndgdnanda
to
theme
different in charac-
and the Ratndvall
in almost identical
of structure, characters
are
form 8
and situations
more than merely accidental. Each of the two plays is a

four-act Natika, and is based on one of the numerous amourettes
is
of the gay
and gallant Udayana, famed in legend, whose romantic
Ed. Kavyamala, Gncchaka iii, NSP, Bombay 1887, pp. 98-99, 104-05.
J. Takakusu, A Record of tine Buddhist Religion, Oxford 1896, pp, 163-64.
2
8
Baabbat$a
Fiibrer, pp. 112-21)
also refers
the dramas are attributed to

*
more than once to Harsa 's
gifts as
a poet (Harsa-carita, ed.
and in the Anthologies, as we have already noted, stanzas
chiefly
from
Hara.
See Jackson, introd. to Priyadartika, pp. Ixxviif, for
a detailed
study of the relation of
the three plays and examples of parallelisms of style and treatment.
Ed. G. B. Brahme and 8. M. Paranjpe, Poona 1893 ed, T. Ganapati Sastri>

with cornm. of Sivaiama, Trivandrum Skt. Ser., 1917. Eng. trs. by Palmar Boy d, London
1872, and by Hale Wartham, London and New York 1911.
6
Ed. V. D. Gadre,
Bombay 1884;
ed.
K.V. ErislmaraachariHr, Sri-Vani-Vilasa Press,

J. Ogden, Text in roman
Srirangam, 1906 ed. G. K. Nariman, A. V.W. Jackson and

;
characters, Eng, trs. 'and notes, etc., Columbia Univ. Indo-Iran. Ser.,
7
p.
826
Ed. C. Cappeller
f
in Bohtlingk's
New
Chre&tomathie, 3rd ed., Leipzig 19')'.),

ed. K.,P. Par&b, with cornm. of Govinda, NSP, Bombay 1895; ed. KrUhnath Nyaja-
pancbanan, with com in. of Sivarama, Calcutta 1864.

8
In the Ratn avali, which appears to have bren the most current
the question of interpolation of stanzas or passages
all
the three plays
is
not conspicuous,
justify the assumption of different recensions.
114), and only
two in the
may
arise,
of the three plays,
but the textual corruption in
nor are the variations of such consequence as would
appears, to have been comparatively neglected,

i.
York 1923.
Sanskrit
Although MSB are abundant, the Priyadartika

and only one quotation from it (i. 1) occurs in
ITARSA
familiar
adventures,
to the
257
audience of
'
the day,
made him
hero for the erotic and elegant

court-plays of this type.
conformity with the old
legend, both the plays exhibit
suitable
In
as
Udayana
the
Vasantaka
hero,
and Kancanamala
as his chief queen,
The two
heroines,
from the sea and
the
the
Vasavadatta
jester,
her principal attendant.

and Aranyaka, both for the time
fiagarika
named from
being so
his
circumstance of their rescue
peculiar
indeed
are
forest,
as
not
traceable
in
the
legend, but in their conception and presentation, they afford

unmistakable parallelism throughout.
It is true that the characters of
members
hero and the chief
the
of his
entourage are, in
measure, fixed by tradition, but the main action of the

two plays centres respectively round the two heroines, who being
a large
independent of the legend, could have been developed, not only

with originality but also as characters more definitely distinguished from each other; and it is certainly not praiseworthy to
them as replicas with only slight variations. The
create
incidents
of
two
the
even
general outline,
the repetition
to
almost the
are
again,
plays,
similar
of
same
in
3
situations,
and are such as one would normally expect in a comedy of court-life,

of which the earliest example is found in Kalidasa's Mdlnvikdgnimitra.
They
consist of the
love-intrigue of
lighc-hearted
the
king with a lowly maiden of unknown status, their secret meetings

chiefly through the help of the jester and the damsel's friend, the
jealousy of the queen (cosi fan
1
]ol<e
han
Eg.,
gnrden-scene
at
suicide;
the
of
the
by
to
the
!)
and her
final
acceptance of the
ca vatsaraj<i~caritum, Piolo^t.e stanza.
t!ie
passion; her attempt

out,
ttittc
meeting
and their
queen
act
in
the
lovers;
the
subsequent
the
ii;
intrigue
which
avowal
leads,
imprisonment of
release;
of death
king, supposed in each case to be at the point
the
;
the
reicue
herjine's
of
though
jester
of
the
hopeless
differently
workd
and
heroine
the
heroine
recognition of the heroine as a
by
the
princew
and cousin and acceptance by 'the queen aa a co-wife; announcement of the victory of the
Some of the common tricks of plot are
roy%l army at the e^nd, and general rejoicing, etc.
monkey escaping from its cage and causing disturthe device of the
utilised, e.g.,
picture,
of the heroine by the hero

bance (elephant in Kalidasa and tiger in Bhavabhuti), rescue
some of these motifs
Ou
etc.
Kaumudl-mahotsava,
and
Vaaantotsava
from a danger, the
48 f.
and drama, see L. H. Gray in WZKM, XVfll, 1901, pp.
in Indian
story-telling
33-1843B
258
situation in the last
In the invention
long-lost cousin.
is
of
much
perhaps not
showing
detailed
fertility of imagination,
discovered
is
of the plot,
opportunity, nor
which
her
as
there
therefore,
much
there
is
inclination,
confined chiefly to the
is
Indeed, the extraordinary
of the intrigue.
management
however neatly conducted, as

plot-development,
close resemblance of the characters, make the one play
of
similarity
well as
when the maiden
t^ct,
tht3
almost a repetition or recast of

fenture of the Priyadarsika
is
the
The only
other.
original
the effective introduction of a play
within a play (Garbharikn) as an integral part of the action, and

interruption (as in Hamlet) brought on by its vivid
But, barring this interesting episode, the Priyadar6ika,
its
side of the
every
Ratnavati, which
almost
is
respect,
is
undoubtedly the
for
superfluous
striking incident, character or idea which
counterpart
The
in
play
hardly any
not
its
possess
in its twin-play.
form
subject,
different.
by the
better
having
does
reality.
and
It is a five-act
inspiration
of
the
Nagananda
Nataka, a more serious drama, on
is
the
obviously Buddhist legend of the self-sacrifice of Jimutavahana,

which is told in the two Sanskrit versions of the Brhatkatha,
in a longer and a shorter version in both.
speaks of a
Jataka
Vidyadhara
this work
related, but of
we
in
The Prologue, however,
which the story
is
found
know
nothing.
Although the
invoked in the benedictory stanza, Gauri is introduced
as a deus ex machina, and purely Buddhistic traits are not
Buddha
is
prominent, except in
The benedictory
its
central
theme
of universal
stanza, however, in introducing an
probably anticipates the general tenor of the play,

1
Katha-sarit-s. xxii.
comparative analysis
(Madras
1932).
On
benevolence.
16-257,
xc.
3-201;
Brhatltatha-m.
iv.
erotic
note,
which brings
50-108, ix.
'2.
77C-930.
given in introd. to P. V. Ramanujasvami's ed. of the Nagananda

the legend see F. D. K. Boach, De Legende van Jimutavahana in de
is
Sanskrit Litteratur, Leiden 1914 (on Harsa's treatment of the legend, p. 90

8
From Ban* we
learn
o!
Harsa's
intention
to
Chwang's testimony makes him a Buddhist in old age.

and to the Buddha alike and it
(jn Prtya* and Ratna
)
tised religious toleration.
f).
become a Buddhist, while Yuan

Harsa himself pays homage to Siva
is
probab'e that as a king
he
prac-
HARSA
259
an erotic sub-plot on the hero's love for

MalayavatI and
sonnects it with the main quietistic theme of his heroic sacrifice.
The episode is a simpler story of love and
marriage without much
.ntrigue, but it occupies the first three acts almost entirely, and
ts tone and treatment show considerable likeness to those of the
tuthor's other
two
erotic plays, not only in isolated passages, but also
n particular situations. 1
The
result
Jifferent
theme
to
the development of the other
balance between
3r
two
the
reconcile also the picture

lence
of
praise of
him
is
isolated
It
parts.
of death,
is
difficult to
benevo-
unlimited
which
draws Garuda's
during which he
the Bodhisattva himself, but
as
essential
thus no unity of action
Jimutavahana's
and resolution in the face
three acts are
made
not
is
part
there
first
two, which depict the

and on which the chief
last
of
supreme charity,
drama rests. The one
interest of the
that the
is
almost completely separated from the
MalayavatI, with the unnecessary and

unrelated preliminary account of him as the conventional lovesick hero, or of MalayavatI as the simple, sentimental heroine.
not even think of
does
not his love which inspires his great act of sacrifice,
It is
it
rendered difficult by the
plicable hiatus
is,
therefore^
felt
The
plot
be as carefully developed
as
episode to the other.

to
memory
denouement
is
weak
also
of
that
love
is
when one passes from the one

of the drama does not also appear
2
The
in the other two plays.
for the
great
sacrifice
tragedy, and the divine intervention of Gauii to
comedy and reward
nor
and an inex-
an
of virtue is
suggests a real
turn
it
into
unconvincing artificial device.
The
free use of the supernatural is, of course, not out of place in

the atmosphere of the drama, of which the hero is a Vidyadhara
and the heroine

1
is
a Siddha, but
Such as the meeting of the lovers
it
offers too easy a solution of the
in the sandal-bower
by
the
help of the jester, the
ove-sickneos of the heroine, and her attempt to commit suicide, etc.

2
on the part of the lovers to
E.g. tbe somewhat unnatural want of curiosity
>ther's identity,
even when they had friends
at
band who might
have, enlightened
kcow each
them,
or
ten their ignorance of each other, is inexplicable; the heroine's melodramatic attempt
is not
sufficiently motived hero; the
jo commit suicide (repeatel from the other i\\o plays)
3
sxit of
Sankhacu<ja and his mother
in act iv is poorly
managed,
etc.
260
complication and destroys the grandeur of its appeal.

Nor can Harsa be said to succeed in the comic interlude,
final tragic
apparently introduced for the sake of contrast
Vidusaka, who
for the
is lively
in the other
enough
third act
the
in
two
plays,
is
here stupid and vulgar, and the Vita a poor sot and sensualist,
while the whole passage is a paltry farce or burlesque, rather
than
necessary
picture
of
character.
defects need not altogether negate the real merits of
However strange the
setting, the
these
Nevertheless,
emodiment
the
drama.
Jimutavahana
in
of
the high and difficult ideal of self-sacrificing magnanimity, in a

romantic atmosphere of pathos and poetry, is not altogether
unsuccessful.
If
the
Ndgananda had ended with the
would have,
in spite of a
few scattered references
generosity, passed for a short
is
comedy
acknowledged,
three plays in his
it
three acts,
to the
it
hero's
of love like the Priyadartika
While Harsa's power
and the Ratnavall.

other than love
first
of depicting sentiments
that he excels in his
clear
is
fine gift of delineating
the pretty sentiment in
Sometimes perhaps he deals with it in a

maudlin and melodramatic fashion, but he shows himself capable
His works throughout
of treating it with purity and tenderness.
pretty environment.
show unmistakable
2
tists,
but he
is
the inspiration
traces of the influence
a clever
borrower, who
and power of phrasing
the greater dramanot a little of
of
catches
of
his
predecessors;
and
perhaps in light plays of the type he favoured, elegance was more

In the Ratnavall, if not to the same
expected than originality.
This late instance of a degraded buffoon does Lot -upportS cbujler's suggestion (JAOS,
the character is a relic of earlier popular plays, allowing as
39'.) f)
th;>t
XX,
it
J899, p.
docs
full
opportunity (which the author
of ridiculing the
a-i
:i
Buddhist
supposed
to
luve availed himself)
Brahmans.
*
Apart from the general outline of the theme, which muat have been popularised by
KaUdasa's Malavika', we find reminiscences of Kalidasa in the incident of the bees torment-
ing the heroine, the eroine's ruse to delay her departure from the sight of her lover, the pait
played by the jester in bringing about the meeting of the lovers, his talk in sleep revealing
1
the secret, tho
imprisonment of the heroine, the use
cf poison, etc.
The
cer e
of
magic
spells to counteract the effect
influence of Svapna-vfoavadatta is not clearly traceable,
brought about by magic
is
unleas the
fire-
taken as being suggested by the fire-incident at Lavanaka.
HARSA
261
other two plays, Harsa is great in

lightness,
and
of tender touch,
sureness
vivacity
although in brilliancy,
depth of feeling and real pathos he falls below some of his
degree in his
fellow-dramatists.
It is
remarkable that even
his
if
Priyadartika
and Ratndvall inexplicably choose the same theme and

they
are
still
enjoyable
separately
as
little
pretty
light-hearted love, effectively devised and executed.
pattern,
plays
If
of
Kalidasa
supplied the pattern; Harsa has undoubtedly improved upon it in

his own way, and succeeded in establishing the
comedy of court-
The
intrigue as a distinct type in Sanskrit drama.
situations are
with practised skill

they are admirably conducted,
adorned, but not over-embellished, with poetical sentiment and
prepared
expression, and furnished
with
living
characters and
affecting
no wonder that the Sanskrit dramaturgists quote

the Ratndvall, which is undoubtedly Harsn's masterpiece, as the
incidents
it is
standard of a well-knit
perspicuous; he
possesses a
and soaring, fancy, and

with frequent
poetry,
cadence.
Essentially
commonplace
tale
with
Harsa
play.
graceful,
quaint and dainty,
a gift of
\\riting
felicities
of
decorative
fine arabesques,
colour and sound by pictures
is
if
idyllic
expression
he
artist,
and
fluent
not
and
and
original
romantic
and
musical
embroiders a
furnishes
feasts
of
spring or moonlight festival

and of refined luxuries and enjoyments of the court-life of bis day.
of
contemporary and protege, Bana, his style is

the emotional and
markedly simple, and his prose is unadorned
But considering
his
descriptive comments in
nor inappropriate. The
heroines he draws
may
the poetical stanzas are neither profuse

types of conquering heroes and frail
not possess great appeal, but they
have a
their creator does

quality of romance, and
not lack insight into human nature, nor the power of developing
tender arid
Ii is
attractive
notable that unlike earlier dramatist^ Harna IB decidedly food of employing long
and tbe Sragdhara,
tlie Sirdulavikridita
beiDji;
and elaborate metres, bis favourite metres
which occur quite frequently
in all his plays;
but his versification
is
smooth and tuneful.
The
Prakrits employed are mainly Sauraseni and Mabarastrl; they are easy and elegant but offer
no special features.
262
HISTORY
01?
There
character by action.
SANSKRIT LITERATURE
is,
however, a certain trimness about
Harsa's plays, a mastery of technique which is too smooth and

unmodulated. They give the impression of a remarkably fine, but
even, writer, seldom rising far above or sinking much below a uniform level of excellence. Apart from the importance attached to
him
as a royal author
and patron
Harsa claims place
of authors,
among the worthies of this period, not so much by any transcendent genius, but by a pleasing gift of delicate workmanship,
conscious but not too studied, assured but not too ingenious.
d.
Visakhadatta
Of Visakhadatta, author of the Mudra-raksasa, we know

only what he himself tells us in the Prologue to his play,
namely, that he was son of Maharaja Bbaskaradatta (or accord1
ing to most manuscripts, Prthu) and grandson of Samanta

and in spite of all the conjectures and theories
Vatesvaradatta
that have centred round his dale and personality, we shall
probably
never know anything more.
In the concluding stanza (vii. 21),
;
which, however, is not an integral part of the play but is meant

be spoken by the actor and hence called
Bharata-vakya, there
to
mention
of a
king Candragupta, whose kingdom is said to

be troubled (udoejyamana) by the Mlecchas. As a reference to
is
Candragupta Maurya, who is the subject of the play itself, would

be unusual in the Bharata-vakya, it is taken as the
eulogy of a
and
some
scholars are inclined to see 2 in
reigning sovereign
;
Ed. K. T. Telung, with comm. (written 1713 A. D.) of Dhundiraja, Bomb. Skt. Ser.
1684 f7th ed. 1928); ed. A. Hillebrandt, Breslau 1912; ed. K. H. Dhruva, 2nd
ed., Poon-a 1923,
with English tra. All -the known commentaries are of comparatively modern date; for an
account see Dhruva, iutrod., p. xix. On the MSS material and an edition of the Prakrit verses,
see Hillebrandt, Zur Kritik des
trs.,
Mudra-raksasa
JVGGTF,1905, pp. 429-53. No good Bng,

vol. ii
French trs. by V. Henry,
by L. Fritze, -Leipzig 1883. The Canakya-kathd of Kavi-nartaka
except Wilson's free rendering in Select
Paris 1888
(ed. S. C.
German
Law,
trs.
Cal. Orient. Ser. 1921), like Dhuncjiraja's
r&mme* of tie traditional
story,
prose original, and gives some
new
p.
66
f.
in
Specimens
summary
printed in Telang's ed
although the work pretends to derive
its
is
material from a
points of interest.
K. P. Jayaswal in IA, XL1I, 1913, pp. 265-67; Sten Konow in 1A,

XL1IJ, 1914,
and Ind. Drama, p. 70 f. Hillebrandt in ZDM G XXXIX, 1885,
p. 130 f, LX1X,
;
VI&LKHADATTA
263
Vigakhadatta a contemporary of
Candragupta II of the Gupta
dynasty (cir. 375-413), and apparently of Kalidasa. But since
the readings Dantivarman, Rantivarman
or
Avantivarman, inis reached on the
stead of Candragupta, are also found, no

finality
The
first
two
of
these
names
cannot
question.
where
but since two Avantivarmans
patron
the
anyauthor's
known,
sometimes with the Maukhari king Avanti-
identified
is
be traced
are
varman, who flourished in the 7th century and married his son
Grahavarman to Harsavardhana's sister Rajyasri, and sometimes
1
with Avantivarman, king of Kashmir, who reigned in the middle

2
of the 9th century.
From flillebrandt's critical edition of the
however,
text,
1915,
The
p.
it
appears that the variant Avantivarman
363 (4th century
difficulty,
AD.);
S.
Srikantha Sastri in
term mleccha
however, of tak<ng the
though they are mentioned as
allies of
Malayaketu
IHQ,
the
in
in v.
VII,
sense
11) and
of
1931,
of
the
is
most
pp.
163-69.
Hunas
(even
explaining the word
iu terms of the known facts of Candragapta's

time should
while Jayaswal's identification of Pravartaka and Malayaketu are wholly
fanciful.
J. Charpentier, in JRAS 1M8, p. 580 f. (also IHQ, VII, 1931, p. 629), would,
however, take Viâkbadatta to be a contemporary of one of the last Guptas, probably
mlvejyamana
be recognised
satisfactorily
Samudragupta, but he confesses inability to adduce much historical or literary evidence

Ragliu vii. 56 and Situ i. 47 are adduced as parallels to the stanza
support of his theory.
question
(vii.
21), as well as
Raghu*
vii
43 to
literary coincinences by themselves are of not

of
Konow and
in
in
Mudra* v. '23; but it is admitted that such

much use in fixing a date. The pn sumption
Charpentier that the drama must have been composed before the destruction of
important part in it, should not be pressed too
Pataliputr a, because the town plays an
of the conventional geography which we often find in Sanskrit imaginative

-The
assumption iJASB, 1930, pp. 241-45) that the drama, is a Bengal work is
writings.-
view
far in
purely gratui'ous and conjectural.

1
7/1,
s
K. H. Dhruva in
LI, 1922, pp. 49-51.
mentioned in the play

2
Telang,
WZKM,
Dhruva
itself
V.
p.
25
(2nd half of the 6th century);
V. J. Antani in
rightly points out thnt the \\ay in which the king of
would preclude any reference
intro'l. to his ed.
Jacobi in
WZKM,1I,
to
pp.
Avantivarman
212-16.
of
Kashmir
Kashmir.
Jacob! adduces also
the same time, is said to

passages which Ratnakara, who flourished in Kashmir at about
but Dhruva points out that the passages are not conclusive.
have imitated from the Mudra
By astronomical calculation, again, Jacobi would identify the eclipse mentioned in the play
;
he holdi, Sura, Avantivarraan's

having occurred on December 2, 860 A.D., when,
froir, Mudra occurs, with some variation,
Some
had
the
passages
minister,
play performed.
9
= Tantrdkhyayika i. 46; ii. 18=-Bbartrhari's IVttt 27 and
in other works, e.g., Mudra ii. 13
Paflcatantra etc., but there is nothing to suggest that VisHkhadatta could not have utilised
as
the floating stock of Niti verges, and such passages are of doubtful use in
133-42 ; Keith in
chronology. See also Hertel in ZDMG, LXX, 1916, pp.
p, 146 (9tb century).
questions of
JRAS,
1909,
264
HISTORY
SANSKRIT LITERATURE
Otf
probably a later emendation
upon the name
and
much
lose
of
the problem must
if
this is so, the theories based
their
In view of these
force.
be regarded as unsolved
but
nothing to prevent Visakhadatta from belonging to the
older group of dramatists who succeeded Kalidasa, either as a
difficulties,
there
still
is
younger contemporary, or at some period

century A.D.
anterior
to
the
9th
is
un-
Whatever may be
doubtedly one
its
exact date,
Mndra-raksasa
the
of the great Sanskrit dramas.
In theme, style and

from
the
normal Sanskrit
treatment, however,
apart
even
to
a
Mrcchakatika.
than
the
It is pirtgreater degree
play,
stands
it
ly
for
its
originality
that
merits
its
appreciated than those of Sudraka's
play
have
by
been
even
orthodox
less
Sanskrit
It breaks away from the banal subject of love, having

one
minor
female character
and poetic flights are naturally
only
circumscribed by its more matter-of-fact interest.
If the
theorists.
Mrcchakatika gives a literary form to the bourgeois drama, its

theme is still an affecting story of love and suffering, and politics
the Mndra-raksasa, on the other
merely forms its background
;
hind,
drama
is
of
in various
action
purely
political intrigue, in
forms constitutes
the
which resolute
action, however, does not involve actual fight,
The
theme.
exclusive
war or bloodshed. 2
enough martial spirit, but there is no fondness for violent

situations, no craving for fantastic adventures and no taste for
There
is
The
indecorous afrightments.
of a conflict of wills, or of a
action takes the
game
of skill, in
form
essentially
which the
interest
depend on the plots and counterplots of two rival

One may wonder if such a subject is enough to
politicians.
is
made
to
absorb the mind of the
audience,
but the
never flags, the characters are drawn
The earliest quotation from

Tb antecedent incidents of
extirpiatioD of the
drama
itself
Nan
las
and
Canakys's policy
admirably
to
the
play
support
it,
the work occurs in Datarupaka (10th century A.D.).

tha
of tl>e
ia
action of
drama
murders
directed
are not indeed bloodless,
of Sarvarthasiddhi
rather
towards
for
we
are told of the
and Pravartaka, but
preventing
the
in
shedding
the
of
265
VISAKHADATTA
and the diction
appropriate in
is
The Pratijna-yauyandharayana
intrigue, but the plotting in
of
Udayana's love
is also
clarity.
another drama of political
centres round the romantic legend
it
whom
for Vasavadatta, both of
their appearance indeed,
and
directness, force
its
but
whom we
of
do
not
great
hear
make
deal
The Mudra-raksasa
avoiding
unique
throughout the play.
erotic
but
also
the
erotic
the
not only
atmosphere.
feeling
There is nothing suggesIt is a drama without a heroine.
in
is
tive of tenderness or
even
romance,
no
Politics
represented as a hard
is
is
respect
great
for
game
and
religion
men;
for
prettiness of
to
the
morality.
virtues
are
conduct, glorified by the name of deplois redeemed

explained by expediency, its crookedness
of a sterner kind
macy,
no claim
domestic virtues,
and
if
devotion.
There
small scene between Candanadasa
is a
family indicative of affection, but
it
is
of
the development of the plot, and there

of death.
ity in it even in the face
Perhaps the suggestion
Gunadhya could
and unselfish
fidelity to a cause,
by a high sense of duty, resolute
is
correct
not have been the
and his
no great importance
nothing
that the
Brhatkatha of
is
to
of sentimental-
source
of
the
plot
of
the
have
Mndra-rahsasa; for the events narrated there might
did not certainly invent the
supplied the frame (as Yisaldiadatta
work of the
but the main
appears to be the
tale),"
intrigue
dramatist himself.
It is also
drama
is
historical in
not necessary
all its details,
ceutury A.U
Tn the printed text of the
assume that the
or to see in the
the Kathasaritrtgara,
^peyer, Studies about
to
54
p.
to the 4th
the
drama
is
working out
held here to belong
.
we have the statement in Dbamka s

but
followed
by the quotation of two ver.es;
Vrtti: brhatkatha-mulam mudraraksasam,
(h. 216,217)
Bfhattothtonanian
Ksemendra's
from
these verses a'reobvioasly interpolated
York, 1 J12), p. xxm.
See G C. 0. Haaa, Int.od. to Datarfipaka (New
and the rise of the Mauryas occurs also in
3
The *tory of the downfall of the Nandas
and is probably traditional. The deU.U of
Heo*o.ndr.' Paritis^paivan and other works,
ure not found in these sources. The verj
Raksasa,
of
name
C'anakya's intrigue, and even the
which plays an important fart in
(Mudrft)
the
ring
from
signet
name of the drama, derived
the old idea ol a token in this
of
the employment
the winning over of Baksasa, as well as
2
Datorupato
<i.
01)
be entire y Vitekhad-.tuT* own.

particular foim, appeara to
34
1343B
266
of a political plot a tendencious piece
of
which may
literature,
be conveniently referred to this or that period of Indian political

It is unquestionable that Candragupta and Canakya are
history.
and so are possibly Raksasa and Sarvarthanames do not occur in the traditional
historical personages,
siddhi, although these latter
accounts
we
possess
but
how
far they are
historically
or
pur-
a different question; at least, the occurrence

posively presented
of historical facts or persons does not justify the designation of a
is
which must necessarily owe

great deal to the author's imagination in the ingenious matur-
historical
a
drama
to the
work
of art,
ing of the story.
The main theme

the
Raksasa,
faithful
of
drama
the
is
minister of the
the reconciliation of
dynasty of the
fallen
Canakya, who
and
honesty, into
ability
who has been established on
Nandas, by that traditional master of

wants to win him over, knowing his
statecraft,
the service of Candragupta Maun a,

the throne by Canakya's cleverness and
his
the crafty machinations of
inseparably
Canakya
are
own
bravery.
linked
To
the
almost co-extensive plots of Raksasa, acting in alliance with

Malayaketu, son of Candragupta' s former ally, now alienated by
the treacherous murder of his father by
detailed development of the plot of the
The
Canakya's agents.
drama
is
complicated, but
The
ingenious, but not unnecessarily encumbered.
act plunges at once into the story and gives us a glimpse
perspicuous;
first
into Canakya's resolution and his deeply laid schemes, cunningly
devised and committed to properly selected agents, which set the

The second act shows, by way of conentire plot in motion.
trast, the counter- schemes of
agents, as
\\ell
ingly walks.
scene of
Raksasa and the character
as the traps of
The next
act
pretended but finely
of
his
Canakya into which he unsuspectan ably constructed dramatic

carried out open quarrel between
is
Candragupta and Canakya, meant as a ruse
to entrap Raksasa
has
fallen
from royal favour.
Canakya
In the ne^t three acts the plot thickens and moves rapidly, .draw-
further into the belief that
ing the net more and more firmly round Bakâsa, and ending in
VlÎKHAt>ATTA
267
Malayaketu's suspicion of the treachery of his own

execution of the allied Mleccha kings, and dismissal of
who
his
is left to
aims and
who
is led
soliloquise deeply on the

efforts,
and on the
to death.
fate of
heart-breaking
his
The misguided but
friends,
Raksasa,
failure
of
friend
Candanadasa
valiant
and pathetic
struggle of Raksasa perhaps suggests tragedy as the natural end,

by making him a victim of the misunderstandings created by
Canakya
but the intrigue
is
developed into a happy end, not

manner, but by a skilful handling of the
incidents, which are made to bring about the denouement in the
;
in a forced or illogical
Canakya's intention from the beginning is not

He makes, therefore, an
tragedy but a happy consummation.
accurate estimate of both the strength and weakness of his
opponent's character and prepares his scheme accordingly.
natural way.
Canakya knows that the only way to subdue Raksasa and impel
him to a supreme act of sacrifice is through an attack on his
dearly loved friends, especially Candanadasa, whose deep affection
and spirit of sacrifice for Raksasa is equally great. In the last
and alone, Raksasa is ultimately compelled to accept,
with dignity, the yoke which he never intended to bear, not to
save his own life, but to protect those of Candanadasa and his
act, cornered
The
friends.
detached
acts are complete in themselves, but they
no situation
is
forced
or developed
not
are
unnaturally
all
incidents, characters, dialogues and designs are skilfully made to

converge towards the denouement, not in casual strokes, but in
sustained grasp
and there
is
no other drama in Sanskrit which
achieves organic unity of action and inevitableness
and more complete
greater
effect.
In characterisation, ViSakhadatta
contrast,
with
which brings
fully realises the
distinctive traits into vivid relief
of the interesting features of his delineation
is
that
value of
;
and one
most of
characters are dual portraits effectively contrasted, but
not
his
made
Both
anakja and Rakasa are
schematically symmetrical.
astute
bold, resourceful and unscrupulous, but both
politicians,
are unselfish and unflinchingly devoted, from different motives, to
HISTOfcY OF SANSKRIT LlTERATURfe
268
their respective cause.
Any
possible triviality
or
sordidness of
redeemed by the purity of their motives and by the

Both are admirable as excellent
great things which are at stake.
foils to each other
Canakya is clear-headed, self-confident and
the plot
is
vigilant, while Raksasa
is soft,
impulsive
and blundering
the
and unsparing, while the other is

frank, amiable and generous; the one is feared, while the other
the hard glitter of the one
is loved by his friends and followers
one
distrustful
is secretive,
shows
off
the pliable
the
of
gentleness
The motive
other.
of
Canakya's unbending energy is not any affectionate sentiment

for Candragupta, for in his methodical mind there is no room of
Raksasa, on the other hand, is moved by a
high sense of duty and steadfast loyalty, which draws the unIt is precisely
willing admiration even of his political adversary.
tender feelings
Raksasa's noble qualities which prompt
Canakya
go to the
to
and it is precisely
length of elaborate schemes to win him over
these noble qualities which lead ultimately to his downfall.
He
;
is
made
a victim
of
his
own
features of his character.
Raksasa
intrigue, but he does not live

does.
is
too
There
is
and the
so
is,
of
much
pathos of the
as in the softer
course,
also
given
to
and breathe in intrigue as Canakya
however, no feeling in Canakya's strategy there

of it in Raksasa's.
Although sharp and relentless,
much
Canakya
virtues
not in an unequal fight
situation lies
is,
indeed not a monster, and whatever one
of his deception,
impersonation
and forgery,
may
think
one admires his
and ingenious plotting

but our sympathy is irresistibly
drawn towards the pity of Raksasa's stumbling and foredoomed
cool
failure, his noble bitterness
on the break up of his hopes
efforts, his lofty desire to sacrifice himself for his friend, and
dignified but pathetic submission.
The same
contrast
is
and
his
seen in
the presentation of Candragupta and Malayaketu.

Although they
are pawns in the game, they are yet not mere puppets in the
hands of the rival statesmen/ Though low-born and ambit bus,
the Maurya
is
a sovereign of dignity and
strength of
character,
well trained, capable and having entire faith in bis preceptor and
269
VISIKHADAOTA
minister,
as he
is
but the capricious young mountaineer, moved

love, is conceited, weak and foolishly stubborn,
Canakya
filial
by
and has his confidence and mistrust equally misplaced. It is clear

that the characters of this drama are not fair spirits from the faroff
and unstained wonderland
embodiments
of
of perfect goodness
nor are they abstract
fancy,
or
incredible
Even the
evil.
minor characters, none of whom is fortuitous or uninotived, are

moulded skilfully with a natural blend, of good and evil. The
secret agents of Canakya, Bhagurayana and Siddharthaka, faithfully carry out their
commissions, not with spontaneous enfrom

a
but
thusiasm,
feeling of awe and meek submission
they
;
are,
however,
discriminated as individuals, for while
finely
one bates his work and
feels secret
the
compunctions, the conscience
more accommodating. Tiaksasa's agents, the

disguised Viradhagupta and the honest Sakatadasa, on the other
hand, are moved by a sincere attachment to Kaksasa and honest
of the
other
is
One
desire to serve.
the play
whose
for
is
of the
Candanadasa, the head
affection
i'or
Canakya, but
Raksasa
it is
that
very
is
the
ol
as sincere as
of
guild
that
and undefiled enough

the sake of friendship and
reason,
as
lever
by Canakya
magnanimous weakness of Eaksasa.

ters of the drama are not always
to
lapidaries,
Induârman
of
strong
height of facing death for

for
most touching minor characters of
to rise to
to
be
the
used,
play upon the
It is true that
the
charac-
of a pleasant type, but they
have a consistent individuality, and are drawn as sharply and

coloured as diversely as the shady characters in the Mrcchakatika.
The mastery
considerable,
but
wooden
and models. Nor
of technique
there
is
no
which the
is
there
any
extravagances
temporaries.
Vigakhadatta's
poetic
we know,
weakness
diction affected
of
style
is
of
and
he
for
by
to
the
some
indeed
ol
fixed
modes
commonplace
of
his
forcible
limpid,
aware
appears to be fully
laboured and heavily embellished diction
fluent
is
aggressive display of technical skill
conformity, so far as
or any
\\ork betrays
con-
and
the futility of a
the
manly strain
sentiment and vigorous development of character which his
for
HISTORY
270
drama wants
of
Prakrits
are
Perhaps as a
loftiest
does
and yet some
the
and
of
his
out
stanzas stand
imagination and
poetic
use
literary
in
among
We
do not indeed
artistic
vigilance of
Sanskrit literature.
in
passages
him
in
find
he
skill
no way conspicuous.
not claim a high rank with his
but
considerable,
stylist
great compeers,
the
His metrical
attain.
to
SANSKRIT LITERATURE
otf
manner
of Harsa, the humour,

dainty and delicate
kindliness
the
fire
and
of
and
Sudraka,
energy of Bhatta
pathos
Narayana, or the earnest and tearful tenderness of Bhavabhuti
Kalidasa,
the
but there can
be
subject, and, in
ail
his
poetical
he
if
and descriptive
dramatic propriety recoils

Rakgasa is indeed long, but
Hamlet.
indulge
profusely
The
from them.
in
ela-
because his sense
it is
passages,
uses
skill
soliloquy
of
not longer than some of the

It shows, however, that the author was
it
is
and the paucity of

rhetorical and anthological works
emotional
not incapable of truly
from his work in
citations
not
does
of
soliloquies in
He
artist.
and embellishments, with considerable
and,
and diction suit his
style
no meaner
essentials, he is
similes
images,
and moderation
borate
no doubt that his
later
outbursts
need not prove that his drama is devoid of poetical or emotional

The kind of poetry and sentiment, which are normally
touches.
favoured, are perhaps not to be found here but in easy and
;
subdued elegance of
certainly
subject and
vehicle
its
successful.
more
for
the
own
poetry and sentiment, the work is

Visakhadatta never thinks less of his
of himself, so as to
display
of
make
his
work
his literary ingenuities
a convenient
;
nor does he
high and exhaust himself by the violence

He has the gift of projecting himself into the
of his effort.
his
of
characters ; his dialogues and stanzas have
personality
pitch his voice too
The metres moat employed
vikricjita,
kind
is
8
(besides the Sloka) in order of
SragdharS, Vasantatilaka and Sikbarini.
attempted.
The usual Prakrits are SaurasenI and
Maharasfcri,
but
Magadbi
also
occurs.
$ahuntala, Mjcchakatika and other earlier plays

no justification in this case for the assumption that SaurasenJ was exclusively
Hillebrandt rightly points out that, as in

there is
frequency are SardulaOther metres are sporadic, but no rare
employed for the prose.
BHATTA NIRAYANA
dramatic quality necessary
action and characterisation and
the
for
271
rapidity
and
directness of
his work is necessarily of a

somewhat prosaic cast, it still conforms more to the definition of the
drama as the literature of action than some of the greater Sanskrit
;
if
The only serious defect is that the drama lacks grandeur,

with a grand subject it also lacks pity, with
enough scope for real
The
downfall
of
a dynasty and fight for an
pathos.
empire are
concerns only of personal vanity, wounded by personal insult
they
are matters of petty plotting. Our moral sense is not satisfied even
plays.
by the good result of placing Candragupta more securely on the

throne and the atmosphere of cold, calculated
strategy and spying
1
is depressing enough for a
really great and noble cause.
;
Bhatta Narayana
e.
Both Vamana 2 and Anandavardhana

mously from the Venl-samhara*
of
cite
passages anonyBhatta Narayana, who must,
Passages from a drama, entitled Devi-candragupta, are quoted seven times in the
Ndtya-darpana of Ramacandra and Qunacandra (12 century); ed. GOB, Baroda 1929, pp. 71,
84,86,118,141-42,193,194), and the work is attributed to Viâkhadeva, who is probably
identical with our author Vis*akhadatta (whose
dealt with
rescue (in
not been recovered,
the anony-
in
but
it
probably
Kum~tra Candragupta's
the disguise of a woman) of DhruvadevI who had been abducted by a Saka
the story
This
prince.
name, however, does not occur
The work has
mous quotations from the Mudra-raksasa).
is
(cf.
^RajaiSekhara, Kdvya-mimdnisd,
perhaps the same story as
alluded
is
46) of
p.
toby Bana
in Harsa.carita (aripure ca
para-kalatra-kdmukam kdmirii-vea-gupta$ candraguptah $aka-nfpatim atdtayat) see I A LI I,

1923, pp. 181-84, where this Candragupta is taken to be Candragupta IT of the Gupta dynasty.
;
From
the citations
appears that the drama extended at least
it
name
also quotes the work, without the

also
Bbo;a
in his
Srhgdra-prakdsa
K.
De
in
fhe acts.
Abhinavagupta
commeLtary OD Bliarata BO does

BSOS, IV, 1926, p. 282). Another work of
of the author,
(see S.
to
in his
ViSakhadeva's, entitled Abhisdnkd vaftcitaka (vandhilaka) is also cited by Abhinavagupta

and Bhoja. It appears to have been based on another love-legend of Uda\ana, in which
Padmavati wus back the lost affection of Udayana, who suspects her of having killed liis son,
did
by disguising herself as a Sabari and in the r61e of an Abhisarika, uiakin^ her tender
mm
lê with
same theme appears
husband
on the
full
in
lier
to
again
It is
curious that a
drama
called
Pratijfta-cdnaTtya
have been composed by one Bhlma, as we knew from its citation

was modelled on ViSakhadatta's play
it
also by Abhinavagupta and Bho;'a; apparently

(see K.
2
3
iii.
Kamamurthi
Kdvydl.
Dhvan.
ted.
44, p. 226
4
in
iv. 3.
Ed. J.
Vent*
JOR, Madras,
28
Veni
III, 1929, p. 80).
26d.
Kavyamala, 1911) ad
ii.
10, pp. 80, 81
Veni*
i.
21,
iij.
31
Dhvan. ad
v. 26.
Grill, Leipzig 1871
1898, 3rd ed. 1918,
v.
Bpglish
trs.
i.
K. P. Parab, with comrn. of Jagaddhara, N8P, Bombay

M, Tagore, Calcutta 1880,
by Saurindra
272
therefore, belong to a period anterior to

limit is confirmed
by the
800 A.D.
and this lower
along with Harsa's
fact that the work,
frequently quoted by -the DaSarupaka, in the last

quarter of the 10th century, as one of the approved types of the
Ratnavali,
is
Sanskrit drama.
Beyond
nothing definite
this,
is
known about
the exact date of the play; and of the author, the Prologue gives
us the only information that his other name or title was
Mrgafajalaksman, about the significance of which there has been

much conjecture but no certainty. The Bengal legend that
Bhatta Narayana was one of the five Kanyakubja Brabmans who
1
were invited by an equally fabulous king Adiûra of Bengal,

should be relegated to the realm of fantastic fables which often
gather round
made
names.
celebrated
to extract history
Serious
from these legends
attempts
have been
2
of
but
genealogists,
unless corroborated
traditions of
are hardly of
by independent evidence, these so-called

Bengal match-makers and panegyrists of big families
much
purposes, particularly for

8
Traces of Pancaratra tenets
value for historical
events of comparatively early times.
Veni
are discovered in
tion
is
far-fetched,
and
2-i
i.
while
iv.
there
that the character of Carviika
is
43, 45, but the
no
meant
is
interpreta-
to
ridicule
directly
materialistic doctrine of the reputed philosopher Carvaka.

if
these ingenious conjectures
are
view
justification for the
admitted,
they
are
of
the
Even
little
use for determining the age of the work.

Barring the epic pieces ascribed to Bhasa, the Venl-sanihara
is
the only surviving
which takes valour as

is
formless
too
work
its
of
the
ruling
and rhetorical
six acts to dramatise a well
earlier
sentiment,
group of dramatists,
but the presentation
to be convincing.
known
episode of
It
attempts in
the Mahabharata,
StenKonow, Ind. Drama,
It should be note! that while the historicity of 3djs*ura himself is doubtful, the genea-
logical
p.
77; discussed also by Gri'lK op.
cit.
works are not agreed among tLumselvei with regard to tne names of the five Bnihmans
invited, the time and motive of their invitation, as well as the r detailed genea-
who were
logical account.
8
bole,
See Grill, introd.
Poona
p. xviif
and iptrod, to the edition of L, R. Vai4ja and N. R, God*,
273
BHATTA NARIYANA
but practically
goes
over
the
entire epic war; and in subject,
and inspiration it differs from contemporary plays. The

Bhima's revengeful pride of power, Draupadi's
brooding resentment at the ignominious insult heaped on her
style
first
act depicts
by the Kauravas, as well as failure of Krsna's embassy, which

makes war inevitable. With this menace of war hovering on
the horizon, the second act introduces a frivolous and ineffective
by the Sanskrit theorists, between
Duryodhana and his queen BhanumatI, relates her ominous
dream, describes a sudden storm symbolical of the coming
turmoil, and leaves Duryodhana gloating over the insult done to
love-episode,
DraupadI
at
censured even
his
instigation.
rather conventional, but
The next
act
commences with a
picture of the horrors of the
loathsome,
battle-field, described by a couple of demons who feed on human

flesh and blood, and we learn that most of the Kaurava heroes,
on to
including Drona, have in the meantime fallen but it goes
the
between
a finely conceived scene of altercation
suspicious
;
A^vatthaman and the sneering Kama, interrupted by Bhima's

The dramatic possibilities,
boastful voice behind the scene.
however, of the rivalry between these two Kaurava warriors are
the scene, therefore, becomes a lively but an
not at all
developed
In act iv, we find Duryouncalled for and unmotived episode.

dhana wounded in battle and his brother Duhâsana, who had
her by the
DraupadI in public assembly by dragging
but the account, given by
braid of her hair, killed by B'hlma
the Kaurava messenger, Sundaraka, of Kama's death is too long
and tedious, and serves no dramatic purpose. In the next act,
insulted
the
violent
rastra
only
The
and insulting address
of
Bhima
the best heroic.style, but
may bJin
shows Bhima
last act, in
as a wild,
it
to poor old
is
Dhfta-
gratuitous
and
blood-thirsty and boastful bully.

death is announced, intro-
which Duryodhana's
all this fury and

duces a poor comedy of mischief in the midst of
of the disguised demon
tragedy, through the instrumentality
Carvaka, but
it is
unnecessary; and Bhima's

in mistake is perhaps an w*.
as absurd as it" is
hair
dragging DraupadI by her
951848B
274
wittingly ludicrous repetition of her rude treatment by a similar

method on a former and more serious occasion
!
The
title
incidents are
ferocious
made
revenge,
chiefs and
to
main theme,
the
that
suggests
is
converge,
to
the satisfaction of Bhima's
by the killing of the Kaurava

with blood-stained hands, the braid
by binding up,
which she had sworn
to
let;
The subject is one

the drama has nothing
down
until the
to her is avenged.
of
but the polish of
primitive in
much
undoubtedly
all
celebrated
of Draupadi,
is
which
scope for
fury
primitive
wrong
savagery,
it.
There
and violence, but since
no sanction, the fury exhausts itself in

There is enough of pathos and horror,
declamatory blustering.
but the pathos is tiresome and the horror uncouth
there is
violent situations have
enough
of action, but the
or motivation
enough
to
carry
of
dramatic conflict
interest; there is
for claptrap
instinct
itself to a series of
devoid
on with sustained
action is
it
stage-effect,
detached and
but the effect
disjointed scenes of excitement.
We do not know whether the work chooses to follow

the dramaturgic rules which we find elaborated by the
or whether the theorists
from
the
model
of
themselves
this
limits
faithfully
theorists,
faithfully deduce the rules
work; but
the
correspondence is
Judged by the conven-
undoubtedly close and

1
tional standard, its dramatic merit raay be reckoned very high,
but considered absolutely, it must be admitted that the plot
almost slavish.
clumsily contrived, the situations are
is
often
incongruous, the
and the incidents do not
scenes are disconnectedly put together,

There
inevitably grow out of one another.
narrative digression after the
but
i s hardly a unified play,
manner
a large
number
of actions
is
is
of the
Kavya.
The work
rather a panoramic procession of
and incidents, which have no intrinsic
unity except that they concern the well-known
who
also considerable
epic personages
appear, no naturally developed sequence except the sequence

But even the Datarupaka and the &ahitya>darpana are unable to find as proper
Garbha and Vimarfo Saxndhis from the Venl, as from RatndvQli, for
illustrations of the
NARAYANA
in
which they are found
the
common
power
in
the
Epic.
2? 5
The drama
suffers
from
mistake of selecting an epic theme, without the

it into a real
drama, and the modifications
of transforming
introduced for the purpose are hardly effective.

is rather that of a vivid form of
The
and the author
story-telling,
might as well have written a Kavya.

It is true that Bhatta NarSy ana's
peculiar types of
and not mere
"
heroes
presentation
characterisation of the
"
violently
is
interesting; they are living figures,
moved marionettes;
exception of the cautiously peaceful
with
but,
the
and the wisely
Yudhisthira
moderate Krsna, the characters are hardly lovable. Bbima has

fire and energy, and his grandiloquent defiances do credit to the
rhetorical
powers of his creator; but he is a boisterous,

undisciplined and ferocious savage, and his equally valiant
brother Arjuna is a worthy second in rant and fury. Draupadf s
bitterness
but this
well represented,
is
thing for which the
brothers
fight,
is
not
and she
made the only
is
herself rather
The
implacable hate and desire for revenge.
duplicity of the weak Dbrtarastra is suggested after the Epic,
The sneaky jealousy of Kama and
but not properly developed.
crude
in
her
the distrustful anger of Agvatthaman offer dramatic opportunities,

but the figures are made too short-lived in the drama; and the
vain, selfish and heartless
arrogance of Duryodhana is scarcely

relieved by his irrelevant amorousness befitting a conventional
love-sick hero.
and some diffused pathos in

the w6rk, but since the dramatic construction is poor and the
and mar the result
epic and narrative details hamper the action
There
is
much good
writing
of otherwise able, but unattractive,

"
the general
the
more so, because
diction,
characterisation,
wholly undramatic. It is
though polished and powerful, is laboured and generally unsuited
The author appears to be obsessed with
for dramatic purpose.
the idea that
high-sounding words and compounds are
effect is
long,
alone
capable
composition.
of
imparting
The, procedure
force,
is
the
so-called
Ojas,
to
sanctioned by the rhetoricians,
HI8TORY OF SANSKRIT LITERAftkE
2?6
but
excessive
its
employment
Sanskrit and Prakrit prose and
in
by Anandavardbana, especially with

It should be noted, however,
reference to dramatic writing.
censured
verse is rightly
extravagances of grandiose expression and lengthy

description are not only tedious, but they also indicate that the
author perhaps conceives his work more as a poetical than a
that the
And perhaps
dramatic piece.
The Vem-samtiara
otherwise.
Sanskrit of
in
examples
it
is
would not be right to judge it

one of the earliest and best
that peculiar kind of half-poetical and
composition which may be called the declamatory

shares all the merits and defects of this class of
half-dramatic
drama and it
The defects
;
more patent, but they should

not obscure the merits, which made the work so entertaining
Even if overdone very often, there is
to the Sanskrit theorists.
work.
are perhaps
considerable power of poetry and passion, vividness of portraiture
and characters, command of sonorous and

elevated phrasing, and remarkable skill and sense of rhythm
scenes
of detached
in the
manipulation; of a variety of
metres.
The work
does
not indeed pretend to any milder or refiner graces of poetry,

and the defect of dramatic form and method is almost fatal;
but
it
These
has
energy,
picturesqueness,
and narrative
which are best seen
motion.
detached passages,
not negligible, and
indeed
whole,
If the
perhaps eminently suit the type of composition affected.
work is neither a well judged nor a well executed dramatisation
if
qualities,
not
in
drama
the
of the epic story,
ment and holds

ment.
it still
attains
its
popularity by
Notwithstanding these
in
are
certain
this
power
vigorous
accomplish-
of appeal
and excite-
allowances,
carefully
but not
grudgingly made, even a generous critic will find it difficult to

assign a high rank to Bha^ta Narayana, both as a poet and as a
Next to the
loka, Bhatâ Narayana favours &ardulalargest employment of the

with
and
and
Vasantatilaka aa the principal metres of
Sikhariat
Sragdhara
equally
vikri(Jita
his play. His Prakrit with long corr pounds and absence of verse, like that of Bhavabhfiti, is
Normally it is
apparently modelled on Sanskrit and calls for no special remarks.
Sauraeenl, although
Magadh!
is also traceajble,
BHAVABHuTt
277
be urged that if there is bad

drama, there is
good poetry in his play ; but even in poetry, as in drama, the
dramatist.
fault
it
is
It
may
which mars
too
bad sense
often
is
Bhatta Narayana's forceful work is that

in the bad sense, and rhetoric in the
rhetorical
hardly compatible with the best poetry or drama.
f.
Bhavabhuti
In the earlier group of great dramatists, Bhavabhuti is

perhaps one of the youngest, but he occupies a very high place,
which in Indian estimation has been often reckoned as next to
that of Kalidasa, as the author of three important
plays.
l
these, the Malatl-madhava gives a fictitious romantic
One
of
love-story
of middle class life,
and the other two, the Mahavlra-carita 2 and

the Uttara-rama-carita,* deal respectively with the earlier and the
Kama
and derive their theme from the Ramayana.

Unlike most of his contemporaries and predecessors, Bhavabhuti
later history of
is
not entirely reticent about himself.
In the Prologues to
Ed. R. G. Bhandarkar, with comra. of Jagaddhara, Bombay Skt.

(i-vii) and Nanyadeva
R. Telang, with cotnms. of Jagaddhara, Tripurari
Bombay
1926.
No Eng.
tr. by G. Strehly,
trs.,
earliest editions is that of C.

*
The
Ser., 1905
(viii-x),
except Wilson *s free rendering in Select Specimen,
Paris 1885;
German
by Ludwig Fritze, Leipzig 1884.
trs.
his
ii
ed.
NSP,
French
One
of the
Lassen, Bonn 1882.
earlier editions of Trithen
1877) are superseded by the critical ed.,
(.London
1848*
and Anundaram Borooach (Calcutta
based on
important manuscripts, by Todar Mall,

Oxford Univ. Press, 1928 (Punjab Univ. Publ.). Also ed. T. R. Ratnara Aiyar and K. P.
Parab, with comm. of Viraraghava, NSP, 3rd.

John Piekford, London 1871.
3
Bombay 1910
(1st ed. 1892).
Eng.
trs.
by
Ed, T. R. Bafcnaxn Aiyar and K. P. Parab, with comm. of Vlraraghava, NSP, Bombay
ed. with comm. of Ramacandra Budbendra, Madras 1882; ed. P. V. Kane,
1906 (1st ed. 1899)
with comm. of Ghanas*yama
Madras,
ed.
iii,
(1st
1929, pp. 281-43),
half of the 18th century; Journal of Orient.
Bombay
1921
ed.
C.
Sankarama
Sastri,
Research f
with comm. of
Narayana, Balamanorama Press, Madras 1932 ed. S. K. Belvalkar (Text only), Poona 1921
ed. S. K. Balvalkar, vol. i, containing Trs. and Introd. only, Harvard Orient.
Ser.,
Cambridge Mss. 1915. Also Bog. trs. by 0. H. Tawney, Calcutta 1871 French trs. by
;
Neve, Bruxellts and Paris 1880, and by P. d'Alheim, Bois.le-roi 1906. Besides Sten
Konow and M. Schuyler cited above, see Schuyler in JAOS, XXV, 1904, pp. 189f for fuller
Fe*lix
bibliography.
278
three plays he gives us
some autobiographical
We
Brahman
and learned
told that he belonged to a pious
details.
are
family of
the Ka&âpa
Gotra,)who followed and taught the Taittiriya
r
branch of the Black l ajurveda, duly maintained the Five Fires,
Soma
performed
surname
sacrifices, bore the
Udumbara and
of
Vidarbha (the Berars).

Padmapura, probably in
Bhavabhuti was fifth in descent from one who was called Mahain
lived
who performed
kavi (Great Poet) and
the
and his grandfather was Bhatta Gopala,
The
andjris .mother JatuJiarm.
Vajapeya
father
his
sacrifice
Nilakajjtha
poet himself was given the
title
commentators imagine that Bhavabhuti was

he won as a poet blessed with luck or the holy ashes
of j3rlkantha, but
also a title
His preceptor was a pious and learned

named appropriately Jfianamdhi. 2 He studied the Vedas
(Bhuti) of Siva (Bhava).

ascetic,
and Upanisads, the Samkhya and Yoga, and mastered various

branches of learning, including grammar, rhetoric and logic
a
;
which
statement
it
not impossible
is
works.
knowledge displayed in his
to
corroborate from the
Although a scholar and

given occasionally to a love of display, Bhavabhuti seldom pushes
his scholarship to the verge of pedantry.
He was essentially a
poet
and
and
like his predecessor
varied experience of life,
Bana, he had apparently a rich

and stood, as he himself tells us, in
with actors,
whose hand
he gave his
but this fact need not justify the efforts that have been
plays
made to trace evidence of revision of his plays for stagerelation
friendly
into
All
purposes.
1
The
his
plays
account, scantiest in
were enacted
U tiara*
and
fullest in
at
Mahavlra
the
is
fair
Lord
of
summarised and
BhandarWr, Todar Mall and Belvalkar in the works cited above.

The colophon to act iii of a manuscript of Malati-madhava (see S. P. Pandit's
dis-
cussed by
8
to
Gaufavaho, pp. ccv,
act iv gives the

to
name
of this pupil as
Umbekacarya.
the testimony of a single manuscript
Bhavabhuti
is
chronology
is
introd.
Kumarila, while the colophon to

But undue weight need not be attached
et seq.) assigns the play to a pupil of
identical with the well
known
to prove that these acts are substitutions, or that
pupil and
not incompatible and knowledge of
cnmmentator
of Kurnaiila, although
Mimainsa not impossible
to infer
from the
plays.
3
pp.
On Bhavabhuti's
wxxvi,
iliii-xliv;
scholarship, see Keith in
Peterson in
JBRAS, XVIII,
JRAS
1914, p. 719f and Todar Mall,
1891, p. 1091,
BHAVABHUTI
279
Kalapriyanatha, usually identified with Mahakala, whose famous

shrine at Ujjayini is mentioned by Kalidasa and Bana.
Although, like Bana, Bhavabhuti has given us an interesting account of himself and his family, yet, unlike Bana,
be says nothing about the time when he lived. He shows
familiarity with court-life, but does not refer to any royal favour.
On
the contrary, he
evidently distressed by
is
the
lack
of
con-
and declares, with defiant

temporary
but charming egotism, that there will some day arise a kindred
time is boundless and the
spirit to do justice to his genius, for,
appreciation of his works,
'
world
is
wide/ The inference
possible that he had to
is
struggle
fame and fortune, although we do not know how

which he idealises in his
far the bliss of conjugal love,
1
In view of
writings, proved a solace to him in reality.
hard
all
for
is
it
this,
to
surprising
that
find
the
Kashmirian
mentions Bhavabhuti, along with Vakpatias having been patronised by king Yaôvarman of Kanya-
chronicler Kahlana
raja,
kubja.
but
enormous,
glorifies
Vakpatiraja is the author of the

8
which
unfinished, Prakrit poem Gaudavaha,
Obviously,
this
Yaôvarman and
indebtedness to
Bhavabhuti
have
to
is
in
which
the
poet
terms.
in eulogistic
about 736
been
acknowledges
As
this
poem
A.D. before
composed
presumed
Yasovarman's defeat and humiliation by king Lalitaditya of
4
Kashmir, it is inferred that Bhavabhuti flourished, if not
actually
in
court
the
of
Yaôvarman,
in the closing years of the 7th
century.
2
3
the
first
This date agrees with what
chronological
or
relations
The view that Bhavabhuti

Raja-tarangiriit
iv.
ed. 8. P. Pandit,
with other
is
is
known
He
writers.
Kalidasa
lural, as
during his reign,

quarter of the 8th
at least
is
urban,
is
of our poet's
is
certainly
not justified by his works
144.
Bombay
Skt. Ser., 1887,
stanza 799 (the same reference in th<
revised edition by N. B. Utgikar, Poona 1927).

4
of the
The exact date
is
a matter of dispute
see Stein's note on the point in his translation
also the works of Bfcandarkar, Pandit and

R&ja-tarahgini t introd. sec. 85;
cited above,
280
1
than Kalidasa, with whose writings he is familiar, and
The
apparently also than Bana, who does not mention him.
later
Bhavabhuti (besides Vakpatiraja) Is

Raja&khara, and the earliest work in which anonymous quota*
tions from bis works occur is the Kavyalamkara of Vamana
earliest
writer
to
eulogise
both these references set the lower limit of

quarter of the jitlucentury.
(The plot of the Mdlati-madhava
theme
of
love
is
his
based
date
at
the
last
on the time-worn
triumphant over many obstacles,
but we turn
more plebeian atmosphere and

Bhavabhuti prides
presentation.
pleasantly from royal courts to a

find
this
individuality
greater
himself
is
of
upon the ingenuity of his plot to a certain extent,

But the general outline of the central story
justifiable.)
(i.4)
and some
of
the
incidents
striking
and
episodes
have been
two Kashmirian adaptations of the

6
4
and Somadeva,
Brhatkatha, respectively made by Ksemendra
with the suggestion that Bhavabhuti derived them, or at least
But even granting
hints of them, from Gunadhya's lost work.
industriously traced
the
to
should be recognised
that the evolving of the plot as a whole in ten acts by a dexterous
combination of varied motifs and situations is apparently the
that the coincidences
are not accidental,
it
own, fThe central
interest is made to rest, not upon

one love-story, but upon two parallel love-stories, skilfully
blended together and crowded with such exciting and unexpected
poet's
See Todar Mall, pp. xxxix-xliii, and Belvalkar,
Bala-rSm&yana, i. 16.
c
9
K&vya i. 2. 12=Mafrat?tra i.64;
rhetorical and-anthological literature, see
iv.3.6.
p. xl.
= tfttara
Todar Mall,
i.
88.
For other
p. xxix; but, curiously
citations
in
enough, Todar
Mall omits these two citations of V&mana.

*
xi.
9-88 (Madirftvatl)
xiii.1.17-215
iii.218-30
(Madiravatfl
v.100-163 (A6okadatta).
v.2 (Aiokadatta)
xviii.2
(Madanamafijarl and Khanda-
kapala).
1
Such
as,
impersonation and marriage in disguise* meeting of lovers in a temple,

by the tiger), offering
rescue from a wild animal (the conventional elephant being replaced

of
human
flesh
and seeking the aid of ghosts in the cemetery, attempted immolation by a

etc.
But some of the motifs belong to the
magician i abduction and rescue of the heroine,

floating stock-in-trade of story-telling.
BHAVABHUTI
turn
incidents
of
There
is
also
some
and a
bhuti
as
is
normally found in such
comic
real
relief
rare
thing
free use of the terrible, horrible
The main
sentiments.
not
281
plot
moves round the
in
stories.
Bhava-
and supernatural
love of
Madhava, a
young student and Malati, daughter of a cabinet minister

thwarted by the interposition of a powerful suitor in
it is
Nandana,
nominated by the king
but
it
ends with achievement of success,
through accidents and partly through the diplomacy of a

shrewd, resourceful and kind-hearted Buddhist nun, 1 Kamandaki,
a friend and class-mate of the fathers of Madhava and Malati.
partly
The
which
by-plot,
as a contrast,
is
meant
obviously
concerned
vuth
the
to be a parallel as well
Makaranda and
Madayantika
plot by presenting Madayantikft as a sister of Malati's rival suitor Nandana, and by
making Madhava's friend Makaranda fall in love with her. The
;
is
it
is
linked to the
interweaving of the plot and

the
diveisified
the
comic episode
love
of
main
complicated and
the pretended marriage of
by-plot
of
is
by
Makaranda disguised as Malati, as well ^s by two
sensational escapes of Malati from violent death.
Makaranda s
Nandana
to
impersonation, which also involves Madayantika's mistaking

him for Malati and confessing her owp love to him unawares,
ending in their elopement, is made parallel to the imposition on

Malati, with a similar result, by Madhava's taking the place of
while Madhava's valiant rescue
Malati's companion Lavangika
;
of
Malati
from the clutches
same
but somewhat
of a Kapalika becomes, in the
way, a natural counterpart of Makaranda's heroic,

conventional, rescue of Madayantika from the claws of a tiger.
There can be no doubt that the dramatist knows the value
y the value of
and in
'of
contrast,
1
but
he also knows
matchmaker, is a
go-between, or more euphemistically
in the Datakumara-carita, where she
occurs
and
story-telling,
The Buddhist nun as
familiar figure in Indian
suspense
Eatnftvati to regain her husband Balabbadra,

helps Apaharavarroan to meet Kamamafijari,
and Kalabaka^tha to evolve the scheme of winning NimbavatI ; but in this drama she is a
much more dignified person. Even if she freely discusses matters of love a la Kama-test,
of the young couples partly
the is a sincere, wise and loving woman, who promotes the love
cnt of affection for them and partly out of the
memory
of her old friendship
with their fathers.
282
of
spite
the
drama, the interest
but contrasted,
parallel,
is
sustained by
and by a naturally developed interplay
skilful inventiveness
two
the
of
length
plots.
however,
"^The defect,
of
is
that the subsidiary plot and its chief characters tend to overshadow the main plot and its hero and heroine. This happens
on account of the important part played by the daring

and resourceful Makaranda, by whose side the love-sick and
partly
melodramatic Madbava
into
pales
lively
and hesitating
a
series
weakness
of
official
heroine.
exciting
is
surpasses
Kamandaki, with her kindly
undoubtedly meant
to hold the
made
her clever
to
it
diplomacy,
true
is
accident
happen by pure
episode, which leads
a
veritable
tist
himself
dramatically
greater
Juliet, or of
is
admits
important events
The
design.
to
saved by the merest chance, as

in
justified,
frequency demands
many
her
further
the fullest
takes
tiger-
Makaranda and Madayantika,

Kamandaki, while Malati, twice on
v.
The
28.
incidents
the
too
as out of life, but their
much from
They
credulity.
drama-
are, of course,
and the element of chance
entirely ruled out of a drama,

i
far
the
to the love of
godsend
the verge of death,
to
she
that
advantage of lucky occurrences, but too
is
says),
Romeo and
in
Malavikagnimitra; but the action of the

depend more on a series of accidents than on
Parivrajika in
is
key-position
Kalahamsa
as
(the Karya-vidhana,
than the role of Friar Laurence in the
drama
the shy
Malati,
The
conception^
drama
the
shrewd and
the
action^ also, notwithstanding

incidents, (suffers as a whole from a vital
in the central
scheming,
similarly
hero, and
conventional
character of
partly by the extremely arresting
Madayantika, who
the
cannot be
convenient
are consis-
which
perhaps with the supernatural atmosphere, in
uncanny things might happen but they leave the general
impression that the play moves in an unreal world of folk-tale,
tent
in
which
tigers
run wild
in the streets, ghosts
Kapalikas perform gruesome

abducted with murderous intent,
teries,
are
occult sciences
in
ceme?
maidens
unhindered,
and people adept in
squeak
rites
fly
through
the
air
with
both
good and
bad
BHAVABHUTI
but
purposes,
effect
all
283
miraculously resolved into a
harmonious
final
lack of a sense of proportion
^The
the play even after
is also
naturally ends with act
it
seen
in
viii,
in
prolonging
which the
king moved by the valour of Madhava and Makaranda,
is
disposed
pardon them and acknowledge the marriage.) The episodes

of the two abductions of MalatI
hardly arise out of the story,
but they are added to satisfy the sensational craving for the
to
and the gruesome, and to fill the whole of act ix and a part
of act x with the grief and lamentation of the hapless Madhava,
separated from his beloved, in the approved manner of a man
terrible
in Viraha.
It
be said that the
may
first
abduction
is
meant
to
Madhava is no less heroic

own beloved, and that the
establish a parallelism by showing that
than his friend in the rescue of his

second abduction by Kapalakundala
for the sla}ing ot Aghoraghnnta
have been realised by
clumsy
unreal
display
of
madness
of
to
inspire
poetic
real
natural
revenge
fortuitous
as
\\ell
scenes,
which are
an unnecessary
obviously on the
as by
modelled
sentimentality,
of
involving
of terrible
terror,
act
but these purposes need not
appendages,
coincidences, by the introduction

too
is
Pururavas in Kalidasa's drama.
It is clear that,
however
lively, interesting
plot-construction of the play
and inevitableness.
Butâ
is,
still
lacks
it
greater
and
original
restraint,
defect
bhuti's tendency to over-emphasise and his
consistency
lies
inability
the
in
to
Bhavastop
at
the highly
In
his attempt
poetical, but unhindered, sentimental passages.)
his
with
unhumorous
to evoke 'tragic pathos, Bhavabhuti,
the right
moment, seen
disposition,
makes
in
his hero
damaging degree
faint
even at a time when, he should rush
too
often,
to save
his
in
and
this
friend's
happens
life
in
The love-agony frequently becomes prolonged, unmanly

The exuberant descriptive and emotional
|and unconvincing.
danger.
stanzas and elaborate prose speeches, the

J
ground
high. sounding phrases
in acts iii and vii, the description of the cremationE.g., the long Prakrit passages
and the forest scene in act ix.
at nigbt in act v,
284
and lengthy compounds
(albeit not so
had perhaps a special
Some
audience.
turesque
some
fact that
gives
plays
much
as
they look)
for the poet as for his
passages
highly poetical and picbut they indicate an expansiveness and lack of modera-
which are
tion,
relish,
of the
formidable as
are
dramatic movement and propriety
fatal to
stanzas
of these
the
impression
and the
repeated in the other two

the poet had them ready-made
are
that
whenever an opportunity presents itself. Much

and grief, therefore, becomes unreal and tends
overwhelm action and characterisation.
to be utilised
of the talk of love

to
L Nevertheless, the Malatl-madhava

pects, a
possesses,
unique interest in the history of the
in
many
res-
Sanskrit drama,
not only as an attractive picture of certain aspects of middle-class

life, but also because of its genuine poetic quality,) It is really an
interesting story cast in a loose dramatic
an
than
rather
form,
accomplished drama, but inventiveness and movement are not

is
wanting. (There
who
are
little
in
individuality
chief
its
hero and
sentimental
lovers, making a lot

Makaranda and Madayantika, as
Kamandaki, show that the author's power of characterisa-
heroine,
typically
of fuss about themselves, but
well as
tion
not of a
mean
order
There
is
indeed
a great
deal
of
melodrama, of which it is difficult for a romantic play to steer

which often mars its pathetic and dramatic
clear entirely, but
and the
gratuitous introduction of supernatural and

horrible scenes may be pertinently questioned. It must, however,
be admitted that there is a great deal of real poetry and passion in
effect;
Bhavabhuti's picture of youthful love, which reaches its most

mature and mellow expression in his C/tiara-rama-carita. If the
Malati-madhava
is
one of his
earliest
works,
the faults
are
youth and inexperience; but Bhavabhuti, even in

this sentimental play, is far more serious than most
light-
those of
hearted Sanskrit poets, and

1
difficult
The Mahdvira-carita
to
dogmatise
Uttara-carita
is
on
the
is
often
question
the
intense
taken
of
its
to
be
poetic
quality
of
his
Bhavabhuti's earliest work, but
priority
to
the
Malati-madhava.
unquestionably the most mature work, as the poet himself indicates.
it is
The
BHAVABHUT1
erotic
relieves
their
their
music,
the
of
description
Madhava and its

manner of the
the
and
colouring
fervour,
picture of MalatI, tossed between
The
banality.
and duty and reluctantly yielding
love
or
with
stanzas,
285
first
to
stolen
the
of
dawning
marriage,
passion
in
on his youthful mind, is in the best

poet and is much superior to what one finds
effect
normally in Sanskrit sentimental literature. The key-note of

this weird but passionate love-story
is
perhaps given in the
works
love
of
Makaranda
(i.
17)
wanders unobstructed
when he
in
this
says that the potent will of

world,
youth_Js_suacpiible,
and every_jweet_and charming thing shakes off the firmness of

It is a study of the poetic
the mind.
possibilities of the
but no other Sanskrit poet, well
the delineation of such sentiment, has been
undisciplined passion of youth

versed as he
is
in
able to present
it
with
finer
charm and more
genuine emotional
inflatus.
Malatl-madhava
the
If
much improvement
is
defective
is
in
plot-construction,
seen in this respect in the Mahavira-carita]
whichf reveals fa clearer conception of dramatic technique and

Vj
1
In
this play
Bhavabhuti employs a large number
considerable skill, including rarer metres like

foot),
Nardataka
(v. 31, ix. 18)
Dandaka
and Aparavaktra
SikharinI,
Sftrdulavikridita,
generally
u?ed
for
softer
their
Mandakranta
sentiments and the
20;
o,bout
is
twenty -five,
with
in
eacb
syllables
fifty-four
The Sloka
(ix. 23).
about 14 times), but other chief metres, in

Malini,
of metres,
(v.
not frequent (occurring
order of frequency, are Vasantatilaka,
and
the
HarinI,
shorter metres being
longer for the heroic and the awe-inspiring.
There are eleven Aryas, to which Kalidasa also shows partiality. In the Mahavira-carita
uses twenty different metres, in which the Sloka appears in about one-third of
Bhavabhuti
the total
number
of
stanzas, the
Sardulavikrlcjita,
Mandakranta and Upajati coming next

Malyabhara
found
Uttara-carita has
in
the same
Sikharini comes next to
it,
single
order
stanza,
ruetfea
after
in
as
of
while
above,
Vasantatilaka,
frequency
the irya
but
here
the
occurs
the
Sikharini, Sragdhara,
only unusual
only
metre
thrice.
is
The
Sloka easily leads and the
which comes the Vasantatilaka
and
Sardiilavikri<Jita,
while the Sragdhara, Drutavilambita and Manjubhasini are sporadic here, as in Mdlati*
Bhavabhuti's
It is noteworthy that there is not a single Prakrit verse in all the three plays.
with their long compounds (which remind one of Vakpatiraja's

in the
obviously influenced by Sanskrit usage, but it is sparingly employed
His vocabulary, both in SanskriUnd Prakrit, has a tendency to prolixity, but it
Prakrit in prose passages,

laboured verse),
Mahavtra.
is
is
extensive and g3nerally adequate, while his poetic style
imagery and
feeling.
is fully
consistent with his poetical
286
workmanship, even
l
acts
of
quality
literary
the
feebler in characterisation and
if it is
poetical stanzas.
its
It
the
in
dramatises in seven
early history of Rfitna, beginning a
before
little
his
marriage and ending with his return from Lanka and coronation}
The theme is found ready-made, but since the epic story is in
number
the form of a narrative, containing a large
of
pictures
episodes,
mere panoramic reproduction

hardly enough for a drama proper.
incidents and characters,

series
of
is
of
The
problem before the dramatist is not only to select such incidents

and characters as are necessary and appropriate, but also where
such selection is difficult, to modify and adjust them in such a
way
make
as to
the different units well
with
arranged
adequate
motive and unity of action, (In making daring, but
judicious, changes even in a well-known and accepted story,
Bhavabhuti gives evidence not only of his boldness and power
dramatic
of
but also of his sense of dramatic cons-
invention,
ingenious
Accordingly, the whole action

The seed of
of Ravana against Rama.
truction.
movement
is
is
conceived
dramatic
as
a -feud
conflict
found in Havana's discomfiture as a suitor
by
and
the
messenger and by the betrothal of Sita to Rama

Havana's desire for revenge at this insult to
the Svayamvara.
rejection of his
at
his pride
and valour
Subahu and other demons

is set
at
in motion by the deplomacy
which
Malyavat,
1
by death of Tataka,
the hands of Rama
and the action
inflamed
further
is
Unfortunately,
seventh,
the
includes
of
printed editions
the
;
text
but
up
of
genuineness
and the concluding part
authorship
the
to
for the rest
v.
of
the
46 alone
we have
of
Havana's valiant minister
crafty
the
last
fifth act is
Indian manuscripts,
(printed
two
acts,
by him of
namely, the sixth and the
not beyond question.
Bhavabhuti's
proved by the agreement of all manuscripts and

the Vulgate text, fonnd in most North Indian
is
(t)
manuscripts and generally printed in most editions,

in South
instigation
in
Ratnam
(ii)
the text of
Aiyar's
Subrahmanya, found
as
such) and
edition
the text of VinSyak* (printed in Todar Mall's ed.), which agrees with the Vulgate in
having the same text for acts vi and vii, but differs from it, as well as from Subrahmanya B
None of these supplementary texts
text, in the portion from v. 46 to the end of that act.
(tit)
probably represents Bhavabhuti's own text, which is perhaps lost. For a discussion of the
whole question see Todar Mall's introduction, reviewed in detail by 3. K. De in IA, LIX,
1930, pp. 13-18.
BHAVABHUTI
Paragurama and the despatch
the
of
of
nurse
287
Surpanakha
in the clever dis-
the
second episode ingeniously

Manthara,
and
a
motive for Surpanakha's
exonerating Kaikeyl
supplying
later conduct.
The first scheme fails, the second succeeds, after
which the abduction of Slta becomes easy. In order to frustrate
guise
Kama's
there
then
the intrigue of Malyavat with

the twofold purpose of exculpating the
Valin,
dubious conduct of Rama and avoiding the unseemly fraternal
efforts,
which
is
serves
But Valin dies and on

quarrel between Valin and Sugriva.
the failure of diplomacy, nothing remains but the use of force,
leading to the denouement of Havana's defeat and death, rescue
;
of Slta
original story are
of
a well-knit and consistent plot
evolving
mainly
loped
Rama. The changes, therefore, in the

but
many,
they are justified by the necessity of
and coronation
on the basis of a
and the action
between - strategy and

be said about its adequacy,
conflict
Whatever may
straightforwardness.
the
attempt to motivate the episodes
dramatic sense and
But
the plot
conception
of
deve-
is
shows considerable
skill.)
impress us as a whole. The central

The strategy of
dramatic conflict is weak.
fails to
the
not because
it is
met with
an equally
ingenious
Rama
has
because
even
not
superior
strength
counter-strategy,
and resources, but because it is destined that Rama, with virtue
Malyavat
fails,
must ultimately win. On the

Bhavabhuti was doubtless permitted to take
in his favour,
side
of villainy,
much
as
liberty
with the original story as he wished, but perhaps he could

the
not do so with equal impunity on the side of virtue
;
entire
The
dramatic
plot also
suffers
becomes unconvincing.
Bhavabhuti's usual lack of restraint
therefore,
conflict,
from
is so glaring in his
and of the sense
proportion, which
Malatl-madhava, from a greater feebleness of characterisation
and from a heavier and more uncouth style and diction,
of
As
in
but he
his
is
chivalry,
Uttara-carita,
conceived as the
and the human
Rama
ideal
traits of
here
is
hero of
his
human and normal,

valour,
character
nobility
(as
also
and
those
288
of Slta,
who
is
here presented as fidelity incarnate) are not
Bhavabhuti's more mature play.

shrewd and resourceful and has a sense of better
as appealing as
is
Mjilyavat
made
they are
in
things, but he falls far below Canakya or Kaksasa.

rama's great prowess is balanced by his furious temper
magnanimity by
his
susceptibility
bad
to
advice
ParaûValin's
Havana's
body and mind by his inclination to thoughtless

but none of these characters rises above mediocrity,
qualities of
passion
and there
;
is
hardly any
hardly
any development
of
character
fine colouring or diversity of shading.
by action,
Bhavabhuti also
appears to be less successful in the heroic than in the softer

bookit is a kind of flaunting, but really meek and
sentiments
;
ish,
heroism that he paints even in his
action
is
often substituted by
tedious speeches.
narration
The Bharata-episode
the scene between Valin and Sugriva
Rarna.
events
of
at the
are
Moreover,
in long and
end of act
indeed
and
iv
ably executed,
but Malyavat's self-revelation is carried to an unnecessary and

tiresome length. Like the lamentation of Madhava, spread over
wordy warfare between Parasurama, on

and
the one hand,
Janaka, Dasaratha, Rama and their friends
on the other, is dragged tediously through two acts. All such
an act and a
half, the
passages reveal the author's multifarious knowledge and rhetorical power, but' they also show a distinct desire for parade and
tend to hamper reality and rapidity of action, as well as effective-
In
ness of characterisation.
carried
all this,
Bhavabhuti may have been
away by convention, but temperamentally he appears
be too prone to over-elaboration by means

declamation ; and even if his language in
vigorous and adequate,
of
to
description and
this
play
is
often
and grace.
Even if still deficient in action, for which the theme hardly
affords much scope
he Uttara-rama-carita shows a much greater
^(t
command
it
lacks his usual ease
of dramatic technique
and characterisation. 1
doubtedly Bhavabhuti's masterpiece,
the product,
as
It is
the
unpoet
1
A detailed appreciative study of Bbavabhuti's dramatic art and technique will
found in Belyalkar's introduction to the play, pp, IxxvMxxxv.
t>
BHAVABHUT1
289
himself declares, of his mature genius, and has deservedly earned

the high reputation of having equalled the dramatic masterpiece
of Kalidasa.
seven acts the later history of

the exile of SIta to the final reunion
It depicts in
extending from
Bhavabhuti's literary characteristics
advantage in this work,
may
which reaches
but which undoubtedly ranks higher for
be studied
high
its
level
Rama
and
to
the
as
best
drama
intense poetic quality.
Bhavabhuti derives his theme from the Ramayana, but to suit

his dramatic purpose he does not, as in his earlier Rama-drama,
hesitate to depart in
original.
The
(Raghu
xiv.
points
conception, for
derived
scene,
many
25),
and
instance,
from
probably
of
from
the
hint
his
of
authoritative
the
picture-gallery
supplied
invisible
epic
by
presence of
Kalidasa
Slta
in
during Rama's visit to Pancavati, of Rama's

between Lava and
meeting with Vasanti and confession, the fight
Candraketu, the visit of Vasistha and others to Valmlki's hermi-
spirit-form
tage,
and the enactment
of
play or masque on
by Valmiki, are skilful details
miniature
Rama's later history composed

which are invented for the proper development
of
his
dramatic
of his poetic powers.

theme, as well as for the suitable expression
Here again, Bhavabhuti's principal problem is not the creation
but the adequate motivation of an already accepted story.
While not monotonously adhering

his
particutar
dramatic
to his original, he
accepts
outlines of
purpose the epic
for
half-
of bygone days, which had

mythical and half-human legend
by its pathos
already taken its hold on the popular imagination
romantic
and poetry, but he reshapes it freely with appropriate
ideal and dramaand poetical situations, which bring out all the
In taking up the theme
tic implications of a well known story.
and spiritual affection,
of conjugal love as a form of pure, tender
Bbavabbuti must have
ripening into an abiding passion,
be best brought out by
realised that its beauty and charm could
of contemporary life and going
avoiding the uncongenial realism
It was not his
back to the poetry and idealism of olden days.
on. bis canvas on the generous
purpose to draw the figures
37-1343B
290
heroic scale of the Epic
but he wanted to add to the
ancient
an intensity of human feeling, which should transform an

old-world legend into one of everyday experience, the story of
tale
high ideals into one of vivid reality.

In this drama Bhavabhuti idealises conjugal love through the
chastening influence of sorrow, and he does this in a way which
is
unparalleled in Sanskrit, or perhaps in
are indeed
some charming pictures
Indian literature
but
which lowered women

of their early
the
causes,
in public
any
literature/)
There
domestic happiness in
both social and religious,
of
estimation
by depriving them
freedom and dignity, naturally hindered the
evolu-
It is conceivable that the
larger
tion of a free conjugal relation.
and more heterogenous group comprising the family in ancient

India
may have also hampered its growth for a girl left

father's home to enter the home, not of her husband, but of
;
father-in-law, and the husband
Wedded
the big family.
of
is
often merely one of the
love
her
her
factors
was indeed highly prized, but
ordinary marriages were perhaps often prompted by motives of

convenience, among which must be reckoned the necessity of
and self-choice of husband

having a son for religious purposes
was almost entirely confined to the Epics, being forbidden by the
customary Smrtis, even if permitted by the Kama-gastra. The
;
though now and then didactic on family relaBuddhism brought greater

tions, are silent on conjugal life.
freedom to women j but the Epics, as well as the Dharma-
Agokan
edicts,
are
full
of
utilitarian
not
merely priestly
generalisations
regarding marriage, and domestic happiness is
still summed up in the loyalty of a fruitful,
patient and thrifty
wife.
Moreover, the existence of polygamy, which was perhaps
$5stras,
precepts
the Dharraa more of the higher classes than of the people in

general, rendered the position of the wife difficult and sometimes
Jess
than
treated
real.
by
younger
her
When,
queen Dbarim, she finds herself

husband with scant grace and deserted for a
becomes useless for her to show her temper and

she can, if ^he is shrewd and discreet,
JravatI
rival, it
jealousy like
like
BSAVABHOTI
291
na me eso maccharassa kalo ( this is not

only say pathetically
for me a time for jealousy '), and all that is
possible for her to
do is to make the best of a bad job by falling back
her own
?
upon
sense of dignity and
pride.
The author
of
the
Mrcchakatika
Carudatta's
wife in the background

on the
which she does appear, we have just a sad
and dignified picture, in which her gentleness and generosity
discreetly keeps
very rare occasions in
are not feigned indeed but are apparently virtues
made
of helpless
necessity.
It is natural,
therefore,
that
even
from
antiquity
Indian
opinion represents the god of love as different from the deities

who preside over marriage and fertility. No doubt, restrictions
placed on the physical gratification of love, except in marriage,
are due not only to moral and social necessity, but they also
indicate a tendency which harmonises with the biological law
that mating
is
the final cause of love.
But
in
society
where
and where conjugal relation was

mating was
moulded by a peculiar social evolution, an errant tendency was
inevitable; and many writers have not hesitated to express a
also a religious duty
startingly heterodox view.
There are indeed genuine praises
of
the wife, but one poet, for instance, represents married life as a
prison-house, and the usual note * is that of the glorification of
the love- union permitted by Kama-sastra.
It
is
not
difficult
to
understand a similar attitude, occasionally, on the part of the

wife.
Apart from the numberless tales of naughty and cunning
wife's intrigues in Sanskrit folk-tale, a more refined sentiment
expressed by one woman-poet who is impatient with the perfect
spouse, who has all the virtues of a stage-hero, but none of a
Free and
lover, which alone can make her happiness perfect.
is
continuous courtship is thus recognised as a stimulus of permanent love. Married love can remain unspoiled by time and
and beauty only where there
familiarity and retain its romance
is
enough
of
that
idealism
which can make such continuous

from the debasing contact of
In such a discouraging
courtship possible and redeem

the littleness of life's daily experience.
it
292
filSTOHY OF SANSKRIT
atmosphere,
where
the
take
to
tendency
the
marriage-vow
was not uncommon, Bhavabhuti had the courage to

represent conjugal love as a serious and abiding human passion,
as a blend of sex-feeling, parent-i'eeling and comradeship, or as
"
Know,
expressed in the words of the wise Karnandaki (vi. 18)
husband
ray dear children, that to a wife her husband and to a
lightly
his lawful wife, are, each to
each,
the
dearest
of
friends,
jhe
sum-total of relationships, tbg_completeness of desire the perfecThe implications, both real

tion of treasures,. even life itself/*
f
and
ideal, of
such love, are best brought out, in the idea of our

plot, nor by a story based on the narrow
poet, not by an invented
realism of actual
intensely
human
but by the idealism, pathos and poetry of an

legend of the past, round which a hundred
life,
romantic associations have already gathered.

(Bhavabhuti's Rama and Slta are from the beginning man
and woman of more strenuous and deeper experience than
Du^yanta and
his
woodland
love.
In the opening act, which has
been praised so often and which strikes the keynote of the drama,
the newly crowned king of Ayodhya with bis beloved spouse
and his ever faithful brother is looking over pictures which recall
memory of their past sorrow. This scene, which is

made the occasion for the tender #nd deep attachment of Rama
and Slta to show itself, also heightens by contrast the grief of
the dear
There is a fine note of

separation which immediately follows.
tragic irony not only in Rama's assurance that such a separation
as they had suffered would never happen again, in Laksmana's
inadvertent allusion to the fire-ordeal and
tion of his
disbelief
in
baseless
Rama's instant
rumours,
but
also
declara-
in
Sita's
passionate clinging to the memories of past joy and sorrow on the

The blow comes just at a
verge of a still more cruel fate.
moment when
the tired,
timid and
on the arms of her husband,

love.
When
to his lips
it
who
confiding
is lost
in his
Sita
off
asleep
own thoughts
the cup of happiness, full to the brim,
was dashed
falls
from Rama's hand
of
was raised
and one can
understand the sentimental breakdown which immediately follows
BHAVABHUT1
in the conflict
With
duty.
between his love and
293
his
stern
the responsibilities of the state
Rama
sense
of
kingly
on his
laid
newly
perhaps more self-exacting than is right or

just to himself ând his beloved; but having abandoned the
shoulders,
faithful
and dear
is
wife,,
who was
his constant
is
personal pride
companion ever since

his royal and
knows no bounds. Both

deeply wounded by the thought
childhood, his suffering
such
that
an
unthinkable stain should attach to the purity of his great love and
to the purity of the royal name he bears.)
(The scene
of the next
two
acts is
the
in
laid
old
familiar
Dandaka and PancavatI, which Rama

surroundings
Twelve years have elapsed his grief has mellowed down
of
is still
loyal
and devoted
to the
memory
revisits.
but be
The
of his banished wife.
sorrow, which has become deep-seated,
is
made
recollection of their
of
married love
in these
in exile they had been
The
situation
forests,
is
where even
early
experience
dramatically heightened by making
resigned Sita appear in a
happy.
the
with
by
and
mortals,
listener to the confessions

to
the
sorrowing but
pale,
spirit-form,^ unseen
become an unwilling, but happy,

her husband makes unknowingly
alive
which
Vasanti of his great love and
and reasonable, and she is still

Sita's resentment
fidelity.
She comes on the
mystified as to why Rama abandoned her.
scene with despair and resignation in her heart, but it is not for
She appears as the true
her to sit in judgment on his conduct.
is real
to be, and is
loving wife Which she has not ceased
Unknown to each other, the reconwilling to be convinced.
ciliation of hearts is now complete; and with an admirable
woman and
delicacy
of
the
touch
dramatist
describes
her
gradual,
but
he deeply
generous, surrender to the proof that, though harsh,
who
cannot
loves her and has suffered no less. iftVhen Vasanti,
yet take kindly to
his
wife
in
Rama,
reproves
half-finished, but
denounces him in
aggravate
want
of
his grief
him on
his
heartless
act to
speech (iii. 26) and

her righteous wrath, her pitiless words
but the unseen Sita, with a characteristic
logic but with
bitter,
the true instinct of
loving
heart,
294
now
husband and resents
defends her
all
disparagement from
(The denouement of reunion i only a logical development of this scene and the recognition scene in act iv in which
outside.
Bhavabhuti, like Kalidasa, represents the offspring as the crown

of wedded love, forms a natural psychological climax.
By removing the inevitable tragedy of the original story, Bhavabhuti runs
the risk of weakening the artistic effect of his drama, but the
denouement of happy ending is not here a mere observance of
convention,
brought
about in a
forced
way. It is naturally
theme and creating new
by rehandling the entire

situations, and no other conclusion is possible from the poet's
It is a drama in
skilful readjustment of motives and incidents.
developed
which the tragic climax occurs, with the sorrow and separation,
and it requires a considerable mastery of the
at the beginning
;
dramatic art to convert
it
from a
happiness and reunion.

does not succeed. /
It
of
real tragedy into a real
comedy
cannot be said that Bhavabhuti
"
himself for his

mastery of speech"
[Bhavabhuti praises
and claims merit for felicity and richness of expression as
and the praise that he arrogates

The qualities in which he excels
not undeserved.
well as for depth of

for himself is
meaning
'
and of ten rugged, or even grotesque,

the
nobility and earnestness of his conception, a
description,
genuine emotional tone, and a love for all that is deep and poigare
his
of
power
vivid
grand and awe-inspiring, in life and nature.

(Contrasted with Kalidasa, however, he lacks polish and fastidious
technical finish
but, as we have already said, his tendency was
nant, as
well
as
not towards the ornate and the finical but towards the
grotesque
and the rugged, not towards reserve but towards abandon) This
would explain Ao a certain extent, why his so-called dramas are
in reality dramatic poems, and his plot is, at least in his earlier
without any real unity.
Bhavabhuti cannot write in the lighter vein, but takes his subject
he has no humour, but enough of dramatic irony
too seriously
plays, a string of
incidents
or
pictures
he can
hardly
attain
perfect
artistic
aloofness,
but too often
BHAVABHUTI
merges himself
in his subject
295
more feeling than
he has
real
poetry.)
His Uttara-rama-carita shows indeed considerable dramatic

skill, but it appeals more as an exceedingly human story of love
and suffering, steeped in the charm of poetry arid sentiment.
f
merit
It is chiefly in this that its
The
lies.
story
drawn from
more real the
is
the Epic, but the picture is far more homely, far

emotion is far more earnest than is usual in Sanskrit love-poetry.
Bbavabhuti is not concerned with romantic and light-hearted
;
consist
supernatural,
from
removed
delineation
intensely
ordinary
does his theme, in spite of the introduction of the
nor
intrigues,
the
human.
realism
the
reality
treatment of a legendary subject,
common
of
an emotion
as
love
of
of
is
finely
experience.
His
and yet
spiritual
His descriptions are marked by an
extra-
sensation and vividness of touch.
While
of
preserving the essential ideality of a theme, which was cherished

through ages as an elevcatcd conception, he invests it with a
higher poetical naturalness,
based
common manhood and womanhood.
on
the genuine emotions of
In this he vies successfully
with Ealidasal
It is natural, therefore, that in Indian estimation
Bhavabhuti
To
should rank next to Kalidasa as a poet, if not as a dramatist.
be judged by this lofty standard is itself a virtual acknowledgment
of high merit
and
it i?
not an altogether unjust praise.)
Bhava-
bhuti's shortcomings are those of an exuberant poetic mind, lacking

the much-desired restraint of an artist, and they are manifest on
but he has excellences which place him very high.

As a dramatist he does not certainly lack power, but perhaps he
much less than Sudraka or
is not as successful as Kalidasa,
the surface
Vteakhadatta.
after effect
to exaggerate, to strain deliberately

series of them, to indulge in senti-
His tendency
and accumulate
mental prolixity, to take things too earnestly and identify himself

with them, are faults which are fatal to a good dramatist. His
for
lack of
humour, which
tions,
but
does not indicate a disorganised mind,
is partially
responsible
these
it is
aberra-
perhaps $
296
temperamental insufficiency, which makes his mind too elevated

and inelastic to appreciate fully the lighter side of life and
embrace in broad and sparkling sympathy all kinds of men and
things.
their
He
is
are told
profoundly interested
too
sentiments
to
what occurs,
care
in a
in
for action as such.
drama we
In a narrative we
see the actual occurrence
Bhavabhuti's plays,
is said.
And
yet
and
his characters
comparatively little happens, though

he does not excel in mere narrative.
in
much
His
genius is lyrical, implying a development of feeling and reflection

at the expense of action
it is too often so in principle, even
when it is not so in form. He cannot project himself properly
;
into his characters
too impetuous to be
he
is
too personal to be entirely self-effacing,
smooth and even.
Bhavabhuti
is
indeed not
shadowy figure, but lives vividly in his works he is one of the

few charmingly egoistic poets in Sanskrit, who seldom loses
a
sight of himself, but permeates his writings (even though they are
It
dramas) with the flavour of a rugged but lovable personality.
is not
surprising, therefore, that his emotions carry him away,
often further than the
limits
of
art.
His sentiment becomes
sentimentality, and his pathos the spectacular sensibility of the

man of feeling rather than the poignant rush of tragic sorrow.
He
He
a master of aggravated pathos rather than of heroic agony.

does not condense a world of emotion in one terse pregnant
is
phrase of concentrated passion, but dilutes the strength of the

poetic nucleus by diffusing it into graceful and sonorous periods.
Perhaps popular taste did not disapprove of such naked wallowing

in the pathetic and very few Sanskrit poets, in accordance with
the accepted theory of sentiment, would resist the opportunity of
;
a free outpouring in
sentimental verse and prose.
not mere concessions
But these
are
groundlings, nor is theory not

emphatic in the sound view that sentiments should be suggested
The unauthorised practice of wordy
rather than
expressed.
to
the
emphasis springs rather from an excess of sensibility inherent in

Bhavabhuti's poetic imagination, which is never tired by unfreedom.
Leaving aside his Madhava, even his Rama's
BHAVABHUTI
297
prolonged lamentations, tears and faintings, however poetic,

are overdone and become
undignified.
There can be no denying these facts, which are obvious even
to a
reader
superficial
fortunate
in
spirits for
whom
of
Bhavabhuti's
Bhavabhuti
plays.
and apologists,
editors
having good
he cried in his life-time
but his merits are also
too obvious to require a justification of his demerits.
much consequence
is
the kindred
It is
not of
his dramas, judged by a strict standard, are

dramatic
really
poems; it is the type in which Bhavabhuti
excels, and he should be judged by what he actually aims at
and achieves.
exhibit
Other dramatists may
a
greater
some
of
degree
much
to
if
characteristic
none among the
that
say
but
quality,
is
it
too
scarcely
successors
of
Kalidasa
surpasses Bhavabhuti in
It is not
pure poetry.
necessary to
prove
by quoting instances of his mastery of poetical imagery,
thought and expression in every variety of melting modulation or
sounding pomp; the spirit of poetry, quite indefinable but easily
it
perceivable, pervades
ment, and
more
all
in their
his writings
especially, in
the
is
no
passion, having a strong
character and
less
lover
perception
and
series
charming
stanzas which Bhavabhuti alone could write.
human
human
theme
he
If
of
of
lyric
a poet
of
nobility
of
is
the
treat-
deeply felt impulses and emotions, he

the overwhelming grandeur of nature,
its
of
enthroned in the solitude of dense forests,
sounding cataracts and
passionate humanism
and naturalism yield to mere academicism. If he expresses his
1
sensations with a painful and disturbing intensity and often
mountains.
lofty
It is
not often that his
In hi8 description of primal sensations Bhavabhiili
but terribly
appropriate, in
hia
selection of
worls.
is
as often direct as he is
The word gravan,
uncouth,
for instance, in his
Rama's poignant sorrow (Uttara i. 28), is not dainty like

cannot be substituted fora weaker word. Hia jagged description
of the DarnUka forest, though often bizarre and even grotesque, can be contrasted in this
Bhavabhuti is one of the
to the refined charm of Kalidasa's pictures of nature.
famous
line,
describing
Kalidasa's upala, but
it
respect
few Sanskrit poets who cm describe a sensation

it with an ideal
glamour or domesticating it.
the sensation
of touch in Uttara
nor sensual, but
38
1843B
it is
i.
in its intense vividness,
Witness, for
35, Malatl* vi. 12
without investing
instance his
and Mahavtra*
ii.
22.
description
He
is
of
not gross
not correct to say that hia ideas and objects are spiritually rarefied
on, the
298
rugged and the formless (or, shall we say, evo Ives

his own form of art and expression?), he thereby drinks deep at
the very fountain of life he realises the man's joy, even if he loses
strays into the
the artist's serenity.
His unevenness and inequality,
even
his
are thus explicable.

Bhavabhuti
verbosity and slovenliness,
suffers from the excess of his qualities, but the qualities
are
those of a great, but powerfully sensitive, poetic mind. (Mis
contemporaries called
in
homage to
him Srikantha "Divine Throat", perhaps
the rugged and powerful deity,
the epithet
nectar,
but since
his divine music;
is
is
it
also the
who swallowed poison
name
of
in lieu
of
by Bhavabhuti's mastery of
nervous energy and terrible
justified
by his
sincerity, which scorn mere polish and finish, but speak, with
palpitating warmth, of things lying at the very core of his being.
overmastering passion,
g.
Yaiovarman, Mayuraja and Others
The Mallika-maruta,
time ascribed
to
a Prakarana in
Dandin, but
it is
ten
now known
acts,
to
was
at
one
be the work
of
Uddandanatha, who was patronised by the Zainorin

Manavikrama of Calicut (Kukkutakroda) at about the middle of
Uddaflidin or
A poor imitation of
century.
of
describes the love
Mallika, daughter of
the 17th
Malati-madhava,
it
a Vidyadhara king,
and Maruta, a Kuntala prince, with the subsidiary episode of the
love of his friend Kalakantha and her maid Kamayantika; it has
also a
female
Mandakini
piagiciau
two
escapes
from
mad
To Bana is sometimes attributed

elephants and two abductions.
2
a drama ; of little merit, entitled Parvatl-parinaya in five acts,
*-,
contrary* the touch of sensuousness
is
too
warmly oonspicioua
with the sublimely academic Milton and the coldly
Lanmao, is
1
Ed.
polished
to be ignored.
Thomas
The comparison
Gray, suggested by
barely justifiable.
Jivananda
Piichel, introd. to
Vidyasagar,
Sthgbra-tilaka,
with
p. 10; S.
comra. of Ranganatha,
Kuppusvami, Detcript.
Calcutta
Cat.
1878.
Madrdi
See
lovt.
Madras 1918, No. 12580.

*
Printed many times, e.g. by M. B, Telang, NSP, Bombay 1892, 1911 ; by T. R.
Ratn*m Atyar, Madras 1898; by R. V. Krishnamaobariar, SrI-Vam-Vilasa Press, Sriraogam,
1K)6; by R. Schmidt, ^Leipzig 1917. For bibliography, see Sten Konow, p. 105, note.* Oa the
Orient.
'<
Library, vol. xxi,
'
YASOVARMAN, MIYURUA AND OTHERS

which has a theme similar
undramatic dramatisation
it is
really the
work
of a
to (or,
one might
of) that of the
299
which
say,
prince
Kondvidu
of
at the
a court-poet of the
end of the 14th and the
ning of the 15th century, and who also wrote a small but
Bhana
erotic
but
Kumara-sanibhava;
comparatively modern Abhinava Bana,
named Vamana Bhafta Bana, who was
Vema
an
is
Red<Ji
begin
highly
entitled
Of the lost drama,

Srhgara-bhusana.
Mukuta-taditaka, cited and ascribed to Bana by Bhoja in MB
2
Srhgara-prakata and by Candapala in his commentary on the
8
Nala-campu, nothing is known, except that the drama apparently

dealt with the Mahabharata episode of Bhima's fight with
Another drama,
Dnryodhana.
known only by Saradatanaya's
called Sarada-candrika,
by Bana
is
reference in his Bhavaprakata*
Ya&rvarman, king of Kanyakubja, who is mentioned by

Kahlana as a patron of Bhavabhuti and Vakpatiraja, was the
author of a
cited
by
lost
Ramabhyudaya, which
entitled
Nataka,
5
Anandavardhana, and which,
work and the author,
according
K. T. Telang in IA, III, 1874, p. 219f
see
Sarada-
to
Uber Bdna'9
K. Glaser,
WA
1883 (reprint, Wicn 1833), gives the text in

Parvatiparinaya-nataka, S
but
edited
R. Schmidt in IA, XXXV, 1906, p. 215f.
ed.,
Bombay,
badly
is
Roman,
as
in
NSP, Bombay 1896,

BSOS, IV, 1926, p. 289.
Ed. Sivada and Parab,

2
See S. K. De in
Keith, SD, p. 182, note
Ed. Gaekwad's Orient Ser.,
1910.
3.
p,
253
It is surmised that the plot of this
red to Sana's story of Candraplda's death and revival. In this connexion
commenting on an
61.
14],
not
it is
especially
large
(see
stanza,
a dramatic
Aucitya-vic&ra* (ad,
Kadaiubari; but
Bana never
Considering the fact that
very unlikely that he wrote either
in bis
the Viraha of
play refer-
noteworthy that
lived
to
is
does
finish
his
or metrical version of the story,
because the revival of Candrapi<Ja is not an item in Bana's portion of the romance.
of verses, untraceable in Bana's known works, are cited in the anthologies
number
Thomas,
Kttf, pp. 65-59)
authorship of other works

later
Ksemendra
ascribed to Bana,
in question describes
occur in Bana's romance.
romance,
erotic
thinks that the stanza
it is
but no safe conclusion
and some
of the stanzas
is
possible from
might belong
to
them regarding
his
Abhinava Banas
of
times.
ed. NSP, Bombay
The play is also cited
Dhv*nyaloka>
Abhinavagupta).
in the
1911, pp.
133, 148
(name of the author
given by
Datar&paka led. NSP, Bombay 1917), i. 46;

Gaekwad's Orient. Series, Baroda 1929), pp. 45, 56, 72-91, 95,
in the
Nfyyadarpana (ed.
109,116,144, 158 (the references are to different acts) in N&taka.latyava.ratna.kota (ed.,
9
M. Dillon, Oxford Uniy. Press, 1933), pp. 33, 130, as well as in Bboja's Srngara (BSOS, IV,
;
1926, p. 282).
300
tanaya, consisted of six
Some
acts.
quotations found under Ya6ovarman's
and rhetorical
number
the large
of
name
in the
of
anthological
probably belonged to this drama,

2
which presumably dealt with the entire Bamayana story.
Of Mayuraja, author of another lost Rama-drama, named
literature
Udatta-raghava, we have no information but his work is cited

8
and is known earlier to Abhinavafive times in the Dafarupaka
;
gupta
1
and Kuntaka.
One
of
the
eulogistic
verses
of
Raja-
gekhara, given in the Sukti-muktavall of Jahlana (iv. 82), speaks

Mayuraja as a Kalacuri poet, but since our knowledge of the
of
Kalacuri dynasty of this period is meagre, the poet,

Kalacuri prince, cannot be identified.
7
Anangaharsa Matraraja, son
more fortunate
of
king
if
he was a
Narendravardhana,
is
in the fact that his drama, Tapasa-vatsaraja-carita,*
has survived in a unique Sarada manuscript.

Nothing is known
of him, but his work offers in six acts a variation of the theme of
the Svapna-vasavadatta by making Udayana, king of Vatsa, turn
into an almost demented ascetic out of grief for his queen's
by a ruse to
alleged death, while Yaugandharayana succeeds
marry the king to PadmavatI who is enamoured of Udayana

from a portrait. The reunion with Vasavadatta, who also turns
E?ee Thomas, Kvs, pp. 75-76, and references cited therein.
For a conjectural summary of the plot of this play from later
Bamamurthi in Jour. Orient. Research, Madras, III, 1929, pp. 268-72.
1
8
*
*
6
ii.
58
ili.
3,
24 (with
name
of the author)
see R.
citations,
iv. 13, 28.
In his commentary on Bharata, ch. six.

Ed. S. K. De, Calcutta 1928, pp. 225, 244 (author's name not given).
Two of
Mfcyurftja's
verses
are also quoted in thi
anthology
(90.
10
92.5).
The
Kalya-daifaria aho quotes this woik thrice (pp. 66, 116, 194) without the name of the author.
The KulapatyaAka, cited several time in the Nataka-ratna-kofo, probably refers to an act of
It appears from these and other citations
this drama in which the abduction of Sitft occurs.
made certain modifications in the original Bimfiyana

Laksmana pursue the golden deer and Rama follow him later, and by
Bhav abtuti, the element of treachery in the slaying of Valin.
7
There is no authority for identifying him with Mayuraja; see
that Mayuraja
story by
making
eliminating, after
S.K.
De
in
JRAS,
1924, p. 664.
8
Ed. Yadugiri Yatiraja, Bangalore 1928, from the Berlin manuscript of the play
is described and quoted by Hultzsch in Nachrichten d. Oottingiichen
Weber, No. 2166, which
Gesselschaft, 1886, p. 224f,
YASOVARMAN, MAYURAJA AND OTHERS
301
into a
Parivrajika, occurs at Prayaga at a melodramatic moment

when the king and Vasavadatta, both tired of life, are about to
commit suicide. The play has some real poetry and
pathos, with
a great
deal
clearly after
of
lamentation
Vikramorvatiya
in
and touching verses,
elegant
but there
hardly any action or
is
any convincing characterisation. The work is

known to
Anandavardhana and Abhinavagupta, as well as to Kuntaka, 2
and there can be no doubt that it belongs to a
period earlier than
the middle of the 9th centnry. 8
l
Both Abhinavagupta
and Kuntaka mention and quote from

dramas, which are of unknown date and
number of lost
unknown authorship, but which,
a large
being cited by them s
mostly of
presumably belongs
this period.
to
They are:
Chalita-rama,
Krtyaravana, Maya-puspaka (all

Rama-dramas), Pratimaniruddha
(ascribed
by Natya-darpana to Vasunaga, son of
three
Bbimadeva), Pandavananda,
all
bhusitaka)
Pitxpa-dusitaka (or
following
this list
may
be added the
Abhinavagupta alone
Pratijna-
In his Locana and his commentary on Bhaiata Anamlavardbaua quotes anonymously
(p.
To
mentioned by
plays
and a Prakarna called
Ncntakas,
ulkampim bhaya* from
131)
iii
Also cited by Bhoja in Srhgara*.
16.
The
quotations
are folly traced in the edition mentioned above.

8
Kuntaka
ate
30).
quctes, without
naming
the author, from
acts
ii
(pp. 151-2), iii-iv (pp. 229-
Jay
is
ahootec
extei tnelj in the A'fl/ya darpara, pp. CO, S4,43, 66. 67, 100, 106,
107.
Manoramd'vatsaraja by Bhlmata
know that Manorama

with
is
handmaid
another amour of
of
is
cited in the
also
Nd^ya-darpana
Priyadarsika in Harsa's drama
TTdayana with her?
Another work
of
(p.
144).
We
does this play deal
Bhlmata, named S tap ana-
mentkned by Eho]a and Bajaêkbara, the latter describing Bhimata as Kalifijara'

He rr-ay or may not
pati and author of five plays; see Sten Konow, p. 87, Keith, SD, p. 239.
The Vwd-vasavadatta (ed. Knpposvami
be identical with Bblma, author of Pratijfid-canakya.
datanana,
is
Sastri and C.
off at
Kunhan Eaja, Madras
the beginning of the
version of the Pratijfta
fourth
theme,
1931), which
is
an
incomplete anonymous play breaking
act, resembles the Bhasa plays, and appears
in
which the ruse
of elephant,
music-lesson <n the Vina to Vasavadatta are utilised as important incidents.

that this
play
is
identical
with
the
lost
Unmada-vasaradatta
to
be another
imprisonment of Udayana and

of
It is suggested
Saktibhadra, but this
it of
course an unsupported conjecture.

*
In his commentary on Bharata.

All these works are cited in the Datarvpaka
(excepting Maytpujpakrt and in the
302
1
canakya (ascribed to Bhima), two
musical plays,
lyrical or
named
(both Dombika), as well as

Devi-candragupta and Abhi$arika-vaficitaka (both Natakas) which
Cudamani>m&Gunamala,
respectively
we have already mentioned. The Dasarupaka adds another play

2
of unknown
probably a
authorship, named Tarahgadatta,
which has a courtesan
Prakarana,
and which was
as a heroine
The Natya-darpana
Sudraka's play.
which cites most of these works, further mentions another play,
on
modelled
apparently
which probably belongs

called
Citrotpalalambitaka,
to
assigned
Sankuka whb belonged

The meagre citations do
apparently the
pf
to the 9th century, namely, a Prakarana,
Kashmir.
Sankuka,
Amatya
the
to
time of Ajitapida
unfortunately, give
not,
us an adequate idea of these unrecovered plays, but their popularity is indicated by the large number of references in dramaturgic
treatises.
Some
information, however,
is
available about
oft-quoted Puspa-dusitaka, mentioned above, from

accounts given by Kuntaka and by the authors of the Natya-
the plot of the

tlie
darpana.*
Prakarana
in six acts,
it
|iad for its
theme the
love-
merchant Samudradatta and Nandayanti, which involved

secret marriage, opposition from Samudradatta's father
story of a
their
Sagaradatta, her pregnancy, suspicion of her chastity, and the final

reunion of the lovers by means of a ring of recognition and by the
identification of the constellation under which their child was born.
The Acarya-cudamani
oldest
See R. Ramamurtbi in Jour.

to
emulate
Orient.
Vi&kh a delta's
is
claimed to be the
having declared in the
Research, III
1929, pp. 80-89.
It appears to
work.
Also quoted by Bhoja and Saradatanaya.

3
The Nfyya-darpana also cites a Abhinava-rdghava

who was Abhina\a.upta's Guru but this work
Bbattenduraja,
of tht
See pp. 226, 286, 248.
Ed.
Press,
of
Kslrasvamin,
pupil
of
cbviously belongs to the end
lOfch century.
C. Sankararaja
Madras 1926
Eng.
See R. Bamamurthy in JOR, Madras, IV, 1980, pp. 78-81.

with introd. by EuppusTami Sastri, B&lamanorama
Sastri,
trs.
by the same
the Abhijcka and the Praiima were also

tto&vadttta,
as the
author
South Indian play (the
have been written
Saktibhadra
of
mentioned by
JVattfnd.-*
editor,
1927 separately.
It has
been claimed that
by Saktibh*dra, and that the UnmSdoSaktibhadra himself as Another work of his, is the same work
written
But these suggestions lack
proof,
YAÔVARMAN, MIYURIJA AND OTHERS

Prologue that he belonged to Daksinapatha), and
on very adequate grounds, to the 9th century.
seven
of
acts, the story
Bhavabhuti's
it is
nothing remarkable in
play takes
name,
its
The
of recognition.
It dramatises, in
Ramayana, and betrays knowledge

Although it contains some fine stanzas
poorly
executed
as a drama,
and there
is
except the pretty device, from which the
it
of
first
assigned, not
the
of
plays.
and good prose,
is
303
the magic crest-jewel of Sita as a token
two
acts deal with the
Surpanakha episode
one of the motives of the feud
the third and
in the forest as
fourth, with Sita's abduction by Ravana approching in the magic

disguise of Rama; the fifth, with Ravana' 8 love-making to Sita
interrupted
with the embassy of

Sita the miraculous ring of Rama for
the
Mandodari;
by
Hanumat who
presents to
sixth,
with the marvellous crest-jewel of Sita

the last act winds up with the fire-ordeal.
The
recognition, and returns

as a token;
and
incident of the crest-jewel and magic-ring,

for the first
time in
act
iii
and
which
utilised in act
is
vi,
is
mentioned
of
course
by Valmlki's Cudamani and Anguliyaka, but it is

employed as a mere device and is neither the central motive nor
a dramatically effective idea.
The play contains some fine
suggested
verses, but
it is
really a series of narrative
episodes,
with some
Ravana's disguise as Rama, but it

is perhaps suggested by Bhavabhuti's Surpanakha .disguised as
Manthara), and with a slight dramatic unity of action, derived
from Bhavabhuti's idea of a central feud between Ravana and
inventiveness
Rama.
(as for instance,
CHAPTER
VI

1.
As a term
GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS
of popular criticism, the epithet 'decadent'
at first sight appear too
ture
which extends over
vague and
several
would
facile to be applied to a litera-
centuries
and comprises abun-
dance and variety of talent and effort but when we consider the
strange combination of elaborate pains and insufficient accomplishment, of interminable prolixity and endless dreariness, characteris;
ing the poetical and dramatic literature which was produced from
the 10th century onwards, the appropriateness of the description
It is true that no strict theory of evolution is
will be obvious.
applicable to literature, and that occasional burst of individual
excellence upsets all complacent labelling but there can be no
doubt that in the period we are considering the truly creative
;
epoch of Sanskrit literature had exhausted itself; and there was

no ability to rise to a new form of art, no turning point, nor any
return to the earlier
manner
The entire liteand even if some brilliant
of the great poets.
was imitative and reproductive

flashes are perceptible here and there, the general characteristics
are so even and uniform that there is hardly any breach of contirature
The poets of
nuity in its monotonously long course of history,
the period suggest facility rather than inspiration, subtlety rather
than judgment, immense and varied learning rather than vigour
spontaneous power. With all their inherited
and inborn talent for elaborate composition, the
affluence
greatest of them is scarcely a poet at all, but a consummate versifier, who sums up all the traditions of poetic art that can be
and
versatility of
learned by a clever artisan.
If there is
no innovation, there
is
305
no adaptability of old-world art to new-world usage. What

was once living and organic becomes mechanical and fossilised.
also
means not progress, but decided decline, or at least

stagnation, in which the shallow streams of poetic fancy move
All this
within the
sluggishly
confines
conventional
of
and
matter
manner.
This
is
tion of the
nowhere
so evident in this period as in
Mahakavya, the
no attempt
so-called great
poem,
the
cultiva-
which makes
to escape from
limitations, but contents itself
with a continuation of the established tradition. The moulder of
its
form and
its stiff
spirit is not
among whom
but
The admiration
stalwart
his
and Magha appear
Bhatti
greatest influence.
Kalidasa
for
have
to
Kalidasa
successors,
wielded
is
the
doubtless
unfeigned, but the failure to take him as a model arose from an

Bharavi had certainly
incapacity to comprehend his spirit.
vigour and variety, but he was, in the opinion of later generations, entirely eclipsed
attempt
by Magha, while Kumaradasa's mediocre

method produced little
to reproduce Kalidasa's simpler
Bhatti and Magha, therefore, were preferred by

impression.
authors of laborious talents as models of imitative literary exerto make up by learning and rhetoric
On the one hand, the
and
what was
poetry.
work of Bhatti became the precursor of some marvellous triumphs
cises
for here
it
was possible
lacking in passion
of literary ingenuity,
Magha's poem, on the
other, started a long
compositions, which
seldom went
and
manner
method, and
beyond the stereotyped form, theme,
series of artificially sustained
No
the customary appendages and embellishments.
one would deny that Magha was a poet, but very few would
included
all
assert that he
was one
of the greatest kind
and yet he became
practically the sole arbiter of poetic taste to later generations.

This was possible because the standard of verse-making, which
he brought into vogue, confirmed the tendency to limit poetry to
and prescribable form, to abstention as much as

possible from what is individual and conformation to what is
prescribed
conventional.
89-1348B
On
the
positive side
of
his
excellence,
Magha
306
himself was indebted to this process of conscious or unconscious

which all
conventionalising, which he brought to its acme and
his successors adored.
But while Magha was
of his Successors were
they had
his defects
without
not
many
his genius,
power of redeeming them. The fine

and balance which we find in Kalidasa is some-
without
sense of restraint
his qualities
a poet,
the
thing quite different from the new standard of erudite correctness

and massive craftsmanship, in which hardly any one can be put
above Magha, but which, up to a point, can be acquired and
applied by labour and dexterity.
The tendency
uniformity and consequent monotony is

also perceptible, though in a less obvious degree, in the shorter
poems of this period. Perhaps in no other sphere than that of
to
erotic poetry there is greater opportunity for individual variation,
but the convention established by
One comes
overstepped.
across
Amaru and Bhartrhari

almost
is
seldom
touches
invariable
of
consummate elegance and occasional freshness of conception and

execution, to which the large number of erotic stanzas quoted in
the Anthologies bear
witness
but
the
elegance
often
is
the
mechanical adroitness, and refined ingenuity replaces

In the Stotra literature of this
spontaneity of poetic inspiration.
product of
perhaps greater personal element, which inspires

more impressive devotional fervour, but in course of time this
period there
is
type of composition also becomes, like erotic poetry, decrepit and

confined to the narrow limits of standardised topic, mood and
phraseology.
The
small
body,
again
of
didactic
and
satiric
writing, which presents wise and earnest reflections or mocking

arabesques of men and manners, has a piquancy of its own
;
but here also the earlier models
and the descriptions and

character.
A new
field
are
too
slavishly
of
poetic adventure
opportunities of historical themes, but the
is
Banabhatta had
afforded
method
able to rhetoric not to be perilous to history.
few Prose Kavyas, but
followed,
broad and obvious
reflections are of a too
is
by the
too favour-
There are also a
an example too
dangerous for smaller men, while the Campu, as an off-shoot of
set
THE LATER DECADENT POETRY AND

the Prose Kavya,
307
PftOSE
The
secondary and incompetent.
is late,
fact
that outside exegetical and scholastic writings this period cannot

show much prose, and that the small amount of literary prose
that
it
can show
consequence, would of itself

the literature in one of its important
indicate the poverty of
aspects.
much
not of
is
interest,
greater
story-books, which show some sense
forward
style,
Kavya and
the
studied
the
rare in
Campu
attaches
therefore,
but
of
the
to
value
masterpieces
the
prose
of a straightof
Prose
the
the
collections, though always

and
sometimes unredeemingly
pedestrian
amusing, are
conventional assumptions to
gross, and they seldom pass beyond
an original or superior vein of literature.
;
often
It
evident that one of the outstanding
is
in almost
poetical literature of this period
features
all its
the
of
branches
is its
The writers
extraordinary lack of originality and independence.
are undoubtedly gifted with considerable literary skill, but they
are cnpable masters, as well as unfortunate victims, of a rigid
The convention believed that the general alone was
convention.
orthodox, and that there was no room for the individual ;

of idea and expression,
practice, it led to a standardisation
On
form and theme.
the
positive
it
side,
aimed
at
in
of
well-
informed utilisation of accumulated experience and experiment,

at the achievement of order, regularity and correctness in accordance with fixed principles and patterns, at the establishment of a
kind of
regarding what to say and how to say it,
literary etiquette
and
of poetry.
is
the proper uniform
at the stabilising of a poetic diction as
much
Once we accept the scheme and the standard, there
excellent writing in this period,
literature.
Within
his limits, the
if
author
much
not
is
excellent
master of
his
he does not betray any knowledge of other modes and

in regard to his own mode and ideal,
ideals, he never stumbles
no ingenuity too
for which no labour is too arduous for him,
craft
refined
if
moments
of greatness
slipshod or slovenly
and above
real quality called breeding.
are
all,
but
there
is
nothing
he has that indescribable but
rare,
308
The works
of the period, therefore, are based
upon
solid
and
they are careful and sustained products

The poets have no
of an urbane and highly cultured poetic art.
hesitation to treat the most worn-out and commonplace subjects
extensive acquirements
on the tenaciously conservative plan and procedure but in the

extraordinary command of a rich and recondite vocabulary, in
;
the grace and fluency of phrasing, in the painful accuracy of

grammatical forms, in the elaborate adjustment of sonorous
sound and sense, in the
skilled use of difficult
and diverse metres,
ornamented and complex

diction, their achievements possess a degree of massively and
mechanically polished efficiency which is indeed astonishing.
in the ingenuity of wielding a weighty,
The
process
plumb
is
lower but surer
profundities, but
it
can
it
float
cannot attain pinnacles nor

on a conscientious level of
In no other period, and

equable and pleasant accomplishment.
perhaps in no other literature, we have such a large number of
productions, ranging over many centuries, which may not have
given us poetry of the right kind, but which are perfect triumphs
of poetic artifice in its best and worst senses.
For bulk of work,
workmanship and general competence,

them
ignore
entirely, but it is also impossible
unfailing
it is
to
to
impossible
admire them
heartily.
But whatever we may in our day think of it, the literature

itself never shows any dissatisfaction with the fetters and limitations that
creates for itself, nor
it
is its
audience ever puzzled or
by them. There is always a complete agreement and

understanding between the poets and their admirers, involving a
repelled
perfect
accommodation
of the
demanded and the mental
works to the standard of excellence
attitude or
aptitude of their readers.
Otherwise, the vast and contented multiplication, with only small

variations, of the same types of composition for several centuries
would not be
'
writers to
entered
intelligible.
name of
their own
the
into
That the claims
of
most of these
poet could be disputed probably never

conscience, nor into the head of their
admiring contemporaries and imitators
but when one considers
THE
the question
DECADENT POETRY AND PROSE
LATER,
absolutely,
and not with reference
309
to particular
conditions, one cannot fail to recognise that this literature seldom
possesses the freedom
aims
which emphasises
creative imagination
achieving anything other than
at
The
approves.
what accepted
literature will never lack its
fit
and
tradition
readers,
though
never have any wide appeal.

For, all this means an attempt to mechanise an activity of
the human mind which refuses to be mechanised, to reduce to
few, but
it
will
norms and categories what can never

That
Pegasus.
the
method
after
categori-
mobile by throwing a bridle on the neck
cal, to immobilise the
the
of
be normal and
of
art
of
positive
could
poetry
sciences,
be
systematised,
appears
to
have
been one of the tacitly fundamental postulates of the system

which had sprung up in the meantime, and
of
Poetics,
which concerned itself chiefly with a pedagogic and practical
exposition
The
belief
of
that
was enough
led
naturally
for
tions
the
the
decorative
devices
the
of
of
the
literary
expression.
verbal
explanation
arrangement
understanding the process of poetic creation
to the formulation of definite canons and conven-
for
benefit
of
the
aspiring
The
poets.
rhetorical
craftsmanship rather than creation,

a doctrine of technique rather than free exercise of the poetic
imagination, a respect for convention rather than individuality
of treatment.
Sanskrit Poetics reached the rank of an inde-
works,
therefore,
taught
pendent discipline at about the time when Sanskrit poetry itself,

in the hands of less imaginative writers, was becoming a highly
product of verbal specialists. The Poetics naturally
reflected the temper and encouraged the tendency of the poetry.
factitious
With
surprising assiduity and astuteness,
and formulated prescriptions and

was reckoned higher than inspiration
;
it
analysed precedents
in a period in
it
came
which industry
to
have perforce
an authority disproportionate to its importance. Both in theory

and practice, therefore, we have a willing and unquestioned
1
For a discussion
whole question, see 8. K. De, Sanskrit Poetics as a study of

Studies, Vol. i, pt. 2, p. 88 f.
of the
Aesthetic in Dacca University
310
obedience to modes and models, laws and

with a well defined and unalterable norm.
The
accordance
in
means,
result was,
on the
one hand, a severe restriction of poetic imagination and ex-
on the other, a
pression, but,
in
the attainment
ciplines
of
Grammar,
brought in
acumen.
sciences
at least
Lexicology,
highly refined mass

classified with
equally
of
allied dis-
noramtively
rules,
and
fertile
was not an expert
If the poet
The
and Prosody also
Erotics
their
defined and
high proficiency
correspondingly
mechanical excellence.
of
the
in
elaborative
long
of
list
mental equipment, he was

well versed in the technical requirements and conventions
and
arts
prescribed
for his
which were meant
of these studies,
fices of his craft,
in
the
adroit
to instruct
him
manufacturing
the
in
of
arti-
standardised
poetry.
That the poetry of this period should be a product of high

cultivation, meant chiefly for a highly cultivated audience, is also
a
natural
corollaiy
of
the
which scholastic cultivation

In almost every branch
sciences, the really
creative
that
it
of learning
flourished in an age in
was becoming universal.
knowledge, in the various arts and

age was almost finished by the
was succeeded necessarily by a scholastic stage

elaboration, the chief work of which consisted not only
10th century
of critical
of
fact
it
in systematising the accumulated stock of
dogmas and doctrines
but also in making fine and subtle distinctions in matters
oi
was the age of commentaries and of commentaries on

commentaries, of manuals and manuals of manuals. All this,
of course, meant spread of learning and intellectual activity,
detail.
It
but the learning was
circumscribed
intellectual
dissipated
activity
and unfruitful,
itself
in
elaborate
Under an astonishing mass

erudition and endlessly fertile
dialectic
acumen,
useless
refinements.
and the
of
but
curious
there
is,
very little independent thinking or consand

the learned distinctions are in most crises
ability;
niceties which concern accidents rather than essentials.
generally speaking,
tructive
trivial
The
different
systems of speculative
thought
may
now
be
311
supposed to have well nigh run their course and attained their
in
termination
a stage of uncreative but prolix
natural
scholasticism.
In the literature of
the
the
period
scholastic
tendency
the portentuous employment of the intellect to

a disproportionate finical end.
With the general subsidence
of the creative impulse, we have a
stage of weighty and
reflects itself in
with
learning, but
acted
influence
of
made
elaboration,
ingenious
in
and
expression
-hand, extremely limited and

well
ponderously
talent,
industry
and
an exaggerated consciousness of art. The

twofold ways.
The range and quality
thought
poetic
with
studied
established,
and,
become,
on
the
one
in having its mechanism

on the other, extremely
and subtle in working out strange and unnatural

Marvellous erudition goes hand in hand with
variations.
abundant
marvellous refining of
The
lost
art
of
an
earlier
thereby not revived, nor is a new art created out

ashes; but the accumulated resources become the means
generation
of its
trivialities.
of parade
is
and dexterity.
We
whom
have
thus
cla,ss
of admirable but secondary writers,
and fancy become more powerful than

sentiment and imagination, and technical skill and learning
in
intellect
get the better of originality of conception
and execution.
and
not
with
They
and easy path of mechanical conventionality

ready-made words and ideas, forms and themes, it is
choose the broad
difficult
to acquire
impressive facility and attain respectable
But the productions become too much
workmanship.
alike,
being fashioned after the same pattern; their subjects have too
and their
little variety, their treatment fundamentally similar,
and diction employ the same commonplaces of words, ideas,

la order to counteract this monotony,
epithets and conceits.
similar
means and
inseparable from working with rigidly
style
materials,
it
is
inevitable that there should be an oppressive and
unnatural display of erudition and technical cleverness. The

which there is enough, but the word
key-word is grace, of
312
becomes almost synonymous
strained and strange
\vith
refine-
reducing the encumbrance of ornament,

the quest of the adorned becomes morbid and fanatical, but it
is top often in the lower rhetoric that bedizenment is
sought.
ments.
It
Instead
not
is
always on
of
prodigality
watch
the
The
beauty but of ingenuity.
of
for
unexpected
poet is
and dexterous
analogies
turns of expression he cultivates astoundingly clever manipulation

of words, their sound-effects in alliterative jingle and chiming
;
assonance, the multifarious ways of splitting
an idea
them up
diver-
for
turned
every conceivable distortion ;
meaning
the most far-fetched conceits, which bear the same relation to
sity of
beautiful ideas as play
laboriously
discovered
to
is
upon
;
the
words
bear
to
charming
most obscure recesses
or mythological allusions are ransacked.
It is
of
needless
are
wit,
learned
to
com-
this subtle pedantry and appalling taste, which do not

wait upon nature but try to anticipate her and thereby defeat
themselves. The whole procedure of the decadent poetry bears an
analogy to the methods of the scholastic pedagogue, but the
ment on
one of a conjuror's tricks, astonishing but puerile.

All these excesses betoken the close of the literary age,
effect is
but
the history of Sanskrit poetry does not, curiously enough, close

formally with the 10th century. It loses all genuine interest
thereafter, but works continued to
unbrokenly
for
several
be produced
centuries.
plentifully
The amazing profusion
and
of
production need not surprise us, nor need it prove that the
works are not decadent. The volubility of bad poets is a parallel
to the prolixity of scholastic pedants.
Working on well defined
lines
and with
well
established
mechanism, it is possible for

to
and
industry
multiply the accepted patterns in
average ability
The quantity here is,
vast number and imposing magnitude.
therefore, not an index to quality it is a kind of mass production
;
on a regular scale;
and
it
would be
in the higher sphere of poetry.
idle
to
value
the
products
The average poetry may have
attained a respectable level, but there
is hardly any
great poetry.
of
names
that
several
hundreds
over
centuries include
Tl?e
range
313
indeed those of some poets who are not yet utterly discrowned,
but on their brows, the laurels are thin and brittle
and it is
;
difficult to
most
if
say
them
of
thing of the great reputation
will ever
much
recover
which they long
or
any-
New names
held.
are also being constantly unearthed

by the pious care of assiduous
scholars, but
much
of
it
cannot be
said
that
in
their totality
worth
the
store
of
Sanskrit
real
even doubtful
'
if
most
to
of the
versifying
really deserve
resurrection
have succeeded only in keeping a

securing a limited recognition
Even
'
as
true
minor
poets
minor poet ought
fairly readable
names
'
(if
so
Much
much)
of
merits
the
is
of
the
attempt
and
alive
of
in
few others.
they are hardly of much importance.

to be more than a mere name and to be
but few,
from the limbo
who have made

few names half
Amiable antiquarians
oblivion.
It
poetry.
who have been
authors
'
discovered
add
they
save
know more than
scholars,
the
of these obscure scribblers of the period.
of the artificial
and recondite tendencies
ture would have been counteracted
had
proper sense of the term, or had real
of this
litera-
been popular in the

contact with life and its
it
realities.
But from the very beginning it was sequestered for
the study or for cultured society, which was hardly the nourishing
soil of
human
interest
and intercourse.
It
had
little,
therefore,
and joyous popular sentiment, its

simplicity, directness and freedom the poetry
of the gaitd de cceur, the bold
rough good sense,
was
its
lofty, exclusive, refined
and cultivated.
It
was composed
for
an urban and sophisticated audience, and had its own system of

phraseology, its own set of ideas and conceits and its own refinement
In course of time, its stylistic elegancies
and sentimental subtleties must have spread down and reached the
of emotional analysis.
and there
masses,
was always
is
no reason
to suppose that their appreciation
restricted to a privileged circle. But in the less creative

bad less universality of appeal and became more
stage, the poetry

factitious
and remote.
It receded further
from common
life
and
and became almost exclusively a product of
common
realities
artificial
and erudite fancy.
Its
environment, innate characteristics
314
growth encouraged, to its extreme

a taste which preferred the fantastic and the elaborate
In the cultivation of all that
fervid and the spontaneous.
and conditions
of
limit,
the
to
is
odd,
weighty and elaborate^ the poet became indifferent to the natural

graces of thought and emotion in their most simple forms, and
and ponderous style ceased to have a really wide appeal.

There may have been in this period a close touch between
his subtle
Sanskrit and Prakrit poetry, but there is no evidence to show

that Prakrit poetry, at least in this period, was in any sense
As a matter of fact, it was as stilted as Sanspopular poetry.
and was doubtless influenced by the same literary tradition.

Even in the preceding period, the Setu-bandha and the Gauda-vaha
krit,
are in no
way
less artificially constructed
than the contemporary
Sanskrit Kavyas, while Rajaêkhara's Prakrit verse and prose in

the present period show that they were composed by a poet and
for
an audience who were both familiar
The remark
is
with Sanskrit models.
also applicable, to a certain
extent,
to
the Apa-
bhramâ poetry, which was gradually coming into prominence,

but which never received as much literary recognition as the
Prakrit.
Being
essentially
neither
derivative,
Prakrit
nor
ApabhramSa poetry proved a solvent for the stiffness and pedantry

of Sanskrit poetry, which, on the contrary, reacted upon them
and made them share its artificialities. If there existed a popular
literature, it was never adequately represented by Prakrit or
poetry, nor
was
influence palpably perceptible on

here
and
Sanskrit.
Occasionally,
there, a new trait, like the use
of rhyme, emerges ; but even rhyme is sparingly used in Sanskrit,
ApabhramSa
its
It is not until we come

only in some Stotras and lyric stanzas.
to Jayadeva's Glta-govinda that we find the first positive instance
of the reaction of popular
literature
on Sanskrit and the
successful attempt to rennovate the older
the absorption of the newer
an
isolated
life
and
phenomenon, but the
form and
spirit.
first
substance
by
This was indeed not
result
apparently of a fairly
wide-spread tendency, the importance of which cannot be exaggerated.
It did not,
however, prove powerful and extensive enough
TflE
to
LATER DECADENT POEfRY AND PROSE
renew and remodel
entirely the
declining
316
Sanskrit poetry or
save it from its approaching stagnation.

It is curious, therefore,
that the extreme and affected classical ity of Sanskrit
poetry and
drama continued uninterrupted for a long stretch of centuries, and
a true romantic reaction never set in.
of British rule in the 19fch century
It is only
and
at the
with the advent
touch of contem-
porary European literature, that the romantic art came to prevail,

not in Sanskrit poetry which was all but dead, but in modern
Indian literature, which started vigorously in a new environment
and under
totally
new
influences.
There was, thus, in its long course of history from the 10th
century onwards, no absorption of new influence nor any attempt
to deviate
from the beaten
track.
The average Sanskrit
poet
could never refuse or defy convention, and there were few rebels
But the process

The
appears to have commenced even before the 10th century.
work
of
a
was
not
the
convention
conscious
poetic
single mind,
but it was spread over a long period of time and established by
among
the hundreds of self-satisfied imitators.
degrees by the influence of several great writers, commencing

from Bhatti and Magha. Inherent drawbacks in the literature
thought and expression, its general

outlook, its monotony of subject, conservative taste and limitation
all these,
of treatment, its adoption of an affected poetic diction
itself,
the whole cast of
its
combined with declining poetic power, which concerned itself

more with elaboration than creation, became fatal to the growth
of real poetry
a change.
and indicated that the
Such a change, however,
now
badly needed
did not come with the
literature
Muhammadan
worse.
or for
occupation of the country, either for better
Although there is evidence to show that imperial rulers
from Akbar
to
Shah Jahan,
as well as
local
Muslim
potentates,
were patrons of Sanskrit learning and literature, the equilibrium

It is, therefore,
does not appear to have been much disturbed.
not correct to say that the process of decadence was brought
about or hastened by foreign rule and its attendant disturbances,
decadence were already there and were
of
for the seeds
316
germinating for some time. We have seen that the epoch of

really great and creative writers had already gone by, and the
decline had
commenced, not only
The
in various branches of Sanskrit learning.
therefore,
said that
was never responsible

it
for the process
widely
foreign dominion,
but
it
must be
wake any vigorous poetic or

contact with which could have retarded the
never brought
dramatic literature,
but more
in literature,
in
its
decline or furnish fresh impetus for revival.
If a literature, after
great things in the past, does nothing more of the same

kind for several centuries and practically limits itself to the
creating
abundant reproduction
obvious that
of laborious trifles, then the
has come to
it
natural
its
conclusion
is
and
is
termination
it
blame upon external disturbances, which might

have seriously affected men's mind, but which never actively
futile to lay the
discouraged nor caused any paucity of literary production, nor

1
even broke in upon its atmosphere of aloofness from real life.
THE MAHAKAVYA
2.
Magha
is
the last sturdy figure
among
the
earlier
group of
and he naturally becomes, by his popularity

and position, the puissant and glorious founder of the tribe in
Mahakavya
writers
In accepting his work, as well as that of

some cases, the Mahakavya does not, however, connect
later times.
the best and highest tradition
and more limpid manner
for there is
of
Avaghosa
no return
and
Bhatti in
itself
with
to the earlier
Kalidasa,
whose
examples never made it feel entitled to emancipate itself

from the bondage of an inferior convention. Even Magha's
classic
influence is badly and inadequately represented

1
The
utilisation of Persian
Sivadatta and K.
P. Parab,
in the 15th century

facile Sanskrit the
entirely in Sloka,
literature
i*
NSP, Bombay,
late
and scanty.
for
The
his
obvious
Kaiha-kautuha
1901), for instance, of Siivara,
who
ted
flourishes.
and wrote to please his patron Zain-u'l-'Abidln of Kashmir, readers into

The work, in 14 chapters, ia composed
of Yusuf and Zulaikba.
theme
and
is
virtually a rendering of
comparison with which see
R.
Mulla
JamI Nur-uM-din's work,
for a
Schmidt, Das Kathakatituham de$ Srivara vergleichen mit
Dschami's Jusuf und Znlctkha, Kiel 1898.
LATEK MAHIKIVYA
mannerisms
i-hetorical
317
are reproduced rather than his
rare
poetic
The Mahakavya, as an extensive and elevated poetic

qualities.
endeavour, probably came to be regarded as the highest type of
composition and as the indispensable
test
of
great
It
poet.
had a prodigious vogue but, notwithstanding high pretensions

and conscientious effort, it is perhaps the most laboured and least
animated of all the types of poetic composition affected in this
;
The works have
period.
received praise for their
careful conformity to the recognised
standard
of
and
sustained
erudite
fancy
and verbal proficiency, but they have deserved censure because

they are so obviously elaborate exercises in metre and language
rather than fruits of
tances and
in
poetic
other
inspiration.
In
circums-
different
the worthy authors might have

and
but here they content
achieved individuality
distinction,
themselves with a mastery of the conventional style and ignore
times,
which we demand
qualities
We
of those
have already spoken
particular tendencies of the
of the general
Mahakavya
by the authority and popularity

and
we
designate masters.
characteristics
as practised by Kalidasa's
of
these
distinguished
find little variation of the general scheme,
As a
style.
rigidly
develop, but there
decrease of taste.
and
In this period they are so firmly established
great successors.
that
whom we
is
fixed
type,
progressive
The theme,
the
method, topic
Mahakavya
increase
of
placidly accepted
writers
ceases
artificiality
to
and
from well known
a lofty
legendary sources, are, as before, too slender to support
and extensive poem, and there is no sense of the central story
and its regular unfolding. For the human drama it lacks sinew ;
The prodigality
it contents itself with romance and fantasy.
of loosely connected
divagations,
descriptive,
argumentative or
wearisomely similar in every poem. It hampers, inits load the inadequate and unsubstanterrupts and buries under
exhibition of
tial narrative, but it is a convenient outlet for the
erotic, is
In poetry, there is perhaps nothing

of little importance, but the treatment in
technical skill and learning.
wrong
if
this case
the subject
is
also
is
narrowly conditioned, and the manner
displays
318
the deadly weaknesses of pseudo-classicism, the
all
reached in the childish tricks of the
Citra-bandhas,
almost unbroken tradition.
in
repeated
The
uninspired but they are exceedingly active.
what tedium means

rate stanzas
climax being
which are
may be
not know
poets
They do
they can go on weaving hundreds of elabo-
and build up a verbal
of
edifice
magnificence, in
which scholarly ingenuity masquerades under the name

and reduces it to a magnificence of futility.
The Mahakavya
and
of poetry
writers of this period, therefore, both
gain
find
ready to
by their chronological position. They
their hands a system of poetic composition,
working on well
defined lines, and following recognised principles and an established
lose
an audience trained to the manner by a

succession of brilliant writers.
But with consequent facility and
as
tradition,
well
as
finish of execution, the
freedom of conception and treatment
is
There must either be the reproduction, in varied combinations, of stock situations and familiar motives, or the forced
invention of strange and unnatural themes the one tending to
forfeited.
unhealthy wildness. With

and
diminishing poetic power
increasing verbal skill, the poets of
this period choose the former alternative.
If they had
not the
monotonous
repetition, the other to
genius to rise superior to their circumstances and leave the beaten

path, they had at least the genius, in a flawed and limited sense,
to
work out
siderable rhetorical cunning,

true that
all
and produce tour de force of con-
finical variations
if
them are curious mosaics
of the
but the task of
much
to
delight
not of
poetical brilliance.
It is
the works cannot be outright condemned, and some of
sifting
the
scholar,
but
good and bad of their exemplars

dross to find pure gold may be a
;
hardly repays
the
trouble
of the
ordinary reader.
The
tricks
become the
extraordinary
we
command
discredited
even
shall see, of specialised
over the language, they
by the
treatises.
may
rhetoricians,
of Sanskrit poetry speaks of
although
As an evidence
they
of the author's
be regarded as curiosities,
them as "giving word-puzzles in a

an enthusiastic confusion between word-puzzles and poetry I
an apologist
indulges in
are progressively
subject, as
but
when
poetic garbj" he
THE LATER MAHIKAVYA
319
We
have thus in the Mahakavya of the period industrious

monuments of poetic skill, but not much of real poetry. Most
of
them
are
human documents
they embody cold and

methodical practice in conventional art and artifice. They all
think the same thought and speak the same speech.
It is
difficult
hardly
maintain
to
that
the
cover up whatever trace there

of
have
is of it
a limited popularity, and can
taken
still
so
poems
much
is
ever
pains to
under a prodigious amount
Some
and bad rhetoric.
pedantry
these
in
passion
genuine, but the poets need not
of the
poems
be declaimed
still
possess
by school-boys
but most of them are hopelessly dead and require little criticism.
A typical instance of the decadent Mahakavya is furnished
1
of the Kashmirian Ratnakara,
of
son
by the Hara-vijaya
who
flourished
under
Amrtabhanu,
Cippata Jayfiplda (8tS2-44
and
Avantivarman
A.D.)
(855-84 A.D.) in a period of consider-
able
literary
It
activity.
is
work
stupendous
of
50 cantos
and 4,321 verses, but the main narrative is extremely scanty,

and the interest is made to dissipate itself into a number of
It relates the story of the
subsidiary channels.
of the
slaying
by Siva
demon Andhaka who, born blind of Siva himself, regained
But
sight by his austerities and became a menace to the gods.
the author must show his knowledge of polity in eight cantos
(ix-xvi)
and of erotic practice in another ten or eleven (xvii-xx,
xxii-xxviii)
the latter
digression
concerning
Siva's host,
who
appear to be better lovers than warriors, works out the usual

paraphernalia of purely descriptive matter, such as plucking
of
flowers,
sporting
in
water,
sunset,
moonrise,
stormy
sea,
pangs of lover's separation, feminine toilet and blandishments,

The
drinking bouts and merriment, love-play, and sunrise
!
opening description in
six cantos (i-vi) of the
city
of
Siva,
his
Tandava dance, the Seasons, Siva's capital on Mount Mandara,

and praise (in terms of Kashmirian Saiva philosophy !) and
Ed. Durgapraaad and K. P. Parab, with comm. of Alaka, NSP, Bombay 1890.
Ratnakara's imitation of Migba ee Jncobi in WZKM, IV, 1890, p. 240 f. On the lexical
1
On
materials in the
poem
see R.
Schmidt
in
WZKM, XXIX, p.
259
f.
320
Siva
appeal to
by the closing accounts
are balanced
the demon's
tion
by the Seasons fleeing
for
protection to him,
of the sending of
messenger,
in heaven,
exchange of defiances, preparaand

the
campaign
imaginative battle lacking the
imagination, all of which occupy twenty cantos (xxxi-1)
kingdom
the
for
virtue of
and include the tricks of the Citra-bandha (canto xlviii) and a

tremendous hymn to Candi (canto xlvii) in 167 Vasantatilaka
stanzas
of
Katnakara's work, with

persistent
proportion,
and sense
utter lack of taste
its
of
straining
and interminable
effort
dreariness, beautifully exemplifies the desperate state to which

the Mahakavya had already descended.
Ratnakara is styled
Vagi^vara and Vidyapati
mastery of speech and specialised

but he is hardly a poet of
learning perhaps justify the titles
;
his
He
distinction.
but his
a
own
and even
poet,
which
is
34)
(v.
fancied
his
assertion that one
great
powers of writing a Mahakavya,

who is not a poet can become
is
poet,
characteristic of the attitude
apt to confuse pedantry with poetry. Although Eahlana

mentions him, Alaka writes a gloss on his work, the
take
anthologists
praises his
command
of copies of his
significant of
work
the
some
of
notice
of his verses
of the Vasantatilaka metre,
in later times, even in
the
that
fact
and Ksemendra
the rarity
yet
Kashmir,
work could never
is
live
perhaps
and was
not unjustly consigned to oblivion.
The Kapphindbhyudaya
porary Sivasvarain,
is
work
Ratnakara's younger contemalso adorned the court of Avantivarman,
same
of exactly the
recognition
who
by anthologists,
of
Notwithstanding a limited
rhetoricians and
lexicographers,
type.
For the anthology verses see Peterson, Subhasitavali, p. 96; Aufrecht in

p. 372 f. Some of the verses are undoubtedly striking, bat they shine in the
XXXVI,
ZDMG,
reflected
glory of conventional words and ideas.

3
(extra
for
The
no. of
want
3
first
first detailed
account of the work was given by "Rubier in
JBRAS}, Bombay
1877, pp. 43-45.
The published
his
Kashmir Repor\
text contains
many
lacunae
of good manuscripts.
Ed. Gaurishankar, Panjab Univ. Orient. Publication Series, Lahore 1937.
notable account of the work
Tamil MSS.i No.
2,
Madras 1899.
was given by Seehagiri
Saatri in his Report of Sanskrit
The
and
THE LATER MAHIKAVYA

work
this
also
suffered
similar,
321
but not
unexceptionable,
Like BatnSkara, Sivasvamin, son of Arkasvamin, was

probably a Kashmirian gaiva, and his poem is dedicated to
neglect.
but he does not disdain to invoke and

glorify the
Buddha. Contrary to general practice, but probably on the
advice of a Buddhist monk and teacher named Candramitra,
Siva (xx. 45)
Sivasvamin
for
selects
his
theme the Buddhist legend 2 of

two different versions in the Sanskrit
Kapphina, which exits in

Avadana-ataka and in the Pali commentaries.
Sivasvamin
shows a first-hand knowledge of Buddhist doctrine and its
terminology, but he selects the simple Avadana story of king
Kapphina
of
Daksinapatha, who invades the territory
works
it
of the
Mahakavya,
out of
all
of Prasena-
converted into Buddhism by a miracle, and

recognition and in the full and approved manner
jit of Sravasti but
is
as prescribed
he speaks of having studied
by the rhetoricians. Although

Bhartrmentba 3 and
Kalidasa,
Dandin, his work is obviously modelled on those of Bharavi,

4
Magha and even Ratnakara. Although it is less ambitious in
having the respectable limit of twenty cantos, against fifty of
Ratnakara, it is composed in no less difficult and ornate diction
and with no
in the
He
less leisurely display of
employment
abundant
of language, metre
and
skill
and learning
ornament.
rhetorical
cannot, of course, omit the customary appendages of dispro-
portionately lengthy descriptions (cantos viii-xv) of the six seasons,
plucking of flowers, toilet, sunset,

of lovers and sunrise, as well
union
moonrise, drinking parties,
of
enjoyment
rian
water-sports,
It is noteworthy that manuscripts are rare even in
MSS
were available
for
the above edition, which
is
its
place of origin.
No Kashmi-
based chiefly, but unsatisfactorily,
on fragmentary Odiyi and Newari copies.

8
This is in no way surprising when we remember that in the next century Kseuiendra,
another Kashmirian, includes the Buddha among the Avataras in his Dasdvatdra-carita.
3
The
title of
his predecessor
Sivasvfimin's work, however, reminds one of the
SaAkuka, which
is
mentioned by Kahlana
(iv.
Bhuvanabhyudaya
of
704).
cloge resemblances, see Gaurishankar, op. cit., pp. li-lxix.
For the
For metrical
analysis,
see
Gaurisbankar,
pp.
ixx-lxxiii.
Sivasvamin
employs
makes a display of 37 kinds of metre,

altogether 42 different metres, but in canto vi he
as against Bh&ravi'a 16 and Magha 22 in cantos v and iv respectively of their poems.
'
41
1843B
322
discussion
as of sending of messengers, councils of war, political
and
artificial
bandha
including the tricks of the Citrahymn to the Buddha in Prakrit and
battle-scenes,
and
(vi-xviii)
sermon in Sanskrit (xix-xx)

In spite of the novelty
of his central theme, Sivasvamin can claim no more merit
his replying
than that of producing a literary curiosity of Sastric knowledge,

technical facility and misplaced
of the great composers of
ingenuity
artificial verse,
and as a successor
he
is
to all the
entitled
censure and perhaps to some of the praise allotted to Bhatti and

1
Magha, as well as to his contemporary Katnakara.
The
work in
tfrikantha-carita* of
twenty-five
composed
same
stereotyped
diction, but reverts for its
overthrow
slightest
of
Tripura.
theme
As
and
form,
method
and
Purana legend
to the
the
usual,
1135
between
cantos,
A.D., shows the
1145
another Kashmirian
Marikhaka,
here
story
importance, and the whole stock-in-trade
of Siva's
of
is
the
of accessories
brought in. After preliminary prayers and benedictions in one canto, the work dilates upon the theme of good and
is liberally
and gives an account (canto iii) of the

Mankhaka's father was
author, his family and his country.
ViSvavarta, son of Manmatha, and his three brothers Srngara,
bad people (canto
ii)
Bhanga ond Alamkara
and employed as
himself, scholars
mentioned in the
as
state
canto (xv. 30, 135
last
Euyyaka, author
Lankaka) were
(familiarly called
of the
in cantos iv
1
and
We are told in
v,
f), is
Ruyyaka,
probably the same
Alamkara-sarvasva,
instructed the poet in the art of rhetoric.
The
who
story
with a description of Kailasa and
an apocryphal verse
of
the
all, like
officials.
apparently
taken up,
is
its deity,
but
Sukti-muktavan that Sivasvamin wrote
some seven Mahak&vyas, several dramatic works and eleven
lacs of
hymns and
narrative,
composed day by day in praise of Siva. We are mercifully spared of them.

3
Ed. Dnrgaprasad and K. P. Parab, with comm. of Jonaraja ( c. 1417-67 A.D.j. The
first detailed account of the work appeared in Bubler's Kashmir Report, cited above, pp. 50-52
3
Ruyyaka's work cites five verses from Mankhaka's

Jacob in JRAS, 1897, p. 293 for these verses).
author (see
Mankhaka's
authentic
big* work
ft
collaboration with
see B.
Euyyaka
in
i,
the
poem without naming the

The Southern tradition of
Alarpkara-saTvasva does not seem to
pp. 191-93.
Mankhaka appears
few years earlier than the date of Kahlana's historical poem.
to
have written
THE LATER MAHAKAVYA

it is
cantos
interrupted for several

the
of
descriptions
amusements, and
to the martial
and
spring
323
with the digressive
(vi-xvi)
the usual
erotic
and
sports
We
return
sunset, moonrise and morning.
in
the story but handled in the
exploits, involved
of
following cantos (xvii-xxiv), ending
conventional manner, in the
with the burning of Tripura. In the last canto, however, which

was probably added later, we have an account of some historical
and
interest,
literary
written
in the
simpler and easier Sloka
metre, of an assembly of learned men, held under the patronage of

the poet's brother Alamkara, a minister of Jayasimha of Kashmir
(1127-1150 A.D.), on the occasion of the completion and reading

It includes thirty names of scholars, poets and
of the poem.
officials,
stating their capacities and their
But
tastes.
for these
personal details, which have a value of their own, the 3rikanthacarita shows only a faithful observance of the rules of Poetics re-
composition of a Mahakavya, and
garding the
work
of little originality.
much
some rich
metre
generally
but,
l
expression,
It
is
charming effects in language and

speaking, his work lacks lucidity of
and
necessary
form and content

even more
Ruyyaka, Mankhaka shows

rhetorical ornaments, and succeeds
as well as freshness
not
stiff
established
of
other
and
to take
variety.
further detailed
Mahakavyas
productions,
norm.
composed
Some
of
If our
the
is
identical with the author of the
extensive
with
poems,
Jayadratha, are
of
Hara-carita-cintamani
MaAkhaka
which are
in strict accordance
more
the
notice of the
of this period,
again, like
consequently a
a pupil of
cleverness in the use of
in achieving
the
As
is
not
Mahkha-koSa, then he was also a
recondite words wonld not be surprising.
lexicographer, whose partiality for

*
Ed. Sivadatta and K. P. Parab,
PrakaiSas.
The form Jayadratha,
printed text, as well as
MahamSheSvara
in
was
of
1897, the
the
was a Kashmirian Saiva.
It
text going
author's
Bubler's account, while tbe Kashmiri an
indicate that he
distinguished from and
NSP, Bombay
aod not Jayaratha,
is
in fact a brother of Jayaratha, the well
name
titles
up
fo
22
occurs in the
Rajanaka and
possible that he should be
known commentator on
S. K. De, Santkrit
Abbinavagupta's Tantrdloka and Ruyyaka's Alarflkara-sarvasva
of
under RS jade
13th
of
the
century
first
the
quarter
Poetics, i, p. 197 f). He flourished in
(see
Kashmir.
msTo&Y o$ SANSKRIT LITERATURE
324
retail
Mabakavyas, but works of tbe Mahatmya type, which

in the Sloka metre old and new Saiva myths and legends,
some
of
really
which are
Kashmir.
in
directly
Similarly,
connected with places of pilgrimage

Kadambari-katha-sara 1 of still
the
another Kashmirian
Abhinanda, son of Jayanta Bbatta, is not a

regular Mahakavya, but is only an elegant metrical summary of
Bana's romance in eight canto?, composed mostly in Slokajit
has the honour of being quoted by
and
Bhoja,
Abhinavagupta, Ksemendra
apparently belongs to the first half of the

Although the author mentions one of his ancestors
and
9th century.
in the seventh degree as a Gauda, it
2
with the Gauda Abhinanda, who
is
not clear
is
cited
if
he
is
identical
extensively in the
Anthologies, but whose verses are not traceable in the Kathasara, or with Abhinanda, son of Satananda and author of the
This
Rama-carita, whose date and place of origin is uncertain.
4
last-named work,
incomplete even in thirty-six cantos, weaves
Mahakavya of the elaborate kind out of the well-worn Kamayana

story, commencing from the abduction of Sita and ending with
the death of Kumbha-Nikumbha; four supplementary cantos
The Daavatarawritten by other hands complete the narrative.
5
of Ksemendra, also composed in Kashmir in 1066 A.D.
carita
a
again, not strictly
is,
Mahakavya, nor a
poem, but
religious
1
Ed. Durgaprasad and K. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1888, 1899;
Sarman, Lahore 1900; also ed. in the Pandit, vols. i-ii. Ksemendra
ed-.
in
Acintyaram
his
Kavi-
kanthabharana also refers to a Padya-kddambarl composed by himself.

2
For references and discussion of the question, see S.K. De, Padyaval'i, pp. 182-84 and
New
Ind. Antiquary, II, p. 85.
3
Of the anthology verses quoted under the name Abhinanda, only two
karnamfta (out of 22) and two in Sukti-mukt&vali are traceable in the Rama-carita
in
Sadukti*
(see introd.,
The
earliest reference to this poet is that by Scnjdtiala in his Udayasundariwhich belongs to the first quarter of the llth century, while Bhoja quotes
The problem is
extensively, but anonymously, from the poem at about the same time.
complicated by the fact that the editor of the Rama-carita makes a plausible case of its
pp.
vii-xiii).
kaiha (pp.
2-3),
author having belonged to Gauda; but the identity of his patron H&ravarsa Yuvaraja, son of
Vikrama&la, with Devapala, son of Dharmapala of Gauda, is, without further evidence,
highly problematic.
u * Ed. K. 8. Enmaswami Sastri, Gaekwad's Orient, Series, Baroda 1930.
*
Ed. Dorgaprasad and K. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1891.
THE LATER MAHAKiVYA

gives an interesting
Kavya
regular
stones
account of the ten incarnations
being an abstract,
style,
more or
Ksemendra's other abstracts,
but, like
325
1
less, of
2
it
is
the
in
Puranic
of
little
distinction in its eulogy or narrative.
The only Mahakavya which need

carita
much
of Sriharsa, not so
evidence
for the interesting
metrical
laboured
composition
siastically favoured.
it is
is
the Naisadha-
for its intrinsic poetic merit as
affords of the type of
enormously
was widely and enthuregarded as one of the live great
which
The work is
in Sanskrit;
Mahakavyas
it
detain us
undoubtedly the
last
masterpiece
and ingenuity that the Mahakavya can show, but to

class it with the masterpieces of Kalidasa, Bharavi and even
Magha is to betray an ignorance of the difference between poetry
of industry
and
counterfeit.
its
activity of Sriharsa,
additional
four
of
genuineness
is
cot
is
Mamalladevi,
The question of the date and place of

who is described as the son of Srlhlra and
verses
In
one of the
found at the end of the
poem, the
however,
which,
said that the poet received
kubja.
As
from
free
difficulty.
is
not
beyond question,
honour from the king
of
it
Kanya-
this assertion agrees with the story recorded in Jaina
1
Viz.
Matsya, Kurma, "Varaha, Nrsiijiha, Vamana, Paraurama, Rama, Krsna, the
Buddha and Karkya a list slightly different from that of Jayadeva.
2
The Ramayana-manjari (ed. Bhavadatta and K. P, Parabj and the Mahdbhdratat
maftjarl (ed. Sivadatta and
K. P. Parab), NSP, Bombay 1903 and
1898: and the Brhatkathd-
manjarl mentioned above. The Bharata-maftjari is dated 1037 A.D.

3
Ed. Bibl. Ind, f Calcutta, vol. i (Purva i-xi), with oomm of Premaehandra Tarkavagisa,
1836, vol. ii(Uttara xii-xxii), ed. E, R5er, with the comm. of Narayana, 1855; ed. Jivananda
Vidyasagara with comm. of Mallinatha, 2

others, with the
comm.
of Mallinatha,
and V. L. Panashikar, with comm.
of
vols., Calcutta
{i-xii
only), in
two
1875-76, ed.
parts,
K. L. V. Saatri and
Palghat 1924; ed. Sivadatta
Narayana, NSP, Bombay 1894, 6th
ed. 1928; ed. Nitya-
svarup Brahmacari, with comms. of Narayana, Bharatamallika and Vamglvadana (i-iii only),
r
Calcutta 1929-30; Bng. trs., with extracts from eight cormns. O idyadhara, Candupandita,
LSanadeva, Narahari, ViSvesvara, Jinaraja, Mallinatha and
Narayana), by K. K. Handiqui,
Lahore 1934.
4
The work
is
the subject of more

extensively quoted in the anthologies and is
than
twenty different commentaries, including those of Mallinitha and Caritravardbana. But the
legend, more witty than authentic, that Mammat.a thought that this one work was sufficient
o illustrate
all
the faults mentioned in his
did not escape notice.
rhetorical
work
also indicates that its artificialities
326
Raja&khara Suri's Prabandha-koa (composed
1348 A.D.), it
has been held that Sriharsa probably flourished under Vijayacandra and Jayacandra of Kanauj in the second half of the 12th
in
He
was probably also a logician and philosopher;

and wrote the Vedantic treatise Khandana-khanda-khadya
for, apart from the mention of the work (vi. 113) and of his
century.
labours in the science of logic (x. 137) in two epilogue-stanzas,

the Naisadhacarita itself passes in review a number of philosophical
including those of the Buddhists, Jainas and
doctrines
Carvakas.
The Naisadha-carita
Mahabharata story
very small part of
of
4
it,
treatment the
selects for
known
well
Nala and Damayanti, but deals with a

carrying the narrative only as far as
their
31 f ; XI, 1874, p. 279. K. T. Telang (I A, II, p. 71f

XIII, 1913, pp. 83 f, 286 f), however, question the trustworthiness of Kajas*ekhara's account, and suggest the 9th or the 10th century as the date
of Sriharsa.
The attempt to demonstrate (N. E. Bhattacharya in Saras vati Bhavana
HI,
G.Bvihlerin SBJM,X,1871,
p. 81
f)
and R. P. Chanda
Studies, Benares 1924,
iii,
belonged to Bengal
wholly
is
pp.
is
159-94;
of
Culture, II, p. 576
also Ind.
see
see S.
K. De in
New
itself refers to
still
each canto, an epilogue-stanza
some variations, giving us a few personal
in
earlier
that
Srlharsa
^
the
commentary by Vidyadhara.
Sardulavikridita
details about the author
cluding a reference to the Khanjana-khanda-khadya as the author's

tise in its turn
f)
Indian Antiquary II,
view of the fact that Candupandita's commentary on
dated 1297 A.D., and
At the end
unconvincing;
p. 81, note.
* The date is not
unlikely in
Naiadha
p.
(I A,
is
repeated with
and his work, and
own work.
in-
This trea-
mentions the Nai$adlia-carita. While mutual reference is not unusual, it is

that, while the reference in the philosophical work is to the twenty-first
somewhat curious
canto of the poem, the reference in the
poem
to the other
work occurs
at
the
end
of the
Again, the last concluding verse of canto xvi declares that the poem was honoured
by the learned people of Kashmir, but it demands too much from credulity to believe that
the work was appreciated even before the sixteenth canto was completed. These and
sixth
other considerations render the genuineness of the epilogue-stanzas doubtful, although it is

The other works of Srihar?a menquite possible that they embody a genuine tradition.
tioned in these stanzas are
Stbairya-vicara-prakarana
Gau4orvls*a-pras'asti (vii. 109), Arnava-vivarana
(ix.
(iv.
123), Srivijaya-pras*asti (v. 138),
160), Chinda-pras*asti (xvii. 222),
Siva-
and Navasahasanka-carita Oampu (xxiii. 151). We know nothing

about the nature and content of these works, and all historical speculations based upon
them are idle. But Srlharsa's writing of panegyrics in praise of C hind a or king of Gauda
s*akti-siddhi (xviii. 154)
need not be incompatible with his being patronised by the king of Kanauj.
4 There is no evidence to show that the
poem was left incomplete ; but even
so,
the twenty-two cantos which exist are quite sufficiently characteristic.
if it
were
THE LATER MAHAKIVYA
327
romantic marriage and the advent of Kali in Nala's capital.

The broad outlines of the epic legend are accepted, but there are
some
significant changes, one of
character
in
somewhat
which
different
is
meant
1
to
show Nala's
In delivering
light.
the
message of the gods, Nala's anxiety in the Mahdbhdrata is to

concile his own interest with what he conceives to be his
duty
the gods, but in the
conflict of his
poem
higher
honour with his sense
re-
to
and subtler motive of the

of failure of his
mission
is
But the episode of Nala's story (for it is no more

than an episode), to which Srlharsa devotes about two thousand
conceived.
and eight hundred verses, is related in less than two hundred Slokas
in the Mahdbharata.
The simple epic story is perhaps one of the
most romantic and pathetic
to be
found in any
literature,
but Srl-
harsa confines himself, significantly enough, to the lighter side of

The concern of the undoubtedly talented master
Nala's career.
of diction
and metre
not with the possibilities of the story
is
itself,
but with the possibilities of embellishing it, disproportionately

in twenty-two cantos, by his forensic and rhetorical fancy with a
pedantic mass of descriptive matter, supposed to be indispensable
in the Mahakavya.
The Svayamvara of DamayantI, for instance,
takes only a few lines in the Epic, but Srlharsa devotes to
long cantos (x-xiv) of more than
five
hundred stanzas.
most gorgeous and elaborate description
of its kind in
it five
It is
the
Sanskrit
not the question of magnificence and proportion alone

To present to DamayantI the five Nalas,
here
that is
significant.
or rather the real Nala and the four divine suitors who have
but
it is
assumed his form,

opinion, the task
who
is
made
is
is
a task of no small difficulty
worthy
to undertake
it
in
griharsa's
of Sarasvatl, the goddess of learning,

;
each of the eighteen verses

overtly applying to Nala, but
for
must have a twofold meaning,

characterising at the same time one
of
the
four gods
who
also
For the sake of uniformity and impartiality, even

pose as Nala.
the verses which describe the real Nala are also made to possess
Handiquij
op. cit, } p. xxvi.
328
and in the closing stanza, the address is capable

of five interpretations, one for each of the dissembling gods and
The situation is ingeniously conthe fifth for Nala himself.
double meaning
ceived,
and the display
out of place
yanti, to
but
whom
it
of marvellous
not
is
punning
certainly sets a perplexing task to
the
verses
perhaps would not be
altogether
poor
Dama-
intelligible
forthwith without a commentary

But not rhetoric alone, Srihara's philosophical studies
supply the theme of one whole canto (xvii), irrelevantly intro!
duced, in which the
trickish gods
in
appear
the
of thought and
abundant
allusions
poem
protagonists of different systems

there are throughout the
cal theories
and doctrines.
Sriharsa
is
role
of
belief,
to
the
while
philosophi-
careful, however, to
show
that his learned preoccupations in no
dealing with
canto
(vii),
the
for
way rendered him unfit for

refinements of the erotic art.
One whole
of more
than a hundred stanzas
instance,
the progress of the narrative by

a minute and
of
sensuous
inventory
Damayanti's beauty of limbs,
franklj
commencing from the hair of the head and ending with the
impedes
toe-nails of her feet
but what
is
indicative
description comes
her
invisible
views
from an
distance
of taste is that the
of
singular
lack
from Nala himself who
The poet never loses an

The unveiled succulence of
!
of
erotic
opportunity
some of the passages
digression.
be only a practical illustration of his

but, notwithstanding
knowledge of the Kaina-astra as a Sastra
the grace of a complex diction, the passages are extremely grace-
may
Apart from the usual description of married

bliss, to which the Epic makes only a passing reference, but
which is an established convention in the Mahakavya, one may
less in
many
places.
such episodes as the feast of Dama (canto xvi) to show that

the poet does not hesitate to introduce vulgar innuendos in what
cite
is
It
supposed to be witty repartee of a more or less cultured society.

is no wonder, therefore, that, judging by modern
standards,
an impatient Western critic should stigmatise the work as a

fect masterpiece of bad taste and bad style
!
per-
THE LATER MATIIKXVYA

At the same time
even
his
if
Damayanti
it
must be said
to
329
Sriharsa's
that
credit
is
conventional, he shows considerable skill

in the general picture of Nala's character
depicted with its conflict
of the emotions of love and honour.
Despite laboured language,
there are animated and quite
witty speeches and dialogues, and not
a little of remarkable epigrams and wise reflections.
There
can
also be
no doubt about Sriharsa's extraordinarily varied

learning
and command of the entire resources
of
traditional
technique,
even though the learning tends towards the obscure and the techHis metrical skill is also considernique towards the artificial.
he employs about twenty different metres in all,
which
are mostly short lyrical measures, the Mandakranta, Sikharim
able
and Sragdhara occurring only rarely but his predilection towards

harsh and recondite forms of words and phrases does not
;
always
make
his
metres smooth
and tuneful.
Without any avowed
grammatical, rhetorical or lexicographical object, his diction is

deliberately difficult, his fancy is abundant but often fantastic,
and his feux
metaphor, simile, antithesis and other

tricks of expression are more brilliant than illuminating.
They
are not so much means of beautiful and limpid expression as of
d* artifice of
Srlharsa's descriptive
ingenious straining of words and ideas.
which
has
been
so
much
is
power,
praised,
astonishing in its
profusion and cleverness ; but his extreme partiality for romantic
commonplaces and the fatiguing ornateness

make it phantasmagoric and devoid of
diction
is
nowhere
so unfortunately displayed
natural scenery ? which, as a rule,

poets, but
is
as
his
of
overworked
visualisation.
the
in
description
a strong point with
which in Srlharsa becomes
Notwithstanding his limitations,
lifeless
it
is
This
of
Sanskrit
and unconvincing.
that Srlhara
clear
possesses a truly high gift, but it is a gift not of a high poetic

character.
It should be recognised at once that the Naisadhacarita is not only a learned poem, but is in many ways a
repository
1
of
traditional
In order of preference,
learning,
the frequently
used
and
should,
nitres a-e
therefore,
Upa;ati, V-aipSaathavila,
dtoka, Vasantatilaka, Svfigata, Drutavilambita, Rathoddhata, Vaitaliya and Harinl.
42-1843B
be
330
such learning.
It is also
a treasure-house of literary dexterity and involves for its appreThe modern reader often
ciation an aptitude in this direction.
approached with the
full
of
equipment
and therefore
perhaps lacks this equipment and aptitude,

little interest
in a
work which,
been so popular with scholars
however much
of
for its cult
the
of
finds
has always
style,
traditional
type.
But,
learning and dexterity may win over a limited

class of readers, its appeal can never be wide, not so much for its
solid crust of
its
and rhetoric, but
scholarship
limited power and range
of
its
purely
the extremely
for
poetic
quality.
often happens, as in this case, that wherever there

poetic inspiration, there
glitter of technical skill
is
a tendency to astonish us
and sheer erudition.
shares but emphasises to an extreme degree

tribe; and no sound-hearted,
ities of his
will ever include
him
there, not because
a natural
tion or imagination, but because
of
not only
worst
artificial-
the
sound-minded reader
loved for
Even
as
for his rhetoric
accompaniment
it is
very
lack
by the hard
in the small class of great poets.
it is
Sriharsa
a rhetorical writer, Srlharsa does not rank high;

is
is
It
of the
own
its
emo-
sake.
It
indicates not only a tendency towards the artificial, but an inability
Like Subandhu and
to achieve the natural.
like
most writers
of
the kind, Srlharsa is obsessed with the idea that nothing great
can be attained in the ordinary way. Even if a modern critic
has the inclination to share the enthusiasm of Srlharsa's admirers,
the poet's impossible and incessant affectations rise up in witness

against such an attitude.
If the
reputed
Mahakavya
measured praise, what
who weakly
imitate
writers of the period deserve
such
shall be said of the legion of lesser authors
them?
If in
their
own day
they enjoyed
did
so
because
not
the right
popularity, they
they supplied,
kind of poetry, but the kind which was readily favoured. It is
some
upon the
artistic skill of expression that
they chiefly concentrate
but their ideas are too often

stored with phrases
commonplace and their poetic speech

and formulas of generations of older poets.
In these writings the vision
of
romance never
fades, but the vision
LATER MAHIKIVYA
tif
nature
is
verse supple
never born.
;
Their language
331
never pliant nor their

while their fancy loves to play with the faatastio
is
and the extravagant. It will be enough for our

purpose, thereif
we
mention
here
some
of
the more well known works
fore,
only
which have been so far published. The Nala legend, for insis
tance,
attempted in
its
in fifteen
entirety,
by the
cantos,
of Krsnananda, a Kayastha of the

Sahrdaydnanda
Kapirijala
family and Mahapatra to the king of Puri, as well as by the
2
Nalabhyudaya, in eight cantos, of Vamanabhatta Bana, whom
we have already mentioned above for an insipid dramatisation of
On
one of Kalidasa's poems.

based
several
elaborate
the Epics and the Puranas are also
attempts,
including
grammatical
and
be
mentioned below, as well as metrical

3
One such close adaptation, in
adaptations by Jaina writers.
nineteen Parvans (and not cantos!), of the Mahabharata is
rhetorical
to
poems
Bala-bharata
the
who
Suri,
Amaracandra
of
Suri,
under Vigaladeva
flourished
Jinadatta
of
pupil
in the first
of Gujarat
6
The Janakl-parinaya of Cakrakavi,

son of Lokanatha and Amba, deals in eight cantos with the
well known Bala-kanda episode of Slta's marriage
but the
half of the 13th century.
Udara-raghava
of
Sakalyamalla,
son of
Madhava and
A.D.),
is
eel.
only
six
cantos.
As the work
the entire
Bombay
1330
(c.
Eamayana
story,
1892; the Sri Van! Vilasa Press
cited in the Sahitya-daTpana, its date cannot be
is
than the 14th century.

3
Ed. T. Qanapati Sastri, Trivandrum Sanskrit Series, 2nd ed. 1913.
3
Only a selected number of such Jaina works are mentioned below
account, see Winternitz,

*
Parab,
iii,
artificial recast of
a highly
Mallacarya or Kavimalla,
contemporary of Singabhupala
Ed. Durgapraaad and K. P. Parab, NSP,
prints
later
alias
H1L,
ii,
Ed. in the Pandit, Old Series,
NSP, Bombay 1894.

The industrious
p. 211f.
See
for a
more detailed
p. 495f.
iv-vi,
Weber
in
Benares 1869-71; also ed. Sivadatta and K. P.
ZDMG, XXVII,
1873, p. 170f. and Ind. Streifen,
author wrote some seven works, of which the better
the Padmfinanda (see below), a
comm. on
on Prosody, called Chandoratnavali.

De, Sanskrit Poetics, i A p. 210f.
his
known
friend Arisimha's Kavya-kalpalata and a
For the author,
see
introd. to
Padmananda and
are
work
S.
K.
Ed. T. Qauapati Sastri, Trivandrum Skt. Ser. The author also wrote Campus on the
have lived in the 17th century.
marriages of Pukmini, Gaurl acd Draupadi. He appears to
5
Printed Gopal Narayan Co., Bombay, no date.
332
but only
nine out of
its
The Naranarayanananda
reputed eighteen cantos are available.

of Vastupala, minister of Viradhavala
Dholka (Kathiawad)
is a more
pretentious work in sixteen
the
cantos, describing
friendship of Arjuna and Krsna and ending
with the abduction and marriage of Subhadra. The Pandava-
of
carita
Maladharin Devaprabha Suri, who
of
A.D., lapses into summarising in eighteen
lived about
1200
cantos the contents of
eighteen parvans of the Mahabharata, remodelling manybut hardly rising

above the
Puranic style. The
details
Surathotsava* of Somesvara, son of Kumara and LaksmI and
the
court-poet of Viradhavala and Vi&iladeva of Gujarat
(c.
1219-71
A.D.), brings in some diversity by relating in fifteen cantos the
mythical story of Suratha,
his
penance
in
the Himalayas
and
demons, albeit in the approved manner and diction.

reason to regard it as a political allegory, but it has
no
There is
an interesting conclusion, which gives some personal history of
slaying
of
the poet and his patrons.
The Krsna legend claims
the Hari-vilasa
of
Lolimbaraja,
in five cantos, at about the middle of the llth century,
composed
on the early exploits of Krsna up to the slaying of Kamsa, the
subject affording some opportunity of erotic flavour and lyric
But the Yadavdbhyudaya 5 of the well known South
fluency.
Indian teacher and scholar Venkatanatha or Yenkatadesika,
1
Ed.
0.
D. Dalai and B.
The work appears
1916.
Anantakrishna
Sastri,
Gaekwad's
Orient. Ser.,
Baroda
have been compered between 1220 and 1230 A.D.

7
Ed. Sivadatta and K. P. Parab, JS SP, Bombay 1911.

Ed. Sivadatta and K. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1902.
Ed. Eavyamala, Gucchaka
Series,
to
is a
ii,
pp. 79f, lOlf.
The
author,
temporary of Bhoja of Dbara,
is
Bombay 1895, pp. 94-113; also ed. in the Pandit, Old

who lived under the South Indian king Harihara, a con-
xi,
better
known
the Krsna legend, called Gop&la-lila, by Tailanga
the Pandit ,
works on medicine.
Bamacandra
Another poem on
(born in 1484 A.D.)
is
edited in
vi.
Ed. with comm.
1907-24.
for his
The
tf
introduction
Af payya Diksita, in three parts, Sri Vflnl Vilasa Press, Srinangam

contains an account of the anthor,
who
lived
mostly in Eanci aud
Srirangam, and bis numerous poetical and philosophical works, including the allegorical play,
Sarpkalpa-suryodaya (see below), the Stotra Pddukd-sahasra (ed. NSP, Bombay) and philosophical
poem Hawsa-sorndcta
Madras, II,
pts. iii-iv.
'see below).
On
the author, see Journal of Orient.
Research,
THE LATER MAHIK1VYA
333
long and laborious production of great literaiy, but Fmali poetic

merit, composed between the second half of the 13th and the first
The Rukminl-kalyana,
the abduction and marriage of
much
extensive
less
work
dealing with
is a
similarly dreary but
another South Indian scholar and
Eukmini,
of
polymath, Rajacudamani Dlksita, who flourished under Eaghunatha Nayaka of Tanjore in the earlier part of the 17th century.
The Bengal Vaisnava movement
also produced some elaborate

but they concentrate chiefly on the Radha legend and
poems,
present
it
instance,
back ground of highly sensuous charm. Such, for

the Govinda-lilamrta* of Krsnadasa Kaviraja, which
in a
is
twenty-three cantos (2511 verses) the erotic sports

and pastimes of Krsna and Rfidha, occurring at different parts of
the day (Astakalika-Lila) whatever may be the devotional value
describes
in
of the work, its poetic merit
Saiva
They
ol
legends
find a novel
flourished
is
duction by T. E. Cintarnani
other works.
2
3
.
who
ia
known by
his
depicted in this
equal zeal and facility.

4
in the Bhiksatana
title
Utpreksa-vallabha,
See also
S.
gives
comm
of
K. DP, Sanskrit Poetics,
i,
an
erotic
Siva's
is
wandering
of
fcarrjdwfta,
known
Pcca
for
bis
1938, pp.
Bengali
Iv-lxiii.
and
intro-
pp. 307-8.
For the author,
biography of Ontanya, sre S. K. De, Krsna-
metrical
The work
The
the \olun>it)ou8 author and hig
Also some shorter poems, Stotras and Campus (see below)

Ed Pachinandan Gosvami, Brinda van 1903 (in Bengali characters).
better
surround-
Blla Ya;fia-vedesvara.
an interesting account
who
Even the austere
in
poem
of its forty Paddhatis
Ed. Adyar Library, Madras 1929, with
The
highly.
and interesting treatment
theme
for the
be reckoned
with
sometime before the 14th century.
terrible Siva
ing
cannot
handled
also
better
Gokuia,
and
are
is
divided
into three
In
Niâ-lila xix-xxiii.
of
Pritar-llla i-vii,
parts:
its
erotico-religious theme, it
spite
and learning are conspiand
author's
the
and
laboured
work,
pedantry
highly
cuous throughout, especially in several cantos which purport to illustrate various figures of
Other Kavyas, dealing with the same theme and composed by the follow*
speech and metres
Madhyahna-llla
is a
ers
viii-xviii
artificial
of Gaitanya of Bengal, are the Kjsnahnika-kaumudl in six Prakisas,

of
Vi^vanatha
Kavikarnapura and the Kfrna-bhavanamrta

twenty cantos, for which see below under Devotional Poetry.
4
with
Ed. Kavyaraalfc, Gucchaka

the
name
Utprekavallabha
xii,
of
Bombay
1897, pp. 54-163.
the author)
is
of
Paramananda
Cakravartin (A.D.
1786),
in
As the work (sometimes
quoted extensively in the Sdrhgadhara-
=
=
as well as in the Sbhv and Sml,
paddhati (no. 3333, 3348 i. 14, 15; 8623, 3524 iv. 6,5)
cannot be dated later than the 14th century.
it
334
HISt'OftY
OF SANSKRlfr LITERATURE
about as a mendicant for alms and the feelings of the Apsarases

of Indra's heaven at his approach.
More conventional is the
$iva-lllarnava
of
who
Dlksita
Nilakanfcha
lived
under
Tirumala Nayaka of Madura in the first half of the 17th century,

and who inherited the varied learning and prolixity of his
well
known
sition in
of
the
ancestor
2
Appayya Dlksita.
twenty cantos, but selects for
It is a
its
laboured
subject the local legend
god Sundaranatha Siva
sixty-four feats of the
compo-
of
Madura,
the supposed source being the Halasya-mahatmya of the Skanda

Purana. Nllakantha's Gahgavatarana,* however, is a smaller
attempt
in
nine
cantos,
which
deals with the well
known myth
of the descent of the
austerities of Bhaglratha.
The
in
courts
of
Ganges through the

Madura and Tanjore
the 17th century were
scenes of varied literary activity, but it is hardly necessary to take

into account these late and stilted productions, except where (as
noticed below) they have special features to offer.
Magha's example produced a prolific series of progressively artificial Mahakavyas, Bhatti appears to have been the
spiritual godfather of a more factitious line of peculiar metrical
If
composition,
which the frank object
in
not narrative,
is
nor
poetry, but direct illustration of grammatical niceties or rhetorical

The ingenuities concern the exclusive employment
ingenuities.
of
such external verbal devices as the
Yamaka and
the Slesa,
the
former consisting of chiming repetition, with or without meaning,
same group
of the
and the
1
latter,
of vocables in different positions in
ordinarily
known
as
stanza,
paronomasia or punning,
Ed. T. Ganapati Sastri, Trivandrum Sanskrit Seriea 1909; ed. Sri Vlnl Vilasa Press,
Srirangam 1911.
3
For the author, see introd.
also S. K. De, Santkrit

to Gahgdvatarana, NSP ed.
Nllakai^ha was the son of Nftrayana and BhutuidevX and grandson
His Nllakan^ha Campti (see below) was comof Appayya Diksita's brother Acca Dlksita.
pleted in 1637 A.D.
Poetics,
for
i,
p. 266, 301.
Ed. Bhavadatta and K.
The Yamaka occurring
Parab,
at the
NSP, Bombay
1902.
end of the feet was favoured as a not unlikely substitute
rhyme ; but properly speaking, rhyme
is
not Antya-yamaka (because here the vowel-groups

is not preceded by a different consonant) but
remaining the same, the penultimate syllable
Antyanuprasa, as defined by Vttvunatba,
x. 6.
THE LATER MAHIKIVYA

out of
arising
the
coalescence
appearance,
but
word having
different
not
up in
split
Kavya
goes back, as
two or more words as one in
of
meaning, or resulting from
in
meanings either
different ways.
being
335
we have
in its
The
to
seen,
or
entirety
same
the
its
by
Yamaka
tradition of the
while
Ghatakarpara,
the
from the very beginning, was

Slesa,
made use of by earlier poets chiefly as an additional ornament
which imparted piquancy and variety, with the result that we
favoured
the
of
artifice
have no early Slesa Kavya in which the figure is used for its own
Its cultivation must have received an impetus from its
sake.
and
systematic elaboration in the works of Subandhu and Bana
;
we
find in the present period its
extreme employment as a device
spread over the entire extent of a poem, which,

is
vance,
made
have a twofold or even threefold application to

Such plnying with the language,
themes.
producing incredible feats of verbal jugglery,

the
of
contri-
to
different
totally
by this
is
advantages afforded by Sanskrit, by
special
because
possible
its flexibility
grammatical forms, by the susceptibility

words to a large number of recondite meanings and delicate
as well as complexity of
of its
subtleties,
1
There
are
are not taken into
the
like
compounding words, and
of
Durghata and Citra Kavya, but for obvious reasons they

Thus, we have poems of deliberately difficult constiuction,
other types of
account.
Durghata-kavya
poems which are meant

kara's
modes
different
by the
to
noticed by Eprgel in g in Ind. Office Cat.,

of speech, such
illustrate various figures
Vakrokti-paftcasika (ed.
Kavyamala, Gucchaka
words
of the deliberate misunderstanding of one's
for
pp.
i,
vii,
as
p.
no. 3926)
1488,
Vakrokti in
Ratna-
101-114; the figure consisting
the purpose of
making a
clever
retort
generally by means of punning); enigmatic poems, like the Bhdva tataka of Nagaraja
(ed. Kavyamala, Gucchaka,
iv, p. 37 f), which propose ingenious riddles of a literary
a suitable reply
character in each verse, expecting

verses
written
in
the
form of
a sword,
Anandavardhana and Ifoara sataka

Kavindra-karnabharana
31
f),
S.
in
i
Stotra-ratnakara,
noticed
in
P. P. S.
pt..
i>
312
f),
Bombay,
ii,
Sastri's
It
Haeberlin,
is
p.
clear that
intelligible.
269 f; also
all
these
(ed.
1913) or
practice Citrabandhas
like the
Detiâtaka
Kavyamala, Gucchaka,
of
ix, pp. 1 f,
viii, p.
of Jayatilaka
vi,
nos. 2728-86*.
Vidagdha-mMia-manQana
NSP, Bombay
or
51 f; see
Sun
(ed.
Citra-bandha-rdmayana of Venkaêsvara,
Tanjore Catalogue,
ed.
which
and so forth,
Catur-haravali-citra'Stava
the subject of specialised treatises like the

(ed.
poems
Avatara (both ed. Kavyamala, Gucchaka,
Vi^ve^vara
of
p.
of
cross, wheel
1914
see S. K.
De,
The Citrabandba
of
is also
Dharmadasa
op, cit.,
i.
Sari
pp. 297-98).
works require commentaries, without which they are not easily
336
by diverse ways in which the syllables comprising a word or a

Such adaptability is perhaps found in
line can be disjoined.
no other language, but it is clear that these misplaced but

astounding efforts have only a nominal claim to be called poetical
compositions.
Of the purely grammatical poems

there
kavya,
of the type
of
the Bhatti-
no very early specimens except the Ravan-
are
Bhatta Bblma (Bhauma or Bhaumaka) probably a

Kashmirian production, which is mentioned next to Bhatti's
"
"
2
work as a
Sastra-kavya
by Ksemendra, and which must,
l
drjunlya
from
of
this
3
reference,
to
belong
period earlier than the llth
in
twenty-seven cantos imperfectly recovered, the story of Ra /ana's fight with Kartaviryarjuna and
illustrates at the same time the grammatical rules of Panini in
Lt
century.
relates,
the regular order of the Astadhyayi. In the same way, the Kavirahasya* of Halayudha is composed as a metrical guide to poets
in the employment of verbal forms, but it is also an eulogy of
III
Krsnaraja
Rastrakuta family
the
of
unknown
Vasudeva-vijaya* a work of
date on the
by Vasudeva of Puruvana in Kerala,
was apparently
entire
and
was supplemented on the topic
Dhatu-kavya*
the
it
narrative
of
Narayana
down
Kumar apala-carita,
death
which
we
incidentally illustrates Sanskrit
grammar
of
three
left
cantos
incomplete
Dhatupatha by the
another three
the
to
of
in
of the
The
Krsna legend,
in
traverses
the
Astadhyayi;
(940-50 A.D.).
cantos, bringing
Kamsa.
Hemacandra's
shall
grammar
speak presently, also

in twenty and Prakrit
in eight cantos.
Suvrtta-tilaka,
The
iii.
editors of the
NSP, Bombay
1900.
4.
work do not agree with the allegation that
it
is cited in
the Ka$ik&.
Ed. L. Heller, in both longer (299 verses, generally in Sloka) arid shorter (273 verses]
rectnsiona, Qreifswald 1910. On the author see R. G. Bhandarkar, Report 1883 94, p. 8f;
Heller, Halayudha's Kavirahasya, Diss., Gattingen 1894; Zachariae, Ind. Wdrterbiichei
*
(Grundriss), p. 26.
8
^
Ed. KSvyamala, Gucchaka x Bombay 1915, pp. 62-121.

Ed. ibid. pp. 121-232. It follows generally Bhlmasena aod Madhava.
THE LATER MAHIKIVYA
337
Although in Bhatti-kftvya x we have an elaborate

tion of different kinds of
the earliest
Yamaka
in as
as
many
illustra-
twenty verses,
short poem of
Yamaka-kavya
twenty-two stanzas, which almost exclusively employs endchiming. The next sustained Yamaka-kavya, the Kicaka-vadha,
of
Ghatakarpara
is
of
Nitivarman, who flourished earlier than the llth century in
some eastern province, keeps
to
the
less
complex scheme of
Ghatakarpara and uses only final and some medial chimings.

It is an embellished presentation, in five cantos (177 verses), of
the simple and vigorous Mahabharata episode of Bhima's slaying
There
of Klcaka.
is
nothing striking in the narrative
itself,
the work has the unique distinction of employing not only

in four cantos but also Slesa in one (canto
iii), in
but
Yamaka
which Draupadf s
speech to Virata is made by clever punning indirectly significant

2
for the Pandavas.
The Yamaka-kavyas of the Kerala poet
Vasudeva, son of Kavi and contemporary of Kulaêkhara-varman,

however, noteworthy for the manipulation, in the difficult
moric Arya metre, of more multifarious and difficult schemes
are,
Yamaka. His Nalodaya 8 in four cantos (217 verses), which

was at one time stupidly ascribed to Kalidasa and sometimes
taken as the work of Eavideva, deals with the story of Nala
of
and succeeds
in
managing,
with
merciless
language, the exacting demands of even
torturing of
quadruple
Yamaka
the
in
His Yudhisthira-vijayodaya,* which deals in eight

(719 verses) with the Mahabharata story, beginning
from the hunting sports of Pandu and ending with the coronation of Yudhisthira, is also a curious literary effort of the same
a single verse.
A.6vasas
Ed. S. K. De, with comm. of Janardana-sena and extracts from the coram. of
8arvftoanda-nga, and with an introd. on the work anJ the author, Dacca University Orient.
Text Publ., Dacca 1929.
1
The work
(benediction),
is
also
cited
as one of the rare instances of a
and not, as usual, with Namaskriya
Kavya opening with an isig

The work is naturally
or Vastu-nirdeâ.
quoted by a large number of grammarians, historians ard lexicographers, one of the earliest
quotations occurring in Nami-sftdhu's commentary on Rudrata's K&vyalamkara in 1069 A D.
8
See above, p. 121 footnote 5 for references.
4
E<3. Sivadatta
1897.
4313433
and K. P. Parab with coram.
of
Bajanak* Batnakai^ha, NSP, Bombay
338
kind.
It
needless
is
to
by mentioning other
Mananka, or the flatna-
the
enlarge
list
works, like the Vrndavana-yamaka* of

yamakarnava* of Venkate&i, son of Srinivasa, the latter author
being also credited with an extensive Mahakavya in thirty cantos
Kama
4
The Krsna-lila*
Ramacandrodaya.
of Madana, son of Krsna, composed in 1523 A.D. (84 verses),
on the theme of Krsna's separation from the GopTs, is a short
on the
story, entitled
Yamaka-kavya
each stanza
is
Samasya-purana type, in which one foot in

taken from Ghatakarpara's poem, so that its four
of the
by appropriation, the text of one

entire verse of Ghatakarpara.
Some Jaina writers appear to be
fond of the artificial tricks of Yaraaka
for instance,
as
consecutive stanzas
give,
in
Oevavijaya-gani
order of syllables
employs the same

over nearly half the foot in two consecutive
his
Stotra
Siddhi-priya
each stanza, while Sobhana in his Gaturvimsati-jina-stuti

constructs his verses in such a way that the second and fourth
feet of
each verse have the same order of syllables.
feet of
On
not yet
Vftsudeva's two other
(MSS
published
in
YamaVa-kavyas, the Tripura-dahana and Sauri-kathodaya,

Govt.
and 1852bK tee A. S. Ramanatha
by Ayyar
the
is
tekhara which
first
Oriental
Ayyar
half of the 9th century,
IB still
uncertain.
in
but
Manuscripts
JRAS,
its
Library,
1925,
correctness
p. 265f.
Madras,
The
dings of the Tenth All-India Orient. Conference, Tirupati, 1940, pp. 187-202)
21
works of Vasudeva, of which 14 appear
available is
MSS
in Govt. Orient.
MSS
to be genuine.
Of
Library, Madras) are
1852a
assigned
depends on that of Kula-
(Yamaka-kavi Vasudeva
Venkatarama Sarma
nos
date
these
the
in
gives
Proceea list of
following eight
Yamaka-Kavyas
(all
Yudhitfhira-
Sauri-kathodaya, Tripura-dahana Acyuta-lilodaya, Nalodaya, Sivodaya, Deviand

caritodaya,
Satya-tapah-hathodaya. Vasudeva is deicribed as the son of Maharsi and
cijayodaya,
Gopall; he lived in Vedaranya or Kunnainkulam in Malabar, and his poerni glorify the three
diva, Durga (Devi) and Krsna worshipped in that place.
Satya-tapah-kathodaya,
however, relates the story of Satya-tapas, a devout ancestor of the author.
1
Ed. Haeberlin, Kftvya-sarpgraha, pp, 453-62; Jivananda's K&vya-sarpgralia iii, p.
deities
It
416f.
vii,
p.
is
a short poem of 48 (mostly Irya) verses (52 verses in Eggeling, no 3911, pt.
Date unknown. It is in the form of a dialogue between Eft ma and Krsna at
1466).
vana.
The
poet justly describes himself as a Varna- kavi.
P. P. 8. Sastri, Tanjore Catalogue,

Ibid.t p. 2658
f.
Composed
in 1635
Eggeling, Ind. Office Catalogue ,
vii, p.
21 in Haeberlin) is omitted here the total
Ed. KavyaojJla, G-uccbaka

Ed. Ibid, p. 182 f
.
vii,
vi, p. 2681f,
1361.
number
2nd
Composed
in
166 A.D.
A.D.
As one
of the vtrsas of tbt origintl
of verses in this
ed. 1907,
p.
80 f.
work become! 84 and not
(no.
86.
THE LATER MAHIKIVYA

Although the Slesa
Sanskrit
the
connect
poets,
Barring
century.
The
nandin.
is
who was
author,
grandson of Pinaka-nandin of
than
earlier
the
of
Rama-carita
the
of
figure
the
Slesa-canto
sustained specimen
first
of
tradition
any
the
speech with
Slea-kavya does not
favourite
practice
with
itself
is
339
the son of
llth
the
Kicaka-vadha,
1
the
of
SamdhyakaraPrajapati-nandin and
Pundravardhana in North Bengal,
completed the work in the reign of Madanapala, son of Ramapala

of Bengal and third in succession from him, at the close of the
llth century but since the author's father held the office of a
minister under Ramapala, the inner history of the stirring poli;
events recorded in the poem,
tical
must have been
matter of
Samdhyakara proudly calls himself KalikalaValmiki, and undertakes in this work of four chapters to relate
direct knowledge.
220 Arya verses the story
in
history of
Ramapala
of
Rama
of the
Ramayana and
of Bengal, simultaneously in each
verse,
the
by
the device of punning and of splitting up of word-units in different

ways. He claims that his puns are not distressing (akleana).
contemporaries who were familiar with the incidents

narrated, they might not have presented much difficulty, but
To
his
today the loss of the commentary to a part of the work makes
uncommented verses to the history

The main theme of the work
intelligible.
the application of the
of
the
time not easily

is an
account of a successful revolution in North Bengal, the murder
of Mahipala II, occupation of Varendra by the rebels, and restora-
Ramapala, Mahlpala's youngest brother, to his paternal

kingdom but since the work could not be completed before three
tion of
more kings came
to rule, the story
continued even after the
is
death of Ramapala and concludes with some allusions to Madanapala' s reign.
The work undoubtedly
Ed. Haraprasad Sastri, in Memoirs of
commentary
to the
poem up
to
ii.
85,
which
is
ASB,
possesses,
Calcutta 1910,
inspite
There
is
of
its
an anonymous
not composed by the author but which
is
useful
The work has been re-edited, with

improved materials and a new commentary on the uncommented portion, by R. C. Majumdar,
in ita eiplanation of allusions to
ft.
contemporary history.
G. Basak, and N. G. Banerji, Varendra lUsearch Society, 1939.
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT
346
LlTEfeATtJRfe
apparently partisan spirit, a great value as a contemporary record

of historical incidents, but the poetical merit of this extremely
artificial
composition
is
obviously very small
limited and local interest
its
in
failed
it
its
and on account
of
appeal to posterity
and became forgotten. This device of handling different tales

or themes in the same poem has been quite fruitful in Sanskrit.
We see it in the Raghava-pandavlya, 1 descriptively called Dvisamdhana-kavya,* of Dhanafijaya, surnamed Srutaklrti Traividya ;
son of
Vasudeva and Sridevi and a Digambara Jaina,
who
Each verse of
its eighteen cantos apply equally, as the name of the work
A
implies, to the story of the two Epics at the same time.
we have another and better known Raghavalittle later,
1123
between
wrote
1140
and
A.D.
pandaviya* by Kaviraja, whose personal name probably was

Madhava Bha^ta 4 and who flourished (i. 13) 5 under Kadamba
6
It relates in the
Jayantapuri.
same way, in thirteen cantos, the double story of Eaghava and
Kamadeva (1182-87 A.D.)
of
The author compares himself
the Pandavas.
to
Subandhu and
Banabhatta in the matter of verbal dexterity, but his very restricted method and objective do not obviously allow much scope
for
gift that
any poetic
1
he might have possessed,
work
and his
Ed. Sivadatta and K. P. Parab, with comm. of Badarlnatha, NSP, Bombay 1895.
p. 19 f ; Pathak in JBRAS, XXI, 1904, p. i f ; Fleet
See K. G. Bhandarkar, Report 1884-87,

in I A,
*
XXIII, p. 279.
The word
Dandio
'
meaning a work
Dvi-saiiidhana,'
becomes the generic name
it
of such works.
wrote a lexicon, called Dhanafljaya-nama-mala

3
Ed. Bibl. Ind., with
the
comm.
of Sas*adhara,
NSP, Bombay 1897
Suri, son of Sridatta,
See
*
of
'
known
Premachandra Tarkavagiaa, Calcutta

ed. Sivadatta aud K. P. Farab, with
of
Laks. mana
p. 20, thinks
but the comparison of bis
that Eavir&ja belongs to the end of

patron with Mnfija need not prove the
See Pischel Die Hofdtchier des Lakfmana-
own
teno, G6ttingen 1893, p. 37 f.~ Kaviraja also wrote

it
GrantbamalS, with comm.
ed.
author's contemporaneity with Mufija of Dhara.
cantos, but
used by
1905.
B. G. Bhandarkar, Report 1884-87,

;
is
that our Dhanafijaya
1&89.
Bombay
Pathak in JBRAS, XXII,
the 10th century
twofold application,
significant
modern comm.
1854 (reprinted by Bhavadeva Chatterji, Calcutta 1892)

the
of
It is
another poem, Parij&ta-haraâ t in ten
does not employ Slesa.
Vinavasi, the seat of the Kadambas, in North Canarese

at Jayantl-ksetra.
district
is
said to be
still
341
LATRft MAfiXKXVYA
remains a
To
example of a bad kind.
brilliant
the same class of
Raghava-naisadhlya, probably a comparatively recent work, of Haradatta Suri, son of Jayagamkara

composition belongs the
of
of
Gargya Gotra, which relates by the same method the stories

Rama and Nala. The number of such works is not small, but
very few of them have been thought worthy of printing.

Thus,
who
flourished
in
of
court
the
Vidyamadhava,
Calukya Somadeva,
plausibly SomeSvara of Kalyaija
(1126-38 A.D.),
nine
in
gives
cantos of his Parvati-rukmimya the double story of the marriages

of Siva and Parvati and of Kpgna and Rukmini while Venkata;
known
better
dhvarin,
author
the
as
of
the
Vitvagunadarsa
(1st half of the 17th century), deals with
Campu*
the Kamayana and
the
stories
the Bhagavata, with the Viloma device in
Yadava-raghaviya,
a short
poem
further development of this device
of
three
is
seen
of
his
hundred stanzas.
in
the
use
of
A.
treble
punning for relating three different stories at a time, of which

an extreme example is the Raghava-pandava-yadaviya * or Kathatrayl of Cidambara, son of Anantanarayana and prot6g6 of
Venkata I of Vijayanagar (1586-1614 A.D.), the stanzas of its
being worded in such a way as to describe at
the same time the stories of the Ramayana, the Mahabharata and
cantos
three
the Bhagavata.
There
is also
utilise the device of
Bombay
poems which
Slesa in having the simultaneous themes of
number
of smaller erotic-ascetic
Ed. Sivadatta and K. P. Parab, with the author's own comm., NSP, 1896, 2nd ed M
1926. Since the commentary cites Bhattoji Dikaita as Diksita, it could not have
been earlier than the 17th century.

*
Descriptive Cat. of Skt.
Mss
in Govt. Orient.
Mss Library , Madras,
vol.
xx (Kavya),
pp. 7777-79, No. 11606.

3
See below,
century.
4
Descriptive
Printed
1890.
It
under Campu.
The author belonged
to the
first
half
in Telugu
is
not a
Cat.,
Madras
characters,
the
17th
with
Govt.
the
Orient.
Mss Library, xx,
author's
own commentary,
p.
7956
Rama, and read
in
the reverse order
(No. 11891).
gives the
Krsna.
Ibid, p. 7829
f.
Vidyataratigini Press,
Sleaa-kavya, but employs the Viloma device, in which the verses read in
the usual orders gives the story of
of
See E. V. Viraraghavacharia in Ind. Culture, VI, pp. 225-34.
also P. P. 8. Sastri, Tan/or* Catalogue, vi, p. 9700.
story
of
HISTORY OP
342
SAttSKfcl*
Love (Srngara) and Renunciation (Vairagya).

1
are the Ra3ika-raftjana of Kamacandra son
of
or the
Jaina
the
Srhgara-vairagya-tarahginl* of
Such, for instance,
Laksmanabhatta,
Somaprabha-
Without using Slea, however, Daivajfia Surya, son of

8
Jfianadhiraja of Parthapura and an astronomer of some repute,
shows another method of applying the verse? to two themes
carya.
simultaneously in his Rama-krsna-viloma-kavya.
It
is
a small
production of 36 or 38 stanzas, which praises in alternate half

verses Rama and Krsna, the text given by the second half
when read backward is the same as that of the first half
read forward.
cleverness
the extraordinary
hardly
not
are
above, they
however much
It is clear that,
deserve
even
poems but
monstrosities, which
poetical
mention in a
the works described
in
displayed
we may admire
literary history of Sanskrit
poetry.
One
of the interesting applications of the
form and
spirit of
seen in the works of a group of Jaina writers,

the Mahakavya
who adopt them, not unsuccessfully, for presenting Jaina legends
is
in a poetical garb,
Some
as
well
as
for
or
historical
biographical
however, are mere eulogies of saints,

some frankly ethical or doctrinarian, while some are of the
accounts.
Purana type, composed in pedestrian Sanskrit. As

them do not properly conform to the standard of a Maha-
Mahatmya
most
of
kavya,
sions.
of these,
or
we need mention here

One of the earliest of
a few
these
which have greater pretenthe
is
anonymous Varahga-
Ed. Kavyamala, Gucchaka iv, 2ud ed., NSP, Bombay 1899, pp.
at Ayodhya in 1524 A.D.
80021 (130
verses;.
Composed
Ed. KavyamSla, Gucchaka v, 2nd

Somapr abba's Sabdartha-vftti, which is
8
the achoae of variable interpretation
ed., 1908, pp. 124-142
referred to in the
for in it a
single
(46
verses^
with a comm.
colophon to this work, illustrates
verse
of
his
own
composition
one hundred different ways

Somapr abba's date is about 1276 A.D.
* The author wrote his astronomical work,
S&rya-praJtata, in 1539 A.D.,
commentary on Lilavail in 1542 A.D. One of his ancestors lived in the court of
explained in
is
and his
B&ma
of
Devagiri.
4
Ed. K&vyamalft, Gucchaka
ix,
NSP, Bombay
Haeberlin* reprinted in Jivananda's Kavyasamgraha
iii,
1899,
pp.
80-121 (86 verses);
pp. 468-85 (38 verses),
ed,
THE LATER MAHIKIVYA
343
ascribed to Jatasiiphanandi, a Jaina monk of Karn5$a,

whose date, as attested by later citations, would be earlier than
carita,
the 10th century.
legend of
katha
It narrates
in
Varanga.
cantos the Jaina
thirty-one
In the colophon
it is
monkish in
Dharma-
described as a
contains
and, being distinctly
outlook,
as many as nine cantos on Jaina dogmatics, which have no direct
connexion with the narrative but at the same time the work is
;
its
it
not a mere doctrinal
treatise.
It
is
form, diction and metrical characteristics.

the
the jealousy of
wanderings
exploits and
step-mother,
Mahakavya
The slender theme
regular
of
treachery
in
of
minister, the
of the hero in the forest, his adventures and, martial

final restoration to his
kingdom
is
neither
original
nor enthralling but it is fully embellished in the customary

manner and with the customary digressive matter, which forms
;
the stock-in-trade of the Mahakavya.
Similarly, the legend of

in
with
the
Yasodhara-carita?
of Vadiraja
king Yaôdhara is dealt
Suri in four cantos, in the beginning of the llth century, as
well as
by Manikya Suri
in bis Yasodhara-carita
unknown
of
great impetus to the poetical treatment of Jaina legends

4
appears to have been given by the Trisasti-galakd-purusa-caritra
6
(with its supplementary Paritista-parvan or Sthaviravali ) of the
date.
famous Jaina Acarya Hemacandra, who composed
it
desire of his converted royal
Anhilvad,
disciple
Kumarapala
of
at
the
1
Ed. A. N. Upadbye, Mftpikacandra Digambara Jaina Granthamalfi, Bombay 1988.
The date and authorship are frankly uncertain, bat are determined chiefly from the external
The editor is inclined to push tlie date to the 7th cenevidence of Jaina literary tradition.
tury A.D. and identify the author with Jafclsirnbanandi mentioned in Koppala
the date of which, however,
is
equally uncertain.
interesting, need not be a conclusive evidence; for
The
archaisms
we know
found in some South Indian manuscripts, especially
in
and
that such
Kerala
inscription,
solecisms,
though
characteristics are
manuscripts
of
Sanskrit
playa.
1
Ed. T. A. Gopinath Bao, Sarasvatl Vilasa

1095 A.D.
Series,
Tanjore 1912.
The
author wrete
hit P&rSvan&tha.c*rita in
*
Ed. Hiralal Hansaraj, Jamoagar 1910. It is difficult to identify our author with the
Sfli i who flourished between the 13th and the 16th
century. The tame
known Mnikya
story it also treated

4
in Sornadeva Stiri's
Yatastilaka
CampU
(see
Ed. Jaina Dhanra-pras'raka Sabha, Bhavnagar 1906-18.

B<5. H. Jacobi, Bibl. Tnd. Calcutta J883-1891 2nd ed,
,
below)*
344
between 1160 and 1172 A.D.

Great Men, whose
The
sixty-four Salaka-purusas or
stories are presented in ten Parvans, are the
twenty-four Jinas, the
twelve
nine each of
the
Cakravartins,
The
Vasudevas, Baladevas and Visnudvias of Jaina hagiology.
work
edification,
Mahakavya, but
the intrusion of which
narrative.
The
calls itself a
its
affects
instances of
later
main purpose
the
its
is
religious
and tedious
long
of
working up
Jaina
legends and tales are numerous, but their literary value, in most
In addition to the
cases, is not of an outstanding character.
Balabharata already mentioned, Amaracandra also wrote, for the

1
in which
delectation of the minister Padma, the Padmananda,
,
he undertook
but with
to present, in the regular
much
Kavya form and
diction,
and ethical matter, an account of
religious
all
the
but the ambitious project does not appear to

twenty-four Jinas
have been fulfilled, and we have in nineteen cantos only the life
;
The legend of Salibhadra,

by Hemackndra, engages Dharmakumara
of the first Jina.
told
already
in
briefly
3alibhadra-
his
The Ksatra-
composed in seven cantos in 1277 A. D.

cudamani of Odeyadeva Vadlbhasimha, who lived
carita,
41
in the begin-
ning of the llth century, gives a treatment in eleven Lambhakas,

mostly in Sloka of the Uttara-purana legend of Jivamdhara, which
theme has also been treated in 509 Slokas by Gunabhadracarya
campu*
and by Haribhadra in his JivamdharaThis Haribhadra may or may not be identical with
in his Jivamdhara-caritra
Haricandra,
who wrote
in twenty-one cantos
the
DharmaSanna-
bhyudaya, dealing with the story- of Dharmanatha, the fifteenth

As a
Tirthamkara, on the direct model of Magha's poem.
typical
1
Mahakavya
of this period, it
Ed. in Yafovijaya Jaina

p. 257 f
XLIIJ, 1923,
interest
as
ed. of Caturvimtati-
Agamodaya-satniti Series, Bombay 1929.

Grantharaala,
Benares 1910.
See Bloomfield in
< *
Ed. T. 8. Kuppusvami Saatri, Sarasvatl

Ed. tbid.,Tanjore 1907.
Ed. ibid. t Tanjore 1905.

Ed. Durgaprasad and K. P, Parab, NSP, Bombay 1899,
some
Ed. H. R. Kapadia, Gaekwad's Orient. Series, Baroda 1932.

For works of this type by various authors, see H. R. Kapadia 's
jin&nanda-stuti of Meruv?jaya-gani
8
possesses
Vilftga Series,
Taniore 1905.
JAOS,
POEMS WITH HISTORICAL THEMES

also does
the Nemi-nirvdna, 1 on the
life
of
345
Neminatha
in
fifteen
Vagbhata, who lived under Jayasiinha o'f Gujarat

(1093-1154 A.D.), but who need 'not be identical with the author
cantos, of
work Vdgbhatdlamkdra.
of the rhetorical
similarly constructed
the Jayanta-vijaya
of Abhayadeva Suri, composed
which describes in nineteen cantos the legend of
king Jayanta. It is noteworthy that all these Jaina productions
Mahakavya
is
in 1221 A. D.,
regular Kavya topics and digressive descriptions of

the seasons, battles and erotic sports, the last topic being treated
include the
with equal zest by the Jaina monks, including the pious Hemacandra
It is interesting also that one of the many versions of
!
the
Udayana legend
is
treated by Maladharin
Mrgavati-caritra,* while
Caritrasundara,
Devaprabha in his
who probably
the middle of the 15th century, deals in fourteen cantos

fairy story of
There
is
lived
in
with the
4
Mahlpala in his Mahlpala-caritra.
not
much
meritorious poetical
of
writing of later
Buddhist authors, whose energy was directed more towards

The Padya-cuddmani* of
matters.
literary
religious than
relates
Buddhaghosa
to the defeat of
in
ten cantos the legend of the
Mara, which
differs
versions of the Lalita-vistara and
the
in
some
details
Buddha-carita.
Buddha up
from
the
There
is
nothing either to prove or disprove the identity of the author with

In spite of its well worn
the famous Pali writer Buddhaghosa.
obvious imitation of Asvaghosa and Kalidasa,
not without merit as a well-written Kavya.
theme and
work
is
its
3.
The
the
earlier classical
historical events or
documents, which are
personages,
are
NSP, Bombay
the
concerned with
elaborate
Praâstis or
1896.
Ed. BhavadattR and K. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1902
See Peterson, Fourth Report,
p. vii.
8
4
Ed. Hiralal Haniaraj, Jamnagar 1909.
Ed. Hiralal Hansaraj, Jamnagar 1909. For the story tet Winternitz, HJL,
M. Rangacharya and S. Kuppusvami Sastri, Madras 1921,
Ed.
441343B
ii,
p. 686.
346
panegyrics embodied
in
records.
inscriptional
obvious
Their
and verse some meritorious

act of a particular ruler, eulogise his valour and munificence, and
give genealogical and other relevant descriptions of some value.
object is to celebrate in sonorous prose
But while the genealogy beyond one
or
place of sober statement
the
two generations is often

amiably invented and exaggerated, and glorification takes the
of
facts,
laudatory
generally composed by poets of modest

neither good poetry nor good history.
as the first poetical treatment
of
power.
They
historical
accounts
The
are
result
is
are yet interesting
themes
and the
agreeable practice which
they establish of mixing fact with

fiction was accepted by more earnest and ambitious writers,
but perhaps it was accepted with a greater leaning towards
pleasant fiction than towards hard facts
.
indeed no tradition, from the beginning, of meticuThere

lous chronicling or critical appreciation of historical facts as such.
is
Neither the Puranas nor the Buddhist or
Jaina
which
records,
were meant more for attractive edification than serious history,
show any historical sense in their complacent confusing

and fiction, in their general indifference to chronology,
of
in
fact
their
and human action, in their unhesitating

in magic and miracle, and in their deep faith in incalcul-
intermingling of divine
belief
able
human
destiny.
It is true that later records give
us
some
interesting facts and dates,

laboriously
while glimpses of history have been

retrieved from earlier records,
but even the most
enthusiastic believer in
them would not
for a
moment claim
that
they give us instances of clear, consistent and adequate historiography. No nearer approach is made by the large number of
poems, dramas and romances, which deal ostensibly with historical

dramatic or romantic
themes but really with the poetic,
possibilities of
which
is
we have
writings,
These
the earliest
briefly
and
literary
While considering Bana's Harsa-carita,
them.
known specimen
indicated
little
the
need be
efforts
of a sustained character,
general
added to
contain
characteristics
what has
historical
of
been
material,
such
said.
but the

and
extent
value
not
It is
history.
of
sense,
modem
It is not
are
sense
represent
literature
of
immensely
proper
intellect,
variable*
towards
step
India
that
however,
abundance
its
failed
history
to
in the
produce some other categories

but the result has been to us a decided lack
as
just
of understanding
material
surprising,
produce, in spite of
modern
such
of
and do not in any
34*7
failed to
it
the evolution of
of
ancient
life
and thought.
only poverty in a particular branch of literature, but also
absence of trustworthy information regarding the complex move-
and idea in their panoramic procession. The

reason lies perhaps in the innate and deep-rooted limitations of the
ancient ideal, outlook and environment, as well as in the peculiarity
ments
of
human
act
of the literary objective,
method and
tradition,
which
affected the
sustained and assiduous practice of Sanskrit literature as a whole,
no
less
of
research,
than in
haphazard and uninterested attempt at definite

historical writing.
Apart from a deep philosophy or artistic
As a matter
setting, ordinary history is in fact a prosaic idea.
it
its
aims
at
knowledge
of
facts
as
an idea,
it
bring out larger principles governing human

It is,
m3tliod, its leaning is towards objective accuracy.
thus, entirely out of harmony with the spirit of Sanskrit
and could not be
literature,
by its formal
disciplined
professes to
as
affairs
The
conception of art.
idea
of
composing history for its own

emerge and when it did emerge
sake was, thus, naturally slow to

in a small way, it could not divest
of its
legendary and
and the
treatment was
itself
poetic associations.
The
attitude
remained imperfect,
necessarily conditioned by
it.
The authors themselves never
felt
uneasy, because the tradition ordained no deep interest in mere

fact or incident, but even authorised unrestrained fancy or overdressed fiction.
Both theory and
practice established that works,
had a biographical and

form and
historical content, did not require any specialised
method, but should be considered only as types of the Kavya and
which
dealt with facts of experience or
be embellished with
all its
characteristic graces,
refinements and
HtSTO&Y OF SANSKRIT
348
elaboration.
fanciful
The
seldom made a difference

as good or as
bad as are
having an historical theme

and such works are, in all essentials,
all fictitious
merit, not
therefore, claim
fact of
for
The
narratives.
but for
historicity,
authors,
poetry.
As
need not keep within the limits of ascertained or

ascertainable verities; it is even not necessary to ascertain, much
less to appreciate or interpret, them.
It matters little if the
poets, they
credulity
is
immense and unrestrained,
the representation
if
is
not faithful or accurate, if there is no depth or sense of proportion

in the drawing of characters, who may be either downright devils
or incredible saints, or
history
is
bombast.
if
the slender
and uneven thread of actual
under a mass of luxuriant poetry or poetical

As in the normal Kavya, so also here, there is no
buried
sense of the tragic contradictions
and humorous
dissonances of
no unfolding of an inlife, no situations of moral complexity,

Even if an historical personage is taken
tensely human drama.
as the central
all
the glory
Yudhisthira,
figure, he
may
and glamour
who
interesting than
is,
of
be magnified
a
and surrounded with
legendary
hero
like
Rama
or
to these writers, as real
and perhaps more
own
day, although the
the petty
rulers of their
old heroic flame could not be fanned anew.
In making an estimate of these works, therefore, it should

be borne in mind that they are, in conception and execution,
deliberately meant to be elegant poetical works rather than sober
historical or
human documents.
They
are sometimes
politely
but the description not only involves

also misleading.
is
in
but
It is not on their
contradiction
terms,
called
'Historical Kavyas',
historical matter so
much
that they should be reckoned as on the
poetic quality and treatment, for
which alone they
strive.
As
in
the case of the ordinary Kavya, the historical narrative is only

elaborate poetry
woven round it is alone
the occasion, the
essential.
The
incidents
and characters are
all
lifted
from the
sphere of matter-of-fact history to the region of fancy and fable ;

and we have, more or less, the normal tradition of the Ka,vyaA
the same general scheme, the same descriptive digressions and
WITH HISTORICAL TtJEMES
The
the same ornate manner and diction.
349
qualification 'histori-
no useful purpose except indicating imperfectly that these Kavyas have an historical, instead of a
legendary or invented, theme but the historical theme is treated
serves
cal/ therefore,
as
no better nor worse than a legendary or invented one.

have already briefly indicated some of these characteris-
if it is
We
with the Prose Kavya, the Harsa-carita, of

In the period under consideration, we have also in
connexion
in
tics
Banabhatta.
number
works, which do not pretend

towards history but offer themselves as regular Kavyas,
verse a
much
large
even though they
of similar
sometimes
Kahlana mentions
'Caritas'.
described
the
battle
terrible
themselves
call
704f) that Sankuka, in the
(iv.
Kashmir
Ajitaplda of
reign of
euphemistically
half
(1st
the 8th
of
between the regents
century),
Mamma
and
Utpala in his Bhuvanabhyudaya. Had the work survived, it

would have given us an early specimen of the type of Kavya we
are
now
considering.
The next work
is
the Navasahasahka-carita 1
Padmagupta, also called Parimala, son of Mrgaiikadatta. The

work w as composed probably in 1005 A.D. as a compliment to
of
Paramara Sindhuraja
the poet's patron, the

also
called
Navasahasanka.
It
describes
of
Dhara, who was
in
eighteen
cantos
(1525 verses), in the conventional manner and diction of a Mahakavya, the marriage of the king with Sasiprabha, daughter of
the Naga king Sankhapala.
Saîprabha finds her pet deer pierced
which she recognises the name of the king,

while the king in his turn, in pursuit of the deer, comes to a lake
and finds a swan with a pearl necklace on its beak, which bears the
on
by an arrow,
name of Sasiprabha. SaSiprabha
sends her maiden in search of the
necklace, and an interview with the king follows.
invade Nagaloka,
1
the
Ed.
poem we
Vaman
kill
the
On
trs.
asked to
demon Vajrankusa and bring the golden
Bombay Sansk. Series, 1895, Pt. i (all published;. From

was patronised by both Muaja Vakpatiraja and his brother
the
work and the author, see G. Biihlerd

d. Wiener Akademie,
Navasahasankacarita in Sitzungsberichte
pp. 1-50
is
lalaujpurkar,
learn that the poet
Sindhuraja.
He
583f, reprinted Wien 1888,

account of the Paramara dynaity is
64-102; see Biihler and Zachariae, p. 604f (reprint, p. 24f).
into English in I A ,
given in the poem in
xi.
and Th. Zachariae, Dber das
XXXVI,
pp. 624f
An
p.
350
HISTORY
from
lotus
the
its
lovers
Ofr
pleasure-pond
all of
The
united.
are
SANSKRIT tlTERATURfi
which being accomplished,
characteristically complacent con-
myth and
historical fact
of a heightened fairy tale,
and probably,
fusion of heroic
If as history
compliment.
it
well
is
written
pleasant, style
the narrative
interest, but
it is
of
and
little
normal method and manner in
Ucchvasa
of the poet's
as
Kavya
comparatively
of the
The
more
last
its
literary adventures.
Born
at
and
of
historical
Jyesthamatter
Kavya and conforms

poetical amplifications
canto of the work, as the
Harsa-carita, gives an
family, his country
son
Bihlana,
also very distinctly a
and other characteristics.

first
gratifying
in spite of the usual descriptive digressions,
kalaâ and Nagadevi, has perhaps a
to the
value,
not entirely sacrificed.
The Vihramahkadeva-carita
and
such,
kind
story
the fully embellished, but
in
and
is
as
much
not of
it is
makes the
its
interesting
rulers,
Konamukha,
his
account
wandering
near Pravarapura
and learned family of Midland Brahmans,

Kashmir,
Bihlana was educated there and obtained proficiency in grammar
of a pious
in
and
poetics,
his
grammarian who
He set out on his
father having been himself a
wrote a commentary on the Mahabhasya.

wanderings in quest of fame and fortune at about the time of
Kalaa to the throne of Kashmir; and

which now began, extended over the third
the nominal succession of

his
literary career,
and fourth quarters of the llth century. After visiting Mathura,

Kanyakubja, Prayaga and Varanasi, he received welcome at the
court of Krsna of Pahala (Bundelkhand),
where he appears
to
have composed a poem on Kama. He might have visited king

Bhoja at Dhara but did not. After spending some time perhaps,
as his Karnasundari shows, in the court of Karnadeva Trailokya-
Ed. G. Biihler, Bombay Sanskrit Series, 1875.

Such accounts are doubtless inspired by the poet's natural desire to secure
immortality* with that of his patron, but they are not a special feature of poems on
subjects.
them,
While Bana's
we have them, on
Surathottava.
Har$a~carita
and
Vakpatiraja's
Prakrit
bis
own
historical
Gawfavalia
contain
the other hand, in Matikhafca's Srikantfia-carita and Somes'vara's
351
malla (1064-94 A.D.) of Anhilvad, be appears to have embarked

from there for Southern India and spent some time in pilgrimHe came to Kalyana, where the Calukya king Vikramaage.
ditya VI Tribhuvanamalla (1076-1127 A,D.), honoured him
and gave him the office of Vidyapati, in return for which he comto
posed, before 1088 A.D., the present \vork in eighteen cantos
celebrate certain incidents of his patron's career.
The main theme
of this
poem
commences with
laudatory
consists of royal
a short account
wars and royal marriages. It
of the Calukyas and passes on to Tailapa (973-97 A.D.), from
whom the dynasty had its proper inauguration; but the story of
the earlier kings
is
brief
and fragmentary.
but not connected,
fuller,
narrative
of
After
somewhat
the deeds of Vikrama-
birth of his three sons,

ditya's father Ahavamalla, we have the
Vikramaditya's youthful career of conquest before accession, a
Vikrama's exploits
during the reign of his elder brother Somesvara II, his marriage
with the Cola princess and expeditions in Southern India,
Ahavamalla's death,
truly touching picture of
and his own accession
after a fratricidal war,
all
these in the
Vikrama's capture and defeat of his

his numerous wars with the
younger brother Jayasimha and
Colas in the later cantos, are given generally with the zest and
earlier cantos, as well as
but not always with the precision and accuracy, of a poetic

But the history of Vikraina's winning of his queen
chronicler.
style,
Candralekha
Karahata,
and
(or
is
disproportionately
half
customary
Candaladevi),
cantos
(vii-xiv)
amplifications
of
daughter of a Silahara ruler of

enlarged con amore over seven
by the safer introduction of the

palpable
Kavya
the
bride's
physical
including
minute depiction
of the spring season,

description, for instance,
of
topics,
charms (beginning, as in
Srlharsa's
with her head !), account

Naisadha, with toe-nail and finishing
followed by the particular
of the Svayamvara and marriage,
sports
of
the pair,
bathing scenes,
as
and amusements,
and the
the autumn, the monsoon
expedition
drinking revelry, hunting
well as the general pleasures of

cool season
352
Divested
rhapsodic
historical
kind
and his account
traditionally
is
and
poetic
ampler
most poems of this
generally confirmed by
But from the point
of
flatteringly
contains
the evidence of
view of history, his narraLike Bana's romance,
inadequate and unsatisfactory.
is
many
such
Bihlana's
envelopment,
poem
information than that found in
inscriptions.
tive
of
of
whose
connected
neither
characteristics
it
shares, Bihlana's
and consistent,
account of his hero's entire career.
nor a
It
poem
gives us
and accurate,
leaves us with a few
full
fragmentary facts about Vikrama's predecessors, his

career and his accession, embellished with
much
that
own
is
early
fanciful,
and lapses into an exuberant poetic treatment of the first two

years of his reign, his later career being disposed of with some
and sketchy references. In characterisation, sharply
contrasted lights and shades are replaced by a vague moral
hurried
One
chiaroscuro.
can
the difficulties of
realise
whose amiableness must
a court-poet,
gloss over unpleasant aspects,
whitewash
and leave many things beautihis hero and

Bihlana has excellent reasons,
fully vague, uneven and obscure.
blacken his enemies,
therefore,
for
Vikrama's
glorifying,
for
birth as a matter
circumstances of
instance,
the
of
divine favour, as
Siva's
well
with which he is
magnifying his youthful valour,
said to have perfected his art of annihilation on the Colas,
as
although these hereditary and ubiquitous enemies appear inexterminable and cause repeated troubles at every step The chronological order of the wars does not matter, nor accuracy regarding
!
and extent
enough that the hero must conquer

many countries, including even the far-off Gauda and Kamariipa
All this is evidently a part of the plan of representing Vikrama
their nature
it is
as the favourite of the gods, entitled to supplant his elder brother
on the throne and crush the improper rebellion of his younger

brother and the poet does not hesitate invoking the intervention
;
of Siva thrice to justify the
awkwardness
of these unfraternal acts
These limitations are natural and obvious, but they do not

permit Bilhana much freedom to exercise his undoubted sift for

historical narrative
and attain
353
impartiality and precision either
with regard to incident or characterisation. He has to be content

with the application of the traditional form and method of the
ed
an historical subject, in order to evolve an embellishrather than compile a faithful record of

poetical picture,
the
deeds of
to
Kavya
not necessary to speculate

what the results might have been in other circumstances ; it is
enough to recognise that Bihlana intended to compose, not history,
his
royal patron.
It is
but Kavya, not independently, but in grateful complaisance to his

His work has much less mythical element
patron's glorification.
than Padmagupta's fanciful poem, much less confusing gorgeousness than Bana's romance; but, in all essentials, it is no more
than a Kavya, having the mere accident of an historical kernel.
The lengthy
from
diversion
in the romantic story of the
him,
quite
appropriately
serious
winning
after
the
matter,
of
therefore,
Candralekha,
established
found
occupies
tradition of the
Mahakavya, with luxuriantly poetical description of Svayamvara,

It is as a poet that Bihlana
seasons and court-amusements.
excels
and,
in
spite of
his
obvious conventionalism, he often
succeeds in imparting a fine poetical
charm
to his graphic pictures.
What
Bihlana lacks, like most poets of this period, is confident

originality and independence, but within his limits he is un-
His style is not easy1

doubtedly an impressive artist and poet.
it is doubtless
but elegant and normally attractive
studied, but
of
and
it is
with
subtleties
not overdone
thought
expression
fully
;
embellished, but reasonably clear and effective in

metrical
skill.
This
is
Comparatively
verbal and
no mean praise in an age of mechanical
conventionality, which reproduced colourless

merit.
its
speaking,
imitations
of
little
Bihlana's work remains a
graphic document for the subject and a pleasant poem in itself.

The only work in Sanskrit, which to a certain extent
approaches the standard of a sustained chronicle, if not of critical

l
of Kahlana, but it is
history, is the well known Raja-tarahginl
1
Ed. M. A. Stein,
introduction etc.
46
1348B
in
two
vol.
vols.,
(Text),
Bombay 1892; Eog.
Westminster 1900,
trs. separately published, with

Also ed, Durgaprasad, in 3 vol. : vol. 1
354
no

a poetical
less
than
narrative
raatter-of-fact
chronicle.
Like Bihlapa, whose poem he appears to have studied, Kahlana

was also a Kashmirian, but he was neither a courtier nor a courtHis father Campaka was a minister of the wicked and
poet.
Kashmir (1089-1101 A.D.), whom, unlike the

average Kashmirian of his time, he followed faithfully through
hapless Harsa of
all
the vicissitudes of fortune
seems
to
have
but after Harsa's tragic death, he
from
retired
active
and young Kahlana
life,
deprived of opportunities of ministerial office, was never drawn

directly into the whirlpool of the stormy political life of his time.
Since the accession to power of Uccala and Sussala, the contemporary history of Kashmir was one of intrigue, oppression and
standing apart and
viewing the sad and drearv state of his country, without illusion
and with a sense of dispnssion and resignation which is reflected
Woodshed.
Kahlana had the good fortune
He
in his story.
was
at the
observer of current events,
ing of political affairs,
of
same time not
a recluse,
but
keen
and possessed an inherited understandlost sight of reality.

He had
which never
admirable literary gifts, being well versed not only in

Sanskrit literature, but also in the legendary lore of his country,
and had enough catholicity of mind to respect other religious
also
creeds than Kashmirian Saivism, which he professed but of whose
The combination of
degeneration in practice he was well aware.
these qualities justified his ambition of writing a systematic
chronicle of the kings of Kashmir, to which he was probably
The work mentions Jayasimha
urged by his patron Alakadatta.
of
son
(1127-1159 A.D.),
Sussali, as the reigning sovereign ;* it
was commenced
in
Saka 1070
= 1148-49
A.D.) and completed
in
the next year.
(i-vii), vol.
1894, 1R96.
>c!ety of
1
(T!U), vol.
The
3 (supplements of Jonarlja, flrlwa and Prajyabh*tta,
editio prtncep?, with the three supplements,
Bombay
was pnb'isbed by the
Bengal, Calcutta 1835.
From Ratnikart's
citation
this king, entitled
in
his
8ar(i*8iwnMy<i wa Uiro that Kahlani
Jayitimhabhyudaya.
1892,
Asiatic
I'D KM S
Kor periods
355
THjiMISS
remoter antiquity Kahlana appears
of
freely utilised the
WITH HISTORICAL
works
of his predecessors.
He
to
have
consulted eleven
such sources, including the still extant Nilamata-purana; but he

tells us that the extensive royal chronicles
(Raja-kathas) of earlier
times were unfortunately lost through the misplaced learning of
one Suvrata, who condensed them in a lengthy but difficult poem.
Ksemendra, we are informed, drew up a list of kings, called

Nrixlvall; but no part of it was free from mistake.
Among oilier
Kahlana mentions Helaraja, who composed a similar

twelve thousand granthas, and whose opinion vuis lolloxrnl
authorities,
work
in
by Padmamihira in his own work; while Chavillakara furnished

Kahlana with some information about Agoka and his devotion to
We know
Buddhism.
nothing about these authors and their

told anything about their agreements and
works, nor are we
The present heterogeneous text of the Nilamalapurana, a work of the Mahatmya type, with its rich information
regarding the sacred places of Kashmir and their legends, might
show, to some extent, how Kahlana used his sources for the
but we do not know how he
traditional history of earlier periods
disagreements.
1
what he received, what he added and

Although Kahlana often betrays extreme
used his other materials,
what
he
rejected.
credulity, he
is
conscientious enough to consult, wherever possible,
inscriptions, records of land grants, coins
order to overcome
"the worry
arising from
extent of his researches in this direction
but the result
is
and manuscripts in
errors".
many
cannot
often seen in his minute
be
The
determined,
knowledge of
local
topography, his generally correct assertions about literary history

and the detailed information he gives about the building of temples
and
edifices, all of
The
first
which possess considerable
three comparatively
work deal with
short chapters of Kahlanu's
a series of fifty-two fabulous kings, the first king
Gonanda being made contemporaneous with

This
1
is
historical value.
the epic Yudhithira.
obviously an attempt to connect the history of Kaslmir,
Kcl.
BatnaUl Kaoiilnl and Jagaddhar Zadoo, Lahore
Vreeec, Leiden (E J
Brill)'
19'24
ed.
K.
St. J.
M. de
356
which does not play any part in the Mahabharata war, with the
but the account
imaginary date of a glorious legendary event
Kahlana frankly admits that
is naturally hazy and unhistorical.
;
he took some of the kings from his predecessor's accounts, while

others are patched up, apparently from heresay and tradition, for
the sake of a continuous narrative.
It was perhaps not possible
him
and weigh the meagre and uncertain evidence that

was available to him, but he feels no uneasiness in accepting all
for
to sift
kinds of romantic tales, legendary names and impossible dates.
Of
A6oka
historical figures,
is
barely
mentioned
and though
Kahlana speaks of Huska, Juska and Kanaka, he dismisses the

Turuska kings of Kashmir in a few lines, misplacing them by
But chronology in this
four hundred years in relation to A6oka.
remote period does not worry him ; history and legend are hopeand he has no difficulty in believing that Agoka
lessly mixed up
;
lived in
1260 B.C., or that Kanaditya, one
the restored
Gonanda
that Mihirakula and
line,
Gonanda dynasty
ter begins the story of the
origin
assigned.
three
Toramana, apparently the
kings, belonged to the
is
reigned for
of
the
last
kings
of
hundred years, or
well
With
known Huna
the fourth chap-
Karkota dynasty, to whom a mythical

with some semblance of historical
It covers,
treatment, a period apparently from 600 to 855 A. D., and includes
number
from Durlabhavardhana
Anangapida. The
dynasty ends with its overthrow by Avantivarman, son of Sukhavarman and grandson of Utpala and real history begins from
a
of kings
to
this stage in the fifth
chapter, the sixth chapter bringing
it
down
to the death of the lascivious and
1003 A,D.
blood-thirsty queen Didda in

In the seventh chapter, the Lohara dynasty succeeds
with Didda's nephew, and takes us down, in 1731 verses, to the

assassination of Hara in 1101 A.D., that is, practically to the
The eighth and last valuable chapter
author's own time.
deals at greater length (3449 verses) with contemporary events of
the troublous times which began with the accession of Uccala.

It will be seen that the scope of Kahlana's jvork is comprehensive, but
its
accomplishment
is
uneven.
If the earlier
part
WITH HISTORICAL THEMES
J?OEMS
of his chronicle is defective
and unreliable, and
35?
his
if
chronology
based upon groundless assumptions, he does not move in the
high clouds of romance and legend when he comes nearer his own
is
time, but
attains
which there
and
standard of vividness
like
accuracy,
nothing anywhere in Sanskrit literature, nothing

Bana, Padmagupta or Bihlana. The work is
is
in his predecessors
also a
rich
the
of
source
of
culture-history
great country.
Kahlana doubtless has his limitations as a critical investigator

and betrays the peculiar attitude of Sanskrit writers towards
His unquestioning acceptance
historical matters.
legend
his faith in witchcraft
and portents
and miracle
his inability to withstand the
myth and
of
omens
his belief in
distant
glamour of
ancient glory or the improbabilities of the older chronology ; his

reckoning of fate or destiny, of sins of previous birth, or of
intervention of gods and
human
action,
from
demons
all this
ciation of historical events
depth
of
insight
into
it
sufficient
it
is,
precludes
human mind and
of
in relation to the outer
grasp of the
world.
his personal
makes him achieve much
masterly
of
with which the author was too
narration of more recent events, however,

or direct information
a
attitude
never leads to a breadth of vision to consider
country, secluded as
He shows
explanation
expect aproper appre-
The
complexities
character, except of a certain type
familiar;
motives.
or
the
as
it is difficult to
petty
In the
knowledge
better
politics
his
of
results.
small
principality, of its hostile factions, of its usual course of intrigue,
and massacre; and he can ably

depict the characters which throng and fight within its limited
arena, its series of royal debauchees, treacherous sycophants,
plotting ministers, turbulent Ian dlords, immoral teachers, instrife, treason,
triguing priests,
is
assassination
untamed
soldiers
and lawless
in contact with reality, and being unconcerned, can
own
ideal of a judge, free alike
from
narrow.
He
here also his outlook
is
rather than a philosophic
love and hatred

is
historian.
position of facts and criticise acts and
an
He
attain
(i.
interesting
can
Here he
ladies.
7).
But
chronicler
give minute
incidents
his
ex-
according to a
358
HISTORY OF SANSKRit MtERATlfRIS
limited standard, but he never feels
it
draw
to bo his business to
broader conclusions or apply larger principles of history.

But in making an estimate of Kahlana's work it should not bo
who attempt historical

he
to
be
conceives his duty
that of a poet more than that
subjects,
of an historian.
The dark days of his boyhood and the unforgotten that, like most Sanskrit authors
pleasant and tragic history of Harsa,
Uccala
and
must
Sussala
have produced a deep impression on his mind, and bred in him

a spirit of wisdom and resignation.
His work, therefore, is grave
and moral, being wrought under the shadow

of things
he
is
poet
whom
the
power and pomp moves earnestly.
of a disturbed
fleeting
nature
It is natural,
of
order
human
that
therefore,
he should write a Kavya, concerning the strife and struggle of

kings, with Santa or the quietistic mood as the prevailing sentiment (i. 23) and with obvious lessons to princes and people. The
have been imbibed
from the Epics; but

Kahlana's motive in selecting, as his text, the theme of earthly
fame and glory, and his comparatively little interest in mundane
didactic tendency
events for their
may
own
sake,
particular experience of
mind
men and
the doctrine of fate
incidents
must have
may
also been the
things.
result
To such
be a sensible solution
and exaggerations and
of
frame of
and
of acts
insufficiencies of facts
his
may
not
It does not lead towards history, but certainly

prove formidable.
towards poetry ; and it is as a poet that Kahlana would like to
Doubtless some of his weaknesses spring from this

be judged.
As a simple
attitude, but it is also the source of his strength.
and
but diversified
deeply affecting poetical narrative, the merit
and if the verdict be that

work can never be questioned
not a great historian, no one would deny that he is a poet
of his
he
is
whose
originality of achievement
is
certainly
singularly unoriginal and unpoetical age.
that the character and amplitude
of
his
remarkable in
Kahlana
subject
regrets
(i.
a
0)
do not permit
much indulgence in the usual Kavya topics and embellishments

but bis enforced moderation is perhaps productive of better results
;
than he imagines.
It
enables
him
to wield
graphic
style,
359
usually in the Sloka metre, elegant yet not devoid
of
directness,
The complexities of the highly

ornamented and unwieldy Kavya style and diction would have
rapid yet not
condensed.
too
been out of place in a narrative
modest
like
digression into the sphere
lack of inclination or skill, but
by the interest of
it is
Kahlana's occasional
his.
ornate
of
poetry
displays
flowing and forcible narrative.
a clear,
no
well that he is kept restrained
stretches of prosaic verse or the bald
manner
Arid
mere chro-
of the
nicler are inevitable in such a long
even better than the

of
Kalhana's
fine
artificialities
poem, but they are sometimes

of Bana and Bihlana.
Some
however, show
passages,
effective use of the resources of the

it
ing
how he can make
poetic style, without burden-
with intricacies of elaborate expression and without at
same time descending
mere
to
versified prose.
the
By
the
nature
and interest of his subject, he has been able to avoid beaten

tracks and banal topics, and attain considerable independence of
and this, as well as the large sweep
treatment and expression
;
degree from every

poetical narrative of the same type in Sanskrit.
of his work, distinguishes
The
difference
Kahlana's work
in a high
it
other
becomes abundantly clear when we compare
with
three
its
continuations
Kashmir by Jonaraja, Srivaru and Prajyabhatta

with other Kavyas of this
annals or exuberant poems
class,
composed
in
respectively,
or
which are either dry and bare
with
historical
little
interest.
We
have already spoken of the Rama-carila of Samdhyakara Nandin,

which describes, by means of Slesa, the double story of Kama,
king of Ayodhya, and Ramapala, king of Bengal
The
but
its literary
three continuations of the Raja-tarahgim will be found printed in the editio
ceps, Calcutta
first
1835, p. 278 f;
by Jonaraja, intended
Zain-u'l-'Sbidin (1417-67
to
A.D
a*
a<
well
in
bring the chronicle

),
was
left
Durrap aaad's
down
incomplete
in
to
681
ed.
the time
mentioned
of
above
pnnThe
the author's patron
verses by the
author's death in
His pupil Srivara wrote the second continuation in four chapters for the peiiod
between 1450 and 1486. The Rajaoali-pataka of Prajyabhatta and his pupil uka deals in
1459.
nearly a thousand verses with
Kashmir by Akbar (1586 A.D.).

Tra. of fla/a-ftf',ii, p. 873
f.
the story
They
of a
few more
are far less original
years
til
the
annexation
and accurate works,
of
See Stein,
360
value
is
and
negligible,
its
abstruse punning method
renders
its
vague and difficult of application to conThe Kashmirian Jahlana, who is mentioned
historical information
temporary events.
by Mankhaka (xxv. 75) as a minister of Rajapuri, appears to

1
have written an account of his patron Somapala, son of
of Rajapurl, in his Somapala-vilasa, but nothing
Samgramapala
is
known
work which
of the contents of the
now lost. The

of unknown date
is
fragmentary and unfinished Prthviraja-vijaya*
and authorship, commented upon by Jonaraja (15th century) and

quoted by Jayaratha, may have also been a Kashmirian work. It
deals, in a conventionally poetical
illustrates
varieties
of figures
manner
of
(canto v, for instance,
and apparently on
speech)
the model of Bihlana's poem, with the victories of the Cahumana

prince PrthvTraja of Ajmer and Delhi, who fought with Shaha-
1193 A.D., the prince being presented

There are also a few
in the poem as an incarnation of Rama.
ornate Kavyas of this type which celebrate rulers of local and
buddln G-hori and
fell
in
limited renown, but they are of
little
and most of them are yet unpublished.

have been printed, mention may be made
vania
of
Among
of
the
interest,
those
which
Rastraudha-
Rudra, son of Ananta and grandson of Kesava,
Southern Tndia
historic
poetic or
it
of
gives in twenty cantos the story of Bagulas of
Kahlana, viii. 621 f, 146 f.

Ed, 8. K. Bclvalkar, Bihl. Ind., Calcutta 1914-22.
but Belvalkar conjectures

of the figures in the
poem.
The author's name is missing;

author to be a Kaghmirian poet named Jayanaka, who is one
It may have been composed between 1178 and 1103 A.D. and
its
Jayaratha, who flourished in

50 in his commentary on Rnyyaka's AlamJcara-
left
unfinished on account of the prince's change of fortune,
the
first
quarter of the 13th century cites
v.
sarvawa
(ed. NSP, p. 64). -The recent edition of the Prthviraja-vijaya, however, by Gourishankar H. Ojha and C. S. Gulleri (Ajmer 1941), with the commentary of Jonaraja, aho gives
the poem in an incomplete form in 12 cantos, but makes out Jayanaka to be the author.
It is edited
from the birch-bark
and now deposited

contents of the work
is
MS
of the
work discovered by
the Bhandarkar Oriental
in
given by
Har
Bilas Sarda in
Institute
JRAS,
at
Biihler in
Poona.
Kashmir
in 1876
A summary
of the
1913, pp. 259-81.
Ed. Ember Krishnamacharya, Gaekwad's Orient. Series, Baroda 1917, with an hisSome cantos, e.g. xii, display diversity of metres. The
by C. D. Dalai
author is said to have composed also a Jahahgira-Saha-carita at the command of
Pratapa
torical introd.
son of bis patron,
361

Mayuragiri, commencing from
who was
the
of
patron
in twelve cantos,
Raghunathabhyudaya^
dynasty,
and ending with Narayana Saha,
Kastraudha, king of Kanauj,

ruler of Mayuragiri,
the originator of the
of
the
The
author.
Ramabhadramba, a
Raghunatha Nayaka of Tanjore, is also interesting as

the work of a cultured woman-writer of modest poetic merit and
mistress of
historic sense
on some incidents connected with the author's hero,
while the Madhura-vijaya or

which took place about 1620 A.D.
Virakamparaya-carita of another woman-poet, Gangadevi, queen
;
of
Acyutaraya of Vijayanagara, gives an account of her husband's

2
conquest of Madura.
The Jaina writers also
proved themselves adepts at this
kind of composition, but the literary and historical interest of

The most extensive but the least
their works is variable.
8
of the
Dvyasraya-kavya
4
Jaina Acarya Hemacandra (1089-1173 A.D.), whose versatility
and encyclopaedic knowledge embraced many fields of Sanskrit
animated
is
the Kumarapala-carita or
and Prakrit learning, and through whose efforts Gujarat became

The
the stronghold of Svetambara Jainas for many centuries.
work gives in twenty-eight cantos an account of the rulers of
Anhilvad, bringing it down to the time of Kumarapala, who
came to the throne in 1142 A.D., and whom Hemacandra himself
converted into Jainism
which
cantos, apart of
1152 A.D.
in
(xvi-xx) deals with
The
first
twenty
Kumarapala but the
Ed. T. E. Cintamani, University of Madras, 1934.

of Tirumalatnba, as well as for these works, see below
of
under Women-poets. Also see Vemabliupala-carita under Prose-kavya. On Acyutaraya
in
Sri
1907)
Press,
(ed.
Vagtvilasa
Vijaynagar, Rajanatha also wrote Acyularayabhyudaya
1
For Varaddmbika-parinaya
12 cantos; see P. P. Sastri, Tanjore Catalogue,

3
vii,
pp.
3238-43.
Ed. A. V. Kathvate, cantos i-xx (Sanskrit) in two parts,
1885, 1916;
and
ed.
8.
P.
Pandit,
cantos
1000; 2nd revised edition by P. L. Vaidya,
xxi-xxviii
with
an
Bombay
(Prakrit),
appendix
in
Sanskrit Series,
the
same
series,
containing Hemacandra's
Grammar, in the same series, 1986.

Leben des Jaina-Monches Hemacandra,
* On the
author, see G. Biihler, Uber das
and Ethics, vi, p. 591. On the author's
in
Religion
Jacob!
of
H.
and
Encyclop.
Wien 1889,
Prakrit
and lexicographical works, see S. K. De, Sanskrit Poetics, i. p. 203f ;

K. Belvalkar, Systems of Sanskrit Grammar, Poona 1915, p. 73 f Tb. âchariae, 1*4.
rhetorical, grammatical
8.
Woerterbilcher> Strassburg 1897,
p.
30
ft
362
with KumSrapala's predecessors, have a distinct importance

for the history of the Caulukyas of Gujarat.
This portion is
rest
Sanskrit but the last eight cantos are written in

Prakrit and are concerned entirely with Kumarapala, although
the two concluding cantos contain no historical matter but moral
written in
and religious
The
reflections.
alternative
intention of the
twofold medium, as well as to th

trate
the
rules
of
the
grammars, which makes
own
author's
great interest for the picture
it
of
gives
work
to illus-
and
Prakrit
Sanskrit
Dvisamdhana.
it
refers to this
title
The work
Kumarapala's
possesses
efforts
to
make Gujarat i$to a model Jaina state but it is, by its very
learned and propagandist object, a highly artificial and laborious
production, which brings* in the usual Kavya topics, but which
;
scarcely interesting as a Kavya.
is
Of other Jaina Kavyas, which have an historical subject, a

brief mention of the published texts will suffice they are worthy
;
efforts,
but
present
There
poetry.
neither
are, for
adequate
instance,
history
several
nor
attractive
poems and dramas
concerned with some of their ruling dynasties of Gujarat, especially with the history of the Vaghela rulers Viradhavala and
Vlsaladeva and
their astute
who wrote
Surathotsava we have
J3ome3vara,
ministers, Vastupala and Tejahpala.
between
1179 and 1262
and whose
composed his Klrtikaumudl as a panegyric of Vastupala, in the form more of a

Campu than that of a regular Kavya. Another eulogistic work
on the same personage, chiefly with reference to his pilgrimages
already
mentioned,
There
is
another Kumdrapala-carita by Jayasirnha Suri, competed in 1265 A.D.
Hiralal Hamsaraj, Jaina BhtUkarodaya
Kum&rapala are
in 1185
posed
Moha-parajaya
the
Prakrit poem,
Press,
Other
Kumar apala-pratibodha
A.D.),ed. Gaekwad's Orient.

of
Jamnagar).
YaSaljpala, to be noticed
Ser.,
below
works
dealing
(ed.
with
of Somaprabbacftrya (com-
Baroda 1920; the
allegorical
Kumdrapata-prabandha
of
drama
Jinamandana
Bhavnagar 1915). There is also a Kumdrapdla-caritra of Caritrasundara, published by the

Jaina Atmananda Sabba, Bbavnagar 1914.
(ed.
to
Vastupala
is
one of the heroes of the drama Hammira-mada-mardana of Jayasiopha,
be noticed below.
5
d.
A. V. Katfcvftte,
Bombay
Sanskrit Series, 1888.
WITH HISTORICAL TfiBMES

and
religious
son of Lavanasimha,
the Sukrta-samkwtana
is
activities,
in eleven cantos
(553 verses)
363
l
of Arisimha,
but the
first
two cantos give an account of the Capotkata or Cauda family

and the Caulukya rulers of Gujarat respectively, mixed up in the
with Kavya
later cantos
and
of the hero's entry
same
subject
Haribhadra
the
is
like the
topics
into
tlje city.
Vasanta-vilasa
description of seasons
still
work on the
third
Balacandra Suri, pupil of
of
Suri and
author of the drama Karuna-vajrayudha ;

it was
after
composed
Vastupala's death (1242 A.D.) for the
delectation of his son Jaitrasimha, and gives in fourteen cantos
a
similar
account
of the
rulers
of
and of the various
Gujarat
episodes, religious and political, in
Some
Vastupala's career.
two centuries later, Nayacandra Suri wrote the Hammlra5
mahakavya in fourteen cantos, with Hamrnira, the Cahuan
The narrative is uneven, and the
king of Mewar, as his hero.
author often lapses into poetic rhapsody to cover his ignorance of
historical facts and more than three cantos (v-vii, and a part of
;
are devoted
viii)
amusements and
There are
to
the
usual
also
short
metres),
kallolinl
1
of
Harsa
eulogising
of
Sambhu
of
sports^
particular
(75 verses in
Kashmir; the Sukrta-klrti-
Udayaprabha Suri (179 verses in varied
Ed. Jaica Xtmananda Sabba
the author, see G. Biibler,
1889
seasons,
panegyric on
of
poems
rulers, such as the Rajendra-karnapura
varied
of
descriptions
erotic activities of the hero.
Series,
Bhavoagar 1917. For an account
Das Sukftasamkirtana des
Arisiiriha in Sitz. d.
metres)
of the
work and
Wiener Akad., Wien
text on pp. 39-56, with an historical and literary introduction (Eng. tra. Burgess in Li,
XXXI,
8
pp. 477-95).
See 8. K, De, Sanskrit Poetics,
Ed. 0. D. Dalai, Gaekwad's Orient.
Ser.,
p. 210f.
i,
Baroda 1917.
Vaatupala waa poetically
called Vasantapala.
3
Thia work, for
which see below, was composed
at the temple of
Idinatha during
Vastupala's pilgrimage to Satrunjaya.

4
Vaatup^la himself wrote the Nara-ndrayanananda noticed
patron of poets, but
also a poet himself
man, warrior, philanthropist and man

*
and
in these
above he waa not only a

;
laudatory works he
ia
6gured as states-
of piety.
Ed. Nilkautha Janardan Kirtane,
IA t VIII, 1879, p. 55f.

6
Ed. K&vyamala, Gucchaka
7
i,
Bombay
NSP, Bombay
Printed as an appendix to Jayasimba
Suri's
1879, with
an introd.
See Kirtane in
1886, pp. 22-84.
HammlTa-mada-mardana
(Gaekwad'i
364
in honour of Vastupala
or the
Prdnabharana
of
Jagannatha
(53 verses in varied metres) in praise of Prananarayana of
rupa
but there
is
not
much
and
of historical
literary
Kama-
worth in
these extravagant laudations of grateful poets.
4 r.
a.
The
in
SHORTER POEMS
The Erotic Poetry
tradition of erotic
Sanskrit
literature;
poetry,
we have
and from the
seen,
is
ubiquitous
time of A^vaghosa's
Saundarananda, it is appropriated by the Mahakavya (as also by

drama) in its fulsome description of erotic acts and feelings,
which occupy not a small place in these compositions, and of

which even pious Hindu and Jaina writers are not abhorrent.
But Sanskrit love-poetry, from the beginning, is either mixed up
with descriptive matter (as in the Megha-duta and Ghatakarpara
poem) and didactic drift (as in A^vaghosa and Bhartrhari), or it
takes
the form (as in
abound
gies
of
single
which the poet delights

an elegant and finished form.
themselves,
picture in
Amaru)
in
in
such
fine
little
stanzas
stanzas,
to
present
standing by
a complete
The Sanskrit Antholoin all likelihood they are
taken from extensive works of particular poets, which are now

lost; but they are isolated in the stanza-form as complete units
It is probable that they were sometimes composed
of expression.
as such, not in
particular context but independently, and were
collected together in the
frame of Satakas.
Even
if it is
possible
to find out an entire
significance from the detached stanzas in a

Sataka, they seldom have any inner connexion or motive in
relation to one another, or any totality of effect, each stanza by
1
Ed.
The author also wrote Asapha-vildsa,

Kavyamala, Gucchaka i, pp. 79-90.
apparently a prose Akhyayika, in praise of Nawab Asaf Kban (d. 1641), a nobleman of
the court of Shah Jah&n, and JagadabJiarana in honour of Shah Jah&n's son Dara Shikob;
but these works do not appear to have been yet printed.
There is no need to deal here with geographical or topographical works (Dega-?]itaB)
which are hardly poems.
EROTIC POETRY
charm
having a self-contained
itself
extraordinary
365
of
its
own.
In this way,
are achieved by
and subtlety
the infinite moods and fancies of love
richness
variety,
depicting single aspects of

and the necessity of compressing
one whole
idea or situation
within the limits of a single stanza gives to the pictures the precision and elegance of exquisite cameos of poetic thought
This
is
love-poetry,
to
it
and
feeling.
one of the roost remarkable characteristics of Sanskrit

of
a value of
which we have already spoken and which gives

its own.
There is no systematic and well knit
love-poem or love-lyric in the sense in which we understand it

In the series of individual stanzas, the erotic poetry
today.
deals with niceties rather than simplicities of love,
than
It
has very often a
of nature and natural feelings, but
they are romanti-
rather
vagaries
background
direct
the
exaltations.
words and
cised with elegancies of

of
with fanciful
beauty that stings
and
and there
ideas,
thrills.
is
The sentiment
often artistic than personal, and expressed in
perfect
nothing
is
more
accordance
enjoyment, which would

not permit the theme of a particular woman, but of woman as
1
It is true that the
such, provided she is young and beautiful.
the
universalised woman,
particular woman is always there behind
with the poetic theory of
irn personalised
and inspires the emotional earnestness and vivid imagery, but

there is in its refined and idealised expression little of subjectivity
and the poetry delights to move in an
imaginative world of serene and pleasant fiction.
In later erotic poetry, with which we are concerned here,
the rhetorical and psychological refinements come to dominate
or
of
the
lyric
mood
and even
if
the
little
pictures
and gracefulness of touch, the
often
reality
possess
delicacy
of
feeling
and richness of the emotion
conventional literary
The love-poetry does not escape the taint of artificiality
effects.
have the
which marks the entire poetry of this period.
are obscured by deliberate
straining
after
We
same want
of independence, the
1
same monotony inseparable from
See above, pp. 88*89.
366
similar series
and similar treatment.
ideas
of
The
technical
and authority of Erotics and Poetics, which evolved a

system of meticulous classification of the ways and means of
love and their varied effects, established a series of so-called
analysis
poetic conventions, to be
analogies
heroines
expressed with
and conceits.
their
All
assistants
stock
conceivable
and adjuncts
poetic
of
phrases,
and
heroes
types
the different
shades
and gestures the generous sets of their excellenthe varied moods and situations
in
ces, physical and mental
fact, the entire sentiment of love, with its elaborate paraphernaof their feelings
lia,
is
great
defined,
industriously
of
deal
observation,
of scholastic formalism.
The
and
analysed
classified,
but with
with a
the pedantry
emotional and artistic formulas thus
it
is true,
all
prescribed become the unalterable mechanism of erotic poetry. The

result naturally is the growth of a refined artificiality in sentiment
and expression and in uninspired poets, it becomes a clever

but mechanical reproduction of romantic commonplaces and
;
The
decorative shibboleths.
general tradition established by

further refined, but seldom exceeded or
Amaru and
Bhartrhari
advanced.
Making allowance
nevertheless
should
period
is
for
be conceded
of
real
up
its
beauty.
obvious limitations,
these
that
never so dull and dreary as
but can often work

things
is
erotic poetry of this
the
the
extensive
Mahakavya,
aesthetic and emotional banalities
The bloom
is
it
into
doubtless artificial, and
there is no rush
the perfection is attained by careful culture
but very often in the detached
of passion or tumult of style
;
stanzas of the Anthologies, as well as in
some sustained works
and pleasing moments of charm,

the more ambitious and elaborately composed
of lesser poets,
we have
which we miss
in
rare
dainty trifles, it is often in trifling things

that poetry flourishes with daintiness of touch in metre, phrase,
Kavyas*
If
they
sound and sense,
are
more than
in massive productions of erudite
Perhaps the theme of love has a wider and more

are more readily
potent appeal ; perhaps the poet themselves
moved and become better articulate by its intimate character.
industry.
367
EROTIC POETRY
Whatever may be the reason, the
remains that this poetry

is often characterised by the tender and touching strain of a
refined emotional inflatus A while the emotion of the greater
Kavya
poets
fact
almost always a matter of serious doubt.
is
noteworthy that the erotic poetry of this period

is very closely allied with its devotional and didactic poetry,
not
on
also
but
account
of certain fundaonly in respect of quality
It is also
Although comiuonsense and poetics

would like to distinguish between love and religious devotion,
or love and worldly wisdom, it is curious that in the actual poetic
practice of Sanskrit, the three aspects of human thought and
mental characteristics.
betray
activity
devotionalism
is
While mediaeval
tendency to intermingle.
of
which it is somesaturated with eroticism,
a
times a transfigured expression, the didactic reflectiveness cannot

but concern itself earnestly with ^the mighty sex-impulse of
human
The
life.
old
tradition
of ^Srfigara, Niti
and Vairagya,
Wisdom and
Eesignation, going hand in hand, naturally

persists, either in the Sataka form or in regular poems, the one
and the lover, the
adding a zest and piquancy to the other
of Love,
moralist and the devotee dominate the lesser,
but
better,
poetry
of this period.
The Sanskrit
erotic poetry is best
exemplified,
as
we have
hundreds of exquisite stanzas, scattered in the

Anthologies and assigned to more than a thousand obscure and
well nigh dateless poets; but the Anthologies, being repositories
of
the
in
said,
diverse
nence.
Nor
is it
do
not bring erotic poetry alone into promipossible for us to deal here in detail with the
matter,
immense wealth and
variety
a study of Sanskrit love-poetry/

to separate
pafica&ka
1
(i)
We
which they supply
shall confine
for
ourselves here
poems, or collections of stanzas in the form of Satakas.
Of these, the
1
of material
earliest appears to be the
shortly, Caura-panca$ika, of
Ed. P. von Bohlen (along with Bbartrhari's
Caurl- (or Caura-) suraia-
unknown date and

Satakas),
author-
with comm. of Ganapati,
Berlin 1883, and Also ed. in Hteberlin's Kavyasanigraha, Calcutta 1847, p. 227f (Devanagarl
and Bengali recension) ; (it) ed. and trs. J. Ariel iq JA, 1848, a. 4 f t. xi, p. 469 f, and sd. in
368

ascribed to Bihlana,
ship, but generally
around which romantic
It consists of fifty passionate stanzas in

legends have gathered.
the Vasantatilaka metre, uttered in the first person, on the subject
of secret love,
Most
poem.
charm
which
is
of
is
it
apparently responsible for the title of the

devoted to the description of feminine
in particularly erotic situations
with
pictures of stolen pleasure,
and the
sensuous
lavish
their
word-
recollective
detail,
This fact probably became

appear vividly circumstantial.
starting point of a large number of anecdotes regarding
origin and authorship
luscious
poem gave
work
the
of
and the popularity
rise to at least three
the
the
of the
recensions
distinct
of
In one form of the South Indian recension, we find

the text enclosed in a poem called Bihlana-kavya, in which the
the text.
poet Bihlana
is
made
to utter these
secret intrigue with a princess
and
stanzas
led to
when caught
in
be executed, with
the
by the glowing verses, relents,

and permits his marriage with the princess.
The story occurs in various forms, and the names of the actors,
result that the
king, impressed
orders his release
of
as well as place
varied.
As
occurrence
most early collections
in the case of
type, the text is extremely

Kavyamala, Gucchaka
xiii,
(South Indian recension)

work, in
Arnold
its
Triibner
sagar's Kavya-samgraha,
1
In
Solf's
and
ed.
London
i,
p. 596
edition-there
1896).
f
are
only
of the
also
Sataka
about thirty-three
1903, pp. 145-49, as imbedded in the Bihlana-kavya

W. Solf, Kiel 1886 (Kashmirian recension). The
trs.
is poetically, if freely,
Vulgate text,
(in litho,
fluctuating,
NSP, Bombay
(Hi)
the alleged incident, are
of
rendered into English verse by Sir
The work has been printed
Edwin
also in Jivananda Vidya-
and in Kavyakalapa, No. 1, pp. 100-05.

no names, but there are two introductory verses which
(3rd ed. 1888)
mention Bihlana, an .unnamed king of Kuntala and a princess. In Ariel's edition, the princess
is
Yaminl-purnatilaka, daughter of the Paficala king Madanabhirama
in the
Kavyamala
Candrakala or Candralekha, daughter of Vlr-aaimha of Mahilapattana

in Gujarat manuscripts, she is a Cauda or Caura (i.e., Capotkata) princess while in the Bengal
Vlrasimha, and the poet-hero is not Bihlana, but
tradition, she is Vidya, daughter of king
edition, she is Sasikala,
Pundara
(also called Cora-kavi), son of
Gunasagara
of Caurapal'i in
of the PaflcaSika, often absorbed in larger poems, are
pation simultaneously to Vidya
The
and the goddess Kail
made by pun
whom
Radha, while the stanzas

have a twofold appli-
to
Sundara propitiates in his
distress.
account occurs in various forms in Bengali poems, which appropriate the Sanskrit
stanzas; but a Sanskrit version, ascribed to Vararuci, also exists in 53 verses (see Sailendralast
nath Mitra in Proc. of the Second Orient.

also
forms the theme of a Sanskrit
Conference, Calcutta 1928,
Vidya-sundara
p. 2l5f).
The legend
(printed in Jivananda's Kftvya-saragraba,
EROTIC POETRY
verses
common
being
recensions.
It is
therefore,
can be asserted with as

of Jayadeva's
Kashmirian and the South
to the
clear,
mention
Indian
1
Bihlana's
that
authorship
confidence as that of Cora (in spite
little
of a
369
name
poet of that
Prasanna-
in his
raghava) or of Sundara. It is, on the other hand, not improbable

that the stanzas were old floating verses of forgotten authorship,
which were ascribed to Bihlana, Cora, Sundara and Vararuci in

But
turns, and different legendary frame-stories were supplied.
the work itself, as a whole, is indeed a fine specimen] of Sanskrit
Notwithstanding repetition of conventional ideaSj
imageries and situations, the spring and resonance of its Vasantatilaka stanzas, the simplicity and swing of its comparatively
erotic poetry.
smooth diction, and the vivid

scenes of pleasure
variety, the
render the
relish of
inevitable in
monotony
past
richness
and
such series of verses,
and
their
by
relieve,
of
descriptive
No
in Sanskrit.
poem unique
work has survived, but occasionally we
iii,
pp. 441-63)
but the stanzas
find its influence at
of Krsna, son of
PaflcaMd do not
for his clandestine
Narayana.
occur, and the
the story without any preliminary account of Vidya and
by Sundara under the palace

ummaga Jataka (Fausboll, vi,
direct imitation of the
work;
99-114 of the apparently late
as for instance, in verses 92 and
poem, the Tara-a$ahha
recollection
its
poem supplies a amall part of

The idea of a tunnel made
Sundara.
meetings
is
old
and occurs in the Maha-
no. 546)
Apart from the fact that Bihlana himself makes no claim to any royal intrigue in
autobiographical account, the fact that a stanza from the Kashmirian recension, which
1
bis
is
supposed to be more genuine (nidTa-nimiUta-drtah Solf, no. 86), is cited in Abhinavagupta'i

(ed. NSP, p. 60), Kuntaka's Vakrokti-jwita (ed. 8. K. De, ad i. 51, 66) and Dhanika's
Locana
commentary on Da$a*TUpa1ca
(ed.
NSP,
iv. 23)
it
indicates the existence of the text in
some
form already in the lOtb century.

1
The suggestion that the name Cora
or Caura, found in
some versions
of the
legend,
implies an original story of the love of a robber chief and a princess, is illusory for in one
version Cora is the proper name of a Brahmin, and it is evident that the name was
;
suggested by the very title of the poem relating to stolen love. The idea of a princess must
have been a part of the original legend, for it is found in a stanza which occurs in the
various versions (Solf DOS. 87, 55; Bohlen nos. 11, 45 Jivananda nos. 10, 43), but the name
;
based upon a misunderstanding, deliberate or otherwise, of the simile

vidy&rp pramada-gaUtam iva occurring in one of the common opening stanzas of the poem.
Vidya
ii
obviously
Ed. KavyamSlS, Gucchaka
author
ment
is
the son of the Kerala poet
iv,
NSP, Bombay 2nd
ed.,
1899,
pp.
Narayana Bhatta, then he would belong
68-71.
to the
If
the
commence*
370
The
tradition of
number of
is more an
poets.
erotic
the Sataka
form
followed by
is
large
Dtpreksavallabha, whose Bhiksatana
Thus,
than a religious poem,
wrote before
the
14th
century the Sundari-fataka, a highly artificial eulogy of feminine

beauty in the 5rya metre, at the request of king Madanadeva,
whose
identity, however, is not
known; while
of the 18th century, Vi6ve6vara, son of
composed, among
in
the
beginning
Laksraidhara, of
Almora,
other works, the Romavall-$ataka*, in the same
unblushingly describing intimate feminine charms with

elaborate skill but with dubious taste.
The Srngara-gatakas are
spirit of
numerous; but among those which have been printed, one need
8
and Narahari, 4
only mention those of Janardana Gosvamin
and
the
three
Kamaraja Diksita, (beginning of

6
of Samaraja, in which the first
the alphabetical order
of Srrigara
who
Some
and Vairagya,
also
wrote
called
centuries,
$rhgara-kaUka-triatl, of
the
18th century?),
son
lines
of
Vairagy a- Sataka
(as
in the cases of the Rasika-ranjana of
verses
follow
attempt both the themes
poets
as for instance,
perhaps missing!); some attempt
the
Janardana Gosvamin,
Nlti-Sataka
(his
we have
already
is
seen
Ramacandra and Srhgara-
vairagya-taranginl of the Jaina

Somaprabha) to utilise the
device of punning to make their poems have a simultaneous
double application
to
and ascetic themes
erotic
while others,
Dhanadadeva compose three separate centuries on Srngara,

8
Niti and Vairagya.
A work of greater pretension and reputalike
tion
1
1
3
*
6
is
the
of
Irya-sapta$ati
Govardhana,
Ed. Kavyamala, Gucchaka ix, 1916, p. lOOf.

Ed. Kavyaraala, Gucchaka viii, 2nd ed., 1911,
xi,
court-poet
of
p. 135f.
1925, p. 133f.
1897, p. 37f.
xii,
Ed. Kavyamala, Guccbaka xiv, 2nd ed., 1938,

Se S. K. De, Sanskrit Poetics, i p. 320.
p. 86f.
*
*
Bombay
The
Ed. KftvyamalS, Gucchaka

xiii
2nd
ed., 1916, p. 131f.
pp. 33-108
j composed in 1484 A.D.

Ed. Durgaprasad and K. P. Parab, with the comra. of
Ananta, N8P.,2nd ed.,
1896; also ed. Somnath Barman, Dacca 1864 (text
only, in Bengali characters).
text in the
two
editions
xiii,
differ,
the
firtt
containing 756 and the second 731 verses.
See
JEKOllC POtitRfc
Lakmanasena of Bengal and contemporary of Jayadeva who

mentions him in the Gita-govinda. There are more than 700
isolated verses in this
poem, arranged alphabetically in Vrajyas

and having a predominantly erotic theme. Govardhana obviousHe
ly takes the Prakrit Gatha-saptafatl of Hala as his model.
in
measure of success, but the verses, moving haltingly

the somewhat unsuitable medium of Sanskrit Arya metre,
are
more ingenious than
attains a
poetical,
and lack the
flavour,
wit and
heartiness of Hala's miniature word-pictures.

But the work
achieved the distinction of having inspired the very interesting
Hindi Satsal of Viharilal, which holds a high rank in Hindi
1
The very
poetry.
late
above, also appears to
author Visve^vara of Almora, mentioned

have taken Govardhana's work as his
model in his own Sanskrit Arya-saptaati* but it is a very poor

A bare mention will suffice of other poems which
production.
do not adopt the Sataka form, but which are yet substantial
assemblage,
more or
independent stanzas, such as the
of
less,
Svaha-sudhakara,* a comparatively short poem (26 verses) of the

Campu type with a thin story, and the Koti-viraha* a longer
poem (107 verses) with a similarly scanty story of two imaginary
union and separation, both composed by Narayana,

Kerala author of the Nardyanlya (Stotra), who lived towards
lovers, their
the
Much more
the end of the 16th century.
written
is
rhetorician
8.
De
K.
in
interesting and
well-known Tailanga poetson of Perubhatta and Laksrai, who
the Bhaminl-vilasa
Jagannatha,
of the
Eastern and Indian Studies in honour of F. W. Thomas,
the NIA), p. 64f.
All that is
well
known
of the author will be found
p.
64f (Extra no.
of
discussed by Pischel in his
Holfdichter des Lak$mana*ena t Gottingen 1893, pp. 80-33.

1
co turn.,
3
4
Kodiya
5
Grierson in
JRAS,
1834, p. 110.
Ed. Visnuprasad Bhandari, Chowkhamba Sanskrit

Benares 1024.
Ed. Kavyaraala, Guccbaka
with the author's
Kavyamala, Gucchaka v, 2nd

MalayaJaoi means nutana'.
ed., 1908, p. 142f.
It is explained
that Kofi or
'
Ed. K. P, Parab and M. B. TeJang, with coram. of Acyutaraya, NSP,
1894; also ed.

extra verges.
own
iv, p. 62f.
El
in
Series,
Grantba&ala,
iv,
with the
comm.
The work has been printed many times
Seaalrilyer, Bo.nbiy 18 )i; French
trs.
of
Maludeva
in
India.
some
with Eng. trs., by

For the author, who
Text,
by A. Bargaigoe, Paris 1872.
Bombay
Dlksita, containing
372
HISTORY
SANSKRIT LlfERATOftfi
01?
Shah Jahan's
flourished during
reign.
The work, however,
is
not entirely erotic, being divided into four parts, namely, Anyokti
(101 verses), Srfigara (102), Karuna (19) and Santa (31), but the
preponderance is towards the erotic and the didactic. Although

there is not much depth of feeling or height of imagination, a
large number of the verses can be singled out for their neatness
and elegance of expression and considerable pictorial fancy.

The general tendency in an unoriginal epoch to produce
imitations or counterfeits
is
more than
for
responsible
fifty
which derive their impetus, but not inspiration,

Duta-kavyas,
from Kalidasa's Megha-duta. Their interest lies not so much in
the original form
their poetical worth as in their
utilisation
and motif in different ways and
for different purposes, furnishing
of
that can be worked by
illuminating illustration of the variations
ingenious and industrious talents, which could scarcely imbibe

The Mandakranta metre
the poetic spirit of the original work.
is
generally accepted, but
lived in
the 2nd
1887) there is a
IHQ,
Sikharim, Vasantatilaka,
and 3rd quarters of the 17th century, see S. K. De, Sanskrit Poetic9 t i
to Lakihrnao Ramacbandra Vaidya's ed. of the work (Bombay
t
Jagannatha's works.
list of
A treatment
of tha
Dutvkavya
literature is given
Sequels to the Megha-duta
III, pp. 273-97.
also a
also
In the introduction
p. 275f.
we have
by Chintaharau Chakravarti in
of, and there are
have also been thought
few Pratisamdes*as, containing the counter-message of the Yakga's wife

As in Harfisa-duta of Rupa Gosvaraia and Manoduta of Vrajanatha. The former work
1
often printed, e.g., in Haeberlin's Kavya-samgraha, p. 323f (Jivananda i,

Harichand
Hirachand'sJKavyakalapa, Bombay 1864, p. 35f, etc;- but there is no
p. 4410,
The learned author, who
critical edition, the number of verses varying in the printed texts.
has been very

in
flourished in the 15th century,

introd. to
swan
is
Pady avail,
was one
an account
for
sent as messenger by
the
of the
of the
disciples of Oaitaoya of
author and bis works).
Krna
Gopis of Vrndavana to
incidentally illustrating the Rasa-s*astra of Bengal Vaifjnavism.
Vrajanatha, composed in 1758 A.D.

the sending of
at tha court of
8
AB
in
Mind
(ed,
of
ziii,
pp.
the
poem
of Tailanga
84-130), describes
Draupad! when she was insulted
Vignud&sa and Hfdaya-duia of Harihara.
Sim skrta
101 verses to Krsna, with
Mind
Sahitya Parisad, Calcutta 1937)
as messenger,
Vai?nava author is said to have been a

the 15th century.
(116 verses).
at MathurU,
The Manoduta
Duryodhana.
Manoduta
Chintaharau Chakravarti,
io
Kavyamala, Gucohaka
as messenger to Krs.na by the helpless
Bengal (see 8. K. Be,

In the present work, a
and includes a
m iternal
The second work
is
is
The
first
work
(ed.
a pathetic appeal in
description of Vrndavana.
The
unole of Caitanya of Bengal, and if so, lived

noticed by Weber, Berlin Catalogue, i, no. 571
EROTIC POETRY
Malim
and
even
objects, like the
Sardulavikridita.
Wind,
the
Moon,
373
Not
inanimate
only
Footprints
and the sacred
but also various birds and animals, like the parrot,

7
8
cuckoo, bee, swan
peacock, Cakora, Cataka and Cakravaka , as
Tulasi plant,
well as mythological beings like
Uddhava
and Hanumat, 10 are
selected as messengers for imaginary journeys over various places

1
As
in
Candra-duta
Jambu,
of
noticed
contains 23 verges with various forms of
by Peterson, Three Reports 1887, p. 292. It

de-ils with an ordinary love-message of
Yamaka, and
womaa to her lover. It belongs probably to the first hd'f of the 10th century ed.
Chaudhuri, Calcutta 1941; also see Modern Review, Calcutta, Ixx, no. 2, August,
a
(J. B.
1941,
pp. 158-61).
2
As
mentioned by Chakravarti
in Pika-diita,
IHQ,
(in
iii,
p.
31 verses,
in
272),
messenger to Krsna by the Gopls. The same theme

and the same metre occur also in the Pantha-duta of Bholanatha (Eggeling, Ind. Office Cat.
describing the sending of a cuckoo as
vii,
a pilgiim on the way
no. 3890), the messenger being

3
As
JASB,19Q5
1926.
The
Parana-data
in the
t
of DboyI, ed.
to
Manomoban
Mathura.
MS
Cbakravarti, from a single
in
pp. 53-69; re-edited Chintaharan Chakravarti, Sarnskrta Sahitya Parisad, Calcutta
author, a court-poet of Laksrnanasena
The work
contemporary.
is
noteworthy
in
taking
of
Bengal,
up, without
is
mentioned by Jayadeva as a
being a Carita, an historical
poet makes
personage, namely, the poet's patron Laksmanasena, as the hero. The
Kuvalayavati, a Gandharva mai lea of the Malaya hills, fall in love with the king during the
career
latter's
messenger.
its
kind.
of
Tbere
wind
Tara, who has been
pp. 9-24), a
*
poem
As
purely invented
in
south,
and
send the
wind
south-easterly
as
but of no greater merit than most poems of

Vadicandra Suri, who flourished in the 17th century,
of 101 verses,
another Pavana-duta
is
in 101 verses, in which the

his wife
the
in
conquest
It is an elegant
of
carries a
message from Vidyanares*a, king
abducted by a Vidjadhara
(ed.
of
DjjayinI, to
Kavyamala, Gucchaka
xiii,
story.
the Indu-duta of Vinayavijaya-gani,
and several Candra-dutas.
In
the
Kivyatnala, Gucchaka xiv, pp. 40-60: 131 verses), the well known Jaina
author (end of the 17th century), residing at Jodhpur, sends the moon as messenger, with a
first-named
work
fed.
kind of Vijfiapti-patra to bis religious preceptor at Surat, incidentally describing jaina temples
and sacred places on the way. For other Candra-dutas see Chakravarti, in IHQ 9 III, p. 276.
5
i,
As
in the
by the Gopls
to
Krsna Sarvabhauma, ed. Jivananda's Kavyaeamgraha,

The work, in which the footprints of Krsna are asked
message to him at Mathura, was composed at the court of
Paddhka-dula
pp. 507-30; Kavyakalapa,

carry
i,
their
of
p. 53f.
Kaghunitha Raya of Nadia (Bengal) in 1723 A.D.

6
As in fulati'dula, mentioned by Chakravarti, op. cit. It is in 34 verses, composed
in Saka 1706=1784 A.D., with the same theme of the Gop!*s message to Krsna.
7
Harpsa-diita of
Hup a Gosva nin mentioned above, a ad Hamsa-duta
of
Venkaâdeîka
and anonymous Har\isa-tarp,dea mentioned below.

8
For numerous works viiih these devices, see Chakravarti, op. cit.
9
As in the Uddhava-samdexa (138 verses) of Rupa Gosvamin (ed. in Haeberlin, p. 823f
Jivananda, iii, p. 215fj and Uddkaoa-duta (141 verses, ed. in Haeberlio, p. 318f Jivananda
The theme is based on Bhagavata Puraaa x. 47,
i, p. 531 f) of M&dhava Sarman.
;
"
10
As in Kapi'-dtUa, Dacca University Library,
MS
no.
975B (fragmentary)).
HISTORY OF SANSCRIT
information being of variable value.
when even abstract objects, like the
in India, the topographical
The
Mind
the
limit
l
reached
is
and Devotion,
poems
made
are
become
to
tending
to
and Slta,
stories
propaganda.
curious literary
the trick
adoption of
of
Besides the Manoduta
(129 verses) of an
unknown
application
imitations
is
also
As
and Hfdaya-duta mentioned
we have
above,
a Cetoduta
Jaina author, which describes the sending of the author's
own
Samasya-purana
in
with the fourth corresponding foot of verses
of every verse identical
in the Bhakti-duta (23 verses) of
is figured
in the
seen
sometimes adopt and
as a messenger to his preceptor, but which also adopts the device of
having the fourth foot

from the Megha-duta.
reflection or
in the composition of
Samasya-purana
The Jaina
some Duta-kavyas.
Kama
of
Parsvanatha and Neminfttba,

besides those of historical personages in a few rare
becomes the means of religious instruction,
easily
Mukti
allegorical.
In the hands of Jaina and Vainava authors the device
cases.
mind
known
function,
Kr?na and Eadha,
are utilised,
and
abstract
Mythological subjects, such as the well
the
discharge
Kaliprasada (Mitra, Notices,
as the lady of the poet's desire and Bhakti acts as
iii,
p. 27), in
which
a messenger.
3
Only in a limited number of poems, such as the Kapi-dula mentioned above, the
Bhramara-duta of the Nyaya commentator Rudra Nylyavacaspati, son of Vidyanivasa
(H. P. Sastri, Notices,
ii,
p. 153),
and the Hamsa-duta
loc. cif .),
(60
Candra-duta of Krsnacandra Tarkalamkara,
the
+ 50 verses
in
two
As*vasas) of the well
(ibid,
known South Indian
scholar and teacher Venkatadedika (ed. Qovt. Oriental Library, Mysore 191 3;.
4
This
is,
of course, a
and the works, some

fi
of
with Vaisnava writers, especially of Bengal
avourite sub ject
which are noted above, are numerous.
See below.
As
Besides the Cetoduta mentioned above,
The Jaina poems about the report of progress from

in the Pavana-duta of Dhoyl.
a pupil to the preceptor are also not fictitious in respect of persons figuring in them.
Parsvabhyudaya
of Jinasena,
kavya, but gives the
who wrote
life-story
of
Pars' van a tha
1909); the entire Megha-dUta, however,

lines
of Kalidasa in each verse.
didactic
poem on the
of
is
Vikrama, son
RljaraatI to her husbaad,
The
not a Duta-
Yogi raj Panditacliarya, NSP,
Bombay
Duta-kavya but a
Samasya-
Yaiovijaya Jaina Granthamala, Benares 1915) in

Jaioa Duta-kavyas which employ the device. Thus the
(ed.
123 verses (ed. Kavyaraala, Gucchaka ii,

messenger by the Tirthamkara Neminatha's wife
of Srngara, describes in
who had gone
of eaob verse is taken from Ealidasa's

is
(ed.
is
incorporated by the device of inserting one or two
Similarly, the Sila-duta, which is not a
1886, p. 85f), the sending of the cloud as a
same type
several Jaina works of this kind.
story of Slhulabhadra, is composed on the principle of
purana by Oftritrasundara-gani
1420 A.D. But there are also
Nemi-duta
we have
the Adipurdna in the 9th century,
to
Mount Abu
poem
in
the
the Meghaduta-samcuya-lekha (ed. Jaina
to practise
manner
of
penance; but the last line
Sanuasyvpurana.
Of the
Itm&nanda GranthamlU, Bhavnagar
375
DEVOTIONAL POETRY
incorporate
one or two
Padas,
Pada, of
fourth
the
usually
corresponding Padas of their own

verses, the rest being composed by the poets themselves as a
kind of clever filling up of the entire stanza. It is ingenious,
Kalidasa's
verses
the
into
but the literary exercise naturally leads to

of the language.
also replaced in
and straining
artificiality
The original object of sending a love-message is

some works by the intention of making the poem
a kind of descriptive Vijfmpti-patra, sent
by a disciple to his
progress in religious
preceptor, to report
in a distant
activities
make the
land.
This finds a
poems
vehicles for conveying devotional ideas, the sentiment of
Vaisnava
parallel to the
effort to
love being replaced by those of tranquillity and
process reaches
devotion.
The
climax as the Duta-kavya becomes a nominal
its
conveying abstract philosophical ideas, as when a devotee

sends the swan of his mind with a philosophical message to his
2
beloved Bhakti for an imaginary flight to the world of Siva!
form
for
b.
The
The Devotional Poetry
the erotic, presents two

blend, but which stand in no
lines of literary
the one hand, the
or
connected closely with
devotional poetry of this period,
philosophical
tradition
character,
growth, which sometimes
constant
We
have, on
elaborate Stotras of a descriptive
of
on
but,
relation.
the
we
other,
have the
development of highly impassioned devotional poems,

which pass through the whole gamut of erotic motif, imagery
steady
The
and expression.
note
personal
tendencies, but while in the one

religious thought,
ligious
it
motion
is
present
in
expressed in the guise of
is
in the other shapes
1914) of Meghavijaya (end of tbe 17th century), in
both the
which
tl
cloud
is
and colours
sent as a
messenger
to the author's preceptor Vi]a,vaprabha Suri.

1
In one case a note of parody appears,
e.g.,
in the
Kaka-duta
(mentioned
by
M. Krisbnamacharier, Classical Sanskrit Literature, Madras 1937, p. 865\ in which a fallen

Brahmin in prison seeks to send a message through a crow to his beloved Kadambari
(Drink)
The V^hmanâna-g^na-dula
a religio-philoeophical poem which

*
A.I
in Hayta-taipdes'a, ed.
of VlrercSvara
solicits the
'ed
J.
patronage of a king
Sambasha
Bastri,
Chaudhuri, Calcutta 1941)

t
Triv&ndrum Sanskrit Series 1980.
is
376
The
it.
characterise
the
and propagation
Stotras;
devotionalism,
the
inspire
but with the rise of mediaeval
of emotional
inspiration of devotional
mood
theistic
earlier
high-toned traditional
sects
and moral earnestness, which
satisfaction
intellectual
writings
Bhakti movements, the basic

is
supplied,
more
or less, by a
which seeks to express religious

mysticism,
longings in the intimate language and imagery of earthly
This brings about a new development in Sanskrit
passion.
of erotic
and
very closely with erotic literature,

so that poems like the Glta-govinda would appear, from
religious poetry,
so
much
relates
it
and an erotic work.
different aspects, both as a religious
The
into a deeply
mighty sex-irnpulse^becomes transfigured

religious
the
however
devotional
attitude
and,
mystic
may
is
While
the
the
of
Stotras
question.
literary gain
beyond
appear,
emotion
more orthodox
tradition beget a
new
series of grave, elevated
and
hymns, the emotional and poetic possibilities of the

newer quasi-amorous attitude become immense and diverse, and
express themselves in mystically passionate poems, dramas and
speculative
Campus. These
effusions of the devout heart are in a sense
beyond
criticism, but, strictly speaking, they do not always attain a high

level of poetic excellence.
Nevertheless, the
more the
religious
and concrete in expression,

sentiment becomes
the more the pedantry of its theology and psychological rhetoric
recedes to the background, and it is lifted to the idealism and
In the
romantic richness of intensely passionate expression.
personal in ardour
hands
of
these
erotico-religious
emotionalists,
we
have
fresh accession and interpretation of the romantic legends of the
and the wistfulness, amazement and ecstasy of the new

devotional sentiment lift its poetry from the dry dogmatism of
gods
scholastic thought into a picturesqufe
of sensuous words
and ideas.
The more orthodox mode

is,
ly
however, not
less fruitful,
of staid
and sober Stotra-writing
prompted that
it is
by the extreme-
thought or scholastic learning

The large number of Vedantic Stotras, for instance
active impetus
of the time.
and luscious spiritualisation
of
speculative
DEVOTIONAL POETRY
some
377
which are ascribed to the great gamkara himself, the

Kashmirian Saivite poems, the Jaina and Buddhist
Mabayana
of
hymns, the South Indian Vaisnava and Saiva panegyric

or
Bengal Tfintric and Vaisnava eulogiums, are inspired by
the
the
of deities,
different
tendencies
religious
no doubt, from depth
of
of
the
time.
conviction
religious
They spring
but,
composed
generally that they are for the purposes of a particular cult, they
are often weighted with its theological or philosophical ideas.
When
they are not of this learned
merely give a string of laudatory
or
type,
when they do not
names and epithets
or a metrical litany of their glory and
greatness,
or
of
when
deities
they
are not merely liturgical verses, they possess the
moving quality
These alone come within the
of attractive religious poems.
The number of Stotras preserved
sphere of literary criticism.
small
and
a
is indeed vast,
only
percentage of them is yet in
have
been published are mostly of
those
which
but
even
print
1
unknown
or late date, and their individual poetic traits are not
Only a few of them rise to the level even

always conspicuous
of a mediocre poem, being burdened with didactic or doctrinal
It
matter, or with dry recital of commonplace words and ideas.
is
no other department of Sanskrit verse has been so

that it would not be just to ignore the Stotras as mere
that
true
prolific
though Sanskrit rhetorical arid anthological

no
literature displays
special enthusiasm for them; and that no
adequate study of Jaina, Buddhist and Hindu hymnology has
yet been made; but at the same time, no case has been made
curiosities,
apart
that,
even
from
religious
deeper investigation for

individual Stotras
h3mns
its
interest,
the literature deserves a
are undoubtedly popular and have been
sands of devout minds from generation to

1
anrdly
For printed collections

represent the
Balance,
xviii-xx).
worth,
purely poetic
have been of modest merit.
in
tbe
Some
of the
uttered
by thougeneration, but mere
Hindu Stotras, see below, but they

The notice of Stotra manuscripts, for
of Jaina, Buddhist antf
vastness of
this
literature.
Madras Government
Oriental
The Puranas and Tantra works abound
48--1343B
even though
Manuscript Library covers three volumes

in Stotras.
378
or
popularity
no
is
employment
liturgical
index
to
literary
They are popular, not because they are always great

to
religious poems of beauty, but because they give expression
cherished religious ideas.
They are concerned more with
quality.
than
religion
religious
and
emotion,
have
different
therefore
values for the devotee and the literary critic.
The
diction
later
the
of
mode and
Buddhist
Hindu
Some
object of adoration.
of
them choose
in the elaborate
in
the
Sragdhara verses,"
series of benedictions the
the Satakas of
Mayura and Bana

of
legend
eulogy of the deity

diction is
composed
is
century,
the
in
physical features and mental
on the model of
and tradition has also invented
the poet's being cured of leprosy by this

In the same Sragdhara metre and polished
a
number
large
of
sragdhara-stotra* (37 verses)
of
Stotras
to
the
Tara,
which the Arya-tarathe Kashmirian Sarvajfiamitra,
female counterpart to Avalokitesvara,
who
9th
describing
excellences of the deity Avalokitesvara, obviously
similar
ornate
the
of the
common in
Vajradatta, who lived under Devapala
manner and
Kavya, while others are litanies

The Lokehwa-sataka 2 of
the Puranas.
of the type
composed
form of a
true to the
are
the only difference lying in the
Stotras,
and elaborate metres
style
Stotras
of
lived in the first-half of the 8th century, is perhaps the
most
The Bhaldi-Sataka 5 of Ramacandra Kavibharati

remarkable.
of Bengal, who came to Ceylon under king Parakramabahu at
about 1245 A.D. and became a Buddhist, is of some interest as
For
a bibliography
and abort treatment of Buddhist Stotras, gee Winternitz,
HIL
p. 375 f .
1
.
11,
t.
Ed. Suzanne Karpeles, with Sanskrit and Tibetan texts and a Fr.
C/. F. W. Thomas in JRAS. 1921, pp. 281-83.
xiv, pp. 357-466.
It should be
trs.,
in
JA,
19H
remembered ibat the Gan$i*8totra ascribed

Majura and Bana.
to
Agvaghosa
ia
compose
in the Sragdhara metre, as also the Stotras of

* fid. 8. 0.
with
commentary and two Tibetan versions in Bauddh*
Vidyabhusan,
Stotra-iamgraba, vol. i ; Bibl. Ind. f Calcutta 1908. In the introduction, the editor mentiot
no fewer than 96 texts relating to T%r. The author also wrote several other Stotras, whic
have bean edited and translated by G. de Btonay

la
Men*
*
in his
Materiaux pour servir a Vhittorie
Buddhiqu* Tara, Paris 1895.
Ed. Harapratad
Sastri,
with Bng.
trs,, in
JBTS
il
1893j pt. 2, pp. 21-43.
379
bKVOTlONAL POETKV
an example of the application of Hindu ideas of
eulogy
extravagant
Kavya
and
style
the
of
diction.
to
an
in the approved
Buddha, composed
It is
Bhakti
not necessary to
with
deal
later
Mahayana Tantric Stotras, which arc innumerable but which

show little poetic merit.
The Jaina Stotras, commencing with the Bhaktamara of
1
Manatunga and
the
Siddhasena
of his imitator
Kalyana-mandira
'
number, but they also exhibit the same

and characteristics, and therefore need not detain
are large in
I)ivakara,
form, style
us
is
Besides eulogies
long.
quite a
number
or
jina-stuti
teachers
in
known
which
all
Jinas, there
as Catwvimsati-
the
twenty- four
composed by well-known
Samantabhadra 3 (c. first half of
.Such Stotras
and devotees,
8th century),
the
of Stotras, generally
Gaturvimtika,
Jinas arc extolled.
saints or
of particular
like
are
Bappabhatti
Sobhana
743-838 A.D.),
(c.
(second half of the l()th century), Jinaprabha Suri

(beginning
of the 14th century) and others.
As the glorification of Jinas and
saints does not
admit of much variation
in subject-matter,
some
poems, as we have seen, are artificially constructed to sbotv tricks

of language in the use of Yatnaka and other rhetorical figures in the
regular
Kavya method
while others contain religious reflections
and instructions, which conduce little towards literature.

Of the Hindu Stotras, 7 it is difficult to say if all the two
hundred Vedantic Stotras, which pass current under the name of
of Jaina Stotras will be found in KavyaraalS, Gucchak* vii, 3rd ed.,
Jaina Stotra Saingraha, published in the YaSovijaya Jaina Grauthamali,
Stuti-saqigraha with Avacuri. NSP, Bombay 1912; arid i a Stotra -ratnSkara, i. h,
Collections
Bo ubay 1907;
1905;
ed.
i.i
in
Yafovijaya Jaina Saqukrba P.*tha$ala,
Mebasana, NSP, Bombay 1913-14.
important of the Jaina Stotras have been noticed by Winternitz,

3
See above, pp. 171-72.
3
Ed. Pannalal Chaudhuri
in
Ed. in Stuti-samgraha cited above.

Ed. Kavya mala, Qucchaka vii, 3rd
ZD If G, XXXII,
Ed. Eavyamala, Gucchaka
The collections
:
p.
548
The more
f.
ed.
Vidyabhasan in the
1907, p.
30f
also ed.
19-24-25,
7th.
Ihd
trs.
H. Jajobi in
1878, p. 509f.
notable
ii,
Digambara Jaina Granthabhanojara, Benares
Snali would place the author in the 6th century, 8. 0.
HIL,
of
Hindu
vii, p.
115; also in Stuti-saipgraha.
Stotras are
Brhat.stotramuktabara
in
numerous, of which the following larger ones are
two parts (416
stotras),
Gujrati Printing Press, Ft,
i,
380
Vedantic philosopher Samkara are rightly ascribed,

but there is no reason to suppose that not one of them came from
the
great
him
for devotion to a particular deity
is
not inconsistent with
the profession of severe monistic idealism.
Perhaps the majority
of
them were composed by
even passed
later
Samkaras
under the name
off
of the
Sampradaya, or
but since there is no criterion,
except that of style and treatment, at best an unsafe guide, one

can never be positive on the question. 1 Some of these Stotras,
however, are undoubtedly inspired by religious enthusiasm and

attain a
charming .quality
of tender expression, in spite of occa-
sional philosophical or didactic background.

are the Sicaparadha-ksamapana in
Such, for instance,

the DvadasaSragdhara
commonly known
panjarika,
Moha-mudgara, and the Carpatathe several short Stotras in
paftjarika in rhymed inoric metre
Bhujangaprayata, namely, the Dasa-loki, Atma-satka (also
as
the Vedasara-$iva-stuti 2
Hastamalaka,
8
and the shorter Inanda-lahari consisting of twenty stanzns in
the Sikharim metre. 'Not only ease and elegance of expression,
called
Nirvana-satka),
but also, the smooth flow of metre and use of rhyme

2nd
1928, Pt.
ed.
Bombay 1888;
in
title,
two
ii,
parts,
(806 stotras), Gujarati
cbandra DC,
i,
pt.
Bombay 1916;
same
also
title
News
Press,
Press,
Bombay
1918; also san e
Madras 1897, 1905;
Brhat-stotra-sarit sagara
Bombay 1927 Stava-samudra

Among tbe Stotras published in
the various Gu^chakas of
of India Press,
Calcutta 1918.
these
Brhat-stolra-ratnakara (144 stotras), Kalpataru Tress,
(240 stotraa), Native Opinion
Emperor
make
the Kavyaroala, tbe more notable are
Siva-stuti of
(41 stotras), ed.
Pnrna-
Lankes*vara,Tripura-mahimnah Stava and
Lalita-stava-ratnacf Dunasas, SudarSanMataka of

Kuranarayana, Anandamandira-slavo of
Lalla DiksiU, and Dinakrandana ptuti of Lostaka, besides those which we notice below.
1
The question has been
briefly discussed by S. K. Belvalkar (Sri Qopal Basu Mallik

Vedanta Philosophy, Poona 1929, p 220ff) Chiefly on the ground of their
being
commented upon by more than one reliable and ancient commentary, he would consider the
(1) Anandalabarl (of 20 stanzas) (2) Govindastaka (8)
following stotraa as probably genuine
Lectures on
totra
DakfliâmQrti
(4)
Da6a$lok!
(6)
DvadaSa-pafljarika
(Moha-mudgara)
(fi)
Bhaja
8a$padior Visnu-satpadl and (8) Harim Ide Stotra.

2
These Stotras have been printed very often in India at Mysore, Srirangam, Poona
and elsewhere. They will be found conveniently in the Brhat-stotra-ratnakara, NSP, Bombay,
Govindam Stotra
(7)
8rl ed., 1899; also i&Select Works of $awkaracdrya> ed. H. K.

ii; alsD ed. Sri VanI Vilasa Press, Srirangam.
*
There
is
another Xnanda-laharl or 8aundaya-labari
*8j8êdiaHaeberlin,p.
London 1913,
p. 62f,
24<5,
Jivanaada,
iii,
p.
Bhagavat, Poona 1925,
KO
If; trs. Avalon,
verses ascribed to
Hymns
to
the
pt.
Sam-
Goddess,
38 J
bEVOTIONAt POETRY
deservedly popular Stotras occupy a high rank in Sanskrit Stotra
The
literature.
8iva-mahimnah
titled
peculiarly
Pu^padanta, which has been precursor of other
Mahimnah
2
in praise of other deities, is perhaps earlier in date
merous commentaries on
late
apparently
it
of
Stotras
but as nu-
more recondite and
is
it
attest,
thought and expression. Many of the

Stotras are dateless and apocryphal, but are
both
philosophical
Stotra
in
ascribed indiscriminately to Yajnavalkya, Valmiki, Vyasa, Ravana,
Upamanyu, Durvasas and Kalidasa, even

Some Stotras
justify such attribution.
Epics and the Puranas
in the Virata-parvan
besides
the
the
their merit
are
inserted
may not
into
the
undoubtedly spurious Durga-stava
(which
Vulgate!)
if
in as
exists
being
as six versions,
many
The avowedly
typical.
literary
Satakas, on the other hand, are within greater historical certainty.

They are more elaborately constructed and sometimes attempt
conventional tricks of style.
The Mukunda-mala 4 of the devout
Vaisnava kingKulasekhara of Kerala

of such
literary
they are mostly
compositions
redeemed by
ness, as well as
its
but
perhaps one of the earliest

it has stylistic affectations,
is
if
unmistakable devotional earnest-
a proper sense of style.
by
Of the Kashmirian Saivite poems, the twenty short hymns
of Utpaladeva (c. 9*25 A.D.), son of Udayaknra and
pupil of
5
Soinananda, in his Stotravall, are uneven, some being conven1
Printed very often, the earliest ed. with
1839, pp.
metres)
2
Ed.
355-66.
ed.
in
Cbowkhamba
Being
cited
frs.
being by K. M. Banerji in JASB, VIII,
Brhat-stotra-ratnakara, p. 98 (40 versos,

Series,
in Sikbarini
and other
Benares 1924.
by RajaSekbara
in his
Kavya-mimamsd and
the Kashmirian
JayantabbaJta
in his Nyaya-maftjari, it cannot be Inter than the 10th century.

s
The hymn has bten
Ed. in Haeberlin,
ed. Kavyamftla,
Gucebaka
interpreted so as to apply to Visnu a s well
p. 515f (22 versos), reprinted in

i,
p.
Uf
(84 verses);
Jivananda,
i,
p. 4tt|
(22 verses)
and ed. K. Raina Pisharoti, wlthcomm. of
Baghavendra (17th century), Annamalai Univ. Sanskrit
Series,
Annamalainagar 1933
(31
Pisharoti dates KulasVkhara very highly at the close of the 7th and beginning of the
8th century, but prolably the poet flourished much later between the 10th and tie 12th century.
Hultzsch (Epi. Ind., VII, p. 197) notes that a verse from this poern (Haeberlin 7,KavyamaIa6,
versos).
Pisharoti 8) occurs in an inscription of so distant a place as
Pagan in the 13th century.
Ed. Visnuprasad Bhandari, with the comm. of Kêmaraja, Chowkhamba Sanskrit

See S, K, De, Sanskrit Poetics, i, p. 119, on the author.
Series, Benares 1902.
5
HISTORY Of SANSKlilt LlfERATUfefc
382
The
tionally elaborate.
earlier
Devl-Sataka
of
Anandavardhana
850 A.D.) and the I$vara-ataka of Avatara of unknown

date are stupid Durghala poems, which have little devotional
(c.
merit but concern themselves with verbal tricks and Citra-bandbas,

wisely condemned by Anandavardhana himself in his theoretical
8
work. The Vakrokti-paftcatika of Ratnakara, which makes the
playful love of Siva and Parvati its theme, is a similar exercise
in style, illustrating the clever use of punning ambiguities, and
has scarcely any religious leaning.
The Ardhanarltvara-stotra
of Kahlana, a short piece of eighteen
Sardulavikrldita stanzas,
much
better
alliteration.
fifty
notwithstanding its partiality for

The Samba-paficaika, 5 an eulogy of the sun-god in
(mostly) Mandakranta verses,
the 13th century
even
Krna,
is
in this respect,
is
but
if
it
in the
beginning of
referred to the mythical
it is
is
Kashmirian
also probably a
work, being commented upon by Ksemaraja
of
an apparently
late
and
Samba, son
laboured
work,
having a background of Kashmirian Saiva philosophy.
From
the later Stotras
of
a literary character
kavyas, all of which show, more

conventional kind and sometimes
is
difficult to single
or
Stotra-
or Ie6s, technical skill of

rise to fine
words and
the
ideas,
out works of really outstanding merit.
it
The
Nar&yanlya* of Narayanabhatta of Kerala, composed in 1585 A.D.

is a devout but highly artificial poem of a thousand learned verses,
divided symmetrically into ten decades and addressed to the deity
,
Krsna
of
Guruvayoor, who
rheumatism
manddkinl
after
is
The Anandaknown Bengali philosopher Madhusudana
listening
of the well
said to have cured the author of

to
the
verses
Ed. Kavyamala, Gucchaka xi, pp. 1-31, with coinm. of Kayyata.

Ed, ffd, pp. 31 63, with an anonymous commentary.
Ed Kavyamila, Gucchaka
i,
pp. 101-14, with comra.
DO more religious poems than Ratcakara's

*
own Hara-vijaya
or
of
Vallabhadeva.
These arc
Mankhaka's $rikantha-cari1a.
Ed. Kavyamala, Gucchaka xiv, 2nd ed. 1938, pp. 14

Ed. Durgaprasad and K. P. Parab with comm. of Ksemaraja NSP, Bombay 1889
(also ed. 1910)
Tn'vandrum Sanskrit
Ed. T. Ganapati
Ed. Kavyaiuala, Gucchaka
1876-77, pp. 498-514.
Sastri,
ii,
Series, 1912.
p.l 38f (102 verses); also in the Pandit,
New
Scries,
i,
DEVOTIONAL POETRY
Sarasvati,
is
who
similar
middle of the
flourished at the
in
production,
383
16th
century,
the
sonorous
of Krgna, in
praise
Sardula-vikrldita metre, in which both the learning
and devout-
ness of the author express themselves equally well

The same remarks apply to a
ornate style.
in a highly
such
17th century productions,

2
Sudha
Gahga
3
,
Karuna
as
the
and Laksml
Laharis
five
05
)
number
of
of
(Amrta ^
Jagannatha,
the
poet-rhetorician from Tailanga, the Anandasagara-stava* of Nllakantha Diksita in praise of the goddess Mlnaksi, consort of
Sundaranatha Siva,
Madura, and the three
of
stilted
panegyrics
Nilakantha's
Ramabhadra
by
pupil,
Diksita,
who also perpetrated an absurdity of alphabetically arranged
eulogy of the same deity, called Varnamala-stotra*
of
Rama's weapons
One
kavyas
of the
is
that
they
devoted
are
some
traits of
noteworthy
of
either
to
the literary
a
sensuous
highly
description of the love-adventures of the deities, or to
Stotra-
detailed
enumeration of their physical charms, masculine or feminine.

This may be one form of the mediaeval erotic mysticism, of
which we
shall
speak more presently
but, apart from the sports
Radha and Krsna, where such delineation is perhaps not out

of place, there is a tendency, commencing from the tradition of
Kumara-sambhava viii, to ascribe sexual attributes to divine
The gentle
beings or paint their amours with lavish details.
of
description of the love of deities, like those found
dictory
1
stanzas of
Ratnauall
the
Ed. Kavyainala, Gucchaka
i,
99
p.
and
(10 verses
f.
in
Priyadarika,
in
bene-
the
ardulavikrtdita),
does
not
in praise of
Yamuna.
8
8
Ed. Kavyamala, Gucchika i, p. 16 f. (30 verses in Sragdharat, in praise of Surya.

Printed many times. Ed. NSP, Bombay 1924 (53 verses, mostly in Sikharivi), in
praise of
4
Ganga.
Also called Plyusa-lahari.
Ed. Kftvyamala, Quccbaka
ii,
55
104
p.
(60
verses in Varpgastha,
ViyoggS and other
metres), in praise of Krsna.

5
6
Ed. Kavyamala, Gucchaka ii,

Ed. Kavyamala, Gucchaka xi,
p.
p. 76
(41 verses in Sikharini),
(IOS verses in
in praise of
LaksmL
Vasantatilaka).
7
Rama.ftaprdsa m Kavyamala, Gucchaka x, p. 18 f (116 verses in Sardulavikrldita) ;
and Rdma-capa-stava (111 verses in the same metre) and Rdma-bana-stava (108 verses in
Sragdhara) in Kavyamala, Gucchaka xii, pp. i f and 18 f.
9
xiii, p,
(51 verses).
384
exceed good
in
.taste,
particularly
but some poets like to describe their deities

1
dubious amorous situations.
On the other
hand, we have the description of Visnu's divine limbs, from the

2
hair to the toe-nail
while Muka Kavi, alleged to be Samkara's
;
*
a tour de force in
contemporary, attempts in his Paftca-ati
five hundred erotic-religious verses, describing in each century
of verse such physical charms and attributes of -his
deity
(Kamaksl
feet
of Kaiici) as her sinitej her side-long glances, her lotus-
The climax
and so forth.
is
Gandl-kuca-paficasika, which describes

of Candi's breasts
needless to
It is
Laksmana Acarya's
reached in
in fifty verses the beauty
comment on
the
amazing
taste displayed in such works.
This makes the transition
easier
to
and short poems,
erotico-devotional Stotras
other
the
series
of
which follow the
conventional form and diction but entirely change the spirit and
have already noted that these works give expression
outlook.
to a phase of the mediaeval Bhakti movement, which was promi-
We
nently emotional, and base the religious sentiment, mystically,

upon the exceedingly familiar and authentic intensity of trans-
However figuratively the poems may be

interpreted, they make erotic emotionalism their refined and
The Bhakti movement, in all its sectarian
sublimated essence.
figured sex-passion.
ramifications, centres chiefly round the
Krsna
as
it
is
early
romantic
described, not in the Epic, but in
Bhakti came to be
the
life
of
Puranas.
Although the sentiment
of
deities as well, including
even the Buddha, the Krsna-Gop! legend
See, for
instance, the
benedictory verse
applied
quoted in Kvs no.
37, or
other
to
the section on
Laksml-vihara in Skm.
*
The
Vifnu-padadi-ketanta-varnana-atotra in Kavyamala, Gucchaka

found also in Blna's Candi-Maka and Vajradatta's Lokefaara-stava.
E.g.
trait is
83
( e d.
p.
Eveo
I f.
the
an object of eulogy in a thousand verses in the Paduka-sahasra of

Kedarnath and V, L. Panahikar, NSP, Bombay 1911).
footwear of the deity
Venkatade&ka
ii,
is
Or, sometime identified with the 20th Acaryj*,
Ed. K&vyam&H, Gucchaka
KSvyamala, Gucchaka
Tews (18*50+15).
known
as
Mukarbhaka Sainkara
v, p. 1 f.
ix, p.
80
f.
It ia
a comparatively modern
work* containing
DEVOTIONAL POETRY
had perhaps the greatest erotic-religious
The
developed to the fullest extent.
385
possibilities,
which were
tSrirnad-bhagavata, as
and
great scripture of emotional devotion
store-house
of
the
such
legends, becomes the starting point of the theology of the neoVaisnava sects and supplies the basic inspiration to the new
devotional poetry.
as its poetry,
The new standpoint
with a
powerful impulses of
exaltation.
life;
and
its
human element, and

the human mind into
one of the most
lifts
the
means
of
glorious
and beauty into religious
thereby brings colour
It
religion, as well
vivifies
essential truth lies in its assertion of the emotional
and the aesthetic in human nature against the hard

of dogmas and doctrines.
But, in course of time, the
dogmas and doctrines.
new movement
Along with
its
the sectarian devotionalism elaborates
emotional analysis,
its
refinements
creates its
own
philosophy and theology,

its
of
intellectuality
appropriate system of
and poetics,
psychology
As the
phraseology, imagery and conceits.
sentiment of Bhakti or religious devotion is approximated to the
its
subtleties
of
sentiment of literary relish, called Easa, the whole apparatus of
Alamkara, as well as Kama-sastra, technicalities are ingeniously

utilised and exalted, although the orthodox theory itself would
The new application becomes

not regard Bhakti as a Rasa.
and the erotic sensibility in its
novel, intimate and inspiring
;
devotional ecstasy often rises above the formalism of
and psychological conventions,

cal niceties.
Even
the subtle
of its metaphysical
dogmas and
its
rhetorical
and theologi-
formulas appear to
have a charming effect on literary conception and phrasing, being

The
often transmuted by its fervent attitude into things of art.
poems may not have always reached a high standard of absolute
poetic excellence, but the standard
and concrete expression

as a
symptom
of the
it
often
of ecstatic elevation,
presence
of
the
emotional Bhakti movement brought

But the attitude was not without
life of
Krsna being brought
is
poetic
in its
Puranic
reaches,
in
its
rich
enough
which the
striking
spirit
wake.
its defect
and danger. The
to the foreground, the
more
386
ancient epic figure
The
recognition.
devotion
logy,
of
old epic
replaced by a
is
spirit
new
of
transformed
is
Vasudeva-Kr^na
godly
beyond
wisdom and manly
spirit of mystical-emotional
theo-
which goes into tender rapture over divine babyhood, into
frankly sensuous ecstasy
of
over the sportive loveliness
divine
moulded accordingly. The mediaeval expression of religious devotion dispenses with the necessity
of intellectual conviction (Jiiana) or moral activity (Karman) in
and
adolescence;
its
is
god
the orthodox sense, but takes
form
its
stand entirely upon a
subtilised
All worship and
of emotional realisation (Rasa).
salvation
regarded as nothing more than. a blissful enjoyment of the

divine sports, involving personal consciousness and relation, direct
are
But
or remote, between the enjoyer and the enjoyed.

is laid
upon the
as
emphasis
erotic sentiment involved in the sports of Krsna,
however, metaphysically interpreted, becomes too

ardent, borders dangerously upon sense-devotion and often lapses
the attitude,
into a
vivid
and
Whatever may be its

can be no doubt that it became immensely
literal
devotional value, there

fruitful in literature
sensuousness.
but
its
abnormalities are often
carried
to
flagrant and dubious extreme.
The
earliest sustained
tendencies, appears to be the
which the
text
exists
in
which
composition,
illustrates
these
Krsna-karnamrta of Lllasuka, of
The Southern and
two recensions.
Western manuscripts present the text in an expanded form in

three A^vasas of more than a hundred verses in each
while,
;
The
text has been printed
many
times
in
India.
Sri- Vagi- Vilasa Press,
Srirangam (no
6vasa only in 112 verses,

Orient. Publ. Series,
is critically
date).
The
The Southern
recension,
with
published from
of the first
recension,
consisting
Bengal
P&payallaya Suri's commentaiy (107+1104-102 verses
IQ three
A^vasas)
is
edited by the present writer, in the Dacca University
Dacca 1988, with three Bcnpal commentar'es of the 15th century, t?fe.,
and Kranadasa Kaviraja, with full critical apparatus
those of Gopalabhatta, Caitanyadasa
and additional verses from Papayallaya

collections of similar
verses,
Sflri's
text
called Sumahgala-stotra,
B&la-gop&la-ttuti and so forth,
are attributed to our
and other
sources.
Several
other
Bihamahgala-stotra, Krfna-stotra,
author.
On
the
authenticity of
such cdllectanea, as well as on textual questions, see Introd. to this edition, whore they
have been fully discussed. To Kfsâ-llllûka are ascribed the
and DakiiH&m&rti'Stava,
ed. T.
Ganapati
Sastri, Tri van drum Sanskrit Series 1905,
387
DEVOTIONAL POETRY
curiously enough, the Bengal recension appears to have preserv-
ed this South Indian text more faithfully in one &6vasa only,

namely the first, with 112 verses. One of the concluding self-
make a qunning,
parents, Damodara and
descriptive verses in the first Asvasa appears to
but reverential, mention of the
and
Nlvl,
The
while the opening stanza
apparently a Samkarite ascetic, as his
speaks of Somagiri,
Guru.
poet's
Iânadeva
his preceptor
spiri-
Lilauka, without the additional name Bilvamangala, and does not give the fuller form
Krsnalilaguka.
The fact is important because of the possibility
tual
of
existence
of
Hla-guka~wbo
is
poet calls himself
more than one Bilvamangala and of a Krsnaknown chiefly as a grammarian and we have
;
nothing except the uncertain testimony of

equate the two names with that of Lllasuka.
known
local
anecdotes to
Beyond
this nothing
and personal history of our author,

although many regions and monastic orders of Southern India
claim him and have their local legends to confirm the claim
authentic
is
of the date
and reliance on
and that legend would enable one to assign

him to different periods of time ranging from the 9th to the 15th
this
century.
The
Krsna-karndmrta
stanzas in which Krsna

"
praise.
is
is
the object
It is not a descriptive
of
collection
of
the
poem on the
devotional
poet's
life
lyric
prayer
or
sports
and
of
Krsna, but a passionate eulogy of the beloved deity, expressed in

erotic words and imageries, in a mood of semi-amorous self-
any analogy is permissible, it resembles, to some

extent, the mediaeval Christian lyrics, which are laden with
passionate yearning for the youthful Christ as the beloved, and
surrender.
If
which the Song

Beloved is mine
of
of
Solomon
'
am my
Beloved's, and
my
but the difference
lies
'
is
the sacred archetype
in conceiving the youthful
Krsna
in a
background of extremely
sensuous charm, in the vivid exuberance of erotic fancy, and in
the attitude of pathetic supplication and surrender (Prapatti).
Although made up of detached stanzas, the ardent longing of our
poet-devotee for a vision of his beautiful deity, the wistfulness of
388
HISTORY OF SANSKRli LITERATURE
his devotional hope
amazement
and
and the evident burst
faith,
in the fulfilment of his desire supply
which weaves them into a passionate whole.

tional directness, the
poem
The
a deliberate work of art.
sheer
beauty
words and the highly sensuous pictorial

deep
The
lyric imagination.
poem one must
devotee-poet.
its
authenticated by a
a finished
product of
uninterested critic will probably consider
the excess of erotic sentiment to be

ciate the
and music of
effect,
make
sincerity of ecstatic passion,
an inner unity
Inspite of emo-
the distinctive features of
all
possesses
and
of joy
realise
it
but
pathological,
to
It is easy to dismiss it
an
as
appreof our
the entire mentality
exemplification
of
abnormal psychology, but it is difficult for the scoffer to realise

the warmth and earnestness of the emotional belief, the transport
and exaltation of the refined mysticism. These devout utternnces
do not represent a professional effort, but a born gift, or a gift
acquired through the intensity of worship and adoration, a mood
of that god-intoxicated madness which draws from visible and
familiar things an intuition of elevating joy.
It is
not
the
sys-
tematic expression of religious ideas so much as their fusion

into a whole in a remarkable poetical and devotional personality,
which makes these
The
spiritual effusions intensely attractive.
not only a noteworthy poetical production of

undoubted charm, but also an important document of Bhaktidevoutness, which illustrates finely the use of erotic motif in the
work, therefore,
is
service of religion,
and deservedly holds a high place in mediaeval
Stotra literature.
of
Leaving aside stray poems

over to the
Printed
Other Dotable
Gita-govinda
many
times in India.
editioLs
similar
which
of Jayadeva,
The
earliest edition
with commentaries
With
is
the
Bengali
Calcutta 1929 (this comui.
waa
first
text will also be found in Haeberlin, pp. 69-114 (1847 j.

ries, see
is
that of
pass
comparable
Lassen, Bonn
to
1846
Basikapriya of Kumbha and

L. Pansbikar, NSP, Bombay
Rasamafljarl of Saqakara Mis*ra, ed. M. B. Telaog and W.

ed.
1899, 1923; with the Balabodhin! of Caitanyadasa,
characters,
we
type,
Harekrishna
printed
in
Mukherji,
Calcutta 1872).
For an account
of the
in
The
commenta-
Laeseu's Prolegomena to his edition and Pischel, Ho/dichter des Lakgmanasena,

'Jhe poem has been translated into English by Sir William Jones (Collected
1893.
,
DEVOTIONAL POETRY
Lilaûka's
it
does,
becomes
poem
many
in-
another
aspect
with
the
it
and which representing,
respects,
same
the
of
source
rich
389
of
as
devotional
tendency,
and
religious
literary
The fame of this extraordinary

work has never been confined within the limits of Bengal
it has
claimed more than forty commentators from different
inspiration
of mediaeval India.
provinces of India, and more than a dozen imitations
has
it
been cited extensively in the Anthologies *; it has been regarded

not only as a great poem, but also as a great religious work of
mediaeval Vaisnava Bhakti.
It is no wonder, therefore, that
the work should be claimed also by Mitbila and Orissa. 2
author himself, however, our information
is
Of the
we
scanty, although
have a large number of legends which are matters of pious belief

In a verse occurring in the
rather than positive historical facts.
work itself (xii. II), 4 we are informed that he was the son of
Bhojadeva and
name
of his
verses.
RamadevI
(variants Eildha
Varna
and
),
wife was probably Padmavati alluded to
His home was Kendubilva
(iii.
other
in
which has
10),
the
been
London
Works, London 1807) and Edwin Arnold (The Indian Song of Songs, Triibner
Paris 1904.
1875; free verse rendering), and into French by G. Conrtillier, Ernest Leroux
But none of these versions reproduce the exquisite verbal melody and charm of the origina1
:
Besides 31 verses quoted in Skm, of which only two

in the poem (xi. 11 and vi.ll>, we have 24 quotations in
1
(1.
59 4;
SP
ii.
are traceabU
37. 4)
The Sml
and 4 ia*Sbhv,
assigns two \erses to Jayadeva, one of which occurs in the Prasannn-rdghava of his name-sake
Jayadeva, who describes himself as the son of Mahadeva and Sumitrft, but
Jayadeva is often confounded.
2
The
question
has been discussed
by
Manomoban Chakravarti
with
in
whom
JASB,
1906.
our
pp
163-65.
3
The Hindi Bhaktamal
of
Nabhadaaa Ue- written by Narayanadasa in fcbe middle of

Bhaktamala of Candradatta based on i, records
the 17th century), as well as the Sanskrit
some
of these pious legends.
See Pischel, op.
These legends, however, show in what
light
pp. 19, 23,
cit.,
cular Lit. of Hindustan, Calcutta 1889, sec. 61;
anl
M. Chakravarti
Jayadeva was
Grierson,
in
glorified
JASB,
in
Modern Verna190G, p.
the
163
f.
eyes of later
devotees.
4
but
it is
The
verse is not
commented upon by Kumbha
accepted by other commentators and
Report, p. 64), as well as in the Nepal

6
The implied personal
who would
interpret the
MS,
reference to
word padmavati
9
have padmavali-ramana-jayadeva-kavi
is
in
the middle of the 15th
found in Biihler's Kashmir
MS
dated 1494 A.D. (JASB, 1906, p. 166).

i. 2 is
expressly disputed by
Padmavati in
to
mean
but there
the
is
goddess Laksmi. In x.
century,
(Kashmir
Kumbha,
we
8, again,
a variant reading jayati jayadeva-kavi 9
390
with Kendull, a village on the bank of the river Ajaya

in the district of Birbhum in Bengal, where an annual fair is
identified
held in his honour on the last day of
still
The
Magha.
various
poem, recorded along with appropriate Ragas and

Talas, would indicate that the poet had also a knowledge of
songs in the
Jayadeva gives us no independent clue to his date, except

referring to Govardhana, Dhoyi" and Umapatidhara, which point
music.
Sena rule
to the period of
placing him
in the court
by the fact that
of
but
accounts
traditional
Laksmanasena.
This
in
agree
confirmed
is
which was
Srldharadasa's Sadukti-karnamrta,
compiled in T206 A.D., quotes from Jayadeva and a verse from

1
the Gita-govinda occurs in an inscription, dated 1292 A.D.
;
The
work
is
not
Stotra of praise but
poem which
with a highly erotic episode of Krna's vernal sports

twelve
Vrndavana. It is divided into
cantos, in the
deals
in
the orthodox Kavya.

Each
which contain Padavalis or songs, com2
These
posed in rhymed moric metres and set to different tunes.
songs, which are introduced briefly by a stanza or two, written
but not in
form,
canto
the
spirit,
falls into sections,
in the orthodox classical metres,
They
of
are placed in the
mouth
form the staple
of
the poem..
of three interlocutors,
namely,
Krsna, Kadha and her companion, not in the form of regular

dialogues, bftt as lyric expressions of particular emotional predi-
while a third reference in xi. 8 is interpreted by Ku mbba also in tbc

But Caitanyadasa, Sarnkara Mis>a and other commentators take these passages
The legend that Padnia\ali
as implying a reference to the proper naiLe of Jayadeva's wife.
was a dancing girl, and Jayadeva supplied the musical accompaniment to her dancing, is
which omits the word;
same way.
said to be implied
by means
cdrana-cakravariin in
1
See
JA8B
i.
punning
1906, pp. 168-69.
with Gujarat! Paintings, in

tion, dated
of
in
Jayadev a's
self-description
as
p a dm avail- car ana -
2-
Bombay
See M. K. Majumdar, A 16th Century Gitagovinda MS

Q
University Journal, May, 193
p. 127, wheie an iopcrip,
Samvat 1348 (=1292 A.D.),of Sarngadeva's reign reproduces the Daavatara
of Jayadeva's woik(
of Hari-govinda,
i.
16) as a benedictory stanza.
are preserved in
Two poems
the Sikh Adigranth but in
Stuti
ascribed to Jayade\a, in praise

ti
eir
present form
they
are in
Western Apabrams'a.
The name Asfapadi found in some South Indian MSS is misleading, for the eocgs are
always found in groups of eight stanzas, nor is it the normal number.
*
391
DEVOTIONAL POETRY
cainent, individually uttered or described by
The theme, which
mode.
is
form,
Krsna, who
musical
in the
developed in this novel operatic

describes the estrangement of ]Radha from
It
simple.
them
is
maidens, Kadha's sorrow,

longing and jealousy, intercession of Badha's companion, Krsna's
return, penitence and propitiation of Kadha, and the joy of their
sporting with
is
other
There
Jayadeva's exact source is not known.
are parallelisms between his extremely sensuous treatment of the
reunion.
final
.Radha-Krsna
but there
legend
and
no conclusive proof
is
Brahmavaivarta Purana,
of the
that
Nor
of Jayadeva's indebtedness.
inspiration was
the grlmad-hhagavata, which avoids
probable that the source of Jayadeva's
is it
of
the
all
Krsna-GopI legend
direct mention of Radha (who is also not mentioned by Llla2
6uka), and describes the autumnal, and not vernal, Rasa-lila.
There
existed,
apparently,
other
which Jayadeva,
devotionalism,
for
Purana and
Vidyapati of a
Even
like
obscure
in Caitanya's time,
like
currents
the
of
erotic
Brahmavaivarta
later period, derived his inspiration.
when the Sriruad-bhagavata emotional-
Bengal, we have evidences of other

forms of Vaisnava devotion, which did not accept nor did strictly
ism was
fully established in
conform
to the
And
Bhagavata source.
the
Caitanya
movement
in later times
attempted
4
Jayadeva and transform him, as also Vidyapati,
It
would regard the
into a regular Caitanyaite Vaisnava.
yet
to appropriate
For a discussion
in Festschrift
of the question
M. Winternitz, Leipzig
see
S.
K. De, Pre-Caitanya Vaisjjavism in Bengal

f and Early
History of Vaisnava Faith and
1933, p. 196
Movement in Bengal, Calcutta 1942, pp 7-10.

2
The Radha legend, however, is comparatively old, being referred to in Haia's Prakrit
Sapta-tati, ed NSP, Bombay 1911, i. 89, and in Inandavardhana's Dhvanyaloka, ed. NSP
1911, p. 87.
8
As evidenced by the Bengali Snk^na-klrttana
of Ba<Ju
14th century), and by the Pre-Cait nya Sahajiya movements
Candfdasa
(c.
end of
*he
which continued their tradition
even after Caitanya's time.

4
See Haraprasad Sastri, introd.
to his
ed.
of
Vidttpati's KirMatd. Calcutta 1904
which shows that Vidyapati *as a normal Smftrta Paflcopasaka (worshipping

7
Ganela, Sflrya, Siva, \ is/nu and Durga), who wrote Pad&valls on Radha-
(Hrikes*a Series),
the
five deities
KfQna, as well as on diva and Gfranga, betides composing in Sanskrit series of Bmrti treatises
and works on Siva- Durga worship,
392
Grita-govinda
not
of
position
text,
much
so
great beauty
the
illustrating
a poetical
but as
refined
The theme,
Rasa-Sastra.
as
as
an
authoritative
of
subtleties
well
as
com-
devotional
or
its
reljgious
theology
and
the spirit of Jayadeva's
such interpretation,
but the attitude of sectarian exposition affects and obscures the
It should not
proper appreciation of its purely literary quality.
poem would
doubtless
be
that
forgotten
lend themselves
Jayadeva flourished
to
least three centuries
at
before the promulgation of the Easa-sastra
and
the
in his
Krsnaism, which emerges
poem, as
be equated
Rupa Gosvamin
form
in a finished literary
in the Maithill songs of
with
the
Vidyapati, should not

dogmas and doctrines of later
sectarian
As
scholastic theologians.
have made
of
a poet of
concern
undoubted
gifts,
he could
compose a religious treatise

1
he claims
according to any particular Vaisnava dogmatics
merit as a poet, and his religious emotion or inspiration should not
not
it
his
to
If his emotional temobscure this proper claim.

theme
erotic
and
an
selected the love-story
perament preferred
of Radha and Krna, fascinating to mediaeval India, the divine
allowed
be
to
love that he depicts
is
considerably humanised in
an
atmosphere
of passionate poetic appeal.
its
There cannot be any doubt that the Glta-govinda, both in

distinctive place in
emotional and literary aspects, occupies
n.
the history of Sanskrit poetry.
Jayadeva, it is true, emphasises

the praise and worship of Krsna, but his work is not, at least
in its form and spirit, the expression of an intensely devotional
personality
in
the
sense
in
no influence of^Lilaûka
which LlJaguka's poem
is
and
is traceable
If Jayadeva
Jayadeva.
also
himself
he
the
claims religious merit,
upon
prides
elegance,
sect of
in
That Jayadeva had no sectarian purpose is also shown by the fact that the SahajiyS,
Bengal ateo regards him as its Adi-guru and one of its nine Hasikas. The Vallabhacari
sect also appears to have recognised the Gita-govinda, in imitation of which Vallabhacarya's
son Vitthalefivara introduced rhymed Padavalls into his Srhgara-rasa-mandana. A curious
instance of appropriation is furnished by the &ailekli& commentary of Kr$Qadatta, son of
Bbavefia of Mitbilfi, which makes an attempt to interpret Oita-govinda as applying

taneously to the legends of Krna and Siva
|
simnl-
393
DEVOTIONAL POETRY
and music
softness
felicity
way
his
of
and richness of
his
Even
extravagant.
must have been a
if
poetic
as well as
diction,
The claims
nothing new in it,
upon the
in no
sentiments.
are
there
the
is
theme
the poet as well as to his

But the literary form in which the theme is presented
audience.
living
to
reality
extremely original. The work calls itself a Kavya and conforms to the formal division into cantos, but in reality it goes
is
much beyond
the
stereotyped
prescribed by the rhetori-
Kavya
and practised by the poets. Modern critics have found

in it a lyric drama (Lassen), a pastoral (Jones), an
opera (L6vi),
a melodrama (Pischel) and a refined Yatra (von Schroeder).
As a creative work of art, it has a form of its own, but defies
cians
conventional classification.
the
cast
Though
in
semi-dramatic
mould,
entirely lyrical
spirit
though modelled perhaps
on the prototype of the popular Krsna-yatra in its musical and
molodramatic peculiarities, it is yet far removed from the old
Yatra by
is
want
improvisation and mimetic qualities

though imbued with religious feeling, the attitude is not entirely
divorced from the secular
though intended and still used for
its
of
festival
popular
possesses
of
in
all
where simplicity and directness count,
the distinctive characteristics
of
deliberate
it
yet
work
Except the introductory descriptive verses composed

the orthodox metres, the entire work consists of Padfivalip,
art.
which are meant to be sung ns musical speeches, but to which

rhymed and alliterative moric metres are skilfully combined
;
while the use of refrain with these songs not only intensifies
their haunting melody, but also combines the detached couplets
into
and
perfect
whole.
We
have
thus
with
narration,
description
a
and song,
speech finely interwoven

combination which creates a type unknown in Sanskrit.
recitation
Again,
the erotic mysticism, in ^ts expression of religious feelings in

the intimate language and imagery of earthly passion, supplies
the picturesque and emotional inflatus, in a novel yet familiar
form, by transforming the urgent sex-impulse into an ecstatic

All the conventions and commonplaces
devotional sentiment.
HISTORY QF SANSKRIT LITERATURE
394
of
Sanskrit
effect
is
are
love-poetry
by
heightened
nature.
of
surrounding beauty
All
splendour, of
whole
enveloped
harmony and
difficult to find a
is
it
is
again,
this,
in a fine excess of pictorial richness, verbal
which
the
harmoniously with the
it
blending
and
utilised,
skilfully
parallel.
lyrical
Jayadeva
makes a wonderful use of the sheer beauty of words and their

and like all
inherent melody, of which Sanskrit is so capable
;
masterpieces, his
artistic
No
doubt, there
effort
is
poem becomes almost
in all this deliberate
is
concealed
successfully
workmanship, but
effective
and extremely
in a series of passionate
clarity,
an
in
untranslatable.
all
simplicity and
musical word-
pictures.
In
deVa's
its
poem
novelty and
completeness of effect, therefore, Jayaunique in Sanskrit, and it can be regarded as
is
new
almost creating a
Tt
genre.
literary
is
clear that
it
bears
not strictly follow the tradition of the Sanskrit Kavya, but

closer
resemblance
Modern Indian
to
the
spirit
and
poetry.
Apabhramsa or
Padavalls, which form
style
The musical
does
of
the vital element of the poem, are indeed composed in Sanskrit,
and
but they really reflect the vernacular manner of expression
the rhymed and melodious metres, with their refrain, are hardly
The very term Padavali itself,
akin to older Sanskrit metres.
;
which
found
becomes
so
in
sense
this
familiar
from popular poetry.
makes
in
A
1
Pischel
in
later
Sanskrit,
consideration
Bengali song, is not

but is obviously taken
of
these
peculiarities
work
that
suggest
Jayadeva's
goes back
an Apabhramsa original
but, apart from the fact that
no such tradition exists, literary and historical considerations
to
will entirely rule out the suggestion.
It
should not be forgotten
was composed in an epoch when the

Sanskrit literature was already on the decline, and when
that the Gtta-govinda

classical
1
Op. eft., p. 27; repeated by S. K. Chatterji, Origin and Development of Bengali

Language, Calcutta 1926, pp. 125-26, but the view ia wrongly ascribed to Lasten. The fact
tbat none of the Padavali* is quoted in the Anthologies pro es nothing ; it only shows that
the AntbologjMn>kers
die]
not think that the

songa strictly followed the Sanskrit tra^tioq,
DEVOTIONAL POETRY
was possible
such irregular types to corne into existence,

presumably through the influence of musical and melodramatic
tendencies of the veracular literature, which was by this time
it
emerging into
for
definite existence.
festive performances, like the
It is
conceivable that popular
religious Yatra, with their
mytho-
logical theme, quasi-dramatic presentation and preference for

song and melodrama, must have reacted upon the traditional
Sanskrit literature
and influenced
an extent as to produce
its spirit
and form
to
such
irregular and apparently nondescript
which
approximated more distinctly to the vernacular tradition, but which, being meant for a more cultivated
t}
pes,
form.
Jayadeva's Glta(jooinda appears to he a noteworthy example of such a type,

indicating, as it does, an attempt to renew and remodel older
forms of composition- by absorbing the newer characteristics of
audience, possessed a
the
coming
highly
in the
literature
stylised
vernacular.
In
these
cases,
the
vernacular literature, developing side by side, apparently reacted

upon Sanskrit, as it was often reached upon by Sanskrit; and
It should also be
the question of re-translation does not arise.
noted that, although the Fadavalis follow the spirit and manner
of vernacular songs, yet they accept the literary convention of
Sanskrit in
its
highly ornamental stylistic
mode
of
expression.
The
profusion of verbal figures, like chiming and alliteration,

which are not adventitious but form an integral part of its literary
expression, is hardly possible to the same extent in Prakrit or
which
Apabhramsa,
involves
diphthongisation,
compensatory
lengthening or epenthetic intrusion of vowels, as well as elision

It would be strange indeed to suggest
of intervocalic consonants.
not exist in the original but were
did
that these verbal figures
added or re-composed in the presumed Sanskrit version.

Neither
that
admit
will
the
sense
nor
literary
linguistic
Gita-govinda was
this
artificial
manner; and the theory of
prepared in
translation becomes
achievement
forgi,
which
lies
is
unbelievable
more
in
the
when one
direction of
inseparable from
its
considers
its
verbally
poetic expression.
that
its
finished
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LlTERAfURti
396
It is not necessary to consider
which the Gita-govinda,
more than
the
like
dozen imitations
Megha-duta, produced
for
these literary counterfeits never became current coins of poetry.
however, that they sometimes substitute the theme

and Sita, and Hara and Parvati, 2 for Krsna and
It is curious,
Rama
of
Radha
while
Vallabbacarya,
duces, in
it
is
the
noteworthy that Vitthale^vara, son of

founder of the Vallabhacari sect, intro-
work Sriigara-rasa-mandana* songs
his independent
on
composed
model
the
Ramananda-raya does
r>
Krsna-lila-tarahginl
of
Padavalls,
Jayadeva's
as
just
drama Jagannatha-vallaWia.* The

Narayanatirtha, pupil of Sivaramananda-
in his
of
comprehends in twelve Tarangas the entire story of

Krsna from birth to establishment at Dvuraka and includes songs
tirtha,
modes
sometimes ranked with the poems of

Lilasuka and Jayadeva as the third great work on Krsna-lila
but it is a late and laboured imitation which never attained
musical
in
it
is
more than
at
practically
the end of
but also in
poetry,
Indeed, with Jayadeva we are

best not only in erotic-religious
a limited currency.
what
is
Sanskrit
in
poetry
general
and
its later
annals are dull and uninspiring. Pie blew the embers of poetry
with a new breath, but the momentary glow did not arrest its
1
E.g., the Gita-raghava of Prabhakara, mentioned in B. G. Bhandarkar's Report,
1882-83, p. 130. The poet is mentioned as the son of Bhudhara, and he wrote in 1618 A.D.
The Gita-gauripati
of
Bhanudatta, ed. Grantharatna-mala,
33-92,
Bombay 1888;
see S.
imitation! are
of
Vamganuani
8
separately printed, Gopal

p. 245,
Gita-gangadJiara of
Narayan
where
this
work
Kalyana,
of Mithila, Gita-raghava of Hariârpkara,
also
is
Glta-giriva of
vol. i,
Bombay
Co.,
p.
1891.
noticed.
Kamabhatta,
32, vol.
On
ii,
pp.
the author
Other
similar
Glta-digambara
Gtta-gopala of Caturbhu ja, etc.
For the songs,
Ed. Mulachandra Tulsidas Tele\ala, Bombay 1919.
The work is in nine Ullasas.

See below, under Drama. This k done also by some
see pp. 5, 56-68,
60, 70 of this edition.

4
followers of Oaitanya in their
poetical works; such songs, for instance, occur in Kavikarnapura's
in
Qosvamin's
Jiva
Goavamin's
5
in
Prabodhananda'a
Burneil, Tanjore Catalogue, pt.
vii,
iii,
no.
57,
3881,
p. 168.
where the importance of the work

the Godavari district about 1700 A.D
1899, p.
Ananda-vfndavana Campu,
Samgita-madhata, ard in Eupa
Gftaraft.
Bggeling, India Office Catalogue,
tarangas
in
Gopala-campu,
is
p. 1462.
MS
incomplete in eight
Cf. Sesagiri Sastri, Report,
much exasperated.
ii,
The author
Madias
flourished
POETRY
397
Of emotional Bliakti-productions of later times,

in which Bengal became prolific during the early years of the
Caitanya movement, but which have more doctrinal value than
steady decline.
mention need be made
poetic,
furnished by the Stava-mala*
is
example
The author was one

as
one
wrote
the
of
in
authoritative teachers of
Sanskrit,
and
as
literary activity at
he gives an
new and
tional verses,
old,
of the emotional worship of
The Stava-mald
sect.
of
some
is
which
its
evolving
and
and devotee,
survey of devoillustrate the many nuances
Krsna made current by the Caitanya

Gitas,
alike
made by
composed
bis
by
nephew
Rupa
but
of
Jlva,
himself,
and
to his devotion, learning
The pieces are of unequal merit

Mulmnda-mulddvall* betray the influence
the
who
faith,
arduous
skill.
like
new
authological
a collection,
and
sixty Btotras
which bear witness
of Caitanya
and prolonged
In his Padyavall, of which we
Vrndavana.
shall speak presently,
the
rhetorician
poet,
he became deservedly the centre of
typical
Kupa Gosvamin.
of
the immediate disciples
of
few works.
of only a
some,
Lllasuka
literary
like the
others,
attempts but does not succeed in

rhythmical forms but for exquisite verbal melody
Gocinda-birudavall,
new
poems on Easa-lila
pictorial fancy, the
in the rnoric
metres,
the piece entitled Svayam-utpreksita-lila, and the songs included

in the part entitled Gltavali, stand out prominently and show
fairly successful reproduction of Jayadeva's
But
rhetoric
is
still
profuse and overwrought in these
is fraught
it
songs
to inane ingenuities.
;
friend
and
manner and
with
devotional
The
Stavavall
fellow-disciple, is
much
hymns and
fancy but often
works
like the
and panegyric)
1
Bombay
prone
of
Kaghunatha-dasa, his
inferior in art, but superior
in sincere devotional passion, while the separate Stotras

tional
diction.
and devo-
Caitanya-eandramrta (143 verges of praise
Krsnahnika-kaumudi
(in
Parab, with coinin. of Jlva Gosvamin,
N3P
of Praboclhananda, the
Ed. Bbavadatta Sastri and K. P.

1903.
Also ed. (without tb*
Ed, Kadharaman Press, Berbampur (Mursbidabad) 1928, in Bengali characters.
name
of the author) in
Kavyamala, Qucchaka
ii,
p. 157
f.
msTonV OF SANSKRIT
398
Li
Prakaâs) of Paramananda-dasa Kavikarnapura (who also

wrote a Sanskrit poetical
biography of Caitanya, entitled
six
Caitanya-caritarnrta) , the Govinda-lilamrta of Krsnadasa Kaviraja
Camatkara-candrika, Gauranga-lilamrta and Krsnabhavanamrta (dated 1786 A.D.) of ViSvanatha Cakravartin have
and
the
a limited appeal and
are
hardly
known
The Didactic and
c.
outside Bengal.
Satiric Poetry
It is difficult to define precisely the significance of

'
didactic poetry/
commonly applied to
compositions which are more or less
for the objection is not invalid that
with poetry.
But the term
term
the
group of heterogeneous
of a moralising
didacticism
is
tendency
incompatible
intended, in the popular sense,
is
poems, which are not tracts or text-books

giving a metrical exposition of complex philosophical or moral
themes, but which give impressive poetical expression to tradito include a series of
wisdom
tional
vation
or to
wisdom which
men and manners.
of
sometimes expresses
springs from
Such
intimate
obser-
reflective poetry in Sanskrit
turned gnomic stanzas,

polarised into antithesis or crystallised into epigram; but it
comprehends
in
itself
chiefly
the
cleverly
theme
of
Niti
in
the
wide sense of
mood which
Vairagya
realises the emptiness of human endeavour and leads to noble
There is also a
reflections on the sorrows mid worries of life.
practical
thin
surplus
morals.
older
sagacity,
well
as
as the
of
of light composition
From
Epic
as
which
the very beginning,
literature,
as
ridicules
men and
their
an inheritance of the
the didactic vein runs through the entire
of Sanskrit poetry ; but in these poems it comes directly

the surface, not always as moralising for its own sake, but as
body
to
1
All these works, with the exception of Kr$nahnika-1taumudl and Camatkdra-candrikd
Haridas Das, Navadvlpa, 1933, 1940, have been printed at the above press in
Bengali characters). If they were printed in Devanagari, perhaps they would have been
(eel.
more widely known. For Bibliographical details and brief account* of these works,
K. De, introductions and notes to the Padyqvali and Krna-karnamfta, nnd Early
History of Vaiwava Faith and Movement in Bengal f cb. vii, cited above.
see S.
399
DIDACTIC AND SATIRIC POETRY
and
expression,
and
depth.
often
poetry
It
moral feeling.
the
of
expression
literary
richness,
displays
that
clear
is
in
Humanity
perspicacity
ethical
its
finds full
Sanskrit didactic poetry leans very perceptibly towards

devotional
but
poetry,
eroticism
since
human
element of
of
which
it
is
found
to
morals,
policy
snares
to
of
and peace
the
love,
acts
to those of
scope
of
and ideas often form the
From
and sarcasm.
subject of wise thought
Santkrit
an
accessory
be a dangerous and eradicable
erotic
nature,
sometimes
is
grave questions of
amusements,
didactic
poetry
triflings
the designation, in the absence of better terminology,

but it is clear that it has
inadequate, if not misleading
;
a province of its
The
own and
didactic
deserves a separate treatment.
poetry,
like
the
and the devotional,
erotic
generally takes the form of the traditional Sataka, or of
and
wide enough
is
make
rather
of
the
attitude
indefinite
number
of
we have polished
reflective
Subhasitas
finished
philosophy
stanzas of elevated Satakas, or highly
which
but there
is
verses,
also
are pithy
apophthegms of proverbial
another method, known as Anyapa-
which the same purpose is achieved by an

condemnation of analogical qualities
desa, in
indirect appre-
or
ciation
1
series
with the exception of

a more well-knit form.
Thus,
detached
few satirico-comic poems of
of
particular
The general theme of all these forms of composition

of the commonplaces of prevalent ethics, but there are
objects.
consists
and varied, expressed in skilled

but often felicitous diction, and in a variety of melodious metres,
on the sorrows and joys of life, fickleness and caprices of love,
acute observations, abundant
follies of
men and
wiles of
pomp and power,

instability of human
of
As
women,
weariness of
effort
for instance, the poet describes
and
the
is
no reason to
is
life,
futility
and
falsehood
and
desire, delights of solitude
dust
as
a development from the figure Anyokti
restrict it to this
of
servitude,
insignificant,
trampled daily under our feet, but the fickle wind tosses
summit of lofty mountains 1
The didactic implication
the Anyapadega
mode
right
narrow connotation.
or
light by
high, and
it
is
obvious.
it
nature and
can
It is
sit
on the
possible
Aprastuta-pra$aipsft f
that
but there
400
and sometimes sardonically humoon humbug and hoax. As these and similar topics
tranquillity, as well as witty
rous reflections
are repeated with slight variations,
it
not be
will
in
necessary
following brief account to describe the contents of individual

poems in detail, unless there is something out of the ordinary.
the
The example
considerable
of
Bhartrhari
of
originality
dominate
to
appears
but there
is
and expression, although
thought
who make misguided attempts to

compose dull series of merely imitative Satakas. Some works,
again, like the Bhamim-vilasa of Jagannatha, make an effort to
combine the three motifs of Love, Wisdom and Resignation in one
there
are
tiresome
writers
poem; some authors

Sataka on
or triple
or triple punning
application of
Padraananda
Jaina
themselves
content
with one another in producing double

these themes, or one Sataka with double
vie
and
meaning
while others, like the
Vedantist
the
with composing
only
Appayya, Diksita,
Vairagya-satakas
of
moderate literary merit.

Sometimes, in the case of most Jaina
and some Hindu authors, the didactic poetical form is pressed
into the service of
so-called
instruction or propaganda, but these
religious
poems may be neglected
high
antiquity
in a literary account.
claimed
is
for
the Nlti-dvisastika
of
Sundara-pandya, apparently of Madura, but the fact that anonymous citation from it is found in the Paftcatantra proves nothing,
Sundara-pandya, who is said to
have been mentioned as an ancestor of Arike&irin in an inscripnor
the author's
is
tion of about
collection of
identity with
750 A.D., proved beyond doubt. In any case, this

one hundred and fifteen highly artificial Arya verses
on diverse moral topics

1
'
Ed. Kivyjraala, Gucch*k*

Ed. Kavyamala, Guochaka
is
scarcely of
vii, p.
i,
p.
71
91
f (in
f (in
much outstanding
literary
Sarduiavikrnjita).
Aryl).
Ed. E. Markandeya Sarma, Kilpauk, Madras 1928. See Descriptive Cat. Madras
MSS. Library, xx, p. 8056, no. 12061 Des. Cat. Trivandntm Palace Library,
Orient. Govt.
The Sbhv
gives some of Sundara-pandya's verses under the
names of Prakagavarfa,
Arg*(a and Rivigupta. But Sundara-pandya is also quoted in the Siikti-ratna-hara of Kalingariy (c. 18th century). The printed work contaius 115 verces, with an appendix of 33 addiThe tradition of Arya metre, which is favoured mostly in Southern India, ia
tional verses.
no. 16^3.
noteworthy.
Of greater
importance.
interest
401
the Bhallata-fataka
is
of the
Kashmirian Bhallata, who flourished under king Samkaravarman
The printed
(883-902 A.D.).
in a
stanzas
variety of
Satakas, the work

polation, for
its
the
of
metres
lyrical
must have
two of
text
most
like
early
some tampering and
suffered
verses are
but,
contains 108
poem
inter-
ascribed to other poets in the
8
Anthologies, and one of 5.nandavardhana's verses is found in it.
In this Sataka there is not much obtrusive display of metrical or
rhetorical skill, but
most of the
are elegantly moulded.
the verses are
Even
verses, in thought
if
and expression,
individuality is not conspicuous,
varied and eminently
readable, and the collection
by no means pedestrian. Judging from the name

4
author, the $anti-ataka of Sihlana probably belongs
is
Kashmir, but nothing
is
known
of
of the
also to
date and author, except
its
that the poet, being quoted in the Sadukti-karnamrta of Sridhara-
must belong
by means
dasa,
deals,
1206 A.D.
to a period anterior to
The poem
of detached stanzas, in four chapters (Paritapa-
prasamana, Vivekodaya, Kartavyata and Brahrna-prapti) with the

merits of asceticism but the various aspects of the attainment of
;
described
tranquillity are
with
considerable feeling and without
much complexities of diction. The poetic reference to the

6
inexorableness of the fruits of human action in the opening stanza
show that the poet was
not
need
Buddhist, and
there
is
140f.
The work is cited by Abhinavagupta
and the anthologies. For a study
Kuntaka,
Mammata
(Locana), K?emendra (Aucitya-vicara),
of the text, see V. Baghavan, in Annals of the Vehkatetvara Oriental Institute i, p. 87 f.
1
Kahlana, v. 204.
No. G8 = Dhvanyaloka
iv, p,
nanda
(NSP ed.), p. 218 (ami te drtyantt nanu).

German trs., Leipzig 1910; also in Haeberlin, p. 410f, JivaKeith in JRAS, 1911, p. 257f. In view of the extremely uncertain
Ed. K. SchSnfeld, with
ii,
See
p. 278f.
text of most early
Satakas, there
is
no reason
to hold,
with Schonfield and Keith, that the
Santi'fataka, which mast have (as the editor also admits) suffered similar textual tampering, is
a mere compilation; and since the texts of Bhartrhari's Satakas themselves are not yet fixed,
no conclusion
works
is
safe from the fact that 22 stanzas are
of Sihlana
&
Perhaps the author knew
cence of Viddha-tala*,
The
common
to
the present
i.
Bajaêkhara's works
for
i.
4d. appears
23.
stanza occurs in some versions of Bhartrhari'sNit$'-Mafca f
W-1343B
texts of the
and Bhartrhari.
to be a
reminis-
402
much
in the content
The
tion.
Sihlana's thought and style is of course

Sihlana does not possess the gifts of his
Bhartfhari; even
if
predecessor, there
can be
He
of universal applica-
is
of
inspirer
competence.
poem which
the
of
no doubt that he
is
a poet of moderate
pedantic than most of his fellow-writers,

individuality, never low and seldom too
is less
wholly devoid of
1
Of other Kasmirian works, the Anyokti-muktalata of
affected.
Sambhu, who also wrote a high-flown panegyric already noticed
not
above of Har?a of Kashmir,
is a
collection of
108 detached stanzas
which display stylistic tricks but no special poetic excellence.

Of unknown date and provenance, but probably later and
certainly of less merit, are the Drstanta-kalika-$ataka
of
Kusuma-
gnomic verses in the Sloka metre, and the

UpadeSa-tataka of Gumani, which moralises, in Arya verses, on
some myths and legends from the Epics and the Puranas. On
deva, a
collection of
8
the
the other hand,
Bhava-ataka
of Nagaraja,
who
ruling family
son of Jalapa and
Gotra and
grandson of Vidyadhara of Karpati

(probably a petty
Taka family
flourished near Delhi),
is
curious collection of enigmatic verses in various metres, in which
the erotic motif
and the peculiar condition or

described with an implication of the
is freely utilised
action of various
is
persons
6
reason for such condition or action.
Ed. Kavyamala, Gucchaka ii, p. 61 f.
Ed. Kavyamala, Gucchaka xiv, p. 77
f.
The Bhava-vilasa
The work
is
of the
etrlier than Valltbhadeva'i
SubhajUavali which quotes 21 verses from it (DOS. 287-307).

3
Ed. Kavyamila, Gucchaka ii, p. 20 f
.
Ed. KavyaraalS, Gucchaka iv, p. 37 f. The author wag probably some court-poet of
Nagarija, to whom the work is ascribed honoris causa. See R.G. Bhandarkar, Report 1882-83,
*
p.
97 and Peterson, Three Reports,
p.
360 A.D.) of the poem, see Winternitz in

*
For instance, the
riverside, took
On Jayaswal's
verse says that a
commentary
is that it
it,
was on
theory of high antiquity (300 to
1936, pp. 134-37.
IHQ, XII,
water with both hands, looked at
supplied in the prose
own
fifth
21f.
damsel tormented
but did not drink
it,
by
thirst
why ?
went
to the
The answer
account of the glowing reflection of her
beautiful hands, she fancied the water to be blood
1
Sporting in a pavilion, a clever girl,
kicked her lover with her feet without any fault of his,
why?
Because, the commentary explains, she saw her own reflection in the jewels, but mistaking it
decorated with
for another
jewels,
woman, became
jealous
Ed. Klvyamala, Guochakaii, p. Ill f (186 verse in varied metres). The author
flourished in the time of Akbar. Qealao wrote a BhrarwrQ-data,
noticed above.
already
403
blDACTlC Attb SATIRIC POETRY
Rudra Nyayavacaspati, son of Yidyanivasa,

some well-written, but undistinguished, Anyapadeâ
stanzas, but about 20 verses are taken up with the panegyric of
Ny ay a
commentator,
contains
the author's patron Bhavasimha, an ancestor
The Lokokti-muktavall
of Jaipur (Rajputana).
is
a composition of a
of the present ruler
more
but
similar,
of
Dakinaraurti
construction.
stilted,
Other published AnyapadeSa collections include the AnyapadeSatataka of Nllakantha Diksita (1st half of the 17th century) of
8
Southern India, of Madhusudana of Mithila and of the Alam4

karika Vi6ve6vara of Almora (beginning of the 18th century)
;
Sabha-ranjana,* a collection of 105
but Nllakantha also wrote the

sententious verses in
metre, and the Santi-vilasa? a
the Sloka
Vairagya work of 51 Sikharim verses. These are compositions

in which verse is not a synonym of poetry but an adjunct of
laboured wit.
The
collections of Subhasitas or
Happy Sayings do not present

form, theme and diction.
Thus, we have the
any difference in
1
Subhasita-nwl of the
South Indian scholar and teacher
prolific
containing 144 verses

in a variety of metres, symmetrically divided into 12 Paddhatis of
12 verses in each, and dealing with such topics as pride, wicked
Venkatade&ka, a highly
artificial
homily,
ness, servitude, nobility, tranquillity
extensive and diversified in content

1
Ed, KavyumaJa, Gucchaka
Ed. K&vyamaia, Gucchaka
mukt avail
of
Hamsavijaya-gani,
xi, p.
ed.
vi,
66
p.
and so
are the
Much more
forth.
Harihara-subhasita
(94 verses in varied metres).
143
(in Sardulavikridita).
Kedaroath and V.
L.
Also the Anyokti-
Pansbikar,
NSP,
Bombay
1907.
3
ix, p.
64
f.
which
The author
In varied metres.
as the son of Padmatrtbha and Subhadra, but his date
is
is
described
not known.
Ed. Kavyamala, Gucchaka v, p. 89 f. la SarduUvikrldita, except the first verse

Sragdharl. For the author sê S. K. D3, Sanskrit Poetics, i, p. 312-13.
is in
Nilakaijtha Dlkfita/ the 9ri
ix,
VanI Vila*a
p.
156
f.
Und*r the
title
'Minor
Press, Srirangam 1911, publishes
Poems
of
Kali-viflarabana,
Sabha-rafijana, dinti-vilaaa. Vairagya-âtaka, A.aaodai&gara-stava and Anyapadeâ-âtaka.
12
Ed. Kavyamflla, Gucchaka
Ed. M. T. Narasimha Aiyangar, dri Vpl Vil&sa Press, Srirangam 1908.

Ed. Kedarnath and W. L. Panahikar, NSP, 2nd ed., Bombay 1910 (1st ed. Bhava-
datta and
K. P. Parab
1905).
vi, p.
f (51 verses).
htSTORV OF SANSKRIT
404
Harihara and the Subhasita-ratna-samdoha
of
The
work contains over
first
AryS
and
erotics
and
in
LITEfeATtJRfe
other
hundred
six
and includes
metres,
of Amitagati.
in
verses
Sloka,
on
sections
polity,
knowledge. The second work, composed

well known Digambara Jaina monk, is divided
spiritual
994 A.D., by a
into thirty-two Prakaranas, usually having, on the

different metres for different sections.
It is
poetical epitome of the entire Jaina ethics
Kavya model,
an
not only
and rules
of
earnest
conduct,
but also contains severe reflections on woman, dice and drinking,

the courtesan having a whole section to herself.
But these moralising

and
follies of
men
the
poets are too serious to depict
humour.
with the sparkle of wit and
sins
The
type of satirico-comic poetry, inaugurated by Damodaragupta,

therefore, does not find any gifted exponent, but languishes in
the hands of a limited
number
of
industrious
who
writers,
indeed experts in erotics and shrewd observers of
life,
are
but
who
as
well
lack balance and lightness of touch in painting drolleries,
polished wit and gentle ridicule to redeem the

The only
natural tendency to bitter sarcasm or coarse realism.
writer who evinces an interesting bent in this direction is the
as
the
power
of
Kashmirian Kseraendra, whose works best exemplify the merits

2
and defects of later attempts. This hard-working polymath,
surnamed Vyasadasa, was the son of Prakagendra and grandson
of Sindhu, and wrote in the reign of Ananta and his son and
succcessor KalaSa of Kashmir, Ksemendra's literary activity thus
middle and second half of the llth century. He

composed not only poems, plays, narratives, didactic and satiric
falling in the
sketches,
work
on
Niti
(NUi-kalpataru)
treatises
on
and prosody, but also made abstracts of older

poems, of the two Epics, of Guna<Jbya's Brhatkatha, of the
rhetoric, erotics
Ed. Bbavadatta and VV. L. Pansbikar, N8P, 2nd ed., Bombay 1909. Ed. and tr.
ZDMO LXIX, 1905, and LXI, 1907; separately published,
R. Schmidt and J. Hertel ia

Leipzig 1908.
1
On
the author, see Peterson, Fourth Report,
On K$emendra and
hit works, see S.
Kftfknendrt/s handling of his material in
Kayi
in
JAOS
"frill, 1988, p.
124
f.
Bombay
1894, p,
K. De, Sanskrit Poetia,
making
abstracts,
see
i,
ix.
pp. 189-43,
On
M.B. Emeneau, Ksemendra
405
biDACTIC AND SATIRIC frORTR*
Buddhist Avadanas, of Bana's Kadambarl and

Kama-sutra. Hardly any other Sanskrit writer
a devotee of
what may be
of
Vatsyayana's
so
is
thorough
He
called miscellaneous literature.
is
cannot be
but he
accomplished and methodical
a
as
dismissed
mere
or
miscellaneous compiler.
altogether
adapter
enormous
his
travail
was
not
such drudgery as one
Perhaps
literary
versatile,
would be inclined
to think, for
it
certainly helped
him
to acquire
an admirable literary skill and an amount of multifarious learnBut his originality

ing, which add a flavour to his best writings.
is
best
not
seen,
in
his laborious lucubrations,
which are no
more than
literary exercises, but in the lighter things on which

perhaps he did not spend so much labour and midnight oil.
1
In his Samaya-matrka, or Original Book of Convention for
Ksemendra is doubtless inspired by Damodaragupta,

a similar theme of the snares and trickeries of the
the courtesan,
and
selects
It gives in eight chapters, composed mostly in Sloka t

but diversified by lyrical measures, the story of a young courtesan
"
owlKalavati, who is introduced by a roguish barber to an
harlot.
and
crow-necked
faced,
"
(iv.
cat-eyed
old
7)
bawd, named
Kankall, for detailed but witty instruction in her difficult profession, and who succeeds with the advice and assistance to ensnare
a
young boy and rob

the work lies not in
precocious
The merit
his rich
and foolish
parents...
unsavoury story, but in

its heightened, yet graphic, picture of droll life, painted with
considerable sharpness of phrasing and characterisation, and with
of
an undertone of mocking
of prevalent
is
deformity.
directed
satire
The most
account, given
adventures of Kankall and her
days through
the
length
and
procuress,
flower-girl,
l
shop-girl,
seller
of
cakes,
woman-magician and
part
of
touches of
of
the
local
wanderings
breadth
whore, pretended wife and widow to
many forms
against
curious
with
the amusing
of the
its
in
colour,
younger
Kashmir,
many men,
work
thief,
as
nun,
barmaid, beggar-woman,
holy saint; while
Ed. Durgapraaad and E. P. Parab, N8P, 2nd ed. f Bombay 1995..
her spicy
rilS*OR* OF SANSKRIT
406
anecdotes,
after
her erotic
different
and
birds
of
classification
different
and
beasts,
her shady but ingenious
cheating fools
Kemendra does not
and knaves are not without
delicate,
questionable
and
tendency
to
ways
of
show
any
even
edged verses, suitable
men and
scenes.
frankness does not
unnecessary
to
steer
for
But
often
vulgarities.
clear
of the
It
into
is
in
types
that
said
gloating
difficult
indeed
out
his
over
for
keenly
ludicrous
of
outspoken
bald and
his subject
in all cases, but with his
danger
racy and
rich,
turning
certain
cannot be
lapse
wields
skill
depicting
it
regarding
topics, nor any
repulsive
pointed style, and has considerable
interest.
squeamishness
He
them.
romanticise
men
of
types
knowledge
Ksemendra appears to be a willing victim.

more a satirist than a humorist, and is in a sense privileged
and zest
for erotics,
He
is
to
present things
in a repulsively
naked form
but pungent and
^hat his descriptions often are, there is nothing to

redeem the general atmosphere of prosy and depressing sordidrealistic
ness.
Nevertheless, his work
as
scandaleuse
chronique
approach to
satirical realistic
writing which
is
not
is
mere pornography, nor an immoral work with a moral tag

inspite of its obvious coarseness, an interesting specimen
it is,
of
an
so rarely cultivated
in Sanskrit.
Ksemendra's other works are not so richly descriptive

they are compositions of a somewhat more didactic kind. They
;
are not
narratives,
but are either
astute
on human
homilies
wickedness, with occasional flashes of trenchant wit and

or
sketches
of
human
entertaining
word-pictures,
enlivened
by cutting sarcasm and facetious
oddities,
Of the homilectic kind are
his Sevya-sevakopadeSa,
amusing
and
follies
anecdotes.
1
Carucarya*
and Caturvarga-samgraha* The first is a short tract of sixty-one

verses, containing shrewd reflections on the relation of master
1
*
9
Ed. Kftvytmala, Gucchaka ii, p. 79 f.

The verses are in varied metres.
Ed. Kftvyaui&lft, Gucchaka ii, p. 128f.
Ed. Kavyamala, Guochaka, v, p. 76f. In 107 verses in diversf metres. See Ltvi
.
Ti,s.8,p. 404f.
in
407
and servant
the third
is
a poetical exposition, in
of the four general objects
and salvation
love
wealth,
human
of
four chapters,
namely,
activity,
while the second
is
virtue,
a century of
moral aphorisms in the Sloka metre on virtuous conduct, illustrated by pithy allusions to myths and legends ingeniously ransacked
In
by the author's miscellaneous learning.

didactic works,
it is
the satirist
who
which
matic flavour, to
his
turned
is
his observations are not destitute of
all
these
a
deliberately
homilist
and
witty and often epigram-
and elegantly direct style
simple
undoubtedly contributes.
More
of
human
interesting
pride,
His Darpa-dalana
frailty.
which
are his satirical sketches of different types

is
human
a diatribe against
springing from seven principal
as
described
is
sources, namely, birth, wealth, learning, beauty, valour,
and asceticism
they are treated separately in
as
many
with illustration of each type of braggadocio by a

for the purpose.
is
Here the moralist
is
quacks
In his Kala-vilasa* Ksemendra reverts to his mode of
description
invented
satirist
in
instance,
learning and pretenders
in
chapters,
tale
dominant, but the
irrepressible and peeps out very often, as for

of
charity
the
to sanctity.
satire,
with
and greater sense of comedy, and adopts the

moric Arya metre of Damodaragupta's Kuttanl-mata. It is a
poem in ten cantos, in which Muladeva, the legendary master
less
coarseness
of trickery, instructs his
the
merchant, in
arts
young
of
traders,
roguery
doctors,
harlots,
ascetics
and so forth, and
The
tales.
first
canto
disciple
practised
by cheats,
singers, actors,
goldsmiths,
illustrates his exposition
gives
son
Candragupta,
Ed. Kftvyaraftli, Gucchaka
ZDMG, LXIX,
vi, p. 66f.
1915, p. If.
In
quack
beggars,
by amusing
the
second describes
greed; the third discusses the erotic impulse and wiles of
Schmidt in
account of the various
general
forms of cheating and their exponents
of
women
Trs. into German by K.

B. A. Hirszbant (Uber Kfemen-
varied metres.
Extracts ed. and
trs.
dras DarpadaUna}, St. Petersburg 1892.

*
El. Kivyamali, Gucchaka,

,
XXVIJI,
1914, p. 406f,
i,
p.
34f.
Trs.
into
German
(v-x)
by B. Schmidt
408
the
fourth
the
wicked Kayasthas,
devoted
is
placed executive
the
seventh
the
sixth
the fifth depicts
little
who
as high-
conscience
but
form the target of Ksemendra's

dilates
upon the
much
with
who
with
possessed
officials,
describes
harlot
skilled in crooked writing,
with great power of mischief,

special inventive
the
to
entirely
wit
the
follies
of
wandering
steal
pride
singer,
their device
actor,
people's money by
and
noise
harmonious
meaningless antics ; the eighth
making
denounces the special tricks of the goldsmith, who steals your
bard, dancer,
of
gold before your eyes; the ninth deals with various forms of
roguery practised by the astrologer, the false doctor, the seller of
patent medicine, merchants and chevalier d'industrie of the same
last canto
winds up with a
feather; while the tenth and
constructive
lecture
on
what the
arts should be.
The work
is
remarkably comprehensive discourse^ with a legendary

framework, on the various activities of notorious tricksters known
thus
Ksemendra; and his easy and elegant style makes the descriptions amusing and the satire effective.
The two works, De&opadeâ and Narma-mala, 1 which are
to
in
some
the
complementary to each other, are conceived in

and style, and directed, more narrowly but with
respects
same
spirit
greater concentration, against oppression,
hypocrisy and corrup-
Ksemendra's days. The first

which prevailed in Kashmir
work is put in the form of advice (Qpadega), or rather ironical
in
tion
(Narma or Parihasa); but

The De&opade&a deals, in
the satirical attitude is not different.
eight sections, with the cheat (Khala), who builds castles in the
homage, the second in that
of ridicule
air to delude innocent people
miserable,
dirty
the
and desolate, who
miser (Kadarya),
never enjoys what he hoards
avaricious
described as a restless but
the prostitute (Bandhaki),

wooden puppet, with her cheap
tricks
mechanical
and one hundred and one
Amulets worn on her body for luck ; the snake-like old bawd
(Kuânl), who can make the impossible possible and vice versa,
*
94. Mftdbijsadin Kal, Kashmir Series of Texts *nd Studies, FOOQA 1993.
409

but
who cannot
help
getting
braised
brawls
constant
in
the
ostentatious voluptuary (Vita), monkey-like with his foppish dress,
curly
and love
hair, dental speech
for loose
from foreign lands, especially from Gauda,
women
the students
who avoid touch
of
people lest their fragile body should break, but who, under the
bracing climate of Kashmir, acquire overbearing manners refuse
to pay shop-keepers and are ready to draw the knife on the
slightest provocation
amusement and
joy
the old
mnn, marrying
of other people,
young wife
and begetting a child,
to the
like
and leafless tree bearing unexpected fruit ; the degraded

Saiva teacher, ignorant and lecherous, and the people who come
to him, namely, the
and his fickle wife
inevitable Kayastha
a withered
favoured
by the Guru, the poetaster struggling with
verses, the
crafty merchant, the bragging
gram nirian and

In the Narma-mala we have
ascetic, the boastful
scribe.
whose pen was
alchemist,
similar
are
series
meant
misrule and oppression of

before the ti'ne of king Ananta.
the
his sword,
shabby
the false
the ignorant, ink-besmeared
pictures, but its three interesting chapters
sharp satire on
administration
bis
monopolised
the
of
to
penbe a
Kayastha
The Kayastha,
the
key-positions in
chief executive officer of
all
the state, as the Grhakrtyadhipati or

internal administration, the Paripalaka or governor of a province,
the Lekhopadhyaya or clerk-in-chief, the Ganjadivira or chief
accountant, and the Niyogin or executive officer in the villages.

In the first chapter are described the public activities of these and
myrmidons, and their enormithe rest of the work outlines, with

ties and atrocious misdeeds
vivid skill, the degraded private life of a typical Kayastha and
other officers,
their parasites and

;
which we have again a quack

doctor, a foolish astrologer, a Buddhist nun acting as a gobetween, a surgeon-barber, and the inevitable Saiva Guru who
his frivolous
wife, in the course of
institutes a sacrifice to restore the mysteriously failing
health
of
the Kayastha's wife.

Apart from the local interest and value of
are
indeed noteworthy satirical sketches,
these works, they
exaggerated
52
1843B
cum grano
salis,
but substantially faithful, having
less
410
frequent lapses into squalor or coarseness, and composed in the

There is nothing of melanbest literary manner of Ksemendra.
Knowing full well the castigating

choly wisdom in Ksemendra.
use of satire he deals out his blows too liberally, but with
precision; with bitter and often foul-mouthed presumption, but
with the unerring insight of a shrewd observer. His adroit
epithets, bons
skill
piquant
mots and picturesquely abusive phrases show his

in metre, language and significance, eminently
suitable to his subject
We
some
have devoted
but
writings,
literary
and his method.
it is
worth in
to
space
satirical
not disproportionate when one considers their

the light of the vein of originality, which
We
and ceased after him.
practically failed
Ksemendra's
some
have
feeble
of the Kashmirian Jahlana

(1st
attempts, like Mugdhopadega
in the illhalf of the 12th century), which in sixty-six verses,
metre, contains high-flown reflections on

the traditional, rather than the real,
chosen Sardulavikridita
the lure and deception
of
courtesan (esto perpetua
!),
satiric style.
in
an
erotically
These writers, anxious
to
rather
didactic
than
maintain respectability, are
descending to repellent reality which their subject

demands, and only touch the fringe of it, from a safe distance,
Of different
with the long end of the stick of romantic verse.
of
afraid
interest perhaps is the
Nilakan^ha Diksita
in
similar
affairs
the
of
South
more polished, but witty,
it is
Indian
in describing
well rounded Sloka verses the hopeless state of
century of
human
Kali-vidambana
in
works of
the
degraded Kali
later
times,
age.
however,
None
of these
give us such
sketches or piquant pictures of everyday society

the works of Damodaragupta and Ksemendra.
as are
All
and
amusing
found in
these
later
attempts may not indicate higher sanctitude but perhaps greater

The only later group of works which
sanctimoniousness.
weakly attempts to carry on the tradition

1
Ed.
K&vyaraaift, Gucchaka
viltoa mentioned above.

*
Bd.
KftTjrunfilft,
He
viii, p.
125
f.
v, p. 115
f.
satire
is
the
Jahlana was also the author of Somap&lafrom the anthologist Jahlana.
should be distinguished
Gucchaka
of
4ll
ANTHOLOGIES AND tVOMEN POETS
Prahasana, we shall see, never flourished

with convincing vigour, nor became an achievement of which
Sanskrit literature can be legitimately proud
Prahasana
but
the
The Anthologies and
d.
The
Women
Poets
greatest repositories of single stanzas
known
thousand
unknown
and
Anthologies, which began
poets
of
more than
Sanskrit
the
are
compiled from the 10th century

onwards. They preserve the verses of greater and more well
known poets, but their importance consists in rescuing from
a
oblivion
known
large
number
of
late
period;
they
themselves or their works
meagre;
well as
the
notoriously
verses
of lesser
the
careless
but, in spite
immense.
to
and
a
less
com-
Anthologies belong
furnish little account of the poets
citations, do
anonymous
logical result
fleeting
It is true that the
poets.
paratively
to be
of
quotations
are
tantalisingly
and fluctuating ascriptions, as
not yield much positive chronothese drawbacks, their literary
Within the
limits of space at our

an
adequate account of
disposal,
the Anthology-poets, but they certainly reflect an astonishing
variety and a natural and charming quality, which one misses
is
importance
it
in
the
would not be possible
to give
masterpieces of greater poets,
deliberate
and
therefore
and separate study. Even admitting that

stray stanzas cannot give us much, one can yet realise that the
so-called minor poets often represent the spirit of an age or a
deserve
detailed
country better than the more formidable members of the profes-
As
rich collections of erotic, gnomic, didactic,

and descriptive verses, the value of the Anthologies
sion.
exaggerated;
represented
for,
here
mosaics as they are,
devotional
cannot be
they are perhaps better

individual works of
than in the extensive
workmanship. No doubt, the verses are

produced from the same anvil and with the same tools, but the
individual variations of the less pretentious poets are often worked
unequal and uneven
ivith a cameo-like neatness out of the very limited
and stereotyped
412
Most of them reach only a modest level,

materials.
but they often show, in their small and unassuming way, dainty
touches in metre and phraseology, a sense of harmony in sound
and sense, and a pretty fancy, indicative, in their total effect,
means and
The
of the true poetic spirit.
can trust
own
of lyric loveliness
cannot
illustrate
to
feelings
he can attain,
original,
poet
within
cannot
indeed
trans-
but perhaps he
If he is not
greater degree.
limits, a touch of nature and
of the recognised
gress the authority

his
lesser
tradition,
which are so rare in elaborate poems.

here these
observations
We
by actual citation or
consideration of individual poets, especially when the quantity

and diversity of the verses are overwhelmingly extensive
and the quality naturally variable
but
even
careless
glance
through the Anthologies will bring charming surprises from page

to page, which cannot but lead to an enhanced appreciation of
Sanskrit poetry.
The
known Anthology
perhaps the incomplete

and anonymous work, which has been published under the title
earliest
is
1
Kavindra-vacana-samuccaya from a unique manuscript in
As none
Nepalese characters of about the 12th century A.D.
to
525
whom its extant
verses are attributed,
of the 113 poets,
of
can be placed with certainty later than 1000 A.D., the anthology
Its opening sections on
itself cannot belong to a later period.
the Buddha and Avalokitesvara point to the probability of
unknown
its
compiler having
been
exception of these eighteen

distinctly Buddhistic leaning, there
the
the work, which contains material,

subjects
similar to
those of
most
or
Buddhist
nineteen
but
verses
with
of
nothing Buddhistic about

arrangement and division of
is
other
Sanskrit anthologies.
on Hari as well, containing

53 verses, followed by sections of descriptive verses on spring,
summer and the rainy season, but more than two-thirds of the
There
is
a fairly lengthy
work (350 venes)

1
ai<pl>lied
Ed.
P.
section
are devoted to the
^. n<na*,
Bill,
ltd.,
theme
CalcuMa 1H2,
con jectur ally from the introductory stanza.
of love
Tie
and the
title is lost ID
lover.
the
MS,
but
THE ANTHOLOGIES AND WOMEN POETS

The next anthology
of
is
importance
413
the Subhdsitavali
of
Kasmlraka Vallabhadeva, which is quoted directly by

Vandyaghatiya Sarvananda in 1160 A.D. in his commentary
on the Amara-koa, 2 but the present text of which contains a
the
number
large
than the
earlier
containing
number
of
and therefore cannot
15th century.
3,527
authors
It
and works
according to Peterson's
stanzas on a large variety of
cited,
contains
It
conduct
the
placed
is
subjects, including thoughts on and descriptions of love
passions,
be
an extensive anthology,
verses in 101 sections or Paddhatis, and the
about 360.
is
list,
of later additions
of
natural
life,
worldly wisdom and witty sayings.
and seasons,
scenery
Of more
and other
definite date is
the
Sadukti-karnamrta, compiled by Sridharaof

son
dasa,
Yatudasa, in 1206 A.D. in the reign of Lakmanasena of Bengal, who appears to have been the patron of the
Bengal anthology,
The
compiler and his father.
five
parts,
called
Pravahas,
are
Apadesa and Uccavaca,

and contain 95, 179, 54, 72 and 76 sections or Vicis. As each
entitled respectively Deva, Srngara, Catu,
symmetrically to contain five verses, the total

number of verses should have been 2,380, but as several verses
Vici
is
arranged
lost in the printed text, the actual
appear to be
number
number
of quoted
authors and works being 485.

compiler does not confine himself in his selection to Bengal,
even to his own time but his Vaisnava inclination makes
verses
The
nor
is
the
2,370,
of
Ed. P. Peterson and Durgaprasad, Bombay Sanskrit Series, 1886.

Ed. Trivandrnm Sansk. Ser. 1914-17, pt. ii, Kbanda ii, varga 4, p. 130
3
3
See
BSOS,
v. pt.
on
i,
this
and
p. 27 f,
The work
is
S.
question,
8.
K. De,
in
K. De in BSOS,
also called
JRAS>
v, pt.
iii,
f.
1927, pp. 471-77; Keith's objections in

p.
499
f.
Sukti-karnimrta in some MSS.
Ed. Ramavatara Sartua,
work edited by the same, and printed

Haradatta
Sanaa, Lahore 1933.
The
with an introduction and additional readings by
the
on
based
College
Serampore
Library MS but no account is
edition appears to be chiefly
Bibl.
Ind.
(till
only two
1921),
fascicules; complete
given of its
critical
MS
material, and there
and as no account
is
is
no
critical apparatus.
taken of two important
MSS
of
The method
the work (viz.
of editing is hardly
those in the Asiatic
its value is considerably impaired

For the
Society of Bengal and Calcutta Sanskrit College),
work see Aufrecht in ZDMG, XXXVI, 1S82, p. 361 f, 509 f ; Piscbel, op. cit. ; Manomchan
Chakravarti
Anthology
in
JASB
appears to be
1906,
pp.
167-76.
more than 450.
The number
of
anonymous quotations
in the
414
^
HISTORt OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE
him
give a large
number
of Vaisnava
freely utilised in the later
On
in
which have been
verses,
Bengal anthology of Rupa Gosvamin.
the model of Vallabhadeva's Subhaitavali was
1257 A.D.
compiled
1
Subhaita-muktavall or Sukti-mukiavall of
the
Jahlana, son of Laksmidhara, the compiler as well as his father

having flourished in the reign of the Yadava king Krsna who
came to the throne in 1247 A.D. It is a fairly extensive antho-
and a longer
recension
but the printed text makes no differentiation and
gives the work eclectically in 2,790 verses, contained in 133
logy,
which appears
to
have existed in
shorter
and arranged on the plan and method of Vallabhadeva's

anthology, the number of authors and works cited being more
than 240. At the commencement of the anthology, there is an
sections,
traditional
important section of
poetry,
which
is of
great
verses
on Sanskrit poets and
from the point
interest
view of
of
Of the same character
is the
tfarhgadharaof
son
Damodara, at about
paddhati,* compiled by Sarrigadbara,
5
1363 A.D. It contains 4,689 verses in 163 sections, the num-
literary history.
ber of works and authors cited being
ment
and
subject-matter
closely
292.
about
follow
those
Its
of
anthologies mentioned above, and a large number of

is also to be found in them.
The Sukti-ratna-hara
arrangethe
two
verses
its
6
of
Surya
could
have
the
not
been
which
before
compiled
Kalingaraya,
1st half of the 14th century,
1
Madras
arranges
its
quotations,
after
six
Ed. Ember Krishnamacharya, Gaekwad's Oriental Ser., Baroda 1938.

There are some verses at tbe end in the printed edition (of. also Descriptive Cat.
Got?/. Orient.
Library, xx, p. 8109f), which
tell
us that the work
=
Vaidya Bhanu Pan<Jita for Jahlana iu Saka 1179 1257 A D.
3
As R. G-. Bbandarkar, who first gave an accoaut df
this
was compiled by
anthology
in
his
Report
1887-91, states.
*
Ed. P. Peterson, Bombay Sanskrit Series, 1888. See Aufrecbt in ZDMG XXV,
XXVII, 1873, p. If. Aufrecbt notices and translates verses of 264 authors and
t
1871, p. 455f
works.
5
But
Ed. Sambasiva
verse no. 56 gives the total

Sastri,
number
of verses in tbe anthology as 6,300
Trivandrum Sanskrit
Series,
1939.
The
edition
is
based
upon single Trivandrum manuscript. On the work and the author, see V. Baghavan in
Journal of Orient. Research, Madras, XIII ^ pp. 293-806.
*
See V, Baghavan, op.
ctt., p. 305f.

introductory
Paddhatis
(dealing
praise of the
Vedas and
so forth),
415
with Namaskara, A&r,

into four Parvans concerned
chiefly
As a South
respectively with Dharma, Artha, Kama and Moksa
Indian compilation, the work is interesting for having preserved
verses of South Indian authors, but the compiler appears to
.
have known the Subhasitavali of Vallabhadeva.
The
subject-
matter, arrangement and method of compilation of the Padyavali

of
Rupa Gosvamin, however, which
endeavour,
is
somewhat
in
with
accordance
Krsna-Bhakti
and
As
different.
devoted to Krsna and Krsna-lila

the
a
all
the
verses
in
doctrinarian
episodes
Vaisnava
Bengal
they are arranged
different
different
is
the
of
are
sections
aspects
erotic
of
career
and the whole arrangement conforms generally to

the rhetorical classification of the Vaisnava Rasa-âstra, to which
of
Krsna
work may be regarded
the
is a compilation of
as an illustrative compendium.
It
386 verses from over 125 authors. But Rupa
Gosvamin does not confine himself

authors alone.
He
selects
to
Bengal or
older verses from Amaru,
to
Vaisnava
Bbavabhuti
arranges them in a Radha-Krsna context, sometimes even modifying the text in order to make non-sectarian
und others and
verses
applicable
to
a sectarian purpose.
To
the second half of
the fifteenth century belongs the Subhasitavali of the
Kashmirian
To
the
17th century probably belong the Padya-venl of Venldatta,
son
Siivara, pupil of Jonaraja,
of Jagajjivana, the
(between
J625
which
cites
from 380 poets.
Padya-racana of Laksmanabhatta Ankolakara

2
and 1650 A.D.), the Padyamrta-tarahginl
8
(compiled 1673 A.D.) of Hari Bhaskara, son of ipajlbhatta,

4
but none of these,
and the Subhasita-haravall of Hari-kavi ;
S. K. De, Dacca Univ. Oriental Publ. Series, Dacca 1984.
Ed. N8P, Bombay 1908. On the date of this anthology, see P. K. Gode in Journal of
Oriental Research, Madras, XIV, 1940, pp. 184-193 fa list of works and authors cited is also
1
Ed.
given).
3
On
this anthology, see P.
K. Gode in Calcutta Oriental Journal, III, pp. 38-85.
The author was the court-poet of the Maratha king Sambhaji, son of Sivaji (see
P. K. Gode in ABORT, XVI, 1935, pp. 262-91). He also wrote Sainbhuraja-carita, a poet jra j
4
life
of his royal patron, jp 1685
A.P,
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT ÎTERATURE
416
except
Padya-racana, has
the
There are
yet* appeared in print.
other anthologies, great and small, which are not yet

published, but it is not necessary to mention them all here.
Although it has not been possible to deal here with the
also
many
innumerable poets of the Anthologies,
few words should/ be
spared for the women-poets, who are chiefly, but inadequately,

have some 150 scattered
represented in the Anthologies.
We
verses
about
of
whom
names of Vijja,
Bhavadevi, Gauri, Padmavati
40
of
women-poets,
the
Vikatanitamba, Silabhattarika,
and Vidyavati stand out prominently both in extent
of
their
verses
verses.
are
the
Unfortunately,
quoted
works from
not known, and
are
of determining the nature
and variety
which their
we have no other means
and value of their
literary
achievement.
But, to judge from the extremely meagre specimens of stray

verses, one cannot say that their contribution to Sanskrit poetry
is
either original
There is
also not
or
much
both
impressive
The
variety.
in
and
quantity
quality.
verses are mostly dainty trifles,
concerned with light erotic topics, in the conventional embroidery

of romantic fancy.
Almost all the women-poets are occupied
with the theme of love

there
is
also
is
erotic
glimpse
general, there
is
not
into
much
here
the
heart
that
is
of
love
the entire
life of
descriptive,
and
there
the
woman
one
;
may
but,
in
truly feminine in these verses,
which might have been as well written by men.
made up
is
Sometimes there
implication.
and touching note
tender
find
and even where the verse
most often an
the
woman
It
may
be that
but perhaps
these
verses, which give the impression that she is more fully ardent
and less self-controlled than man, would lead to a dubious geneThe
ralisation and give the entire question a wrong perspective.
woman-poet looks suspiciously like a replica of the passionate

heroine of the normal Sanskrit poetry and drama. One may even
go further and doubt if some of the verses are really written by
1
Sanskrit Poetesses, Part
introduction by
Roma
Verses), ed.
(Select
Chaudhuri, Calcutta 1939
pevakumarika and Sanatana-gopala-k&vya
of
Ft.
J.
B. Chaudhuri and
(containing
the
LaksmI), Calcutta 194Q.
trs.
with an
Vaidyanatha-pratasti

women,
or are passed off under fictitious feminine

perverse motive
Apart from the tone
mildly
the suspicion
is
not unnatural
when one
417
names with a
of
the verses,
considers the rather
Vikatanitamba 1 and Jaghanacapala, especially when the only one verse assigned to the latter is
also composed in the
Jaghanacapala metre and cleverly constructstrange and unusual names,
ed to contain the
name
and
manner
the
itself, after
of
signed
verses
In any case, the specimens are insufficient
not rare in Sanskrit.
and do not enable us
like
to
form a high opinion
artistic ability in a sphere in
of
woman's
creative
by her temperament,
which,
eminently fitted to attain a high rank.

Outside the Anthologies, there are just a few women writers
who may be briefly mentioned here as composers of the Kavya.
Among these, we have already spoken of Ramabbadramba of
she
is
Tanjore,
who wrote the
semi-historicnl
poem Raghunathabhyudaya
her lover, RaghunStha-Nayaka of
Another woman poet, who was
to celebrate the greatness of
A.D.).
Tanjore (c. 1614
honoured by Raghunatha-Nayaka
Madhuravam,
translated
elegant Sanskrit verse, in
with the eulogistic
title
of
Raghunatha's Andhra-Ramayana into

fourteen cantos, under the title Rama-
yana-sara-kavya* Another cultured woman-poet, Tirumalamba, in

her Varadambika-parinaya,* a highly artificial Campu, describes
Varadambika with her
the romance of the love and wedding of

1
If the
name
occurs in RajaSekhara's eulogistic verses on poets quoted in Jahfana's

is no reason to think that it was not traditionally accepted ;
and little
Sukti-muhtavan, there
known about the poet herself. The information, however, vouched to us by Bboja that
was married a second time (punarbhu) is more circumstantial, and, if it is reliable,
may indicate a real person. Other names found in Jahlana are Vijjaka, Sllabhatrmk5,
is
she
verie ascribed to Dhanadadeva in iS&rhgaVijayank-l and PrabhudevI; while in a memorial

Marula and Morika. All these names
of
Sllabhattarika,
the
have
praise
dhara.paddhali, we
are found in the Anthologies, but there
is
no proof that
MS
of
The
editor notes that the
all
were names
of real persons.
work, which belonged to the Veda-vedanta-mandira,

Mallesvaram, Bangalore, appears to have been lost, and the work is not printed.
3
Ed. Laksman Sarup, Lahore 1938 (?). See P. P. S. Saitri, Tanjore Catalogue, vii,
2
The only known
pp. 3243-46, no. 4220.
be found in Sanskrit, but this

Review,
IX
(1908),
Poetemes, Pt. B,
53
1348B
is
this
Campu
hardly a compliment
Madras, pp. 106-11;
Introduction, cited above,
JRAS
contains the largest
compound
to
On. some of these poets, see Indian
1908, p. 168;
J.
B. Chaudhuri, Sanscrit
418
own husband
or lover Acyutaraya,
came
to the throne at about
king of Vijayanagara,
1530 A.D.
Another
who
and more
earlier
of Vira
gifted Vijayanagara poetess, Gangadevi, queen (vii. 39-41)
Kampana
or
Kamparaya, son
Bukka
of
(c.
1343-79 A.D.),
Vlrakamparaya-carita, now
available only as a fragment, to celebrate her husband's conquest
It is written in a simple style, comparatively free
of Madura.
composed the Madhura-vijaya
from the pedantry
of
or
grammar and
But
rhetoric.
5.
The
these works
show any
are of the usual conventional type, and do not

tive features to call for special
all
distinc-
comment.
PROSE LITERATURE
compositions of this period, compared

with the poetical, form indeed a small and unpretentious branch
for prose does not appear to have been as assiduously cultivated
as verse.
Even technical works were complacently composed in
literary prose
verse,
utilise
presumably because verse is easier

for condensed and effective expression.
from the beginning, the domain of prose and

employment. The
result
was that
memorise
to
The
and
verse invaded,
ousted
it
from
its
in technical treatises
legitimate
the verse became prosaic, while in literary works the prose
assumed the colour and mode of verse and poetry. It was seldom
realised that the
two harmonies had
and that the characteristics
of the
different spheres
and values,
one were not desirable in the
The
verse attained a far greater degree of maturity, cirother.

culation and importance, and the prose was consequently neglect-
The preponderance
ed.
of
the
one form of
writing
partially
explains and is explained by the poverty of the other but it is

more than a case of preponderance, it is one of almost exclusive
;
monopoly, doubtless aided by the resulting inability to distinIn practice

guish between the two modes of formal writing.
certainly,
1
if
not in theory,, the
Ed. Harihara Saatri and V.
by T. A. GopiDatha
S. Sastri,
separate
existence
of
prose as a
Srldhara Pre*8, Trivandrum 1916, witfc
iptrotf.
419
PROSE LITERATURE
vehicle of expression
that
is
is
prose
but
sparingly recognised, the writers fancying

a species of verse itself and of poetry which
is
conveyed in verse, and making their prose, endowed with
florid
own
verse
rhetorical
devices,
look
much
as
as possible like their
and poetry.
The tradition of the highly ornamented and poetically gorgeous prose was, we have seen, established by Banabhatta, but it is
neither prose-poetry nor poetical prose as we understand it
to-day
an extremely
it is
which prose and

an astonishingly peculiar and
artificial
creation in
drawn together in
unnatural alliance. The tradition is continued in this period,
somewhat languidly, in the writing of that strange species of the
poetry
are
Prose Kavya, which, entirely lacking in
went by
the
name
quality,
yet
The blend of
and sentiment which we found
Katha
of
narrative
or
narrative.
and romance, of satire

in Dandin was no longer appreciated,
realism
but
the
example
of
have inspired much literary

standard set by Barmbhatta
Partly because
was perhaps too high and arduous, and partly because such
extremely elaborate composition perhaps ceased to engage wide
Banabhatta
also does not
seem
enthusiasm.
to
the
interest, the Prose
Kavya does not appear
favoured by really talented
writers.
for ornate exercise of prose,
along
the growth of a hybrid
and
verse,
which,
species,
on
the
Kavya, combined some
also the
Perhaps
with verse,
called
decline
was
Campu,
of
and break-up
of its features
much
have been
to
craving
satisfied
by
mixed prose
of the
Prose
with those of the metrical
Kavya, in a kind of curious, but not very brilliant, mosaic. But

the most unassuming, and yet the most interesting, prose
literature of this period is exemplified by a small number of
popular tales, which continue the simpler prose tradition of the
Pancatantra,
folk-tale,
myth
and
denuded
and magic,
contain
racy
stories
of
common
life
and
high-flown romance but sublimated with

and enforced with pithy gnomic verses of
Into the artificial and jaded atmosphere of
of
epigrammatic wit.
the classical romantic
tale
they throw
the
freshness and naivete
420
of folk-tradition and
seen in some of
common
experience;
and the story-form
is
proper vigour and pliability.
its
a.
The popular prose
The Popular Tale

tale of this period
commands
attention,
not only by its interesting narrative content, but also because

the works show a sense of the value of the simple and direct
prose style, which we rarely find in the heavily constructed and
dexterously stylistic
Prose Kavya and
of prose tales, however, are
the various
different
diction.
redactions,
out of traditional
material
by
kinds of style and

bands,
Thus, the Ornatior Text of the 3uka-sapt ati is written
naturally exhibit
in a decidedly high-flown,
with
mostly of
made
Campu. The collections

unknown authorship, and
if
almost bald and
not
different
too
elaborate, style,
compared
prose of the Simplicior

Text.
But even taking into account such inevitable differences,
one can say that the prose tale in general, contrasted with the
Prose Kavya and the Campu, makes less claim to ornateness and
the
certainly
unattractive
shows a reasonably
clear
and attractive manner, which
effectively increases the intrinsic interest of its matter.

still
it
halting,
fully
what we have
developed
into
The most remarkable feature is

but when elegant, there are no
elaborate ornamentation,
Although
not the mere lisping of prose, nor is

the
literary prose of the best kind.
is
not always plain style,

intricacies of construction and
that
it is
no confused disregard
of periods
and
heaping of ingenious phrases, epithets and conceits,

no love of punning and other affectations. It is for these reasons
interminable
that the prose tale retained, as attested by the recensions of
works and tbeir translations into modern Indian
languages,
greater popularity and wider currency, while the Prose

failed and the Campu flourished by artificial cultivation.
While
exhausting
the
beast-fable
itself in
died
out
with
the
the
Kavya
Pancatantra
a sequence of variations of the original text,
THE POPULAR TALE

the Brhathatha, in spite of its great
to
have
now lost. The next oldest collection of

we have is the Vetala-pancavimati, but the
are
they
popular tales that

extent of the gap between
Although the earliest

of
twenty-five tales
Kashinirian
Somadeva
that
versions
of
(llth century),
Budhasvamin.
contrary,
it is
highly
of
the
that
of 'Sivadasa
which
is
probable that
it
two
the
by Ksemendra and
the
missing in
is
it
not clear, therefore,
is
work
lost
independent cycle, as several other
have also survived.
It
in
preserved
Brhatkatha
the
of
is
not known.
is
interesting collection
of this very
Vetala
the
of
formed a part
it
and the Brhatkatha
it
version
respectively
version
Nepalese
reputation, does not appear

If there were imitative
behind a direct descendant.
left
attempts,
421
Gunadhya; on the
belonged originally to an
more or
of
less
diverging versions
The most noteworthy of these versions is

of unknown date and place of composition,
in prose with interspersed verse; but another
prose recast of
Ksemendra's version
is
also
anonymous
known. There is
another abridged version attributed to Vallabhadeva, 4 but it

exists only in not more than half a dozen known manuscripts,
and
textually poorer and less important, being not substantially
is
different
from that
The
of Sivadasa.
Brhatkatha-mafijari
ix.
2.
19-1221
version of Jambhaladatta
Katha-sarit-tagara
75-99.
Ksemendra '*
and balder than Somadeva's and omits some minor incidents, but they
have essentially the same content. See Le*vi in JA, a. 8, t. vii, 1886, p. 190f M. B.
Eineneau in JAOS LT11, 1933, pp. 124-43. According to Emeneau's calculation, the number
version
shorter
is
of Slokas iu
made
it
Ksemendra'a version
1206, in Somadeva's 2195.
is
Hertel and Edgerton have
probable that the original Brhatkatha did not contain the twenty-five tales of the
Vetala.
2
The
Ed. Heinrich Dble, Leipzig 1884, on the basis of 11 comparatively modern MSS.
In 1914 Uhle published, in BSGW LXVI (Leipzig),
text is given in transliteration.
pp. 2-87, the text of an earlier

before 1487
A.D.
MS
dated 1487 A.D.
he believes that
Hertel would not place Sivadasa
much
Sivadasa used an earlier metrical version, and finds the
influence of old Gujarat! on the language of his text.

3
Also contained in Uble's ed.
Eggeling, India Office Catalogs e vii, p. 1664. As its poor Sanskrit and vernacular
forms and construction! indicate, the text is probably evolved from some vernacular version.
*
Ed. M. B. Emeneau, with Eng. trs. and text in transliteration, American Oriental
4
Society ,
New Haven,
Connecticut 1934.
422
almost entirely in prose (with sporadic introductory verses),

but its date and provenance are likewise unknown; it is nearer to
is
the Kashmirian versions

of
details
known
the
stories
doubtful
all
if
any
respect of
the
but the
The Vetala-pancavimati
A
modern Indian languages.
1
versions
awaits
still
of these extant versions
The metrical form
lost original.
proper names,
differ.
in several forms in
comparison of
it is
in
the Kashmirian versions does
not
in verse, nor do the versions justify
prove that
also
critical
investigation,
but
represent
the
fully
which we
in
is
find
the
work in
the original
was
any positive conclusion
re-
garding the order and content of the stories.
is
There can be no doubt, however, that the Vetala-pancavimsaLi

one of the most interesting collection of shrewd and well-told
tales in Sanskrit.
inset tales are
The frame-story,
emboxed,
the spirit of the folk-tale.

brings to
him everyday
is
which the twenty-five
in
simply and cleverly conceived quite in

2
In order to oblige an ascetic, who
a fruit containing a
concealed
jem, king
Trivikramasena or Vikramasena, who becomes Vikramaditya in
later accounts, agree to bring,
rite,,
for
a corpse hanging from a tree.
purpose of some magic

But a vampire or Vetala has
the
He agrees to leave the

already taken possession of the corpse.
body if the king would answer his questions, but ingeniously
frustrates the king's efforts twenty-five
times
by recounting
to
him an enigmatic story and asking him to solve it, thereby

making the king break the condition of silence necessary for the
successful accomplishment of his undertaking.
The riddles are
and if the king's replies are
by no means easy of solution
;
Who
casuistic, they arS certainly ingeniously fitted.
The work
A. H. Francke in
also exists
I,
Kalmuck
ZDMG, LXXV, 1925,
modern Indian languages,

Calcutta;
in
see Grierson,
(ed.
6.
Jiilg,
is
Leipzig 1866) and Tibetan
pp. 72-96) adaptations.
On
(ed.
translations into various
The Modern Vernacular Literature
Oesterly, Baital Paclsl (in Bibliothek
the most
Orientaiischer Mtirchenund
of Hindustan^
Erzahlungen
Leipgig 3873; Penzer's ed. of Ocean of Story, vol. vi, pp. 265-673
In Somadeva's version be is a Bhiksu, in Ksemendra's a Sramana, in divadasa's
Digambara
423
THE POPULAR TALE

the
fastidious epicure
man who would
not touch the food because
paddy was grown in a

field adjoining a cemetery, or the one who would not lie on a
divinely soft and piled-up bed because somewhere below the heap of
his fine sense of smell discovers that the
mattress there
a
woman
is
who would
not touch
goat having been
nourished
a piece of hair, or the one
because she smelt like
Who is the best lover the

with goat's milk in her infancy ?
one who perishes on the same funeral pyre with the body of the
dead girl, or the one who builds a hut and lives in sorrow near
the funeral ground, or the one
of a
he chances to
charm
who
revives the dead girl by
discover ?
Equally baffling
means
the
is
of the children of a father,

question of tangled relationship
unwittingly the daughter of a woman wedded to
espouses
son, with
the
children of the
question of ceremonialism,
the oblation
of a thief's
when
We
son.
have
three hands
son brought up
also
who
his
difficult
appear to receive
by a Brahman and
adopted by a king ; or a difficult question of honour, in the case

of a woman, allowed by her generous fiancee to keep an assignation, unharmed by an equally generous robber who allows her
to pass,
to
and returned untouched by the no
whom
she goes.
conceived.
From
less
Diversified indeed are the
generous lover
stories,
the literary point of view, however,
of the different versions
is,
of course, different.
and well
the
value
The Kashmirian
Ksemendra's being
versions are in verse, mostly in Sloka,
terse
Janibhaladatta's version
and Sornadeva's pleasantly amplified
and
while Sivabald
is unadorned, and even
undistinguished
dasa's is marked by considerable literary grace and narrative
;
quality.
How
far these individual
characteristics
of
style
and
treatment are inherited from the original cannot be exactly determined but, judging from their general tendencies, one should think
;
that the initial impetus
must have been towards simple narrative
sheer splendour of style, and that the

vigour rather than towards
core of the work must have achieved popularity and distinction
as
it
much from
its fine
was presented,
story-material as from the
manner
in
which
424
Much
inferior in literary quality, as well as
Simhasana-dvatrimîka or
of the stories, is the
As the
title
implies,
purports to be
it
the
in
interest
Vikrama-carita.
of
collection
thirty-two
supporting Vikramaditya's unall

earthed throne, to king Bhoja who was about to ascend it,
2
the stories celebrating the glorious qualities of king Yikrama,
tales, told
by the magic statues
and implying that no one who did not possess these qualities
was entitled to sit on the throne. The work exists in two diverging
Northern
recensions,
and Southern.
The Northern has been
distinguished into three versions, namely, the Jaina version of

Ksemamkara Muni (alleged to be based on a Maharastrl version),
the Bengal version ascribed to Vararuci (which is merely based

while the Southon the Jaina) , and a short anonymous version
;
ern, generally called Vikrama-carita, has a
well
as
prose,
as
secondary metrical version in the Sloka metre, both anonymous.

The main thread of the narrative is more or less the same in all
form and in the order
versions, but in verbal
of,
the tales they are
A comparative examination shows

independent of one another.
be
taken as preserving the work in
can
that none of the versions
4
Weber and Hertel, 5 however, believe the
its original form.
3
Jaina origin and naturally emphasise the superior

antiquity of the Jaina version ; but Edgerton makes it probable
Southern
the order of the tales, at least, the
that, in
tales to be of
recension
nearer
is
to
what he thinks
form, while the Jaina version

1
of
in thirty
Jacobi
pp. 1501-2)
in
;
1914
the
original
greater individuality
is also
the
subject of several
Adhyayas, mostly in Sloka (Eggeling, India
Ind.
Studien,
xiv,
pp.
trs.,
Cambridge, Mass., 1926.
Series,
97-160);
poems,
the Vira-caritra
e.g.,
Office Catalogue, vii t pp. 1502*
Vikramodaya in 28
Salivahana-kathd of Sivadasa in 18 cantos (ibid,
katfia (H. 8oh6l,
The
Harvard Oriental
The VikramSditya legend
Ananta
3;
marked by
be
Ed. F. Edgerton, in two parts, containing the text in transliteration and Eng,
in four recensions,
8
is
to
vii,
cantos (ibid i
pp. 1567-70)
vii,
Mddhavanala-
Die Strophen d. Mddhavanalakathd, Diss., Halle 1914), etc.

also in American Journal of Philology, XXXIII,
eft., p. xxix
Edgerton, op.
Ind. Studien, xv, Leipzig, 1878, pp. 185-453 (large section of the Jaina Text in Roman).
.Taina
recension
is edited
p.
271
f.
by Hiralal Hamsaraj, Jaina Bhaskarodaya Press, Jamnagar

re; the Vararuci *s
the Southern recension, ed. Jivananda Vidyasagar, Calcutta 1881
cension (Bengal), printed Serampore (1818)
See Eggeling, Ind. Office CatoJogus,
vii, p.
THE POPULAR TALE

and
to
tendency
425
The
modifications.
deliberate
and
date
authorship of the work are unknown, but since both the Southern
and Jaina versions, apparently independently, refer to the Dana-
khanda
of
a time
earlier
work,
its
Hemadri's Caturvarga-cintamani,
it
from
cannot date
Although a widely popular
special purpose of illustrating the
generous deeds of
model king and reiterating moral lessons not only makes it an

extreme example of the didactic method of story-telling, carried
to its monotonous lengths, but also limits it to particular kinds
of moral stories,
which,
barring a few good
ones, lack
variety
and strikingness. The stories are told (leaving aside the metrical
version) in easy and sometimes terse prose, but it is unimaginative (despite
mannered descriptions
lacks elegance and distinction.
greater reputation than
The
of the Jaina
The work appears
its literary
8uka-$aptati, or Seventy
to
have enjoyed
or intrinsic worth justifies.
Tales
of a
Parrot,
is
and racy, even though the tales are of a merry cast

Of the two
not always edifying.
principal versions,
lively
Simplicior and the Ornatior,

the
other embellished ; but
and
version)
the one
is stylistically
more
and
the
simple and
the
being greatly
Simplicior,
condensed and consequently obscure in places, may have been a
The Ornatior text appears to be
secondary and abridged text.
the work of Cintamani Bhatta, who, having used
version of
the
Paftcatantra, cannot be
earlier
Purnabhadra's
than
the
while the Simplicior text seems to have been

by a Svetambara Jaina who may have used a Prakrit
The work may be described generally as a collection of
century
wives' tales,
which form one of
the
familiar
topics
12th
redacted
original.
naughty
of
the
popular tale in general. The wise parrot, finding the mistress

of the house inclined to run after other men in the absence of
1
Textus Simplicior,
ed.
Richard Schmidt, Leipzig 1893 (Trs. into German, Kiel, 1894).

ia also edited by him in ZDMG, LIV and LV (1900-1901),
horter version of thii text
pp. 616f, If.
Textus Ornatior, ed. R. Schmidt, Muochen 1898-99 (Trs. into German, Stuttgart 1899).
R, Schmidt in Der
Analysis and comparison of the two texts, with trs. of some section, by
2
Texttts Otnatior der giffcdtaptati, Stuttgart 1896.
426
her husband, and asking her if she has sufficient courage

coolness to get out of difficulties as so-and-so
did, rouses
and
her
curiosity, narrates the tales and succeeds in keeping her interested

In spite of the apparently
every night till her husband returns.
virtuous motive of
describe
how cunning women
deceive
their
them
stories
inset
naturally
get out of
embarrassing scrapes,
husbands and even exact apologies from
foolish
for their
the
the frame-story,
very
suspicion.
However
some
disreputable
of
they are certainly smart and generally

amusing. They show a keen knowledge of humanity under their
The diction of the Simplicior text,
frivolous and easy gaiety.
the stories
with
flat,
may
and bald sentences,
brief
its
be,
but the Ornatior text,
stylistic skill, is
more
in
is
of
spite
attractive in
and
often abrupt
generally
conscious effort at
its
conveying
its
wealth of amus-
ing incidents and observations.

Of other similar collections of tales, the Bharataka-dvatrim6ika
two
of
unknown
date and authorship
is
collection of
thirty-
Bharatakas who were probably Saiva

attractive neither in style nor in treatment.
stories of the ridiculous
mendicants
but
The work may
or
it is
not be of Jaina inspiration, but
may
with the literature of the people

vernacular
verses,
which are
is
betrayed by
its
its
contact
interspersed
also in evidence occasionally in the
The Purvsa-panksa 2 of the

Simplicior text of the 8uka-saptati.
Maithila Vidyapati, on the other hand, is written in simple and
graceful style and has deservedly enjoyed wider popularity for
its
forty-four
some
qualities^
persons
on the question of what constitutes manly
tales
of
the
stories
and incidents.
having references to historical

The number of Jaina Katbanakas,'
Ed.
Ed. Gujarati Printing Press, Bombay 1882, with Gujarat!
known
best
J.
Hertel, Leipzig
for his exquisite
MitMla towards the

3
1921.
Radha-Krsna songs
latter part of
in
trs.
The
Maithill, flourished under
author,
who
is
Sivasirpha of
the 14th century A. D.
On
the Jaina achievement in narrative literature, see Hertel, Literature

of the Svetam*
baras of Gujarat, Leipzig 1922. The word 'Kathanaka* does not appear to be a recognised
term of orthodox
of
poetics, although the
Gadya-kavya, along with
Agni-purana (837. 20) speaks of Kath&nikft as a variety

Parikatha and khaâkatha. Anandavarclbana (hi. 7)
recognises
THE POPULAR TALE
some
them
of
are in
Uttama-kumara-carita 1
2
are
nafea,
books of narratives,
narratives or
Consisting of
plainly
Prakrit
or
42 7
or
Apabhramsa
But
vast.
is
some, like the
the Papabuddhi-dharmabuddhi-katha-
and
allegorical
didactic
the
some, like
and the Pala-gopala-kathanaka,*

Campaka-fresthi-kathanaka
both of Jinakirtij are of the nature of fantastic fairy tales
while
;
others,
like
the
gandist character.
an openly propa-
of
Samyaktva-kaumudl, are
Of collections of popular
tales, the
Katha~koa 6
an unknown, but not old, compiler is a poor and insipid production in bad Sanskrit with inserted Prakrit verses
but more
of
Hemavijaya-gani (c. 17th

century), not for its hardly elegant style and diction, but for its
258 miscellaneous short tales, fables and anecdotes, mostly of
interesting
fools,
the
is
the Katha-ratnakara
rogues and artful
tales
are
Sanskrit prose
loosely
is
women.
strung
of
There
together,
freely diversified
and modern Indian languages.

of stories and have produced them
is
no frame-story but
while
the
characterless
by verses in Sanskrit, Prakrit

The Jaina authors are fond
in
amazing profusion, but the

form they are presented, are all essentially
sermons, or have a moral tag attached to them they are seldom
The well-known Sanskrit
intended for mere entertainment.
stories, in whatever
story-motifs are utilised, but good stories

by forcing them into a moral frame.
are
sometimes spoiled
With
their unadorned,
but pedestrian, prose and lack of artistic presentation, the Jaina

remarkable as literary
writings in this sphere are scarcely
Parikatba and Khsijdakatha, adding Sakalakatha (all these terms being explained by AbbiThe description of Kathanika,
bis commentary), but omits Kathaaika.
in
navagupta
however, given by the Agni-purdna does not apply to the so-called Jaina Kathanaka.
1
Ed. Weber in SBAW, 1894, i, p. 269f; the metrical version in 680 Slokas by Carucandra is printed by the Jaina Bbaskarodaya Press, Jamnagar 1911.
Lowiai in GSAI, III, pp. 94-127 (with trs.).

ZDMG, LXV, 1911, pp. 1-51, 425-47.
Ed. B.
Ed. J, Hertel in
See J. Hertel, Jinakirtis Geschichte von Pdla und Gopdla, Leipzig 1907
LX.IX). Jioakirti lived at about the middle of the 15th century.
5
A.
Trs. C.
Ed. Hiralal Hamsuraj, Jaina Bhaskarodaya Press, Jamnagar 1911
(BSGW,
Weber in SBAW, 1880, p. 731.

H. Tawney, London 1895.
;
trs. J.
Hertel,
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT
428
productions, but they are interesting from their unmistakable

contact with the general life of the people, especially those
stories
which
are
not
moral
unrelieved
of
and
religious
dreariness.
The Jaina Prabandhas, however, stand in a different

They are semi- historical works, which pretend to
category.
deal with historical and literary personages, but really make
motley collection of curious legends and anecdotes. They are
Prakrit and
written in elegant prose, but freely introduce
a
Apabhrainsa, as well as Sanskrit, verses. The works are perhaps

not satisfactory for their historical information of earlier times,
but they have certainly an amusing content and a readable style.

Two works of this type have earned a limited renown and deserve
1
of
Merutunga,
namely, the Prabandha-cintamani
of
1306
and
in
the
Prabandha-koa*
BajaSekhara
A.D.,
completed
is divided
1348
work
in
A.D.
Suri, completed
Merutunga's
mention,
which contains
into five Prakasas, each of
The
several
Prabandhas.
Vikramaditya and Satavahana, the story of the Caulukya kings of Anhilvad and of the
Paramara kings Munja and Bhoja of Dhara. The second
first
PrakaSa
relates the legend of
Prakaâ continues the story of Bhoja
the
third
and fourth
Prakasas that of the Anhilvad rulers, bringing the narrative

down to the reign of Kumarapala. An account is also given
of the Gujarat rulers Lavanaprasada and Vlradhavala and the
two well-known ministers of the
who
Tejahpala and Vastupala,
latter,
plays,
poems and
systematically
historical,
furnish the subject-matter also of
The
panegyrics.
treatment
is
not
many
but attractively anecdotal but the part, which gives a picture

of times nearer to the author's own, is not without some historical
;
interest.
The
of Siladitya^
1
cd.
last
Prakasa
is
a collection of miscellaneous stories
Laksmanasena, Jayacandra, Bhartrhari and others.
Ed. Jinavijaya, Ft.
i,
Text,
Singhi Jaina Series,
Bamacandra Dinanath, Bombay, 1888; Bog.
trs.
Santioiketan, Bengal 1933; also

by 0. H. Tawney, Bibl. Ind., Calcutta
1901.
8
Ed. Jinavijaya,
I, Text,
same
series, Santiniketan 1936.
429
tROSE KAVYA
The twenty-four Prabandhas
of
work are
Suri's
Rajaêkhara
concerned respectively with seven royal (including Laksmanasena

and Madanavarman) and three lay personages, as well as with
Hemacandra) and four poets,

Harihara, Amaracandra and Digambara
Jaina teachers
ten
(including
namely, Sriharsa,
Of these accounts, the last four appear to be
Madanakirti.
most interesting and original. To the same class of composition,
but not
Jaina
to
(end
useless
as
of
of
the
literary production.
Bhoja
16th century), which, however, is entirely

an historical document and is not of much value as a
Ballala
of
belongs the Bhoja-prabandha
inspiration,
Its chief object is to depict
Dhara, in relation to
many
poets
who
Bhoja, apparently
are attracted to his
court by his liberal and appreciative patronage ;but in doing this it

It
sticks at no anachronism nor perversion of historical facts.
number of literary celebrities, such as Kalidasa, Bhavabhuti, Dandin and Magha, as well
as less known poets like SltFi and Cittapa, who are made to display
brings together in Bhoja' s court a large
their readiness of wit
tion
and vie with each other in quick composi-
smart verses in a series of amusing, but unconnected,
of
The work makes some
anecdotes.
attempt at elegant writing,

but its matter is not sufficiently diversified, and the prose diction,
on the whole, nerveless and devoid of character, when compared
with that of the Jaina Prabandhas.
The Prose Kavya
b.
The romantic Prose Kavya with
traditional
its
was no innovation
and traditional pornp of style

ments of Subandhu and Bana
1
Printed
many
Die Rezensionen
des
times in India.
Calcutta
kar,
1649.
by
(e.g.
more
unintelligent
There are several versions of tbe text
Bhojaprabandha,
repeatedly printed, the earliest
inspired
machinery
but the achieve-
being ed.
Madras 1851
(see
L. Oster
The Southern text
Darmstadt, 1911).
Dios.,
ig
whilst editions have appeared from
Jivananda ViJyasagar's in 1872. 1883) and Bombay
(e.g
ed.
Vasudeva Panahi-
NSP, 1921). A shorter version is noticed by Eggeling in India Office Catalogue, vii, p.
An eclectic edition fronftwo Paris manuscripts is published, with trs. of some sections,
Theodore Paviein JM, 1854-55,
published
in litho
t. iii.
p.
185
by the same scholar, Callet
t.
iv, p.
385
Paris 1855.
t.
v, p. 76 f
which
is also
430

than intelligent practice of the extremely
admiration
type
of
story
composition,
literary
are
It is
diction.
difficult
simple ends of
enormous
to
sacrificed
which the
in
complexities of extravagant
not the effort involved which turned off
perhaps
gorgeous and elaborate Mahakavyas were

but perhaps the impossible prose form, with
later talents, for equally
zealously produced
its superfluously ornamented and interminably prolonged sentences,

never appealed widely to later taste, which preferred to display
these
This might be one
Kavya.
of
development
essentially
the
impossibly mannered
the
reasons
for
the
The
limited
the
to
does not diffet
in
It
woven
range of topics,
heavy garment
attraction
of prose,
sentimentalises;
iridescent
and fantastic adventures
exploits
simplicity nor directness, but whatever
and behaviour
little
comparatively
its
to
and deliberately devoid of all

becomes an exclusive and curious
poet overlays, diffuses, adorns,
preternatural
alien
led
in expression
the unsubstantial woof of story are
The
which
Campu
is
therefore,
It is
interest in pure narrative.
loose but
metrical form of the
regular
from the Prose Kavya but only allows greater scope
cultivated in this period.
type.
of
Campu
The Prose Kavya,
verse.
the
in
strained ingenuities
is
pointed
of embroidered, indecisive
of
poetry
is
into
pageants of
there is
no
wrapped in a
heap of phrases.
not only affects the disposition
which ceases
to be real prose, but
it
also
tends to detach story, which ceases to be story, from the root and
mainstay of the whole genre in vigorous and terse narrative.

Bana, however, found an imitator, who could copy most of
his hyperbolic mannerisms, but could not reproduce
poetic
excellences,
Sarvadeva,
.different
who
in
the
much
of
his
Svetambara Jaina Dhanapala, son of

1
under Munja Vakpati-
wrote his Tilaka~manjarl
Ed. Bhavadatta and E. P. Parab, N3P, Bombay 1903. This Dhanapala, who is
from the Digambara Jaina Dhanapala* author of the Apabbrainla Bhavisatta-haha,
wrote a Prakrit lexicon called Paiya-locchi-ndma-mala, and a Jaina Stotra, RqabhaMerubunga (ed. Santiniketan, p. 36 f ; Tawney, p. 60 f] places him in the court
Bhoja of Dhara and narrates some legends about tbe origin of the present work. The
work gives continuous narrative, like Bana's K&dambari, without any division into chapters.
of
THE PROSE KIVYA

Dhara
raja of
970
about
at
A.D.
In
the
431
verses
introductory
Dhanapala eulogises the Paramara kings of Dhara, and, among

other poetical predecessors, mentions the author of Tarahgavati
(the Jaina Sripalitta)
He
sundari-katha.
and Rudra,
us
tells
who composed
Trailokya-
verse that Bana's
in
punning
Kadambari was completed by Pulinda or Pulindbra, which
apparently, in his opinion, was the name of Banabhntta's son.
The Tilaka-manjarl is an elaborate tale of the love and union of
and
Samaraketu, the heroine being a regular

image of Kadambari, and most of the occasions of note in the
In spite of
story finding a parallel to those in Bana's romance.
Tilakamafijari
considerable literary
imitation,
the
skill,
the
work
and does not repay
tedious
length
of
its
not impressive even as an

the exertion of wading through
is
brilliant,
magnificence.
The other Jaina efforts to imitate
much
not so
but
hardly illuminating,
Bana may be
noted
here,
for their poetic appeal as for the illustrative zest
and
The Udaya-sundarl-katha
of Soddhala
3
but like Dhanapala, the
is sometimes classed as a Campu,
author consciously takes Bana as his model in producing an
talent of the
authors.
Barring the verse-prelude, the Kadambari is

essentially in prose, but both Dhanapala and Soddhala are
artificial
Katha.
in
liberal
their
use
of verse in the prose narrative, the
number
In the case of
increasing perceptibly in the latter.
is
the
the
normal
both, however,
vehicle, and the employprose
of
verses
ment
is
and frequent as in a Campu

nor
the form of these works different from what is expected in a
of verse is not so free
by later theorists. From Soddhala's own account of

himself and his family in the first Ucchvasa, we learn that he was
the son of Supa and Padmavati of the Valabha Kayastha family
Katba
See above
Ed. C D. Dalai and B. Krishnamacbarya, Gaekwad'fl Oriental Series, Baroda 1920.

A fact which would of itself show that the distinction between a Prose Kavya and *
p. 201.
Oampu was becoming

4
With
illusory.
the exception that the work
into Ucchvaâs,
Jkhy&yika,
is
not a continuous narrative bat
is
divided, like an
432
and flourished under the
of Gujarat
patronage of
Chittaraja,
ISagarjuna and Mummuniraja, ruJers of Konkana, who had their

As the poet
capital at Sthanaka, modern Thana, near Bombay.
refers also to the patronage of Vatsaraja of Lata,
that his
is
it
probable
work was composed between 1026 and 1050 A.D.
The
romance describes, in eight Ucchvasas, the fictitious story of the

love and marriage of Udayasundarl, daughter of Sikhandatilaka,
king of the Nagas, and Malayavahana, king of Pratisthana,
making full use of the ornate style and accessories of the Prose
The author
has considerable power of driving his slender

narrative into the undulating eddies of spacious sentences, or
Kavya.
making
it
now and then
subside
story, as usual
such
in
literary dexterity
into elaborate
romances,
and splendour of
halts
and
do not
style
verses
but the
hobbles, and the
compensate the
The myth-world which these

simple narrative force'.
romances depict are remote indeed from nature and humanity,
loss of
but the poets never show any intention of making it appear

natural and human on the other hand, they fasten, with the
;
enthusiasm of pure
contortion of
fantastic
upon every
artists,
incident which
or
arabesque
vantage-ground, not for such
in Bana's romance, but for the
offer a
as riot
pictorial or poetic effects
hard and enamelled brilliance of traditional art and phrase. The

story, it is clear, can never thrive well in such an atmosphere ;
in
breathing the ethereal air and

feeding on the romantic nourishment but the story in the Prose
it
loses
its
native
vigour
importance as
it is
in
the
Kavya
is of as little
whose
characteristics are reflected, not with
metrical Kavya,
limpid
grace,
but
with gorgeous extravagance.
The few
later
l
Gadya-cintamani
simha,
pupil of
specimens are even less meritorious. The

of the Digambara Jaina Odeyadeva Vadiva*
Pu^pasena,
describes,
in eleven
Lambhakas,
1
Ed. T. S. Kuppusvami Sastri, Madras 1902. Since Pupasena was a pupil of Somadeva Surii author of YaSastilaka Campu the date of our author would be roughly the
t
beginning of the llth century.

1
Bee notice of the author's Ksatra-cudamani, above
p. 344,
THE CAMPU
433
legend of Satyadhara and his son Jivamdhara, culminating in the latter 's seeking peace in asceticism, the story of
course being derived, like other Jaina works on the Jivamdhara
the
from Gunabhadra's Uttara-purana. Like the Jaina

romances mentioned above, it is also a close adaptation of the
luxuriance of Banabhatta's romance four pages, for instance,
legend,
are devoted to the
Satyadhara in the approved

but the ethistyle, and nearly three pages to his queen Vijaya
cal import in this work is perhaps more predominant, and the
of
description
literary interest, in spite of tolerable rhetoric,
much
less
absorb-
Of non-Jaina works, the Vemabhupala-carita of Vamana

Bhatta Bana, purporting to celebrate the Eeddi ruler, Vemabhupala or Vlranarayana of Kondavidu (c. 1403-20 A.D.), deserves
1
ing.
only a passing mention as a deliberate
but
dreary imitation of
These hopeless compositions are enough

show the mortal collapse in which the Prose Kavya lay
Bana's Harsa-carita.
to
stricken
and
it is
not necessary to pursue
its
unprofitable history
further.
c.
The Campu
Though the term Campu
is
of obscure origin,
used by Dandin in his Kavyadarga
(i.
31) to denote
is already
a species of
it
mixed verse and prose (gadya-padyamayl). Nothing,

Kavya
however, is said by Dandin, or by any other rhetorician, about
but since the Prose
the relative proportion of verse and prose
makes
which
and
prose its exclusive
Kavya (Katha
Akhyayika),
in
been presumed
that the mingling of prose and verse in the Campu should not
In actual practice, the question, in
occur disproportionately.
medium,
also
makes limited use
the absence of authoritative
of verse,
prescription,
it
has
seems never to have
worried the authors, who employ prose and verse indifferently for
The verse is not always specially reserved, as
the same purpose.
one would expect, for an important idea, a poetic description, an

1
51
Ed. E. Krisbnamacbariar,
J843B
Sri-Vani-Vilfrsa Press, SriraDgam
1910,
434
impressive speech, a pointed moral, or a sentimental outburst,

but we find that even for ordinary narrative and description verse
much
In this respect, the

pressed into service as prose.
Campti scarcely follows a fixed principle ; and its formlessness, or
rather disregard of a strict form, shows that the Campu deve-
is
as
loped quite naturally, but haphazardly, out of the Prose Kavya

itself, the impetus being supplied by the obvious desire of diversi-
fying the prose-form freely by verse as an additional ornament

under the stress or the lure of the metrical Kavya, In the
Campu,
becomes
therefore, the verse
medium
as important
as
the prose, with the result that we find a tendency, similar to

that of the decadent drama, of verse gradually ousting prose from
Although Dandin is aware of this

type of composition, we possess no specimen of the Campu
Its late appearance, as well
earlier than the 10th century A.D.
its
legitimate employment.
as its obvious relation to the Prose

of connecting
with
genetically,
it,
Kavya, precludes
the primitive
all
mode
necessity
of verse
and prose narrative found in the Pali Jataka or in the Fable

literature, in which the verse is chiefly of a moralising or recapitulatory character, or
verse
is
the
in
inscriptional
records,
where the
evidently ornamental, or in the purely hypothetical Vedic
Xkhyana, which is alleged to have contained slender prose as the

mere connecting link of more important verse.
The Campu,
prose and poetry,
there, the large
any
special
already
Kavya.
The
of
to
subject
us
is
features
is
of
hardly
both
of
Sanskrit
an attractive
outstanding treatment here
rarely
number
characteristic
familiar
the
but the mosaic
Excepting
pattern.
shares
thus,
Campus
in
that
exist
scarcely
matter and manner which
and
shows
is
not
from the regular metrical and prose

generally drawn from legendary sources,
although in some later Campus miscellaneous subjects find a

The Campu has neither the sinewy strength and effiplace.
nor the weight and power of real

poetry
&e prose seeking to copy ex abundanti the brocaded stateliness
of the prose Katha, and the verse
reproducing the conventional
ciency of
real prose,
THE CAMPU
ornateness of the metrical
Kavya.
scope for versatility, but the
435
The form, no doubt,
Campu
a rule,
as
writer,
affords
has no
own. The history of the Carapu, therefore,

no great literary interest; and it would be enough if we
notice here some of the better known works which are in print.
original voice of his

is
of
The
earliest
known Campu appears
to be the
Nala-campu or
of Trivikrama-bhatta, whose date is inferred

Damayantl-katha
from the fact that he also composed the Nausari inscription of
the Rastrakuta king Indra III in 915 A.D. 2 The work pretends
to narrate the old epic story of Nala and Damayanti, but the
accessories and stylistic affectations of
laboured composition
and only a
The
seven Ucchvasas.
entirely overgrow the little incident that there is in
small
it,
part of the story is told in its

himself
describes his work as abounding in puns and difficult
poet
constructions, for he believes in the display of verbal complexities
after
but
the
manner
Bana and
of
wearisomely,
imitates
recondite
Subandhu, and
their
deliberately,
interminably
descriptive,
ornamented
and massively
ingeniously
has a decided talent in this direction, as well as
composition, and elegant verses from his
skill
Campu
the Anthologists; 8 but beyond this ungrudgingly

it is scarcely possible to go in the way of praise.
He
style.
in
metrical
are culled
by
made admission,
To the same century and same

4
category of artificial writing

of the Digambara Jaina Soma-
belongs the Yaastilaka-campu

prabha Suri, an extensive work in eight A^vasas 1 composed in
959 A.D. in the reign of the Rastrakuta king Krsna, under the
patronage of his feduatory, a son of the Calukya Arikesarin III.

1
Ed. Duruaprasad and Sivadatta, with the comm.
Chowkhamba
of Cij(Japala
Skt.
1885,3rd ed., Bombay 1921;
also ed.
describes himself as the son of
Nemaditya and grandson of Srldhara.
'
Series,
(c.
1230 A.D.),
Benares 1932.
NSP,
The
poet
D. B. Bbandarkar in Epi. jfnd., IX, p 28. Trivikrama also wrote Madalatd-campu

Modaka and K. N. Sane, Foona 18S2). He is quoted anonymously in Bhoja's
(ed. J. B.
Sarasvat\-kanthdbhaTanc>(parvata-bhedi pavitram, ad
9
8.
All the verses quoted in Sbhv, &P, and
E. De, PadydvaU, pp. 206-7.

4
Ed. Kedarnath and others,
Bombay
1916.
in
Pdv
iv.
are
36 = A7 aJa>cawpu,
traceable in
two parts, with the comm.
vi. 29).
the Nala-campu;
of drutasagara
Sfiri,
see
NSP>
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LIT RAT IT R El
436
YaSodhara, lord of AvantI, the machinations of his wife, his death and repeated rebirths and final
The story, based upon Ghmaconversion into the Jaina faith.
It relates the legend of
bhadra's Uttara-purana, is not new, having been the subject of

1
many a Jaina work, like the Apabhramâ Jasahara-cariu of
the Sanskrit Yaodharacarita
Pupadanta and
but
it is
mode
narrated here,
established
by
not
but
normally,
Banabhatta's
of
in
Vadiraja Suri
the embellished
;
one of
Kadambari,
distinctive features being the treatment of the motif
of
part
large
the narrative
rebirths.
indeed deals with experiences of
made
different births, but a resolution is at last

to
of
its
the
to
put an end
Jaina sage,
of a
teachings
transmigration by following
These teachings form the subject of the
Sudatta.
named
last
kind of popular manual
three Asvasas of the work, added as a
(Qpasakadhyayana or
Readings for the Devotee)

This didactic motive
explanatory of the Jaina religious texts.
and interweaving of doctrinal matter practically run through
of devotion
the
entire
makes
work,
means
which Somadeva,
like
to his religious end.
most Jaina authors,
vast array of authorities,
pedantic and poetical, for instance, is assembled in the king's

polemic against the killing of animals in sacrifice, while a
knowledge of polity is displayed in the elaborate discussion

between the king and his ministers. It cannot be denied that
Somadeva
highly learned, as well as skilled in constructing

magniloquent prose sentences and turning out an elegant mass
of descriptive and sentimental verses ; but the purely literary
is
value of his work has been
motive
religious
is
the
much
source
of .an
obtrusive and dreary to be improved by
and pellucid prosody.

These two earlier
type
of
and
later
it is
and
Campu works
not necessary to
less
meritorious
If
exaggerated.
added
his
are
his
interest,
respectable
earnest
it is
too
rhetoric
fair
specimens of the
make more than a bare mention
attempts.
The Jaina legend
Ed. P. L. Vftidya, Karafija Jaina Series, Karaftja, Berar 1931.
For an analysis
of the work, see Peterson,
of
Second Report, Bombay 1884! pp. 35-46.
43?
CAMPU
Jlvamdhara, based on the Uttara-purana, forms the subject-matter

l
of uncertain date, composed

the Jlvamdhara-campii
eleven Lambhakas by Haricandra, who is probably identical
also
of
in
with the Digambara Jaina Haricandra,
mentioned as the author

later
Hindu authors
of
Campus
of the
story,
the
sixth
already
The
Dharma-armabhyudaya.
ascribed to Bhoja, extends
the epic
of
have
are no better, their subjects being
drawn from the Epics and the
campu*
whom we
of
The Ramayana-
Puranas.
up to the Kiskindha-kanda
Yuddha-kanda being made up
Garigadhara and
Gangambika,
while some manuscripts give a seventh or Uttara-kanda by
Similarly, Anantabhatta wrote a Bharata-campu*
Venkataraja.
in
twelve Stavakas.
There are several Bhagavata-campus,*
by
son
Laksmana-bhatta,
of
by Cidambara (in three Stavakas), by Eamaand

bhadra
by Rajanatha. On the separate episodes of the
and
the
Bhagavata, there are also several Campus, but
Epics
for
instance,
they are not so well known.

large
number
of
Campus
for
The Purana myths also claimed a

instance, the Nrsimha-campu by
Keâvabhatta, son of Narayana
(in six
by Daivajna
Stavakas),
Ucchvasas), and by Samkarsana (in four Uilasas),

with
the story of Prahlad's deliverance by the Mandealing
Lion incarnation of Visnu. The Parijata-harana-campu 7 of Sesa
Surya
(in five
all
Krsna, who flourished in the second half of the 16tb century, is

with the well-known Purana legend of Krsna's
concerned
The
exploit.
1
Ed. T.
Printed
Nilakantha-vijaya-campu
of
the
South Indian
Kuppuavami Sastri, Sarasvati Vilasa Series, Tanjore 1905.

many times in India. Ed. K. P. Parab, with the comm. of Ramacandra
Budhendra, NSP, Bombay 1898. This edition contains the 6th Kancja of Lak?ma$abbatta.
Another supplement, entitled Yuddha-kanda-campu, by Rajacudamani DIksita is known
led.
S.
T. R. Ciiitamani in
3
ed. 1916).
4
*
1
IHQ, VI,
1030, pp. 629-38).
Ed. K. P. Parab, with comm. of RSmacandra Budhendra,
Very often printed
NSP, Bombay
1908
(also
in India.
See P. P. S. Sastri, Tanjore Catalogue, vii, p. 3082 f.

Ed. Hariprasad Bhagavat, Krishnaji Ganapat Press, Bombay 1909
Ed. Durgaprasada and K. P. Parab, NSP, 2nd ed., Bombay 1889, 1900.
drama Kartisa-vadha (see below).

Sankararama Saatri, Balamanorama
The author
also wrote the

T
Ed. 0.
Modaka and K. N. Sane
in
Press,
Madras
Kavyetihasa-samgraha, Poona 1882.
1924.
Also
ed.
J.
B.
458
Nllakantha Diksita was competed in 1637 A.D. on the myth of

All these are rather literary
the churning of the ocean by gods.
exercises than creative works.
The Campu form
have been popular and largely cultivated in Southern India, but nothing will be
gained by pursuing its history further than mentioning some
of composition appears to
curious developments in the hands of some later practitioners of

find that not only myths and legends were drawn
the type.
We
upon
as themes, but that the
form came
to be
widely
and con-
veniently applied to purposes of description and exposition of

various kinds.
Thus, Samarapumgava Diksita, son of Venkate6a
and Anantamma
of
Vadhula-gotra, wrote towards the third
16th
century his Yatra- (or Tlrtha-yatra-)

prabandha, describing in nine ASvasas, with plenty of interspersed verses, a pilgrimage which he undertook with his elder
the
of
quarter
brother to the holy shrines of Southern India, but incidentally

enlarging upon the stock poetic subjects of the six seasons, sunrise, sunset, erotic sports
attempt to divert the

traditional
We
parinaya of the
Campu from
This
like.
its
is
narrow
a praiseworthy
groove,
but
thwarts and
woman
poet Tirumalamba,
romantic version, in the usual mannered
who
gives a highly
an
style, of
historical
incident in the career of the Vijayanagara king Acyutaraya.

versatile
the
prevents the assertion of a

have already spoken above of Varadambika-
rhetoric
natural vein.
and the
Venkatadhvarin, son of Raghunatha
and
The
Sitamba
of
the Atreya-gotra of Conjeevaram, whose literary activity was

almost synchronous with that of Nllakantha Diksita, conceived
the idea of quickening the Campu with a mild zest for disputation and satire.
He composed a curious Campu, entitled Vi6va-
Ed. Kedarnath and V. L. Panahiktr,
NSP, Bombay
1903.
that noticed, bat vaguely described, by Eggeling, Ind. Office Cat.,

J
It
is
vii, p.
the
same work at
1533, no. 4036.
Veiikatadhvarin was a voluminous writer, and composed, among other works, the
Yadava-raghaviya mentioned above, a supplement (the Uttara-k&9<Ja) to Bboja's RdmayaQfr
campa, and several poems, plays and Stotras. Sea Ind. Culture, VI, p. 227, for other works
of this author.
THB CAMPC
439
1
guv&dara, in which two Gandharvas, Vi^vavasu and Krânu,
take a bird's-eye view of various countries from their aerial car,
the former generous in appreciation of their qualities, the latter

The device is adapted in the
censorious of their defects.
Tattva-gunadarfa* of Annayarya, which describes the comparative merits of Saivism and Vaisnavism in the form of a conversation between Jaya and Vijaya, a Saivite and a Vaisnavite
pectively.
Local legends and
festivals, or praise of
local
res-
deities
and personages also supply the inspiration of many a Campu. 8
The Vedantdcdrya-vijaya
Kavi-tarkika-simha Vedantacarya
South Indian teacher, Vedantade&ka,
the disputations held by him with Advaitins and his polemic
describes the
successes.
life of
the
The Vidvan-moda-tarahgini
jlva Bhattacarya, a
position
of
Ramacandra Cirancomparatively modern work, is a witty com-
Campu form
Krsna, which
is
occurs
sects,
essence of
But the most strange application
in
nominally a
and
of schools
of their exposition, pools together the
various beliefs and doctrines.
of
which brings together the followers
and, by means
of the
the
Mandaramaranda-campu
but
Campu
Ed. B. G. Yogi and M. G. Bakre, NSP, 5th
ed.
is
Bombay
in
fact
fi
of
regular
1923; also ed. with a comm.,
Karnatak Press, Bombay 1889.

See Descriptive Cat., Madras Oovt. Orient. Lib., xxi, p. 8223, no. 12295.
for instance, the Srinivasa-vildsa-campu of Ve6kates*a or VeAkatadhvrin (ed.
Durgaprasad and K. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1693), which describes the glory of the deity
1
As
Sri Venkates*vara of Tirupati in the highly artificial style of
B5ne6avara Vidyalamk&ra, composed

1940; Eggehng, Ind.
Office
Cat.,
in
vii,
1744 A.D.
pp.
(ed.
Subandhu; the Citra-campH of

Ramcharan Chakravarti, Benares
1543-45, no.
Vardhamana (Burdwan), Bengal, and

about the Maratba raid of Bengal of 1742.
patron, Citraiena of
tion
Madras Govt. Orient.
Descriptive Cat.
Ed. VenkateSvara Press, Bombay 1912.
edited
i,
p. 294.
He
eulogising the
author
giving quasi-historical informa-
Lib., xxi, p. 8290, no. 12365.
by Satyavrata SamaSraral, Calcutta 1881.
Poetics,
4044),
The
author's
For the
Mddhava-campft haa been

see 8. K. De, Sanskrit
author,
lived in the 1st half of the 18th century,
his
on Prosody in honour of Yaôvanta Simba, Nayeb-Dewan of Dacca

of Bengal, being dated 1731 A.D.
Vrtta-ratnavali,
under
a work
Suja-ud-daulah
Ed. Kedarnath and V. L. Panshikar, NSP, Bombay, 2nd ed., 1924. As the
it cannot be earlier than
the 17th
copies some definitions from Appayya Dlksita,
1
work
century.
The ftwa prakata co-nmentary on Mammata's Kavya-prakata
is
probably 'his.
440
on rhetoric and prosody, composed with elaborate

tions and illustrations.
treatise
As the Jaina writers made use
of
the
for
Cainpu
defini-
religious
propaganda, the Bengal Vaisnava school also did the same in

respect of their creed and belief in the Krsna-legend, of which
they presented erotico-religious pictures of great sensuous charm.
The Mukta-caritra 1 of Raghunatha-dasa, a disciple of Caitanya,
relates a short tale,
in
could be grown as a crop
which Krsna demonstrates that pearls

by sowing and watering them with
milk, but of which the real object
is
show the
to
Krsna's free love for Radha over his
But the Gopala-campu
bhama.
wedded
superiority
love
of
for Satya-
of Jiva
Gosvamin, nephew of
Rupa Gosvamin, and the Ananda-vrndavana-campu* of Paramananda-dasa-sena Kavikarnapura are much more artificial, extenand elaborate works, which describe,
sive
after
Hari-vam$a
the
and 3rimad-bhagavata, the early childhood and youth of Krsna in

a lavishly luscious and rhetorical style,
Kavikarnapura' s work
deals
with the early
huge Campu
modification
life
of
Krsna
Vrndavana
at
envisages the entire career of Krsna,

in
theology of the
the
legends
in
accordance
Bengal school, of which
it is
but Jlva's
but making
with the Vaisnava
more
of the
nature
of a Siddhanta-grantha.
Ed. Nityasvarup Brahnoacari, Devakinandan Press, Brindaban 1917, in
characters.
Bengali
* Ed.
Nityasvarup Brahmacari, in two parts (Purva and Uttara khan4as), Devakinaudan Press, Brindaban 1S04 also ed. Pasavibari Samkbyatirtba, witb conom. of Viracandra,
in two parts, Devakinandan Press, Calcutta 1908-1018, in
Bengali characters.
;
Ed. in tbe Pandit Old

t
parts,
Series, vol. ix arid x,
New
by Madhusudan Das, with comm. of ViSvaDatba
Bengali characters (incomplete),
Series, vols.
i-iii;
Ca]cravftrtin,
also published in
Hugli 1918
etc.,
in
CHAPTER
YII

GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS
1.
With Bhavabhuti practically ends the great epoch of Sanskrit

dramatic literature and begins the age of lesser achievement.
There is profusion of taient and effort, but there is no drama of
real
All kinds of so-called plays continued to
dramatic quality.
be produced in amazing abundance for several centuries, and the

number of works available today in print or in manuscript exceeds
and imitative productions,

which seek to follow dramaturgic rules slavishly, but which
but
six hundred,
reveal
sense
little
narratives,
they are
cast
of
what
inferior
drama
really
in a loose dramatic form,
is.
They
are rather
or expanded with a
and descriptive stanzas loosely strung together. Of

so little of any kind is retained by the
general memory that, considering their poor quality, we can
series of lyric
the large bulk of these,
hardly say that they are consigned to any exceptional oblivion.

Here and there individual manner and method are perceptible,
and a few names are
still
cherished
but the seeds of decadence,
which we already find in Bhatta Narayana and Bhavabhuti,

come into full and luxuriant bloom. The drama now shows no
uneasiness in abjectly surrendering
and,
in
course
a play and a
On
of time,
it
itself to
becomes
the poetical
a curious
Kavya
hybrid between
poem.
drama which
not literature but stagecraft, the Sanskrit dramatists, as a rule, never made a strong
But if earlier dramatists did not reach the highest level
appeal.
as
that side of the
constructors
of
plot,
inventors
of
is
incident,
or
creators of
dramatic
effect, their successors never attained, nor did they care
to attain,
any
level at all.
The
disproportion between the acting
442
and the
value
literary
of
drama
increases, until the literary
motive overshadows everything. It is true that there never existed

in Saoskrit any real distinction between the literary drama, which
may
be acted
but
not
with real acting success, and the acting
drama, which abandons all pretension to literature and succeeds

only on the stage it is also true that the necessity never ceased
;
of appealing to the
highly cultivated audience of the royal court
and polished society, and there existed the wide-spread influence

and continual temptation of narrative and lyric matter, detrimental to action and characterisation
sense of earlier writers was
a distinct cleavage between
popular, the tendency

for artificial
but the inherent dramatic
never entirely eclipsed by the general
demand for purely literary effect.

The root of the trouble lay in
as dramatic enthusiasm
the fact that there was always
drama and
Had
subsided.
and the gulf widened

the theatre been more
life,
and simplicity and to strain

would have been counteracted.
to reject reality
and recondite
result
But from the beginning the authors,
as a rule, were dramatists of
exclusive society, dealing preferably with kings and courts, ego et

rexmeus; and it is very seldom that they came down from their
pedestal.
The common
antithesis of facile criticism
made
bet ween
a poet of the people and one of the court is idle in this case, for the
s
iraple reason that there was hardly any real poet of the people.
can seldom take away from the dramatist the courtly atmosphere
We
and the sham heroes and heroines with their conventional twaddle.
But the
earlier
produce
real
masters,
inspite
this
limitation,
could
still
they were not entirely indifferent

If they were inclined to the
or drama.
dramatic interest
to the realities of life
of
with a higher poetic naturalness ; and in this sense, there was no lack of vigour and variety ^
no complete divorce between the poetical drama and real life.
poetic, they could invest their plays
Their successors continued to
work with the same
traditional
There was as yet no strict limitation of form, and the

immense fund of legends, as well as the unlimited diversity of
material.
life,
was open
to
them
but out of respect for texts and traditions,

or
out of
preferred to
fictitious
443
contempt for the real life surrounding them, they

draw upon the same epic and legendary cycles cir
amourettes of court-life, with a more conscious inclina-
tion towards poetic extravagances and
greater lack of dramatic!
power and originality. The taste for elegancies in language and

sentiment are indeed not absent in the earlier masterpieces. It
appears to have spread down and diffused itself among the
common
and there
people,
is
no hint that the demand for
exuberant graces and refinements of poetry in dramatic composition was not almost universal.
Even middle-class life is presented by Bhavabhuti in an apparently excessive
and the
fact that in later
times,
samhara were preferred

raksasa, is
erotic
of
typical
drama alone
the Mrcchakatika
to
and the Mudra-
The
this traditional attitude.
life
heroic and
with the thinnest surplus of plays of
survived,
Common
other kinds.
poetic atmosphere
Ratndvall and the Veni-
the
was
left to inferior
talents,
and their
productions were allowed to pass, in course of time, to neglect
and oblivion
The scanty remains
the earlier
of
sweeping conclusion, but
drama do not
justify any
seems that there was^ as we have
it
already pointed x out, hardly any living tradition for all the eighteen
forms of the drama recognised in dramaturgic treatises. If some
writers of later times,
plays,
they were
like* Vatsaraja,
formulas.
historical
to
less,
lifeless
produce
As such, they
plays in accordance with fixed
are literary
This slavish
specimens.
prescriptionsj
what was widely in vogue,

pedantry and book-learning, which
not following
but displaying, more or
prompted them
attempted rarer types of
curiosities,
is also
useless
as
adherence to dramaturgic
which gradually becomes
decadent drama,
but
a general feature of the
found in the normally accepted heroic aud
erotic plays, as well as in these laboriously constructed specimens,
and
illustrates
the
more
practice.
Although based
tended to
enforce
fixed
pronounced influence of theory on
upon empirical analysis, the theory

and methods, and never proved
rules
advantageous to a free development
of practice.
In a period
444
which inspiration was replaced by erudition,

and authority,
it
hold
naturally came to have a
greater
and the plays became too deliberately bound to precedent to
of decadence, in
be
any extent.
to
original
some irregular
If
types, like the
Mahanataka and Gapala-keli-candrika, were evolved, they came

into existence through other causes, not in accordance with the
theory but in spite of
receded
a rigid, but insipid,
One
life
is
general result was that the
real
life,
of the disastrous results of this isolation
seen
the
in
language of
drama
and became nothing more than

exercise in literary skill and ingenuity.
from
entirely
The
it.
life.
wide separation
Since drama is not
of
of
drama from
language from the
its
life,
the
language of
drama, like that of poetry, has doubtless its own ways of expression, and neither Kalidasa nor Shakespeare ever wrote in the
common
vated
language of his
may
it
to lose its
its
be, neither the
however
but,
drama nor
its
The
language.
The
convincing.
Prakrit
all
touch with
distinction
dialects
those
and laboured diction
stilted
life,
and
refined
ele-
language can afford
semblance of colour and vividness to
Sanskrit drama, losing
of
time;
of
of
life
the
or
later
becomes wholly un-
class implied in the distinction
of
becomes now
a meaningless
and may be neglected, especially in view
convention,
of the fact that
use
its
Kajagekhara's tour de farce) becomes more artificial

(in spite
and sparing than what we find, for instance, in Bhavabhuti,
who never employs Prakrit in verse, and in Bhatta Narayana,
of
who never
uses
more forms
of Prakrits than
he
can
The
help.
however, significant that in this decadent drama Prakrit

inferior position,
is merely suffered to exist or relegated to an
its
with
learned
becomes
the normal,
and Sanskrit,
possibilities,
fact
is,
but not natural, medium.
On
dramatic Prakrits in
Strassburg 1900, sections
and
fnfcrod; to his ed. of
6f,
In some works, like the Mahanataka,
general,
see
22-26, 28-30; Sten
Ktrpuramaftjati
Pischel,
Kooow
Hultzach in
braudt in Gttttingische gelehrte Anzeigtrt 1908,

t
p.
99f
Grammatik der Prakrit-sprachen,
JRAS, 1901, p. 829 f, 1922, p. 434 f.

ZDMG, LXVI, 1912, p. 709 f HUleManmchrn Ghosb, introd. to bis ed.
in

Prakrit
is
absent.
entirely
If
Sanskrit
445
was more
it
difficult,
was richer and more accommodating to stylistic extravagances

if it
was learned, it suited the learned atmosphere
it also
;
purpose of composing those lyric, narrative and

stanzas
which came to predominate and oust the prose,
reflective
the
served
in a greater degree, -from its legitimate place, or to

its
make
sonorous length and excess of heavy compounds,
to the established
It
is
method
the
that
clear
atmosphere, the
of verse.
with
approximate
whole cast
stereotyped
it,
of
conventions
thought and style, the

and limited themes,
and the highly poetical and affected diction become unfavourable,

and almost fatal, to the writing of such plays as would be at
once
poetical
seem quite
to
and practical. The dramatists themselves do not

know whether they are composing a play or a
producing the right kind of either. For

the prevailing heroic and erotic drama, poetry is, to some extent,
necessary, but the poetry here is of the artificial kind the
poem
nor are they
heroic
the
The
namby-pamby.
of
eyes
maidens
as
us
leaves
thing
and the
pseudo-heroic
poetic
which
frenzy,
compendious oceans,
capable of uprooting the
but
the
into
degenerates
cold.
Himalayas,
is
delightfully
The dramatist has
the verses have often the
describes
arms
or
verses
fascination
erotic into
the
men
of
as
hyperbolic,
enough
for any-
sonorous sound
of
and sentimental sense, but their profusion and extravagance

become undramatic and tiresome sometimes they have resonance,
;
and being mechanically multiplied with set

phrases and conceits, they have little originality in idea and
The prose and the dialogue are thereby reduced
expression.
to a minimum ; and the little that remains of them loses all
but no melody
dramatic quality,
for
reason
the simple
in
is
verse.
panorama
is
enough.
The
plot
is
everything
of
In the leisurely progress of
expressed
importance
the exuberant stanzas, the action is leit
dramatic propriety, unity, or motive
of pictures or a loosely
that
to
take
is
of
care of
little
itself
concern;
connected series of incidents
even of less concern
it is
unredeemed
446
HISTORY
OJ<
SANSKRIT LITERATURE
by variety of presentation, and offers,

same set of incidents and situations it
;
in
is
The conventionally
play,
the
never hurried, nor does
the dramatist expect us to follow it with

All this inevitably affects characterisation
sentiment.
after
play
breathless
interest.
and delineation
fixed types of character
only dim figures shadowed
of
become
mist of luxuriant
through a vague
There
are
beautiful
ladies, but their tender and fragile
poetry.
portraits combiner in the memory into one delicate type which
stands practically for all ; they are discriminated by names, but
Virtues are idealised with an absurd neglect
not by character.
of
proportion
but
the vicious persons are only harmless devils
whose passion can run as high

allows.
There is a vast amount
to
be pathetic scenes,
but
as
the
manner
in what
stiff
of distress
of
tirades
are
meant
we read them comfortably without
undue emotion, unless the sham-tragic lingo becomes

The extreme rarity and, when they
too much for our patience.
tears or
comic or pseudo-comic parts

the decadent drama are on a par with this diffused and
occur, the utter worthlessness

of
rhetorical pathos, as well as
passion of
The
its
of
with the huffiness and extravagant
impossible stage-heroes.
humour explains and
is explained by the lack of

from
lack
a
of
grasp on the essentials of
pathos, and both spring
human nature. These sentimentally idealised writings hardly
show any sense of the stress and contradiction from which both
lack of
tragedy and comedy arise.

regular
no
ter
there
is
no shadow
shade of good
attitude
is
ethically clear
and
moral complexity, as well as

the inherent inconsistencies of human charac-
no situation of
appreciation of
;
The
of tragic error qualifies

is
heroic
grandeur,
allowed to redeem foulness.
quently neither really
tragic
heroes,
nor
really
We
as
no
have conse-
lively
rogues.
As humour degenerates into coarse and boisterous laughter, by

tragedy is understood, characteristically enough, a mere misfortune, a simple decline from good to evil hap, the nodus of which
can be dissolved in sentiment or cut away by the force of
merciful circumstances.
Even
when
the
hero undergoes real

and grievous affliction, all obstacles and
him, and the poignancy of the tragedy
mity never
which he
at
away before
The calais warded off.
comes home, but becomes the means of
rightly
sentimental effusion
and the hero
The foreshadowing
Bhavabhuti, but
never brought to
is
it
who
becomes a
to
There
farcical sketches.
and oddities
of
life,
is
to puerile
If
of
and
confined
is
to equally insignificant
no breath of sympathy
no amused allowance for
for the
its
follies
ugliness and
more widely and
wisely,
which consequently descends
tear in laughter,
and tasteless vulgarity.
drama
is
human
the transference of
action
these works are not dramas, and very few of

as
in
decadent
the
The comedy
rascality, no inclination to look at life
and no sense
point
Lear in their
and they betray an equally un-
characters
insignificant
the
we have seen
this
all
definite posture with
him
succeed
of
humorous and inelastic disposition.

chiefly
perils give
utters the agonised cry of Oedipus or
last straits.
playwrights
447
Even considered
them
on
the stage,
are
acceptable
poems, their real value is

It has been suggested
pedantry.
stage-plays.
as
obscured by convention and

that the natural progress of the dramatic art was obstructed and
disordered, from this period
of
Muhammadan
upon
consequent
partially
onwards, by the depressing effect

invasion and by the turmoil and uncertainty
it.
The
true.
undoubtedly reacted
which
is
necessarily
cannot be
the
entire
As
in
poetry,
dislocation
on
of
literature,
meant
so in
social
drama, this is only

and political order
especially
on the drama,
to be closer to actual life
explanation.
The decadence,
but this
in the case
drama, is neither an isolated phenomenon, nor is it

brought about directly and immediately by the foreign invasion.
The process was wide-spread; it is seen in poetry, as well as in
of
the
and sciences, which produce nothing striking

the 9th or the 10th century, but concern themselves with
the various
after
the
barren
arts
refinements of
commenced widely even

became an actual fact, The drama
already
The
scholasticism.
before
Jost
the
all
decline
had
foreign occupation
contact
with
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITBRATURB!
448
and became an abstract thing of fancy, not as a consequence
life
of
of
but because the really creative period

Sanskrit literature in almost all its aspects closed with the
external disturbances,
10th century. The period ended with the standardisation of

the forms and methods of the dramatic, as well as the poetic,
much was produced thereafter, there was

merit.
The standard patterns were already there,
and though
art;
nothing of real
and with a fund
words and ideas, it was not

difficult for the proverbial prolixity of bad writers to turn out
poems and dramas in vast number. But the vein of originality
of
ready-made
and the foreign incursion never brought

train any vigorous dramatic literature which might have
had exhausted
in its
the
furnished
itself,
much needed impetus towards
a revival.
The
foreign occupation, therefore, which was necessarily a slow and

diffused process, could not save it from stagnation, and perhaps
hastened the decline, but it was never responsible for a state
of things which had commenced, independently and mu^h bafore-
hand, from causes inherent in the literature
The
itself.
history of the Sanskrit
drama, therefore, does not close

with the 10th century, but it loses genuine interest thereafter.
There is no breach of continuity, and the general scheme of the
various kinds of plays is so stereotyped that monotony inevitably
results from the unvaried sameness, not only of form, manner
and method, but also of incident, sentiment and characterisation.

The drama becomes an uninspired and uninspiring record,
which seldom
uniformity
drama
is
gained,
or
by
of
rises
above the dead
The
characteristics.
neither good
therefore,
drama nor good
by pursuing
a bare recital of names,
its
level
of
literature
poetry.
convention
which
and
calls itself
Nothing
will
be
unprofitable history in detail,
which might have an antiquarian
We
have to reckon, in such cases,

but no literary importance.
brilliant flashes, but even these become rare.
Some of the
writers,
like
Murari,
Rajagekhara,
K?emlgvara
and
Krsna-
have enjoyed traditional reputation, but the validity of

raises showered
upon them is not justified by actual
reading,
449
MURIRl AND RIJASBKHARA
They
are poets
born, nor
is
who
manner
try the stage, but they are never to the
their gift of
high and arresting.
poetry
Notwith-
worthy and strenuous effort, they are not only chronologically behind (which was in itself a misfortune rather than a
blessing), but recede as much from the first row of the dramatists
standing
as they fall back in point of time.
drama
so completely represent the
eharacleristics so rigidly that,
would be hardly necessary

countless successors,
and
beaten track
poetry
may
tells
his date
loosely
earliest
the
of
ability
those
detail
to
swerve from the
anything of which Sanskrit drama or
to
Murari's solitary play, named Anargha-
Vardhamanka of Maudgalya
we know nothing of him,
Beyond
conjectural. Most probably he knew Bhavablmti's
is
this
utilised,
author,
which he appears
to
have
occurs
therefore,
in
to
the
It
would not be
at the
end of the 9th
Daa-rupaka*
Murari
place
the beginning of the 10th century.

with a passage of the Srikantha-carita
This date accords well

(xxv.
74),
Mankhaka mentions and apparently makes him

1
Ed. Premchandra Tarkavagis, Calcutta 1860
with the commentary of Rucipati, NSP, Bombay 1894.
ed.
Prologue verses 6
and
7,
in
which
a predecessor
Durgaprasad and K. P. Parab,
alleged citation of the prose passage of Uttara*carita between

,
The
name
motif of Malyavat's conspiracy.

the Anargha-raghava, without the
from
prose passage of Anargha*
borrowed,
the
or
The
their
us that he was son of
citation
unjustifiable,
of
it
MURARI AND RAJAÊKHARA
Mahavira-carita* from
but
up
little
Gotra and Tantumati.
and
considering their works,
be legitimately proud.
The Prologue
raghavdy
take
who have
2.
after
to
produce
These four writers, however,

and fix the general
in its decline
vi.
made out by Sten Konow
30
and^pl
in
the
(p. 83), is illusory,
resemblance is uncertain.
Da&a-rupaka ad ii. 1 (r&ma r&ma)Ânargha* iii. 21. The fact that the verse occurs
in the MoJwnafafra, which is notorious for its appropriation of verses from most Rama-
for the verbal

8
dramas, does not invalidate the
position.
450
of
The seventh
Raja&khara.
japid
of
description
Murari's drama gives a

well-known places, like Ujjayim,
various
act
of
Varanasi, Kailasa, Prayaga, Tamraparni on the sea,
Gauda, Pancavaî, Kundina
in
Mabarastra,
Campa
and Kaficl
in
in
the
Dravida country
of Mahi?mat! as the
; but the singular mention
seat of the Kalcuris in the Cedi-mandala is curious, and perhaps
suggests that* the poet lived under the patronage of some king
of that dynasty.
The Anargha-raghava dramatises the traditional narrative

Ramayana, with very slight modification, in seven acts.
In a somewhat lengthy Prologue 8 the author justifies the choice
of a banal theme, and explains how the splendid subject really
deserves the epithet Anargha, his own object being to relieve his
audience, who had enough of horror, terror and disgust, with an
The smooth, even
elevated, heroic and charming composition.
of
the
and excessively poetical, tenour of his writing perhaps bears out

this claim and supports his own arrogation of the style of Balabut neither his choice of topic, which has been already
Valmiki
;
so
forcibly
presented by Bhavabhuti,
nor his undramatic and
extravagant treatment, which is tediously prolonged, justifies the

4
poet's confidence and the enthusiastic estimate of his admirers.
in
ia
The
supposition that Batnakara refers
not at
all
Murari
to
Murari in the middle of the 9th century
Hara-vijaya (xxxviii. 68) cannot be supported, as the reference

clear. See Bhattanatba Svamin in I A, XLI, 1912, p. 141 and Sten Eoncw, loc. cit.
a punning passage
is
of his
also mentioned
by Ramacandra, a pupil
of
Hemacandra
(1st half of the 12th
Natya-darpana (p 193) and his Kaumudi-mitrdnanda (Prologue) but the

of
Hultzsch
(ZDMG, LXXVI, 1921, p. 63) that Ramacandra was Muiari's
supposition
borne
out by the terms of the reference.
not
is
contemporary
century)
in his
The
Sfitradbara calls himself MadhyadesTya.
at the precession (Yfttra)

of
of
Purusottaroa
We
are told that the
this cannot, in the
w(rk was presented
absence cf historical knowledge
the time of constiuction of the Jsgannatha temple at Puri, refer to that deity in particular.
There
is
no satisfactory evidence also for the late Bengal tradition which takes Murari as the
progenitor^ a class of Bengali Brahmans.

3
The
prolixity of
some of the
chief decadent dramatists
boastful Prologues, in which they appear
to
vie with one
is
another.
seen in the length of their
Murari
is
moderate in
having only 13 stanzas, but R&jas'ekbara (in bis Bdla-r5miydna) has 20 and Jayadeva 28.
4
The popularity of Murari's play is attested not only by the citation of anthologists
bat also by the existence of a large number of commentaries on his work,
ktJRIRI
4l)l
After some poetic, but hyperbolic, compliments exchanged

between Daâratha and Vigvamitra, the first act of the drama
ends with
the
departure of
long act,
recital of
means
sighs
Rama
and lamentations
to the
of
the
former
at the
The second
hermitage of Vigvamitra.
containing more than eighty stanzas, opens with the

the history of Valin, Ravana, Hanumat and Tataka by
of a lengthy prose conversation,
with verse,
interspersed
between two pupils of Vivamitra. This is followed by the

appearance of Rama and Laksmana and description by them, in
a series
of
verses,
of
the
hermitage,
doings, as well as of the heat of
occupants and their

which, with a singular
its
midday,
brings us to the evening,
disregard of time,
to a
description of
sunset, to the approach
of
Tataka announced behind the scenes,
Rama's
to
kill
reluctant
exit
her,
a description
of
the
fight
by Lakgmaija who stays behind on the stage, and Rama's

The end of the
return to describe the moonrise in his turn.
comes with Vi^vamitra's suggestion of a visit to

Mithila, which of course involves a description of the city and
In the third and fourth acts, the motif of Ravana's
its ruler.
glorious day
feud and Malyavat's strategy is feebly borrowed from Bbavabhuti,

but not developed as the basis of dramatic action or unity, to
the necessity
But he
of
scatters
which Murari seems
to be utterly
indifferent.
more than sixty sonorous stanzas in

and spends all his strength on them. The
liberally
each of these acts,
Ravana's messenger and his discomfiture at Slta's

Svayamvara, and the subsequent device of Surpanakha's disguise
arrival of
as
Manthara, are elaborated, imitatively but without dramatic skill*

of defiances (again after Bhava-
Then we have grandiose exchange

bhuti) between
and insulting,
Rama
and Paraûrama. Though equally boastful

Paragurama, however, is not connected with the
by Malyavat's instigation, and Rama is not as impolite as his

friends, who carry on the campaign of vituperation from a safe
In the fifth act, most of Rama's
distance behind the scenes.
plot
doings in the forest, as well as Sita's abduction, is reported,

Rataa appears on the stage lamenting. Valin is made
till
to
452
fiisTORt OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE
challenge him to a fight on a somewhat frivolous excuse; and

Valin's death and Sugrlva's coronation are again described
secondhand. In the next long act, in which the number of
is well over eighty, all the incidents from the building
the bridge over the ocean to the death of Eavana
are
described
on
or
the
voices
by persons
similarly
stage
by
from behind the scenes. But the longest and most actionless
stanzas
of
act
his
act
the
is
which the
in
last,
aerial
journey of
Eama
and
party to Ayodhya is modelled on Raghu xiii and the last

of the Vulgate text of the Mahavlra-carita; but the route is
number
not only spread over a large
considerably diversified, deliberately for

stanzas,
by
transporting
a
including
it
of
sight
the
to
but also
of terrestrial places,
the
the
purpose of
celestial
regions^
Mount Meru, Kailasa
poetical
and by
and the
world of the anon, the poet surpassing himself in this enormous

act by composing more than one hundred and fifty stanzas.
be
It will
work which
seen
calls
subordinated to
there
that
itself
metrical
incredibly
drama,
description
almost
little
action in a
everything
being
and declamation, and the
incidents
epic succession of
being panoramically reproduced by

the slightest attempt to convert the whole
these means, without

into a drama.
As mouthpieces
in
the play are well
characters
is
chiefly of narration or verse, the
known and
fixed types.
There
scanty prose dialogues, which are meant

mostly to furnish information, while the poetical dialogues are
merely long-drawn-out series of descriptive or sentimental
interest in the
is little
monologues; both are hopelessly deficient in dramatic quality and

The pathos and passion are consequently diffused and
effect.
rhetorical.
The designedly profuse and extravagant
description and declamation

exercise
in
of course, excuses for elaborate
composition; but reckoning by the poetical

which make a total of nearly five hundred and
ornate
stanzas alone,
forty,
are,
volleys of
the work
is
more than double the
size of the Malatl-
ntadhava, as well as of the lIMaTa-rama-cartta, which, lengthy as

they are, contain two hundred and thirty-four and two
hundred
453
HAJAÊKHARA
fifty-five
One wonders why the author did
stanzas respectively.
not attempt writing
was
poem
regular
instead.
Perhaps
the
by the steady and disproportionate

development of the reflective, narrative and sentimental aspect
of the drama, of which we see the beginnings already in Bhatta
distinction
obliterated
Narayana and Bhavabhuti.
We
should
like
to
remember Murari more

harmonious
capable of turning out

dramatist in the proper sense.
poet,
as an elegant
than
verses,
as
But even in his poetry we see

of
the
the
last
ashes, and not the bright gleam of the
only
glow
older flame of poetry.
While everything he writes is facile and
He has a fine gift

never ungraceful, he does nothing first-rate.
of sonorous words, of pretty but strained conceits and of smooth
and melodious
merely of all
versification
these,
In neither sound
but
since poetry does not consist
Murari does not rank high even as a poet.
he possess the finer touch

of imagination and suggest! veness; his sentiment has tenderness,
but no strangeness, nor always strict tragic quality.
The splendid rhetoric
of
enthusiasm of
nor
some
does
sense
of
his
his admirers
passages almost excuses the
best
for
style
and treatment
glaring poetic and dramatic inadequacy; but

and does not thrill, being very seldom rhetoric
it
full of
only pleases,
of the best kind,
Murari appears to have imitated Bhavabhuti, but he borrows

and looseness without
Bhavabhuti' s prolix
sentimentality
and dramatic sense
and he does not
profiting by his vigour
;
also
possess
the
much
higher
poetic
gift
of his great prede-
cessor.
If
Murari
is
is
typical
of the decadent Sanskrit
perhaps more
so
dramatists^
and some account of his works
RajaSekhara
would be profitable for understanding the trend, method and
treatment of the dramatic writings of this period of decline.
;
and SllavatI, is never

Rajagekhara, son of Darduka (or Duhika)
too modest to spe&kôf himself ; and from his works we know a
his family, his patrons and his career as a
great deal about him,
1
He belonged to the Yayavara family, in which were
poet.
454
JglSTORY
Otf
SANSKRIT LITERATtfRti
born poets and scholars like Surananda, Tarala, Kaviraja and

Akalajalada, the last-named person, famed in the Anthologies,
His ancestors lived in Mahara?tra,

being his great-grandfather.
but he himself must have spent much of bis life in the midland
king Mahendrapala and his
son Mahipala of Mahodaya (Kanauj), and later on as a prot6g6 of
Yuvaraja, who has been identified with Yuvaraja I Keyuravarsa,
the
as
preceptor
(Upadhyaya)
the Kalacuri ruler of
Tripurl.
of
The
poet's
wife, Avantisundarl,
Cahuan family, whom he

Kavya-mimamsa and for whose
quotes with respect
But since marriage
pleasure his Karpuramafijan was composed.
beneath one's own caste is not forbidden for a Brahman, the
was an accomplished Ksatriya lady
in
fact
On
of
his
need not imply that Rajaêkhara himself was a Ksatriya.

the other hand, his Ksatriya descent is not negatived by his
compatible position as an Upadhyaya, or by that of bis

That
father as the Mahamantrin of some unnamed king.
quite
Rajaêkhara was a man of multifarious learning admits of little

and he appears to have composed a large number of
doubt
In his Bala-ramayana (1.2) he describes himself as
works.
;
Bala-kavi and author already of six works, while in his Karpuramanjarl, the style of Bala-kavi is repeated with the addition
proud title of Kaviraja, which be himself considers to be

If he began his career as a
higher than that of a Mahakavi.
Bala-kavi, apparently given to him from the word Bala occurring
of the
in
his
two epic
productions;
plays,
the
but
then these are presumably

question
whether
his
his
early
Karpura-
manjarl or his Viddha-talabhafijika was the last is difficult to

2
Of his six earlier works mentioned in the Baladetermine.
For a detailed account of Raja&khara's life and times, see V. 8. Apte, Rajasekhara
Hi* L,i^ <d Writings, Poona 1896; F. Kielhorn in El, I, pp. 162-179 and J. F. Fleet in I A,
XVI, pp. 175-78 Sten Konow'g ed. of Karpuramafljari, pp. 177-86 Manomohan Ghosh's ed. of
i
the
same
3
play, pp. Ixv-lxxii
S.
The chronological order
Konow and Qbosb

1984, p. 359
f.
cited above,
of
i,
pp.*12228.
Raja&khara's plays is uncertain. See, besides Sten

in Pathak Commemoration Volume, Poona
V. V. Mirasbi
455
RIJA&SKHARA
,
Hemacandra
by
335 comm.) and Ujjvaladatta (ad ii. 28),

been one.
Besides his four plays, he also wrote a
have
may
general
Hara-vilasa, a Kavya, mentioned and quoted
the lost
work
(p.
on poets and
of miscellaneous information
named Kavya-mimamsa,
another
work
general
geography.
of
which
in
From
poetry,
reference
to
for information
on
is
Bhuvana-koa,
called
his,
there
Mahendra-
his explicit references to
Mahipala and Yuvaraja, his date has been fixed with some
certainty at the last quarter of the 9th and the first quarter of
pala,
the 10th century.

latest writers
This date
is
the fact
supported by
quoted by Rajaêkhara are the
kara and Anandavardhana, both of
whom
the
that
Kashrnirian Ratna-
middle
the
belong to
9th century, while the earliest writer to mention Rajagekhara appears to be the Jaina Somadeva, whose Yafastilaka is
of
the
dated in 960
In
his
A J). 2
8
Bala-ramayana
acts the entire story of the
Rajaêkhara perpetrates,
monstrosity" of
appalling
which
Eamayana up
to
to
Rama's
coronation,
and execution, an
a so-called drama.
Like Murari, he
both by
makes the mistake not only

less
dramatises in ten
loosely
bulk
its
of choosing, with little poetic
dramatic power, a banal epic theme, but also of attempting

4
in scattering, through its entire
outdo his predecessors
length, the debris of a too fertile talent, which, in the
unending quantities
is
of descriptive
and sentimental
On
Rajas*ekbara's plays are also cited anonymously
this work, see S.
mentioned
81-92)
in
the
are
of
Udayasundari-katha
Most of the Anthology
(990 A.D.).
pp.
and
traceable in
untraced memorial verses
p.
125
f.
ii,
p.
verses,
366
come
f.
the Da6a-rupa1ca t and Ra;a6ekh-ra
Soddhala, composed
ascribed
verses
i,
shape of
about
same time
the
RajaSekhara (see Thomas, Kv$,

The
his fourplayp, but a large number remains untraced.
on Sanskrit poets
(in
to
Sukti-muktavali)
may
or
may
not
belong
to him.
8
1868-69)
4
Ed. Gcw'ndadev
;
ed.
Saatri,
Benares 1869 (reprinted from the Pandit
Jivanacda Vidyasagar, Calcutta 1684.
Indebtedness to Bhavabhuti
of imitation
has
been
is
shown by Apte,
But
a good edition is
expressly acknowledged,
op.
cit., p.
Old Series,
still
iii,
desirable.
aud unmistakable evidence
37 f; but tht re can be
little
doubt that
456
to
up
Even the
seven hundred and eighty.
which contains, with its twenty stanzas, a voluble
of
total
nearly
Prologue itself,
account of himself and his indiscernible
dimension of an
to the
reaches
merits,
act, while each of the ten acts,
almost
averaging
more than seventy verses and once running up to one hundred,

has almost the bulk of a small drama
It has been calculated
!
more than two hundred stanzas
that
vikridita metre and about ninety in the

It
wonder how
is
are in the long Sardulastill
longer Sragdhara.
play could have been
such an enormous
brought on the stage but the author takes an evident pride in

for whatever
its bulk (i. 12), and recommends it for reading,
;
be found in
merit
may
some
variation
for Sita the
is
In the construction of
its diction.
plot,
shown by making Havana's misdirected passion
prime cause of his feud, the feud

but
ceived,
not
motif.
This substitution,
originally
itself
as
after
Bhavabhuti,
however, of love and
being conthe central
longing for
Havana, with his
mock-heroic ferocity is hardly an improvement.

amorousness and his disappointed hope, becomes more ludicrous
than impressive, and it is not surprising that Paraûrama, instead
of lending
him
Malyavat
is
assistance, insults
also
repeated
The diplomacy
him openly.
from
Bhavabhuti with some
of
slight
bringing about the banishment

of Rama by Manthara and the demons in the disguise of Kaikeyi
1
The contrivance of a play within a play is also
and Daâratha.
variation, such
as, the device of
borrowed in act
iii
from Harsa and Bhavabhuti.
away with hopeless creve-cceur

of actors
which
visits
and
for his
his palace enacts,
Havana pines
amusement a troupe
by happy or unhappy
chance, a miniature play on the betrothal of Sita to Rama the

realism of the scene infuriates Havana, and the play is interrupted.
The scene is not ineffectively conceived but the motif is farcically
;
repeated by a second cruder effort, in act v,
This device of tricking by disguise
partnaya of Ramabhadra,
and Tntaka appear

fusion arises
is
in disguise as
Rama, Laksjuana,
results in a
amuse Havana by
carried to its ludicrous
Diksjta (17tb century), in which
when they meet and
to
excess in the
Janaki-
R&vana, Parana, Vidyujjihva
Vis*vamitra and Sita, so that
cheap comedy of errors
a con*
457
RIJAÊKHARA
moans
inside
up as Sita, with speaking parrots

however, seems to have pleased the author, for
of marionettes dressed
The
idea,
he again utilises the head of a similar speaking marionette, representing the severed head of Slta, as a part of Malyavat's strategem to frighten the enemies. Havana's Viraha, in which, he
demands tidings
seasons,
and
streams
birds,
is
as
tedious.
is
it
The
obviously
Pururavas's madness in the V.ikramorvalya

sary
from nature, the
of his beloved in furor poeticus
is
but
it is
imitation of
as unneces-
thereafter drags on with
narrative
a profusion of description, and there
faint
action
little
throughout.
describes, after Murari, in nearly a
In the
last act, Rajaêkhara

hundred stanzas, the aerial tour of
Rama
includes a visit also to the world of the
and his party, which
moon.
1
Rajaekhara's second epic play, the Bala-bharata, which is
called Pracanda-pandava (i.8), was probably projected, on the
also
companion Nataka on the MahaOf the

bharata story but, mercifully, it is left incomplete.
two acts which remain, the first describes the Svayamvara of
same
and
scale
plan,
to be a
Drauparii
ment
the
the second deals with
gambling scene, ill-treatthe Pandavas to the forest
Draupadi and departure of

there is
but, with the exception of a few well turned verses,
nothing remarkable in the fragment.
The two remaining plays are smaller works in four acts,
of
and resemble each other in form and substance. The firsV

Sattaka (i.6), and the second,
is called a
Karpuramanjari*
Viddha-Salabharijika,* a
Natika
but
the
distinction
does
not
the two types, except that the

appear to be substantial between
Bombay
'
Ed.
C.
Cappeller,
ed.
Durgaprasad and K. P. Parab,
NSP*
1887 (included in their ed. of Karpura*, see below).

of Vasudeva, NSP,
Ed. Durgaprasad and K. P. Parab, with comm. (incomplete)
trs. and notes by
with
Eng.
; ed. Sten Konow,
contains
Bala-bharata)
1887 (also
Bombay
Lanman, Harvard
C. R.
Calcutta Uuiv., 1939.

3
Straasburg, 1885
Cambridge Mass., 1901; ed. Manomohan Ghosh,

Also ed. in the Pandit, Old Series, vii (1872-73).
in the Pandit, Old Series, vi-vii (1871.73) ; ed. B. R. Arte, with
Orient.
Ser
Ed. Vamanaobarya
Poona 1886; Eng.
comm, of N&rayana Dlksita (18th century),

XXVII, 1906, pp. 1-71. A critical edition of
this
work
is
trs.
desirable,
by L. H. Gray in JAOS,
458
former
written entirely in Prakrit.
is
The theme
in
both the
the traditional amorous intrigue of court-life; but the flat

rehandling would have made the plays insignificant had there
plays
is
song, dance, poetry and sentiment, even

There is an
affected and the sentiment puny.
not been
is
novelty
of
in
some
scattered scenes
Harm's Ratnavall
is
if
the poetry
attempt
at
and incidents, but the influence
unmistakable.
The
influence, however,
has not proved advantageous ; for, being weakly imitative, the
treatment lacks vividness and coherence, the plot is poorly
managed, and the characterisation is distinctly feeble. In the
we have
the conventional story of king Candabut

extremely sentimental, amour with a
pala's light-hearted,
status, the machinations of the
lovely maiden of unknown
Karpuramafljari,
"Vidusaka and the maiden's girl-friend to bring about the meeting

of the lovers who pine helplessly for each other, the jealousy
queen and the heroine's imprisonment, the final union

and the queen's acceptance of the situation with the discovery
that the heroine is a princess and her cousin and that marriage
of the
with her
would lead
sovereignty.
to her
The important
husband's attainment of paramount

variations are that there
is
no
plot-
ting minister behind the scheme, that the heroine is brought

on the scene and into the palace by the Tantric powers of the
queen's
spiritual
guide,
Bhairavananda,
that the king's access
imprisoned girl is secured by making a subterranean

passage, that another such passage is made enabling the prisoner
to play an amusing, but silly, game of hide-and-seek with the
to the
queen, and that the queen
is
made
to consent to the union
hardly worthy trick played on her by her

Snanda.
The author himself
states that
the only
own
difference
is
by a
preceptor Bhairav-
that the connecting
scenes
(Pmefakas and Viskambhakas) are wanting in the Sattaka. It is suggested that a distinct
kind of dancing was used in it. This play is practically the only example of the type we
bate. See Chintaharan Chakravarti in IHQ, VII, 1931, p. 169f for a discussion of the
nature of the Saâka.
The
definition
of the chftrteterittiot of the present pla/.
of
the S&hitya-darpana is
merely a generalisation
RIJA&BKHARA
We
have the same general scheme of courtly comedy in

but the intrigue is perhaps more
Viddha-alabhanjika
the
varied between the
two plays
Rajaêkhara than between the
of
two similar plays of Harsa. The unknown maiden, of course,

turns out in the end to be a cousin becoming the co-wife
but a
;
better device
father to the
changing her name from Mrgankavall to Mrganka.We have the old ruse of the minister Bhagurayana
a boy,
of
varman.
adopted in making her a hostage sent by her royal

palace of king Vidyadharamalla in the disguise
is
Yaugandharayana) in arranging matters in such a way

that the king falls headlong in love with the beautiful maiden.
(after
This
achieved through the motif of a dream-vision, which

turns out to be an actual fact brought about by the minister's
The statue-device, from which the play takes its
contrivance.
is
name,
is
in
the
same way not
original,
nor
is
it
effectively
The entrance of the

she does not make her appearance
employed as a central incident or motive.

heroine
till
is
the
king
too long delayed, as
middle of
the
third act and does not actually
a quarter of the fourth act is over.

and luxuriant descriptions of love,
till
The
meet the
usual complica-
longing and secret

meeting follow ; and there is nothing remarkable in them, except
the trick which the king's friend, the Viduaka, plays on the
tions
queen's
foster-sister
Mekhala and the queen's induced design
by marrying the king to the boy of unsuspected sex,

thereby outwitting herself by letting the king have what he
desired. This last idea has points in its favour^ but it is too much
to make the denouement follow from a puerile subsidiary incident
to
avenge
it
concerning the Viduaka alone, while the king is kept strangely

in ignorance about the true import of the pretended marriage.
It must be admitted that Raja&khara has more inventive-
Murari, his style and treatment are

In spite of a
chaotically poetic, rather than sensibly dramatic.
ness than Murari, but,
like
certain individuality and distinction, the note

tative
the
foot-marks of
is
essentially
imi-
Hara, Bhavabhuti and even Murari
are too clear to be mistaken,
Rajagekhara claims the
title
of
460
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITBRATUfit)
Kaviraja and traces his poetic descent from the Adi-kavi through
Bhartrmentha and Bhavabhuti, but this is only a mournful
example of a bad poet and still worse dramatist not hesitating
own
Barring stray passages and

incidents, Bajasekbara's Kama-drama, which mistakes quantity
for quality, is an enormity in every sense.
It would perhaps be
to put his
price on himself.
lack
for
severely
two comedies
his
unjust to criticise
of
court-intrigue
equally
Allowances should be
dramatic quality.
of
suggestion that they are conceived more as spectacular sentimental entertainments, having a slight plot, than as
made
for the
well-constructed plays, and

rather on beauty
of
is
and shallow,
facile
main
of
interest
depend on a succession
The
of
the
fact
that JRajasekhara's
diction conventional and his
his
two small plays ol court-life

a comedy of intrigue, which should
lively incidents and lightly sketched
his
ideas full of far-fetched conceits,
lack the
stress should be laid
and versification than on action and
But, apart from
characterisation.
poetry
diction
main
the
that
elaborate
anatomy of theatrical passion, set forth

in an equally elaborate mass of reflective and sentimental stanzas, is
not only monotonous but hamper and disorganise the little action
pictures.
which the plays
The majority
possess.
these
of
verses
are,
of
course, out of place in a drama, but the illegitimate attraction of

rhetorical poetry and tumid sentiment makes the author introduce
them merely
skill
the purpose of unnecessary display of his
for
and learning.
Kajaêkhara
is
conscious
ot
blemish of unnecessarily
this
\\bich reaches
prolonged elaboration,
Bala-ramayana, but he
is
own
thinks
excellence of expression.
excellence
exercise and an entire

propriety.
into
degenerates
His
hand competent
jorte
to
is
in
these
not
12)
In actual
a
varied
disregard
of
all
impossible limit in his

the main question
that
practice,,
and
kills
however, this
ingenious
stylistic
sense of proportion and
dramatic construction, nor
create living characters, but
nate lo\e of st)le \\hich
attempts
(i.
its
all
directions.
it is
is his
his inordi-
reality and vividness of his

The pallid heroes and faint
461
&IJASEKHARA
heroines
their
are
conventional,
sentimental
and
he
to
fail
effusiveness; Ravana, with his
no
with
impressive
amorous and
an insipid edition
of Yaugandharayana
while his typical Vidusakas are tedious
with their pointless jokes and still more tasteless antics. The
enlarged form of pathos and sentiment becomes a muddle of
pseudo-heroic rant,
is
better;
Bhagurayana
is
the
lachrymose
and the rhetorical.
In
fairness,
it
must be
however, that Rajasekhara can write elegant and swinging

verses, and the introduction of song and dance diversifies the
He has
banality of his themes and sentimental outpourings.
said,
vocabulary of fine words and a fund of quaint

conceits both in Sanskrit and in Prakrit, which bear out his' boast
a
considerable
His decided ability to handle

master of languages.
elaborate metres in Sanskrit and Prakrit, especially his favourite
he
that
is
Sardulavikridita
Vasantatilaka), justly
his
pictures
of
and the
must
which
(to
added Sragdbaia and

Esernendra's praise.
Although
da\\n and midday, cr of the heroine's
be
deserves
sunset,
condition or of battles and

mythical places, lose their interest on account of their artificial
character, yet his weakness for elaborate description gives us
beauty
hero's love-lorn
some heightened, but

its
vivid, accounts
pleasures and
of
the
various
aspects
of
But Rajasekhara does
its
court-life,
luxury.
not seem to possess much critical sense, nor even the grace to
be ashamed of faults which he has not the virtue to avoid.
Even
which he claims merit,
in poetry, for
conscious.
His verses are often

and he
flings
verbcrum
\\ith
but seldom touching

things
in
indifference.
copia
The
rhetoricians and
his art is supremely

and
pleasant
always readable,
out fine things and foolish
equal
enthusiasm or equal
anthologists quote his verses
with considerable admiration (though not always without censure) ;

but even his best passages seek and receive applause more by
meretricious rhetorical contrivances than by genuine poetic quality..
He deliberately models his stjle and even copies from the splendid
examples of poetiy and drama of his predecessors, but he

to transfer to bis own works their ease and brilliancy.
fails
462

3.
DRAMAS WITH LEGENDARY THEMES AND

COMEDIES OF COURT-LIFE
The
the
to
popularity
of
production of
Murari and Bajaêkhara gave a charter

a series of plays on the same worn out
legendary and fictitious themes with greater artificiality and less

dramatic power.
Most of these plays are dramas of the Nataka
Vyayogas, which derive their themes from

while a few Na$ikas still
the two Epics and the Puranas
form, and also some
The number
continue the tradition of the comedy of court-life.
of Epic and Puranic plays is fairly large, but there is none of
real merit
which deserves
some
detailed notice, although
are not altogether negligible and
still
their
retain
of
them
limited
popufail
on
do
not
as
the
but
entirely
They
literary side,
larity.
specimens of dramatic writing, they are mostly imitative and
poor and over all of them presides the artificiality of decadence.
;
The
Prasanna-raghava of Jayadeva is one such typical

drama of this period, which is consciously based on earlier
models, and stands for ever in a fatal bracket with the Anargharaghava of Murari. The author is to be distinguished from
several other Jayadevas,
known
was the son
description that he
His date
and Sumitra.
to literary
of
history,
Mahadeva
uncertain, but
is
roughly to the 13th century.
Plyusavara.
1
ed. K..P.
Pan se, Poona
Benares
1868
NSP, Bombay
Parab,
text-book on
with the
but he
rhetoric,
is
known
(appeared
1914
in the
(1st ed. 1893)
ed
Pandit, Old Series,

S.
ii-iii,
M. Paranjpe and N.
S.
1894.
See S. K. De, Sanskrit Poetics,
Jayadeva favours mostly the
vikrl<}ita
is
assigned
from which he probably took the surname of

In rhetorical charm and smoothness of verse, 8 the
Ed. Govindadev Sastri,
1867-69)
be
identity
of Mithila lacks proof
certainly the author of a popular
as Candraloka,
can
he
in i.18 he refers to his
Although
Paksadhara
self-
Kaundinya Gotra
of
proficiency in logic, as well as in poetry, his

logician Jayadeva
by his
comes next.
He
p.
215
f.
shorter Vasantatilaka metre, but the elaborate Sardula-
shows much metrical variety and
rare in the earlier drama.
skill,
and employs Svagata which
463
DRAMAS WITH LEGENDARY THEMES

play, like that of Murari, is naturally not
bits the
same lack
and
action
treatment.
but
exhi-
it
dramatic sense, being deficient in unity of
of
and the same
characterisation,
It
wanting
adds more manperisms
diffuse
more
and
insignificant
no
Jayadeva has
(and even ludicrous) ideas and incidents.
and
style
diffi-
Yajnavalkya overhear
the conversation of bees in Sanskrit, or in bringing the Asura
Bana, unnecessarily, as an insolent rival to Havana for the hand
culty, for instance, in
of Slta even before
making
Rama
of
a pupil
thought of as such, or in arranging,
is
Dusyanta and Sakuntalfi, a preliminary meeting of Rama

and Slta, in which they admire the union of the VasantI creeper
and the mango-tree and whisper words of love, even before
after
Siva's
bow
is lifted
Rama
After Slta's abduction,
all
is
but
mad, and demands, after the approved style of Pururavas, his

beloved from the ajoon and the birds, until a Vidyadhara, by his
power of magic, shows the events of Lanka and gives ocular
The coals at
demonstration of Slta's faithfulness and chastity.
the fire-ordeal turn into pearls
and there is at the end the
;
inevitable aerial journey of
incidents in the play are
Rama and
of
course,
reported
represented, but mercifully Jayadeva

tion
Some
his party.
is
instead of
not so prolix
in
and declamation as Murari and Rajasekhara.
attains a comparatively respectable dimension, the

of verses being three
five river-goddesses
descrip-
His play
total
is
The only novel
verses.
the interesting
spectacular
but
gathered round the ocean,
number
is
last
feature,
scene of
it
the
being
hundred and ninety-two, although the
act alone includes ninety-four
however, of the play
of
the
loosely
connected with the main action.
Of the existence
12th century
of
we have
several
Rama-dramas even
only meagre information from
darpana, in which Ramacandra and

1
Both were pupils
pala and
A jayapala
(c.
of the
cfarpaâ,
the
the Nafya-
mention and
Jaina Acarya Hemacandra and lived in the times of KuroaraRamacandra is the reputed author of a hundred
1143-75 A.D.).
works, including no less

ed.
Gunacandra
before
than
Gaekwad's Orient.
eleven
dramas.
See
introd.
Series, Baroda 1926, 1929,
to
Nala-vilasa
and
Natya-
464
quote from the Jamadagnya-jaya (Vyayoga), from the Abhinava-
raghava (Nataka) of Kslrasvamin, pupil of Bhattenduraja and
from Kundamala
own
candra's
None
from Rama-
besides
(Nataka) of Viranaga,
Raghu-vilasa and Raghavdbhyudaya (both Natakas).

Kunda-mala. 1 This drama
of these is available, except the
has the same

carita,
theme, in six
on which
it is
acts, as
obviously
Bhavabhuti's Uttara-rama-
modelled
but
there
is
hardly
anything remarkable in its style and treatment except the pretty

but ineffective device of a garland of Kunda flowers as a token of
The other Rama-dramas are even much less

interesting, and when they are not imitative they are insignificant.
Most of them are still in manuscript. Of the published
recognition.
and better known of these, the Unmatta-raghava* called a

Preksanaka, of Bhaskara is a curious little play in one act,
which
describes
Rama's
maddened
and
search
(obviously after Pururavas of Kalidasa) on
the
into a gazelle by the curse of
Slta's
ever irascible
in ten
of
acts,
son of Krsna Suri of the
Mahadeva,
Kaundinya Gotra, who belonged
Durvasas
snge
The Adbhuta-
and her recovery with the help of Agastya.

darpana?
soliloquies
transformation
to Tanjore towards the middle of
the 17th century, begins with Angada's mission to Ravana and

ends with Rama's coronation, the work deriving its title from the
interesting device of a magic mirror
raghava
1
iv)
which shows
Ed. M. Ramkrishna Kavi
The
Madras 1923.
pp. 663-64;
The work
attribution
Woolner
in
and
to
Rama
to
S.
E.
DiAnaga
AB0JM, XV,
is
the
Rtinanatha
unautbentic.
pp. 236-39 and S. K.
happenings
Sastri,
in
at
Lanka.
DaksinabharatT
See S. K.
De
Prasanna-
after
(conceived
ibid,
Series,
De in JRAS, 1924,
XVI, 1935, p. 158,
,
quoted in the Sahitya-darpaya vi. 36 ( Prologue, stanza 2, with prose). There

are pi as ages in the drama obviously imitative of Kalidasa, Bhavabhuti and Ba" nabhatta ; and
it shows little dramatic power.
*
is
Ed. Dargaprasad and K. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1889, 1925. It was composed to
men who had come to do honour to Vidyaranya. If this
entertain an assembly of learned
Vidyfiranya
is
identical
assigned to the
14th
a passage from
a drama
with the famous scholar of that name, then the work
century.
In his KsvyanuSasana
entitled
(p. 97,
may be
comm,), Hemacandra quotes
Unmatta-raghava, but the
passage
is
not traceable in
Bhaskara 's work.

9 Ed. Sivadatta and K. P. Parab,
N8P, Bombay 1906. The author's teacher Balakrsna
a
fat
contemjrorary of Nilakantha, whose Nilakantha-vijaya Campti is dated 1636 A.D.
DRAMAS WITH LEGENDARY THUMBS

The Janaki-parinaya 1
Mahadeva's contemporary, Ramabhadra

Yajnarama Dlksita and pupil of Nilakan^ha
son of
Dikita,
465
of
seven acts, and has the only peculiarity of introducing a curious but silly jumble of confusing disguises, adopted by the
is in
Dlksita,
Raksasas masquerading as Vi^vamitra, Rama, Laksmana and Slta. 2

The plays which deal similarly with the Mahabbarata
legends are also numerous, but they do not call
The
account.
any detailed
for
Kashmirian polymath Ksemendra,

the llth century, mentions a Citra-
industrious
towards the second half of

bhdrata (Nataka)
composed by himself, which has not survived.
The
other
acts,
on the well-worn story of Nala,
polymath Ramacandra, pupil of the Jaina Acarya

4
Hemacandra, has left behind Nala-vilasa, a Nataka in seven
a one-act
Vyayoga on the
and
the
Nirbhaya-bhima,*
story of the slaying of the
Baka-demon;
but both are laboured compositions by one who was well versed
The Kerala prince Kulagekhara, whose
in dramaturgic rules.
date is uncertain but who probably lived between the first half
10th and the
of the
Printed
Bhana
called
many
for an
1904, p.
It.
f,
produced two
and Subhadra-dhananjayaîhs
Ed. Laksmana Suri, Tanjore 1006. Kamabhadra also wrote

Kedarnath and V. L. Panashikar, NSP, Bombay 1910,
times.
$fh gar a- til aha (ed.
which see
'
half of the 12th century/
named Tapatl-samvarana
plays,
1
first
account of the autl
176
f.
Sec
or).
T. S.
Kuppusvami
Sastri
Content of the diama summarised by Levi, p. 286
Mahanataka *iM he
The Diitdhgada and
dealt
vvith
IA XXXIII,
in
f.
below, under
Dramas
of
an
Irregular Type.
s
drama,
Auciiyavicdra* ad 31
cited in the latt
Ed G K.
Kavikanthabharana
work, apparently on the
Srigocdekar,
device of inset play.
dhananda
On
in seven acts
Gakwad'a
the Nala-lepend,
v.
Also a
1.
Eamayana
Orient.
K semis' var a
Ser.,
Kanaka-jdnaki probably
t
story.
Baroda, 1926.
It
also
also appears to have written
uses the
a Naiâ-
(MS, dated 1611 A.D., noticed by Peterson, Three Reports, pp. 340-
Other plays on the same theme, like the Bhaumi-parinaya of Ratnakhefa Dlksita are not
42).
Nilakantha Dlksita (about 1636 A.D.), in seven acta,
in
yefc
print, but the Nala-caritra of
it
edited by C.
1
(-1911
>
Sastri,
Balamanorama
Yasovijaya
Press,
Grutbanjala
Madras 1925.
no.
19,
Benares, Tira Era 2437
A.D.).
K.
of
Sankararama
Ed. Haragovinda
Bama
Pisharoti (IHQ, VII, 1931, p. 319-30) would place the dramatist at the close
the 7th and beginning of the 8th century A.D , but hia argumenta are not convincing.
T
Ed. T. Ganapati Sastri with the comuj. of Sivarama, Tnvandrum Sansk. Ser., 1911.
1
Ed. T. Ganapati
Sastri, with
comm,
of
Sivarama, Trivandrum Sansk.
8er., 1912,
466
titles
of which sufficiently explain their respective
which deals
first,
The
themes.
with the legend of the Kuru king Samvarana
and Tapati, daughter of the sun-god, is rather a narrative in a

loose dramatic form of six acts, utilising the conventional devices
of the vision of the beloved
in
dream, meeting of lovers in
the
course of a royal hunt, the inevitable longing and sentimentalities, union, abduction and final reunion, with plenty of supernatural and marvellous incidents; while the second selects a
theme, which has erotic and heroic possibilities, but less dramatic quality, and which does not improve
by conventional treat-
ment
in
five
acts.
Samgramadhira^
derives
his
Puranas in
the plot
is
of
of
story
his
Another Kerala prince Ravivarman, alias

Kolambapura (Quillon), born in 1265 A.D.,
Krsna's son from the Hari-vama and the
drama
five-act
Pradyumnabhyudaya.
scanty and conventionally constructed,
for its device of
making Pradyurana
order to get an entry into the
join
inaccessible
it is
interesting
of actors
troupe
in
Prabhavati's
of
city
Though
father, and in introducing a play within play for the first sight
of the lovers at a theatre
it also shows some dramatic sense
and
use of prose, as well as moderation in the size of the acts and in
;
number
of sentimental and descriptive
stanzas
act is devoted to the elaboration of the lovers'
general artificiality
of
st)le
Dharavara,
of
2
Partha-parakrama,
of
Kurus
recognition.
The same
whole
and the
longings,
1208 A.D.
Vyayoga,
It
dramatises
act the martial story of Arjuna's recovery of the
raided by the
one
Yasodhara and brother
CandravatI, wrote
in about
but
and treatment cannot be mistaken).
The Yuvaraja Prahlaclanadeva, son

ruler
cows
of
entitled
in
one
Virata
but allowing the merit of smooth verses,

which the author himself claims, it does not deserve any special
therne in the
same form
On
Ed. T. Ganapati Sastri, Trivandrum Sansk, Ser.,1910.
the
of
a Vyayoga
author see Kielhorn
inflpi. /nd.,IV, p.!45f.

1
Ed. C. D. Dalai, Gaekwad's Orient.
Ser,,
of the feitfval of Acalesvara, the tutelary

deity
Bometrara in his Suraftottava,
Baroda 1917.
of
It
Manpt Abu.
was enacted on the occasion

The prince is extolled
by
DRAMAS WITH LEGENDARY THfeMES
467
attempted also by Kancanacarya, son of Narayana, in his

l
and the story of Subhadra's elopement is
Dhananjaya-vijaya
is
one act by Madhava Bhatta, son of

Mandale^vara Bhatta and Indumatl, in his Subhadra-harana
2
The Draupadi
(called a Srigadita), but with no better success.
is
in
dramatised
two
acts
legend
similarly
by Vijayapala, son of
adopted for dramatisation in
Siddhapala,
8
pala,
in his
who was
a contemporary of
Draupadl-svayamvara, but there
in the handling of the old
story.
Caulukya Kumarais little
originality
The Saugandhika-harana
of
protege of the Kakatiya ruler Prataparudra of

(about 1291-1322 A.D.), is a lively one-act Vyayoga,
Vi^vanatha,
Warangal
the
c
Kalyana-saugandhika of the Kerala author Nilakantha,
both of which deal with Bhiina's encounter and vehement alter-
like the
cation with
Hanumat,
his
unknown
ture of fetching the Saugandhika
half-brother,
flowers
mysterious lake belonging to Kubera.
The
for
in
his
adven-
Draupadi from
Krsna legend also claims a large number of plays.

Perhaps on account of the more emotional nature of the theme,
some variation is noticeable, but most of the plays are late and
allied
not of
are
much
Ed. Sivadatta
Konow,
interest.
andK.
P. Parab,
Besides the Gopala-keli-candrika of

NSP, Bombay
1885, 1911.
On
the author, see Sten
p. 118.
Ed. Durgaprasad and K. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1888. As a MS of the work

Smvat 1667 ( = 1610 A.D.), the work is earlier than that date, and possibly la-Sr
than that of the Sahttya darpana vi, whose definition of Siigadita it follows.
*
belongs to
3
See B. Hultzsch in
ZDMG> LXXV,
1921, pp. 67-68.
Ed. Muni Jioavijaya, Jaina Atmananda Sabha, Bhavnagar 1918. The work utilises
the device of splitting up a verse and distributing its parts to different persons as a continuous
metrical dialogue. -Hastimalla, pupil of Govmdabhatta, wrote about 1290 A.D. in Southern
4
India two epic diamas,
V ikrdnta kaurava in six acts and Matthili-kalydna
Both these works have been printed

of only
in
in
five
acts.
Man.kacandra Digambara Granthamala, but they are
modest merit.
Ed. Sivadatta and K. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1902.

Ed. L. D. Barnett in BSOS, III, 1923, pp. 33-50 (Roman characters) ed. L. Sarup,
Hindi Press, Lahore, no date. It is also a Vyayoga in one act. The common source of both
6
these works is of course the Vanaparavan.
KuJafekhara Vaiman
7
9
The author was probably a

contemporary
of
of Kerala (see introd. to Acarya-cu<iainani t p. 9).
For other Mahabharata plays, see Sten Konow, pp. 102 f.

For a list of Krgna-dramas, which are still in manuscript, see Sten Konow, pp.
99-102.
HISTOHY OF SANSKRIT LlTJiRATUBfi
468
to be
Bamakrsna,
mentioned presently, we have the Yadavabhyu-
daya of the. indefatigable Kamacandra, not yet published but

1
of
metioned in his Natya-darpana, the Krna-bhakti-candrika
2
(in five
Anantadeva, son of Apadeva, the Rukmini-parinaya
Kamavarman
of
acts)
Vafici
8
of Travancore
(1755-87
A. D.),
Sundararaja, son of Varadaraja

(also of Kerala), the Rukminl-harana of Sesa Cintamani, son of
4
Sesa Nrsiqaha (before 1675 A D.), the Vrsabhanuja
(a four act
Vaidarbhl-vasudeva
the
of
(in seven
Natika) of Kayastha Matburadasa, and Kanisa-vadha
movement
of
Krsna
son
Nrsimba.
The
acts) of Sesa
Caitanya
also produced, towards the middle of
of Bengal and Orissa
16th
the
some
century,
devotional
among which mention may be made

(in seven acts), the
kaumudl
(called
and
Gosvamin,
Bamananda-raya.
illustrate
to
the
terms of the old

describes
in
of
plays on
Vidagdha-madhava
ten acts) and Ddna-keli-
Lalita-Madhava (in
Bhanika without acts division) of Rupa
7
the
Jagannatha-vallabha
The
first
doctrinal
imitation
(in
three works are
five
acts)
of
deliberate attempts
nuances of the emotional Bhakti in
romantic Krsna-legend,
itself as
Krsna-Bhakti,
the
while the last work
Samgita-nataka and contains Padavalis or

those of Jayadeva.
There can be no
of
songs
doubt that these works constitute a departure1 and are inspired by
great devotional fervour of a
refined
erotico-religious
Ed. KavyetibSsa-eaipgraha, Poona 3878-88; also ed. GraDfchamala,
Ed. SiTadatta and K. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1894.

Ed. Tinneyelli, 1888
3
4
Ed. Sivtdatta and K. P. Parab,
NSP, Bombay 1895;
also ed.
The author probably flourished in the 15th

Ed. Durgapraiad and K. P. Parb, NSP, Bombay 1888.
Series, iii-iv (1868-69).

^
in
character,
Bombay
1887.
the Pandit, Old
century.
The author
lived
in
the
time of Akbar aod wrote the work for Todar Mall's ion.
6
in
All
thee works are published by the Radbaraman Presi, Berhampur, Murshidabad,

The Vidagdha-madhatia is
Bengali characters, respectively in 1924, 1902 and 1926.
Bhavadatta and K. P. Partb, NSP, Bombay 1903; it was composed in 1533 A.D.
was a disciple of Caitanya and one of the recognised Gosvannns who
The
the
dogmas and doctrines of the cult (tee 8. E. De, introd. to Padyavali, Dacca
systematised
also
ed.
author
1934).
7
Ed. Badbaraman Press, Berbampur-Murshidabad 1882
(in
Bengali characters).
bRAMAS WITH LEGENDARY TfiEMES
469
as well as by acute scholastic learning (a strange combination 1) ;

but their interest is other than literary, and they have little
1
pretension to the dramatic in the proper sense.
On wider
out
mythological subjects, it is more difficult to single

striking work out of some forty, which are known to
any
but very few
exist,
Cahamana
the
which are in
of
The Hara-keli
print.
of
king, Visaladeva
same theme
(Sambhar)j has the
Vigrabaraja of Sakambhari
as Bharavi's poem, but it is only
partially preserved in a stone-inscription
in the
protg6 Somadeva,
at
Ajmere
while
half of the 12th century,
first
his
wrote
Nataka (engraved in 1153 A.D.) named

Lalita-vigraharaja, in honour of the king, describing the king's
preserved
similarly
The Parvati-parinaya,
love for princess Desaladevi of Indrapura.
we have already mentioned,
which
doubtedly
manmatha
while there
late production,
Nataka
(a
in
Balakrsna and Laksmi

plays which deal with
4
(in six acts) of
Hemacandra,
the
is of
story
same character
For a detailed account
of
unoriginal and unmerit in the Rati-
of
of
'
of
as
his
of
Acarya
men-
Nala-vilasa
Acarya Ksemlsvara deals
works and author! see
these
the
Harigcandra,
Eamacandra, pupil
The Ganda-kau&ka
the Vaifnava Faith in Bengal, ch.

*
acts)
Parana
Satya-haricandra
tioned above.
an
is little
Jagannatha, son of
Out of the
pupil of Kainegvara.
five
and
the
is
8.
K. Be, Early Hittcry of
vii.
F, Kielhorn. Bruchitiickt indischer Schauspiele in Intchnfttn
ztt
Ajmere, Berlin
1901; Sanskrit Plays, partly preserved as inscriptions at Ajmere, in IA 9 XX, 1891, pp. 201-12
W, 1893, pp. 652-70 (Lalitavigraharaja,
(part of the text in Koman characters); also in
NGG
Text Roman),
8
Ed. Granthamaia m-v, Bombay 1890-91. The Manmatha-mohana of Rama of the
Kau6ikayana Gotra (ed. with summary of contents by R. Schmidt in ZDMG, LXIII, 1909
f
p.
4C9
one of
<
f,
629
its
f)
MSS
deals with the
ame theme
of Siva's temptation, but it is probably a late
work,
being dated 1820 A.D.
Ed. B. R. Aptc and
8.
V. Puranik,
NSP, Bombay
1898, 1909.
The work
it
cited in
his Natya-darpana.
*
Ed. Jaganmohan T^rkalamkara, Calcutta 1867 (reprinted by Jivananda Vidyaaagar,

ed. in Litho MS form, Krishna Sastri Gurjara Press* Bombay 1860; trs. into
;
Calcutta 1884)
German vene under
the
title
KauSika't Zorn by Ludwig Fritze, Leipzig 1888.
deicribei himielf as ie&rya; but his father's
name
is
not given.
Kprnif vara
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATUfefe
in
tinctive
theme in five acts, but there is nothing disKsemi^vara was probably

style and treatment.
the same
with
its
of
contemporary
younger
Kajaêkhara
for
verse
in
Prologue states that the work was composed and produced

at the court of Mahipala, who is sometimes taken to be Mahipala
the
of
who
but
Bengal,
is
probably
the
same
as Rajariekhara's
2
The play
patron, Mahipala Bhuvanaikamalla of Kanyakubja.
the
a
of
irascible
Vi^vamitra
curse
of
works out the effect
sage
upon the upright king Hari^candra, who unwittingly offends
him it involves the loss of kingdom, wife and child, but ends in
;
of
restoration
There
is
some
the
in
interest
the satisfaction of
to
everything
idea
of
of
trial
all
concerned.
character by
suffering, but the piling up of disasters as an atonement of what

appears to be an innocent offence unnecessarily prolongs the
agony, and the divine intervention at the end is, as usual,
The
story itself, despite its pathos, lacks

dramatic quality, and improves very little by the poor execution
dramatically too
flat.
The Jaina form of the

poetry of KsemlSvara.
legend of the sacrifice of Sibi (the name changed to
mediocre
and
Buddhist
is
Vajrayudha)
similarly
background, by Acarya Balacandra,
act,
with a Jaina
a pupil of Haribhadra
Suggested by H. P. Sastri (Descriptive Cat. of Skt.

tbat
one
dramatised in
Mn.
in
ASB,
vii,
Suri,
Calcutta 1934),
the
Prologue speaks of king Mabipala as having dtiven away (in

1023 A.D.), the Karâtakas, who, in Basin's opinion, were the invading armies of Rajendra
Cola I, or the Karnafcakas wb^ came in the train of Cedi kings at a later fine. It is noteworthy
on
the ground
that the two oldest palm-leaf manuscripts of the drama, dated respectively in 1250 and 1387
A-D., were found in Nepal, and that the only Alamkara work which cites the drama is the
Sdhitya-darpana
of
Vis*vanatha,
which
belongs to
Orissa
the
in
first
half of
the 16th
century.
3
Pischel in Odttingische gelehrte Anzeigen, 1883, p. 1220
f,
Ksemls'vara's assertion of
his patron's victory over the Karnft$aka's is explained as the courtier's version of the conflict
with
Bat* akuta
Indra III,
who
for
his
part cJaimi victory over Kanyakubja (IA t
XXVI,
See discussion of the question by S. K. Aiyangar in Sir Asutoth Jubilee Cotnm.

Oriental!*, pt. 2, p 559 f B. D. Banerji, Pdlas of Bengal, p. 78, JBORS, XIV, p. 512 f ;
pp. 175-79).
Vo\
J. C.
n<2
Ghosh
in Ind. Culture t II, pp. 354-56;
K. A. Nilkantha, Sastri in
Jnd. Culture, II, pp. 797-99,

3
See B- Hultzscb io
ZDM 0, LXXXV,
1931, p. 68,
JORM,
VI, pp. 191-98
471
COMEDIES OF COURT-LIFE
l
Karunti-vajrayudha but it is not necessary to linger over
2
this and other specimens of mythological plays.
The Natika, which generally deals with stories of court-life
in his
of
legendary or fictitious character, appears to have induced

even a smaller number of imitations, and the type is found even
more rigidly fixed by the works of Harsa and Rajasekhara.
There
some
turning out fine verses,

but the specimens that we possess are poorly conventional.
They all speak the same language and have the same set of
still
is
situations,
court
the
banal.
and
feelings
bare
notice
Ksemendra
suffice.
In
ideas.
unreal,
hopelessly
in
their
speaks
of
interest they
tragic
comedy the
their
few typical plays
of
in
skill
literary
Lalita-ratna-mala
insipidly
will, therefore,
written
by himself, probably on the Udayana legend, but the work

has not been recovered.
The Natya-darpana also mentions a
few Natikas, now lost, namely, Anahgavatl (p. 153), Indulehha,
114) and Kausalika by Bhavatanucuda Bhatta
(p.
well
as
plays,
Vanamald by Ramacandra
Of extant
(p. 171).
some comparatively early works may be briefly noticed
their general
here, just to indicate
Karnasundarl
the
is
first
as
30),
(p.
himself
belonged to the
wrote this work
and treatment.
tenor
The
who
Kashrairian Bihlana,
second half of the llth century, and apparently
of
the
a compliment to the Caulukya Karnadeva

Anhilvad
(1064-94 A.D.), whose actual
Trailokyamalla
marriage to a princess it celebrates under the guise of a romantic
as
of
story.
In four acts
theme
of
Ed.
rehandles, with
the
picture,
1
it
king falling in love,

with Karnasundarl, who
Muni
Caturvijaya,
called a Natika, but like the
Jaina
Atmananda
little
first
is
originality,
in a
the
old
dream and then
in
introduced into the palace
Grantharalla, Bhavoagar 1916.
Dutahgada mentioned below,
it
consists of only
It
ii
a Praatavana
and one long act containing 135 stanza. It is thus an irregular play having no act-division,
and the long descriptive stage-direction (in 8 printed lines) on p. 22 is interesting in this
connexion.
The Kuvalayas'va legend is also dealt with by some later plays of the 17th century,
which, as well as for other mythological dramas, see Sten Konow, pp. 103-107.
3
Aucitya-vicara, ad 21
*
for
<
Jtf,
K. P. Parab,
Durflaprasad and
NSP, Bombay
1888.
472
through the usual minister's intrigue, of the queen's jealousy and

attempt to marry the king, in revenge, to a boy in the heroine's
disguise, frustrated by the minister's clever but expected substitua poor recast obviously of the Ratn&vall
tion of the real person,
and the Viddha-talabhafijika.

ment,
seen
also
is
surnained
Madana,
the
in
similar theme, as well as treator
Pdrijatamanjarl
of
Bala-sarasvatI,
Gauda,
preceptor of the
Paramara king Arjunavarman
belonged to the
first
composed
about 1213
at
of
quarter
recovered
is
A.D.,
scheme
is
of
that
it
was
Dhara,
The
incomplete,
the Ratndvall.
imitation of
appears to be a distinct
variation in the general
who
13th century.
the
of
Vijayari
arid
play,
but
it
The only
takes (like Karnasundari)
the contemporary king himself as the hero, and that the unknown
beloved, apparently a girl not of royal blood but made into a
princess by the fiction of reincarnation, is introduced into the palace
in the form of a miracle and picturesque allegory of a garland of
3
Parijata flowers, dropping on the breast of the victorious king

and changing into a beautiful maiden A similar device of a magic
!
presented to the queen, in which the heroine is discovered,

found in the Kamalini-'kala'hamsa* of Rajacudamani Dlksita,
lotus,
is
a prolific South Indian writer,
who was
the son of
Satyamangala
Ratnakheta Srinivasadhvarin and flourished under Raghunatha
but
Nayaka of Tanjore in the earlier part of the 17th century
:
a close imitation, in four acts, of Viddha-Salabhafijika,
the play
and introduces
is
picture,
the
statue
well
of
worn motifs
1906.
Only the
At
these
be the
to
first
two
two
tcts
acts
are
probably contains a historic*!
dream-vision, love in
the heroine, the jealous queen's attempt to

disguised boy, who of course
heroine, and the ultimate discovery of her
marry the king in revenge

turns out
of
to
which remain are edited by B. Hultzscb, Leipzig and Bombay

preserved ia
reference
to
stone-inscription at
Dbari (1211-1215 A.D.),
it
Arjunavarman's marriage with the Gaulukya
princess, daughter of Bbltnadava II of Anahillapataka.

>
The name
of the Princess
itself
probably
suggested to the poet the idea of her
miracalom appearance, as a piecd of graceful compliment.

*
Ed. Srl-vinlvilasa Press, Srirangam 1917, with an introd. by T. H. Kuppusvimy
Bastry on the author and his works. See also 8. K, De, SantUrit Poittci, i, pp. 307-8.
473
COMEDIES OF COURT-LIFK
status as a princely cousin of
display
but
account
little
with a
tlie
originality
queen
or
there
variety.
passing mention
the
of
is
We
some
shall
stylistic
close this
l
Mrgahkalekha
of
Vigvanatha, son of Trimaladeva, as one of the latest specimens

of such imitative comedies of court-life.
It depicts in four acts
the
love
of
Karpuratilaka,
daughter of the king of
king of Kalifiga, for Mrgankalekha,

she is met at a hunt and
Kamarupa
;
lodged in the palace as the friend of the queen,

the
to
killed
Kali
temple of
by a
and then abducted
demon named Sankhapala, who
by the king with the help of a benevolent
second
rescue
(after
Sankhapala's brother,
Bhavabhuti)
who comes
is
staged
form
in the
is
magician'; but
by the attack of
of a wild elephant
2
!
The extreme form in which dramaturgic conventions reacted

upon the mind of the aspiring dramatist is best seen in a series
3
four mythological and two erotic and comic plays,

deliberately to illustrate six, out of ten, recognised
of
Sanskrit drama, by Vatsaraja,

ter of
Paramardideva
who
of Kalanjara
composed
forms of
describes himself as the minis-
(1163-1203 A.D.).
Although
kind
craftsmanship
is displayed,
the author is a sturdy devotee of the canons, and
his artificially constructed
are
nothing but literary
plays
considerable
literary
The
the
of
conventional
but probably composed last, is the one-act

Vyayoga, called Kiratarjunlya and based obviously on Bharavi's
poem of the same title the second is a Samavakara in three
curiosities.
first,
named Samudra-matliana, on
the legend
of the
churning
by gods and demons, leading to the winning of
the third, Rukminl-harana, is an Ihamrga
Laksmi by Visnu
acts,
the
of
ocean
Ed. N. S. Khiste, Sarasvati Bhavana Texts, Benares 1929. Analysed by Wihon.

the festival of ViSvegvara at Benares. The author came originally
The play was enacted during
from the banks of tie Godavail.

Analysis, with extracts, of a Natika, named Vasantika, by Ramac*ndra in four acts,
given by Eggeling, Catalogue of India Office Manuscripts, vii, no. 4186, p. 1600 f ; of another
2
Natika in four
bhatta of
3
1918.
acts,
named ^rhgara-vdtika
CittapSvana
family, no. 4196, p.
Ed. C. D. Dalai under the
verse of Vatsaraja
in the plays.
6018483
is
title
(or vapiha) by
1615
ViSvanatha Bhatta, son
of
Madhava-
f.
Rupaka-wtka
in
Gaekwad's Orient.
quoted by Jahlana in his Sukti'muktavali l but'it
Series,
is
not
Baroda
traceable
474

four
in
acts,
which Krsna
in
Siûpala of his affianced bride

a
Pima
in four acts,
city of the
Karpura
on the legend
demon Tripura;
Vita Karpuraka's
and the
is
more
recital
Siva's
are
depicted
destruction
of
the
the one-act Bhana, entitled

lively
of
than
Bhanas,
gambling and
later
his love,
Prahasana or
is
which
in
cudamani,
last
of
the fifth
carita, conventional but
giving the
revelry
successfully tricks and deprives

1
the fourth is the Tripura-daha,
the
farce,
named Hasyaof
ways
Jnanasri,
Bhagavata, who earns his livelihood by his amusing tricks

based upon his pretension of supernatural powers for recovering
Barring the two lighter plays, which are not

negligible, it would be idle to pretend that the productions have
The works are typical
much dramatic force and vividness.
lost
of
articles.
one aspect of decadence,
namely,
dramaturgic rules, regarding
plot,
conformity to
characterisation and
lifeless
its
diction,
sentiment, and, being comparatively late and obviously bookish,

the works can scarcely be taken as representing a living tradition
the
of such rare types of
drama
as
the
Samavakara,
Ihamrga
and Pima.
DRAMAS OF MIDDLH CLASS LIFE AND PLAYS OF
4.
SEMI-HISTORICAL INTEREST
An
epoch of dramatic writing, which relegated real life to

the background and took little interest in incident and action,
cannot be expected to follow the difficult examples set by the
authors of the Mrcchakatika and the Mudra-raksasa.
As a
specimen of the so-called Parkarana type of plnys, we have already

dealt with the Mallika-maruta of Uddandin, which is a curious but
confused imitation of Bhavabhuti's Malatl-madhava.
It would
have been interesting
if
the Kamadatta, cited and
described
as a
Dhurta-prakarana by the author of the Rasarnava-sudhakara, had

survived but the general model of all later plays, mostly Praka;
ranas,
1
of
middle-class
The themes
of
Bbarata's reference to
life,
Tripura-daha and
lost
works of these
is,
not
the
Mrcchakatika but the
Samudra-tnathana
are
doubtless
suggested
DRAMAS OF MIDDLE CLASS L1FK

Malatl-madhava.
They
475
we can judge from
present (so far as
those which are extant) a curious
medley of sentimental \erses

and well-worn Katha incidents, with a free use of all the ordinary
novelistic devices and of magic and marvel.
The bourgeois
popular tale is naturally there; but the \u>rks show
little touch of life and freshness of observation,
and the tales
are hardly marked by the blithe realism of Dandin tempered by
spirit of the
The
strange romance.
intelligence,
probably
mercan-
of
still full
was apparently not waking up

or perhaps was losing the old /est in life.
energy, but
tile
man was
lay
he
to the newIf
he
htill
retained a vivid interest in things around him, he had perhaps a

greater Inclination to beguile himself with weird tales of wonder
and childish sentimentalities.

reflect this attitude,
and the
fancy and sentiment.

In his Niitya-darpuna
three piays of
randa,
therefore,
plays,
the extravagances
lost in
named Anahgascna-harinandi, and
the same
from
also
by himself, namely, MaUika-makaand Kaumudl-mitrananda. Of these,
class
Rohini-mrgahka
typical of the later play of
this
kind
in
is
elopement of
Mitrananda,
son
having
of
It
published.
is
complicated
The theme
series of narrative, rather than dramatic, incidents.
the
of
Ramacandra mentions and quotes
the last-named Prakarana in ten acts alone
is
faithfully
which deve-
realism,
poetic
becomes
loped in the earlier period,
from a Prakarana,
The
little
merchant, with
from an
Kautnudi, the worldly-wise daughter

imaginary island of Varuna, and their subsequent
of a sham-ascetic,
Simhala and other

hero's friend
places, including the subsidiary
Makaranda, who
of a merchant.
With
married
to
some
of
such as the device of
the
common
love-charm,
story
Sumitra,
a frank zest for the strange
vellous, the plot utilises

telling,
is
adventures in
the
daughter
and the mar-
motifs
of
of
of sto'ry-
magic
spell
(received from the goddess Jfmgull) for the cure of snake-bite, of

magic herbs for removing disease, of human sacrifice, and of a
1
Ed. Muni Puny,ivijaya, Jaina .Ifcrnanaoda Granthamala, Bhavnagar K)17.

The plot is summarised by Hultzach in ZDMG LXXV, pp. 63-65,
t
SlSfOfcY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE
476
wicked
breathing
Kapalika
into
life
The
corpse!
story
resembles those of Dandin's Da6akumara-carita, and the author

might have done well if he had attempted to write in the same
and form; for there is not much merit in the play as a

Even
dramatic piece, nor is it remarkable on the poetic side.
less
meritorious is another Prakarana, entitled Prabuddhastrain
by Ramabhadra,
rauhineya,
pupil
of
Sfiri
(about
who
died in
named
Ruulii-
Jinaprabha
13th century) of the school of the logician Devasuri,

In six acts it dramatises the Jaina story of the
1109 A.D.
misdeeds, incarceration and penitence of a bandit,
meagre and the play is wholly undramatic.

The Mudrita-kumudacandra 2 of Yasa^candra, ROD of Padmaneya, but the plot
is
candra and grandson of Dhanadeva, a minister of a prince of

Sakainbhari, hardly deserves mention in this connexion for it is
;
not so
much
drama
as a record in five acts
of
the controversy,
which took place in 1124 A.D., in the presence of king Jayasimha of Gujarat (1094-1142), between two Jaina teachers, the
Svetambara Devasuri and the Digambara Kumudacandra, in
which the
latter,
with a pun on his name, was completely sealed
The extremely limited number of Prakaranas,

up (mudrita)
these
followed
and which were composed more or less on
which
the same pattern, need not detain us further, and very few of
.
them
are available in print.
Of the plays
a
of
the
semi-historical
type
of
the
Mudra-rakasa which
-
very great antiquity is

claimed for the nameless drama, which has been published from
possess
Madras
the
transcript
of
interest,
a .unique
manuscript
Malabar, and named Kaumudl-mahotsava* by
its
discovered in
editor
from the
Ed. Muni Punyavijaya, Jaina Atmananda GiantbariiaJft, Bhavnagar 1918. Summarised by Hultzsch in above, pp. 66-67.
2
Ed. Jaina Yagovijaya Grantbamala, Benares, Vlra Era 2432 (A.D. 1906). Analysed
l
by Huitzscb, as above, pp. 61-62.

3
For a list and running account, see Sten Konow, pp. 110-111.
4
Ld. M. Ranoakrisbna Eavi and 8. K. Ramanatba Sastri,
MS
was transcribed for the Gounment On'enlnl

See Quarterly Jour, of Andhra Research Soc., II-I1J, 1927-29,
Madras
1929.
The
Dak
inabhSratI Series,
MS
Library, Madras,
LAYS Of StiMl-filStORlCAL INTKttEST
The name of the author

expression being used in the Prologue.
is also not known,
as nothing
remains of the part which
contained
the
in
it
broken
Prologue, except the
letters
kaya
nibaddham natakam, from which it is conjectured that the

author was a woman and her name was Vijjaka (reading vijjakaya
in the lacuna), well
known from
the anthologies.
We
are
told
Prologue that the play was enacted at the coronation of

king Kalyanavannan of Pataliputra, and its theme appears to be
an qnsode of the king's life.
It speaks of the defeat and death
in the
01
father Sundaravarmari
Kulyfuiavarmari's
Candaa'iia, his general,

takes lor
its
is
the Licchavis, and
subject-matter the reinstatement of Kalyanavarman on
the throne of
There
who conspired with
hands of
the
at
Magadha by
possibly
some
the efforts of the minister Mantragupta.

historic
background
but
to the plot,
we
cannot with certainty identify the characters of the play with

2
historic persons, nor do we know anything about its authorship
or
The
period of composition.'
intrigue, but it
of the love of
sena, a Yfidava
is
by
eclipsed
Kalyanavarman
King
plot is a
the
of Surasena.
There
who
sena
later
the Kavyadarfa.
of Candraditya.
supposed to
or Vijjaka
of Vijj
We
Tn
is
iv.
19, there
is
mention
is
of
be the same as the deity of Trivandrum.
the passage.
nun
royal
uncertain, but she
cannot be sure whether she
or Parivrajika,
of
family
pilgrimage to
is
Sura-
Vindhya-
probably later than Dan<}in
of
identical with Vijaya-bhattarikft, queen
Vijaya
But
and the god
it is
possible to
Jayaswal ingeniously infers the name of the author to
supposed pun in verse
story
daughter of Kirti-
a nurse to Kalyanavarman,
to the
and accompanies Kirtimati in

The date
on becomes attached
is
political
commonplace
equally
for Kirtimati,
named Yogasiddhi, who has been once

but
commonplace
be
AnantaDarayan*,
make
too
much
of
Ki4orika from a
2.
K, P. Jayaswal (ABORI, XII, 1980-31, pp. 50-56; JBORS, XIX, p. 313f) would
identify Canflasena with Can drag upta I and place the drama at about 340 A,D. But^his
views are entirely conjectural and lack corroboration.
3
The
reference
to the
story of
Udayaua
(i.
11), of
daunaka and BandhumatI, and of
Avimaraka and Eurangi (ii. 15, repeated v. 9), or to Dattaka iv. 7), Gonikaputra and MulaThere are obvious imitations
deva, do not warrant any definite chronological conclusion.
of passages from Kalidftsa, Bbaravi and Bhavabhuti, and the drama must be placed later,
The parallel passages are given by D. B. Mankad

Sarma in IHQ, X, 1934, pp. 768-66.
Dasaratha
and
1934-35, pp. 155-57,
than
the 8th century.
in
JBORS, XVI
478
tilSTORY OF SANSKRIT LITKRATUftB
vasim; but the

the lovers
she
part
almost negligible.
is
in bringing about the union of
plays
Neither
is
the
intrigue
political
spite of
theme developed in any striking manner and in

simplicity and directness, the diction and treatment,
as
enthusiastic
nor the erotic
the
editors
themselves
admit,
little
possess
dramatic realism or poetic distinction, and do not improve by the

extreme mediocrity of the attempt.
Of some
historical interest
the
is
Htfmmlra-mada-mardana,
Jayantasimha
Vastupala's son
composed
between 1219 and 1299 A.D., by Jayasimha Sari, pupil of Vim
Suri and priest of the temple of Munisuvrata at Broach, in order
the
at
to
commemorate
instance
of
the exploits of Tejahpala and his brother Vastu-
pala, ministers of Viradhavala of Gujarat.
Viradhavala's
Amir
of
with
conflicts
the
It depicts in live acts
Mleccha ruler Hammira
Shikar), Vastupala's skill in diplomacy and
the
Muhammadan
his
of Gujarat.
(or
repulsion
The main
incident
but whether in
is historical,
meant
invasion
the
work
to
concern us here.
It
working out the plot the author

be more an eulogy than history does not
to
write
is, h>wev3r, a sustained attempt
a drama of mirtial and politic il strategy.

of exciting incidents
There
is
succession
and enough of the sentiment of
fear,
but
cannot be said that the author succeeds in evolving a connected

The ministers
dramatic plot or creating distinctive characters.
it
endowed with exemplary intelligence, but the system of

espionage and diplomacy is too obvious, the valour displayed
are
too stagey, the style
general
atmosphere
and
of
historical plays, like the
treatment
the
play
too
too
conventional,
pedestrian.
and the
Other quasi-
Prataparudra-kalyana* of the rhetori-
Ed. C. D. Dalai, Gaekward's Orient. Series, Baroda 1920, -which gives, besides
plot, all information about the work and historical matters connected
an analysis of the
with
it.
The author
is
to be distinguished
from Jayasimha Snri who wrote a Kumawpala-
carita in 1266 A. D., and the present work from the
Hamwira-mahakcivya written by Nay
candra Suri, already described, which deals wiib the Cauban kinp Hramira.
2
Ed. Grantha ratna-mala, Bombay 181)1. The work, written between
quarter of the 18th and the
first
quarter of the 14th century, celebrates in
five acts
i-
the last
the poet's
THE ALLEGORICAL DRAMA
479
1
cian
(in nine acts)

Vidyanatha, or the Gahgadasa-pratapa-vilasa
of the Gujarat author Gangadhara, or the Bala-martanda-vijaya 2
of
son
Devaraja,
Sesadri of SucTndram (Travancore), in five
of
acts, are frankly panegyrics and not dramas.
nirveda*
and
of
half
llarihara
fanciful.
is
didactic glorification of the
means
as a
of
The Bhartrhari-
not even historical, but half legendary
is
It
still
less
dramatic,
of
Hatha-yoga system
emancipation
being in part a
Goraksanatha
5.
Although one of A^vaghosa fragments contains some personifications of abstract virtues as dramatis personae, there is
yet no
evidence
English
if
of
any important
we
It
Middle
the
like
part
dramatic literature.
Sanskrit
the type, of which
drama,
allegorical
played
Morality,
evolution
the
that
the
in
early
also not clear
is
see the rudiments perhaps in the
drama-
fragment mentioned above, was actually practised, even on

a small scale, before or since A^vaghosa's time, thus establish-
tic
ing a continuous tradition.

patron, the Kakatlya
ruler
rhetorical
Vidyanatha's
and
On
with
the
Ed.
vii,
no.
Sastri,
Trivaudruru
pp.
1608-15.
ruler of
It
deals
with the
Champakapura (Champanir)
1904,
Series, 1931.
The author
was
already mentioned above.
The Lalita-vigrahardja
Ed. Durgapiasad and K. P. Parab, NSP,
JAOS, XXV,
Pansknt
A.DJ, whose exploits the work commemorates,

PadiLanabha at Trivandrum.
of
pp.
So'âdeva
197-225.
hari's Vairagya, but. the handling is free.
is
Bombay
The play
is
1892, 1900;
Eng.
trs.
In order to test the love of his wife
to be reported that he has
by L. H.
based upon the old legend of Bhatr-
Bhanumatl,
been killed
by a tiger while hunting.

dead on hearing the news, and the king in grief wants to ascend the funeral
king Bhartrhari causes

falls
written
included
(1729-5S
His wife
is
II of Gujarat (1443-51 A.D.).
K. Sambasiva
including the renovation of the shrine of
in
4194,
Gangadasa Pratfipadeva,
patronised by Martandavarman
Gray
also
is
drama
short
the author, see Trivedi's introd. to the rhetorical work,
Catalogue,
poet's patron,
Muhammad Shah
The
p. 229f.
i,
Ej.'gehng, India Office
struggle of
kind belong
this
Prataparudra of Warangal, in whose honour
of
plays
work, Pratdpantdra-yasubhusana.
in the third chapter of this work.

S.
All the
it
pyre with his wife's body.
He
is,
however, persuaded by the Yogic teachings of Goraksaall attachment to the world and all interest in his wife,
natha; and, in consequence, he loses
who, however,
characters, the
is
revived by the ascetic
drama
is late,
and
As the famous saint Goraksanatha
its editors
think that
it
belongs to Mithil$.
is
one of the
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITRRATURR
480
to a very late period,
the
known being
earliest
the
Prabodha-
candrodiya of KrsnimiSra, which belongs to the second half

of the llth century.
W> do not knjw whether KrsnamiSra was
old tradition or himself creating the peculiar
merely reviving an
type
in
any
to
the credit belongs
case,
him
attempting' to
of
produce a symbolical drami by means of purely personified

abstractions, without making it differ at all in form and style
But
from the normal drama.

if
not
against
was
like
rowing off-stream,
up a backwater, which leads nowhere. In
it,
it
numerous subsequent attempts, the type did not
spite of
well, nor did
any degree
of
into
develop
and
it
dramatists could greatly succeed
indeed
difficult to
new dramatic
genre.
Hardly
or invention can long sustain the
talent
literary
an allegory
of
interest
it
flourish
would be
in
idle to
expect that our
where success
sphere
is
achieve.
The attempts, however,
are interesting, not
only for
their
and cleverness, but also for the peculiar spirit of alleThe spirit is not a naive poetic
gorising which they represent.
novelty
but
trait
decadent trend, which, in
deliberate
its
remoteness
abstract ideas and symbols.

real life, revelled
Even
the themes are sometimes childish, the plays do not belong to
the childhood of the drama.
They are inspired, not by a spirit of
from
in
if
fancy and mythology,
but by a tendency towards
philosophical
and scholastic thinking, being purposely composed to illustrate

some doctrinal thesis. It is perhaps difficult to turn a dogma into
drama, but such philosophical allegories as the story of Puramin the 3rimad-bhagavata (iii. 25-28) might have suggested
jana
The weakness, however, of this class of composition

taking abstract ideas as drama tis personae, it either gives
the method.
is
that in
them
so
much
or so
little
Most
often
On
individuality that their real intention
that
they
they are
are
this story there actually exist
MSS
some
concealed,
abstractions and nothing more.
cut-and-dried
carita of Krstjadatta (Rajendralala Mitra,

Hftridftss (Kielhorn, Catalogue of
dull
is
labels
neatly
later allegorical
Notice*,
no. 2000)
defined
by
plays, e.g., the Puramjanaand the Piiramjana-ndtaka of
in Central Provinces, no. 70),

reflective consciousness, logical concepts rather
doctrinal formulas rather than live

of
action
entities.
481
than natural facts,
The whole course
so clearly betrayed by the tell-tale characters that
is
it
loses all interest.
Although conforming fully to the developed

dramatic form and mode, the type touches the border of the real
drama only when the tendency

presentation prevails
intended
berately
to symbolical, rather than

but in most cases we find that it
drama
deli-
convey religious and moral edification, or
to
by means
to glorify pedantic scholasticism,
and cb
literal,
is
In this respect,
iracterisation.
of
allegorical
action
the Sanskrit allegorical
more self-conscious epoch differs from the Middle

English Morality, to which it bears only a superficial resemblance
in its origin, spirit and treatment,
it does not also possess the
of a
religious ardour
and exaltation found
in
such masterpieces of
alle-
Bunyan's Grace Abounding and Pilgrim's Progress,

which, in their blend of the personal element with the mystic,
admit us to the tremendous spectacle of the spiritual struggles
gorical tales as
human soul and its unspeakable agonies.

The date of Krsnami^ra is fixed with some certainty from
his own references in the Prologue to one Gopala, at whose
command the play was written to commemorate the victory of
As
his friend, king Kirtivarman, over the Cedi king Kama.
of a
Karna
an
is
mentioned
in
inscription of the
1098 A.D.,
it
concluded that Krsnamisra belonged

the llth century.
has been
to the second half of
The
an inscription dated 1042 A.D., and as

king Kirtivarman is also dated
Candella
curious
title
2
Prabcdha-candrodaya, or
See Hultzsch and Kielhorn
1903, p. 148.
have been ao
The
ally
in
of
'
Krsnanri^ra's
Moonrise
the
Ep. Ind.
victory appears to have been
I,
of
pp. 217f, 325
won through
solitary
work,
the
True Knowledge',
V. A. Smith in 1A,
the valour of Gopala,
XXXVII,
who may
but the commentator Mahe^vara thinks that he was a general ISenapati)
of Kirtivarman.
2
Ed. Bhavanicharan Sarman, with the cornm. of Mahesvara, Calcutta 1832; ed.
H. Brockhaus, Leipzig 1835, 1845; ed. V. L. Pansikar, with Na9<Jillagopa's Candrika and
Ramadasa Dlkita's PrakaSa comm., N8P, Bombay 1898 (2nd ed. 1904). Trs. into Bng. by
J. Taylor, Bombay 1886, 1893, 1916; into German by T. Goldstucker, Konigeberg 1842; into
in Rev. de la Linguistique et de Philologie Cotnp,,
Bibliography by Schuyler in JAOS t XXV, 1904, pp. 194-96.
French by G. Deveze
Paris 1899'1902.
XXXII-XXXV,
482
theme.
its
suggests
It
is
in six acts, of the whole life of
profound philosophical allegory ^
man, and not
of particular
between the forces
or vice, cast in the form of a dramatic strife
human mind which
of the
lead to true knowledge and those
an
It is conceived as
are opposed to them.
virtue
internecine
that
struggle
between the two powerful sons of the regal Mind (Manas), born
respectively of his two wives, Activity (Pravrtti) and Repose
(Nivrtti)
and named king Confusion (Moha) and king Discrimi-
nation (Viveka).
Among
the faithful adherents of king Confusion,'
stand Love (Kama) and his wife Pleasure (Rati); Anger (Krodha)
(Himsa); Egoism (Ahamkara) and his grandson

Deceit (Dambha), born of Greed (Lobha) and Desire (Trsna);
and Injury
Heresy (Mithya-drsti) described as a courtesan; and Materialism

On the other side are arrayed, but
represented by Carvaka.
time being stand routed,
for the
the forces
of
king Discrimi-
namely Reason (Mati), Duty (Dharma), Pity (Karuna),

Goodwill (Maitrl), Peace (Santi) and her mother Faith (Sraddha,)
Forgiveness (Ksama), Contentment (Santosa), Judgment (Vastu-
nation,
vicara),
Devotion
Religious
and others.
(Bhakti)
The
plot is
by means of allegorical incidents, as

comic
and
erotic relishes, and centres round the
by
accomplishment of the ultimate union of king Discrimination
ingeniously developed
well as
(Viveka) and Sacred Lore
(Upanisad), from which
is
predicted
overthrow of king Confusion by the birth of True Knowledge

(Prabodba) and Spiritual Wisdom (Vidya). As the meeting ground
the
of all faiths
and
heresies,
spot which both

at the outset
linked
the
attempt to occupy, but which becomes

triumphant seat of Confusion. To this is
of
episode
Peace (Santi),
trials of
by Devotion (Bhakti).
saved
in vain for Faith in
The
who
the
has lost her mother
assailed
first
episode,
Faith
who
is
cleverly con-
who searches
Jainism, Buddhism and Brahmanism (Soraa
ceived, delineates the
aptly selected as the key-
is
parties
the
Faith (Sraddha), and of the
Cult)
Benares
desperate
plight
of
Peace,
each appears with a wife claiming to be Faith, but Peace
cannot recognise
her mother
in
these
distorted
forms.
After
1'HE
ALLEGORICAL DRAMA
483
the vicissitudes of the great struggle and ultimate triumph of the

good party, the old Mind is disconsolate over the loss of his
but true Doctrine,

progeny Confusion and his wife Activity
the Vedanta, appears, disabuses him of false ideas and advises
him to settle down with the other remaining wife, Eepose, who
;
worthy of him. In the end,

Being or Purusa Discrimination
Supreme Lord appears as

is united with Sacred Lore
by the birth of True Knowledge
is
and the prophecy
fulfilled
is
the
out of the union.
With such
it
is
difficult
to
that,
astonishing
and essentially scholastic subject-matter,

produce a drama of real interest. But it is
apart from the handicaps inherent in the
abstract
method and purpose, Krsnami^ra succeeds,
to a
remarkable degree,
an ingenious picture of the spiritual struggle of the

human mind in the dramatic form of a vivid conflict, in which
in giving us
the erotic, comic and devotional
In form, the work

differ
is
arranged as a regular
from the ordinary
metrical arrangement,
of the various
interests are cleverly
it is
play.
utilised.
comedy and does not
With regard
not inferior; and the
to
dialogue and
amusing scenes
forms of hypocrisy, arrogance and pedantry show
On
considerable power of lively satire.
the doctrinal
composition attempts to synthesise Advaitic
side,
the
Vedanta with Visnu-
bhakti, but the philosophical and didactic content does not make
it heavily pedantic nor insipidly doctrinarian. Even if represented
common
internal
theme
the
by personified abstractions,
experience,
and not
is
made
matter
of
an abstruse theological
Tbe allegorising
exercise.
consistent, and there is no frigidity
in the plot we follow it with interest and curiosity as much as
is
On the literary
follow the unfolding of a dramatic spectacle.
side also Krsnami6ra can frame fine sentences and stanzas of
we
both emotional and reflective kinds.
Admitting
all this,
it
would
be idle, however, to pretend that the author, despite his dramatic
grasp
and inventiveness,
is
completely successful
his abstract ideas into living persons.
a single trait f instead of the whole
The method
man,
in
shaping
of presenting
in a magnified form,
and
484
of attaching a descriptive label to
produce
The
life-like results.
can hardly be expected to

of satire and realism, as well
it,
gift
which the author undeniably
as of poetry,
saves
possesses,
his
from being caricatures but his religious ardour is never

passionate and his poetic fancy never so enchanting as to
enable him (as they enable Bunyan and Spenser partially) to
pictures
so
clothe
abstract
his
with
qualities
vivid
and
personality,
compel our sympathy with his shadowy personages as with real

beings. Nevertheless, of all such plays in Sanskrit, Krsnami^ra's
work must be singled out
an attractive
as
much
effort of
real
merit.
The other
allegorical
are elaborate,
plays
but
in
no way
1
commendable, productions. Their number is quite respectable,
but most of them are comparatively little known. Even their
without going further, often suggest and fully explain

their theme and character.
The work which stands next in
titles,
and sustained
date
effort,
not in
but
dramatic quality,
Moha-parajaya* or 'Conquest of Confusion
Dhanadadeva and Rukmini

himself
minister
of
Ajayapala (1229-32 A.D.).

itself indicates
of the
Modba
Caulukya
'
is
the
of Yaâhpala, son
of
family of Gujarat
Kumarapala's
the influence of Krsnamigra's
work
successor,
and the
It is a play in five acts,
and
but
it is
title
com-
posed chiefly in the interest of Jainism and is furnished with a

few concrete historical characters, surrounded by personifications
of abstract
qualities.
into Jainism by the
It describes the conversion of
of course appear in the play, but
it
Kumarapala
both of
whom
also utilises the erotic
Natika
famous Acarya Hemacandra,
motif of the king's marriage with Krpasundarl, who is a real

personage but who is figured from her name as the incarnation of
Beautiful Compassion, the marriage taking place through the
efforts of the minister Punyaketu, the Banner of Merit, and with
the ministration of Hemacandra
as the
priest.
For a
Ed. Muni Caturvijay*, Qaekwad't Orient. Series, Baroda 1918.
list
see Sten
Konow,
op. ctl, pp. 98-96.
As a pledge
ALLEGORICAL DRAMA
to banish the seven
Kumarapala agrees
sins
Flesh-
(Gambling,
Slaughter, Theft and Adultery, Concubinage

being overlooked) and abolishes the practice of confiscating the
eating, Drinking,
while with the help of Hemacandra,

and made invisible by his Vltaragathe siege laid on Man's
stuti, the king succeeds in removing
Mind by king Confusion. There is some historical interest in
property of heirless persons
armoured
in his Yoga-$astra
the delineation of the activities

beneficent
and
but the literary merit of
regulations,
The
not be exaggerated.
Jainism
of
erotic episode
is
Kumarapala's
work need
the
and the
ineffective,
presentation of the vices, on the model of Krsnami^ra's work,
is
a feeble and unconvincing attempt.

1
The Caitanya-candrodaya
son
karnapura,
Sivananda
of
Bengal, was composed

of Caitanya's life at
mythical
(e.g.,
(e.g.,
of
Kancanapalli
1572 A.D.
in
Prataparudra of Orissa.
allegorical
of Paramanarida-dasa-sena
It is,
of Gajapati
a dramatised
in essence,
Even
Navadvipa and Puri.
Maitrl,
(Kancdapada)
command
at the
Narada, Eadha, Krsna,
in
etc.
the
account
introduces
if it
Adharma, Viraga,
Bhakti,
Kavi-
etc.)
and
inset play),
figures as a subsidiary contrivance, as well as the device of a
my-
not really an
alle-
thological play inserted into the real

gorical play A for the
action
play,
it is
does not hinge
upon the
allegorical
element. Kavikarnapurais a facile writer, but he conceives himself

as a poet and devotee rather than as a sober historian.
The work
an interesting glimpse into the atmosphere of Caitanyaism

and records some tradition which the poet's father (who figures
affords
might have handed

muddled theological discourses, weak
in the play) as an elderly disciple of Caitanya
with
but
down;
characterisation
brings out
nor
life
1
*
rhetorical
much
embellishments,
significance
spiritual
distinction
as
a dramatic
it
neither
of Caitanya's
or historical
Ed. FUjeniralala
Pftnasikar,
and
adequately the
attains
contribution
its
N3P, Bombay
Mitra,
1906.
Bibl.
Vai$nava Faith and Movement in Bengal, ohs.
ed. Kedarnath and V. L.

work and author, see 8. E. De,
Calcutta 1851;
Ind.,
For a detailed account

ii
and
of the
vii.
486
HISTORY 0# SANSKRIT
It
type,
would be enough
as
are
if
such of the remaining
known, are
better
LtTERAftJftti
briefly noticed
are works of no outstanding literary merit.

portraiture, as well as
some sharp
of
this
for
they
some
vivid
plays
here,
There
is
and ingenious fancy,
satire
but the reflective, theological and allegorical side gets altogether

To the 16th
the better of the dramatic, pictorial and poetic.
1
century belongs the
Dharma-vijaya
Bhudeva Sukla, which
of
allegorises in five acts the advantages of a
life
of
spiritual
duty,
and introduces, besides the usual personifications of virtues and

vices, characters like Poetry (Kavita), Prakrta and Poetic Figure
The Vidya-parinaya* composed by Vedakavi, but

dutifully ascribed to the author's patron Anandaraya Makhin,
son of Nraimha of Bharadvaja Gotra (who was Anandarao
(Alamkara).
Tanjore, 1711-29 A.D.),

describes in seven acts the marriage of king Jiva (Individual Soul)
and Vidya (Spiritual Wisdom), with the usual paraphernalia of
Peshwa,
minister of Sarabhoji
theology and erotic imagery
of
Jivananda* of the same
while the
poet, also in seven acts, apparently written earlier

is
work
of
for
Sabjl
of
but
of
similar
import
Tanjore (1687-1711 A.D.),
4
The
in
five
merit.
dramatic
little
acts, of the
Amrtodaya,
Maithila (lokulanatha, son of Pitambara and Umadevi, a courtpoet of Fateh Shah of Srinagar (about 1615 A.D.), similarly
depicts the allegorical progress of Jiva from creation to annihilation.
ed.
The
tiridama-carita
of
composed in
Samaraja Dlksita,
Ed. Narajan Sostri Khiste in Sarasvati Bhavaoa Texts Series,
Grantha-ratna-mala,
iii,
nos. 6-7,
Bombay
1889-90.
was composed about 1560 A.D. (ABORI, XIII, p. 183K

* Ed. Sivadatta and K. P. Parab, NSP,
Bombay 1893.
in the Prologue
Benares 1980; also
The Rasa-vilasa
The *ork
of
Bhudeva
expressly
Sukla
mentions
the Prabodha-candrodaya, Samkalpa-suryodaya and BhavanH-purufottama,
The last-named work was composed in five act* by Srinivasa Atiifttray&jin, son of
Bhavasvamin and Lak^ml, of Surasamudra (between Tanjore and Madura). It is noticed
by Burnell
4
in his Cat. of Skt.
MSS
in the Tanjore Ptlace Library, p. 170.
Ed. Durgaprasad and K. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1891.

Ed. Sivadatta and K. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1897. The work was composed
in
1693 A.D.
*
Analysed in Wilson, Hindu Theatre, vol. ii, p. 404 f. On Samaraja's date (latter,
and works, see 8. K. De, Sanskrit Potties, i, p. 820; P. K. Gode
part of the 17th century)

in
ABORI, X,
pp. 158-69, where mention is
made
o!
another
work
of
Samtraja on
EROTIC AND FARCICAL PLAYS
1681 A.D.,
mixed
deals, in a
allegorical
487
form in
five
with
acts,
the legend of Srldama, a companion of Krsna, in which the

hero, a favourite of Learning (Sarasvati) but obnoxious to Pro-
(Laksmi), is assailed by Poverty and Folly, but is

Even less
ultimately saved by the virtuous agents of Krsna.
interesting are the elaborate South Indian plays, the Samkalpa-
sperity
suryodaya, in ten acts, of Venkatanatha Vedantadeîka Kavi2

1
or Vedanta-vilasa, in
tarkikasimba, and the Yatiraja-vijaya
six
of
acts,
Varadacarya or
Ammal
both
Acarya,
of
which
give a dreary allegory of the triumph of Kamanuja's doctrine, and

illustrate in its extreme form the use of the allegorical drama for
the purpose of sectarian propaganda.
6.
The
types of one-act
peculiar
play,
Bhana
the
and the
Prahasana, are closely allied to each other in having a farcical

character but the Bhana is predominantly erotic and consists
entirely of a prolonged monologue carried on by means of supposi;
Both
tious dialogues.
of
them must have been popular, and,
as
but with the exception of

the Caturbhanl and the Matta-vilasa, of which we have spoken
above, the specimens of these forms of composition which exist
attested by theory, undoubtedly old
belong to comparatively recent times. There is, however, no

evidence to support the suggestion that more abundant specimens
K&magastra, entitled
Rati-kallolini,
His Sfhgdrdmfta-lahari
and composed in 1719 A.D.
is
published in Kavyamala, Gucchaka xiv.

J
Ed. K. Srinivasacharya, Conjeevaram 1914;
Srl-Vanl-vilasa Press, Srirangam, 1917 'acts
i-v),
xxviii-xxxii (1906-10), xxxiv (1912), xxxvii (1915;
known as Vedantades*ika
only,
latter half of the 13th century.
was a
it is
Ed. K. Viraaghava Tatacarya,
The author, son
is
and
written
adapted
follows pedantically, in the arrangement of
trs.
xxxviii
also
ed. in
obviously on
who
the
better
flourished in the
model of
to the tenets of the author's
its acti,
the Pandit,
The author,
(1916).
own
Krsna-
school,
and
the order of topics of the Vcdanta-sutra.
Kumbbakonam
1902.
SudarSanacarya, was a Vaisnava teacher of KanchI in

and the beginning of the 18th century. But see E. V. Vira
of Ghatikas*ata
the latter half of the 17th
Raghavaoharya in Journal
place Varadacarya
K. Narayauacharya andD. R. lyengar,
versatile teacher and polygraph,
The work
migra's Prabodha-candrodaya, but
ed.
with Eng.
of Vehkatetvara Oriental Institute, II,
in the 14th century.
pt.
(1941).
who would
488
of
Bhana and Prabasana have not come down
to us because
they
were intended for the people and were not considered worthy of
To judge from the small number of such plays as
preservation.
have survived,
clear
it is
discernible in their
that, in spite of a certain popular trait
theme and rough humour, they belong, not

but to
to the popular theatre,
the polished society did not

farce
and the
erotic
literary draina.
the
disdain
monologue
the
play,
Apparently
shallow gaiety of the
which take for their
characters debauchees, rogues and vagrants and for their subjects

shady and coarse acts, but which are composed in the elegant
manner
and polished
the
of
normal
literary
In this
drama.
they are artistic productions of the same kind, and

exhibit the same stylistic merits and defects.
The literary
sense,
tradition
is
also indicated
by the
fact that
chiefly develop the characters of the
the regular drama,

dental.
who become
It is true that the
old
principal
these dramatic
Vita
types
and Vidusaka of
and not merely inci1
Vidusaka does not directly
the Prahasana and that the Vita in the later
Bhana
is
occur in
much
de-
graded character, but the connexion cannot be mistaken, and the

Vita still retains an echo of his old polish. The degradation is
due not to any supposed writing for the masses or to any
supposed contact with the popular play, but to the general decadence of dramatic sense and power, which manifests itself in
The
this period in almost all types of dramatic composition.
world which the Bhana and Prahasana paint is, more or less,
a world of conventional caricature, but the exaggeration of
oddity and vice is, on the whole, no more nor less removed from
real life than the picture of ideal virtue in the serious draina.
If
the plays constantly verge upon real comedy without ever touching it, it is a characteristic which can be sufficiently explained
by the universal lack
of real dramatic gift, without the
borated presumption
of
their
being
meant
consumption.
Except
in a small
way
in the
Bhayavad-ajjuhiya and
only
for
uncorro-
popular
489
Indeed the group of Bbanas, with which we are concerned

here, consists, in a
narrow sense,
of artistic productions imitative
and reproductive of earlier works, and present a monotonous

sameness of style and treatment, which suggests a sense of
After
artificiality inseparable from all laboured composition.
the creative epoch of the Gaturbhani, the Bhana as a species of the
drama does not appear to have developed much, and the
the theorists are as
divergent on this point as

the practice of the dramatists themselves. Of the limited number
definitions
of
little
such plays, only about a dozen have so far been published ;

but since they do not present much variety in matter and manner
of
it
would not be necessary
of this
of the
the
is
to take
Karpura-carita
of
them
in detail.
The
earliest
Vatsaraja of Kalaiijara
(end
12th and beginning of the 13th century), of which we
With
have spoken above.
monologic Prologue, free use

of Prakrit, enough comic relief and a somewhat diversified
plot, it bears more affinities to the Caturbhanl than the later
Bhanas, but
With
is
older
in
no way a very remarkable production.
noteworthy Bhana, which

which does not belong to Southern India,
Bhanas bear a striking similarity to one another
exception
date
other later
all
in
it is
the
its
of
this
and
form and content, as well as in their place of origin.

Of such Bhanas as have been so far published, we have
2
of Vamana Bhatta Bana, which belongs to
the Srhgara-bhusana
in
their
end of the 14th and beginning of the 15th century
the
Vasanta-tilaka
of
teacher of KancI;
the
VaradacSrya or Ammalacarya, the Vaistiava

the
Srhgara-tilaka
of
his
contemporary
Kamabhadra Dlksita (middle and second half of the 17th), written
Ed. C. D. Dalai, Gaekwad'a Orient. Series, no. 8a Baroda 1918
Rftpaka-satha).
*
*
(in
Vatsaraja'i
See above, p. 474.
Ed. Sivadatta and K. P. Parab. NSP, Bombay 1896, 1910.

Ed. Damaruvallabha Sarman, Calcutta 1868 ; ed. Vavilla JUmanujacharya, Mactara
Also ed. Jivananda Vidyasagar, Calcutta 1874. See above, p. 487, footnote 8.
Ed. Sivadatta and K. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1894, 1910. Tt is called Ayyftbh&na
to distinguish it from Vasanta-tilakd which 19 called AmmabhSna.
1872.
490
1
of Nalla
Varadacarya's work; the Srhgara-sarvasva
Dlksita, son of Balachandra Diksita
(about 1700 A. D.) the
to
rival
Rasa-sadana
of
Yuvaraja of
t]
Paiicabana-vijaya
and the Rasika-raiijana

of Kagipati
who
the
erotic
sports of
tiates
it
of SnnivJisacarya.
the
Samkara
The Mukundananda
flourished at the court
of
Nanjaraja
a late Bhaija belonging to the early part of the 38th
It calls itself
century.
in
Kaviraja,
is
Kerala;
of Rarigacarya; the Sarada-tilaka* of

5
of Mysore,
Kotiliiigapura
in
Mira
mixed or
adventures of
its
Bhfina,
and alludes
Bhujangasekhara, to the
The double application differenVita,
Krsna and the Gopls.

from the ordinary Bhana, with which
it
cannot be
may
not be un-
strictly classified.
The Bhana,
as
typified
by these works,
fittingly described as the picture of a Rake's progress, giving us

the account of a glorious day of adventure of the Vita, who
appears here, not as the cultured and polished wit of earlier

Bhanas but as a professional amourist, casting his favours right
and
left
world.
and boasting of a hundred conquests in the hetaeraHis name is significant; it is either Vilasasekhara,
Bhujangasekhara,
AnangaSekhara,
SrngaraSekhara,
Rasika-
The Prologue is not,

Sekhara or simply (but rarely) the Vita.
as one would expect, in the form of a monologue, but consists
a
of
dialogue
normal drama) between the Sutradhara

The Vita-hero, whose approach is indicated
(as in the
and his assistant.

1
2
3
Ed. Sivadatta and K. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1902, 1911,

Ed. Sivadatta and K. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1893, 1922.
Ed. V. Ramasvami Sastrulu, in Telugu characters, Madras 1915
Analysed by Wilson,
Ed. Mysore 1885.
No
op. ctt.,
ii,
p. 384.
The author was
a native of Benares.
been found of Srhgara-mafljarf and Lila-madhuhara, mentioned

by gingabhupala and Yi6vanatha. For a bibliography of unpublished Bhanas,
Konow, op. ctt., pp. 121-23 For an account of the printed Bhanas, see S. K De,
trace has yet
respectively
see
Sten
A Note on the Sanskrit Monologue Play (Bhana) in JRAS, 1926, pp H3-90.

7
Ed. Durgaprasad and E P. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1889, 1894. On the author and
date, see M. P. L. Sbattry in .Veto Indian Antiquary IV, 1941, pp. 150-54.
Eulogising
,
ruler, Naftjaraja, the pcet
rhetorical
Nrsimha, calling himself Abhinava Kalidasa
work named Nanjaraja-yatobhujana
Kiilpati also appears to have written a
(ed.
GaekwaVs
commentary on
(I),
Orient. Series,
his
this
composed his
Baroda 1930\
Nafljaraja's Samglta-gahgftdharQ,
AND FAKCJCAL PLAYS
tiROTlC
the end of
at
the
Prologue,
enters
the
491
in
stage
a love-lorn
and begins a somewhat mawkish description of the

What brings him
early morning in terms of an erotic imagery.
condition,
out
of
so
early
usually his vexation at being separated
is
from
circumstances
and
his
beloved,
who
sometimes an intriguing married
may
also be a friendly visit, or his
through
a
of
series
force
woman
but his object
He makes
his
promise
promenade
hetaera (Vesa-bata), and carries on

conversations with friends, both male
the
of
street
by
generally a hetaera
anxiety to keep
of looking after his friend's mistress.
the
is
imaginary
and female, who frequent such a place, speaking in the air
to persons out of sight and repeating answers which ho pretends
to receive.
He
way the rather shady lives and

large number of his acquaintances,
depicts in this
amorous adventures
of
and
courtesans
men-about-town,
and describes ram-fights, cock-fights, snake-charming, wrestling,
gambling with dice, magic shows, acrobatic feats, selling
mostly
rogues,
hypocrites,
of bracelets, besides various
He
sports.
settles
kinds
disputes
of
fashionable,
between
feminine,
a hetaera (or her lover)
and her grasping old mother, or between

unfaithful
lover,
describing
incidentally
if
the
hetaera and her
Kalatra-patrika*
document setting forth the terms of contract of a

He listens to music played on the Vina and
temporary union.
or
the
sometimes enters a dancing saloon, exchanging pleasantries

with dancing girls. He succeeds in the end in achieving tbe
object with which he set forth, executes the entrusted commission or meets his beloved, and concludes with a description
the end of a perfect day
The
of the evening and moonrise,
scene of action is usually laid in some famous South Indian
!
like
city,
Kafici,
or,
as
in
Sarada-tilaka, in
some imaginary
Such as Kanduka-krI<Ja, Pola-vihara, Cakur-apidhana, Ainbara-kara^daka, Maninone of

guptaka, Yugmayugma-dargana, Caturariga-vihara, Gajapati-kusuma-kanduka, etc ,
1
which
2
the
ia
mentioned by Vatsyayana.
See, for instance, gfhgara-bhusana, p. 16,
man
Wreaths,
stipulates
to
Sthgara-sarvasva, p. 18.
Besides money,
provide for bis mistress a pair of cloth every month, as wall as flower,
musk and caiuphored
betel every day*
492
HISTORY
Ofr
SANSKRIT LITERATURE
'
land of romantic fancy like Kolahalapura,

the city of noise
and the normal occasion of the performance of the play
some
festival in
One
their
honour of a
of
variety.
is
local deity.
of the outstanding features of aJl
want
'
There
monotonous sameness
is
Bhanas
these later
theme, sentiment, incidents, objects and characters,
is
of
as
as well
and treatment, which suggests that the Bhana in this

epoch of artificiality became a mere literary exercise and subsided
into a lifeless form of art.
We come across some fine verses,
of style
both descriptive and erotic, but the descriptions are conventional
and tricks of expression. It is also noteworthy

that the comic and satiric tendency, which should rightly find a
in their conceits
place in the
and which
Bhana from
is
so
in
prominent
appears in the later Bhanas,

entirely erotic.
connexion with the Prahasana,
its close
the
Caturbhanl,
which become
Some amount
of
satire
is
in
dis-
gradually
time
course of
incidentally
intro-
duced in the description, for instance, of licentious Pauranikas,

1
and some people like
old Srotriyas and fraudulent astrologers,
the Gurjaras are pungently ridiculed,
feature.
The
satire or real
but this
is
comedy
indeed
is
not a
very
common
slight
and
the erotic, and often hopelessly coarse, descriptions, incidents

and imageries almost universally predominate. The characters
are rarely diversified,
bawds and
but consist of specimens
of
courtesans,
having the erotic stamp ; they are types,

rather than individuals, repeating themselves in all later Bhanas.
The depressing atmosphere of such unedifying characters, none
of
whom
libertines, all
rises
above the middle
class, is
they are seldom seasoned with comic

variety of incidents
bound
to
be dull, as
effects, individual
and situations.
The monotonous
traits,
or
insistence
on the erotic sentiment tends to become cloying ; and it is

no wonder that the Bhana, as a species of composition, though
1
Only in the Sarada
and Vatroavas.
tilaka, there is
The Bhagavatas
not in bis Bhana, Karpura-carita.

*
In the Mukundananda.
some
satire
directed against the
Jangamas, Saivas
art ridiculed in Vatsaraja's farce Hdsj/a-ctitfdmam, but
493
EROTIC AND FARCICAL PLAVS

popular in a limited sense, never made a
was in course of time forgotten.
It
is
silence of
probable
that
Bharata and
the
his
Bhana from
feature of the
present in the Caturbhanl.
erotic
permanent appeal, and
tendency, in
The
the
an inseparable
very beginning, and we find it
commentator,
its
spite of
\*as
erotic figure
the Vit>a as the
of
But what is signionly actor naturally kept up and fostered it.

ficant is that the erotic element gets the upper hand in the later
Bhanas, as they do not make the best of the comic possibilities
of the society which they handle and which lend themselves finely
to
such treatment.
The very names
of the
later
Bhanas and
their principal Vitas emphasise their exclusive tendency
of
towards
and their diminishing interest in comedy and satire.

Bharata gives us no prescription regarding the sentiment to be
delineated in the Bhana, and the earlier authors of the Catureroticism
bhani, therefore, were unfettered in this respect and could draw

upon other legitimate sources of interest than the erotic. But
from the time
of
the Da$a-rupaka onwards,
it
is
distinctly
understood that the erotic and the heroic should be the sentiment
The heroic was probably dropped as

proper to the Bhana.
unsuitable to the essential character of the play, but the erotic
came
to prevail.
The
erotic convention, in
fact,
overshadows
everything, and one would seek in vain in these decadent writings for the power of observation and reproduction of real life
which are so
There
by the Caturbham.
a greater scope for comedy and
vividly exhibited
is
Prahasana, but by
satire
in
the
exaggeration, hopeless vulgarity (allowed

by theory) and selection of a few conventional types of characters,
with plenty of horse-play, than
it becomes more a caricature,
its
As a class of composia picture of real life, with true comedy.

tion, the Prahasana is hardly entertaining, and has little literary
Bhana
Vilvanatba's exception that the KaisikI Vrtti may sometimes be allowed in the
in keeping with the erotic spirit of the later writings, as this dramatic style
is quite
gives greater scope to love and gallantry.
494
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LlTKliATUUK
The
attraction.
chiefly to the
erotic tendency is
still
there, but
it
is
confined
and descriptions, and entirely subof grotesque and often coarse antics.
The
stanzas
set
merged in a series
theme is invented, and consists generally of the tricks and
quarrels of low characters of all kinds, which often include a
The
courtesan.
action
theory between the

types
The
is
more
is
mixed
or less formal
and the distinction made by

(Saniklrna) and unmixed (Suddha)
slight,
and
is
of
no practical significance.
Phahasanas have only one act, like the fihana, but

specimens extend to two acts, or divides the one act
earlier
the later
two Samdhis.
into
The dramaturgic treatises mention several -Prahasanas which

have not come down to us.
Thus, the Bhava-prakaa of Saradatanaya mentions Sairatndhrika, Sagara-kaumudi and Kali-keli
while the Rasarnava-sudhakara cites Ananda-koa, Brhat-subha;
draka and Bhagavad-ajjuka, of which the last-named work alone

Of the three Prahasanas cited in the
has been recovered.
Sahitya-darpana, the Lataka-melaka alone has
Dhurta-carita
Prahasanas,
and Kandarpa-keli are

we have already spoken
survived,
lost.
of
but the
Of
the
the existing
Matta-vilasa of
Mahendravikrama, which is undoubtedly the earliest known

(620 A.D.), and of the Hasya-cudamani of Vatsaraja, which
belongs to the end of the 12th and beginning of the 13th century.
1
ajjuklyas,
two
these
Between
which
date of which
is
works
comes probably
an
the
Bhagavad-
Prahasana, but the

undoubtedly
unknown and authorship uncertain. Like most
is
old
preserved in Kerala, the Prologue omits the name of the

which finds throughout a
author, but a late commentary,
plays
philosophical
meaning
two manuscripts
who
is
of
in the farce,
the
play)
otherwise unknown, but
names
agreement with
Bodhayana Kavi as the author,
whom
the
(in
commentator
might
Ed. A. Bauerji Sastri in JBORS, 1924, from very imperfect materials, but ed. more
with an anonymous commentary by P. Anujan Achan, and published from the
Paliyam Manuscripts Library, Jayantainanga!ain, Cochin 1925. Also ed, Prabhakaru
1
critically
Sastri Veturi, Vavilla Press,
Madras
1925*
495
be confusing with the Vrttikara Bodhayana quoted by Rainanuja.
The argument
Buddhism was
the
that
still
farce
living
was composed
faith
is
at
a time
when
indefinite
clearly
and
specimens of the
Prahasana, it reveals features of style and treatment which
render a date earlier than the 12th century very probable.
One
but
inconclusive,
with
compared
later
important feature of this well-written farce, which distinguishes

it from all other farces in Sanskrit, is that the comic
element is
found
not
the oddities of the characters but in the ludicrous-
in
as
it is
curiously named, the saint

in
versed
well
teacher,
the Saint and the
In this farce of
ness of the plot.
Yoga,
is
true
while
ascetic
Courtesan,
and learned
his pupil Sandilya is the
Vidusaka of the serious drama their conversation, with

which the play begins, has comic features, but it is never
typical
grotesque and coarse, and the characters are not of that low arid
The
hypocritical type which is ordinarily ridiculed in the farce.
courtesan,
lover,
who
does
which we
not
show the vulgar
find in the
The funny
garden and awaits her
enters the neighbouring
traits of the
normal Prahasanas
when
common
mentioned
to be
harlot,
below.
the
dead bitten by a
an
saint, finding
opportunity of impressing
his scoffing pupil by a display of Yogic powers, enters the dead
situation
arises
girl falls
serpent, and the
body of the courtesan. The messenger of Yania, coming to fetch

the dead soul and finding that a mistake has been committed, allows
the soul of the courtesan to enter the lifeless body
The curious exchange

like the courtesan,
of souls
makes the
saint
equilibrium
and returns the souls
to
Yama
their
the saint.
speak
the
while the courtesan adopts
conduct of the saint, until the messenger of
of
and act
language and
restores
the
respective bodies.
Although a small piece, the play achieves real humour, not by

cheap witticisms and clownish acts, but by a genuinely comic
plot
and commendable characterisation.
It is easily the
best
of
the Sanskrit farces.
We
can dismiss the Damaka-prahasana of unknown date

and authorship, the main incident of which covers about three
496
pages, as no one can seriously call the fragment a

Prahasana or even a noteworthy work in any respect. The
1
printed
Damaka-incident
an obvious imitation
is
Vidusaka-
of the usual
episode of the normal drama, while the two added pieces of a few
lines are fragmentary and unconnected and have no comic element
in
The
it.
work looks
slight
scenes, containing
like a selection of scenes or half-
from well-known
culled
verses
works and
2
The Nata-vata-prahasana
compiled for some kind of diversion.
is
also
of
of Vasudeva
son
of Yadunandana,
Cayani,
unknown
it
there
but
requirements,
an early work.
is
conform
does not strictly
date and
is
It
the technical
to
no
reason
the
coarseness of
has
to
suppose
later
that
farces
and does not exhibit any noteworthy literary characteristics.

The Prologue, presented in the form of a Monologue, in which
the Sutradhara carries on by means of Akasa-bhasita, may be
an
interesting
suggested by
an
of
relic
old
trait,
Although some characters are
itself.
but
it
may
have been
main body of the Bhana

common, the two Samdhis
the established technique of
play are entirely unconnected, and the suggestion that it

was composed on the model of some popular dramatic spectacles
of
the
of looser technique
is
The remaining
farces,
are of a coarser type

is
some rough
not improbable.
which have been
and have
little to
wit, as well as satire, but
it
open vulgarity, while the descriptive and

distinction.
little
The
earliest of
so
far published,
recommend them.
these
is
often
erotic
is
the
There
defaced
by
stanzas possess
Lataka-melaka*
'
the Conference of Rogues', composed apparently in the first

part of the 12th century, under Govindcandra ofKanauj, by
or
It describes in two acts the

Kaviraja Safikhadhara.
assembling
of all kinds of roguish people at the house of the go-between
1
Ed. V. Venkatarama
Bhasa,*ee
*
Sastri,
Lahore 1926.
J. Jolly in Festgate Qarbe,
On
the false ascription
of this
work
to
Erlaugeo 1927, pp. 116-21.
Ed. Granthamala, ii, Bombay 1887.

Ed. Dargaprasad and K. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay 1889, 3rd ed. 1923. There
are several quotations from this work in the Sdrhgadhara-yaddhati and the Sahitya-darpana,
which undoubtedly place the work earlier than the 14th century.
*
Dantura
497
winning the favour of her daughter Madanamafijari.

They represent a number of types, each labelled with a particular
First comes, with his
foible, indicated by their very names.
for
parasite
the
Kulavyadhi,
profligate
Sabhasali
professor
who,
having a ferociously quarrelsome wife Kalahapriya, seeks diversion in the society of the courtesan. As Madanamafijari has accidentally swallowed a fish bone, the quack doctor Jantuketu is called
in
his .methods are absurd, but his
words and acts make the
laugh, with the happy result of dislodging the bone.
girl
Then appear
Digambara Jatasura and the Kapalika Ajnanaraî quarrelling;

cowardly village headman Samgramavisara, accompanied by
the
the
his sycophant Vigvasaghataka; the hypocritical
3ukla
the
preceptor Phurikatamigra ; the depraved

Vyasanakara, interested in a washerwoman,
fraudulent
monk
Buddhist
and other similar characters.

and in
There
the end
is
a marriage is
between the old bawd Dantura and the
lovers,
Brahman Mithya-
bargaining of the
arranged
satisfactorily
Jatasura.
Digambara
of tbe
Meeting of Knaves
Maithila Jyotirisvara Kaviêkara, son of Dhane^vara and grandson of Rame^vara of the family of Dhlresvara, was composed
under king Harasimha or Harisimha of Karnata family, who
The Dhiirta-samagama
ruled in
Mithila
or
'
same
first
contest between a wicked religious
pupil Duracara
whom the pupil saw
over a
his
quarter of the 14th century.

type in one act, in which there is a
during the
It is a farce of the
'
the
first,
but
mendicant Vigvanagara and
charming courtesan
whom
On
the preceptor
Anangasena,
meanly desires
suggestion of the girl, the

referred to arbitration by the Brahman Asajjati who
craftily decides, after the manner of the ape in the fable, to keep
to appropriate to himself
matter
Ed. C. Lassen in
1888
'
the
is
his
Anthologia
ed. C. Cappeller, in litho,
In some
MSS
name
Jena 1883.
Santcntica (nob reprinted in the 2nd ed.), Bonn

C/. Le"vi, op. cif., p 252 f
.
of tbe king is given as Narasiinha,
who has been
identified by
Sten Kono'w and Keith, following Lassen, with Nartsiipha of Vijayanagara (1487-1508 A.D.).
But this is clearly incorrect. See discussion of the whole question by 8. K. Chatterji in
tbe
Proceeding* of the Oriental Conference, Allahabad,
63-1343B
vol. ii, pp. 559-69,
498
the girl for himself, although his Vidusaka also covets the prize.
It should be remembered that the author wrote a work also on
Paflca-sayaka* and the extreme erotic

tendency of his farce, therefore, is not unexpected.
the art of love,
entitled
The other extant
farces belong to a
much
The
later period.
Hasyarnava* of JagadKvara follows in two acts the general

scheme, with a slight variation, of bringing rogues and rakes
together in the house of the bawd Bandhura, which the king
Anaya-sindhu, Ocean of Misrule,
study the character of

his people, as they are drawn there by the beauty of her daughter
Mrgankalekha. The series of characters who enter comprises
visits to
the court chaplain Vi^vabandhu and his pupil Kalabankura, who

quarrel over the possession of a courtesan ; the incompetent
docltor Vyadhi-sindhu, son of Aturantaka, who wants to cure
by applying a heated needle
colic
barber
Bakta-kallola
him
in
Terror to
that the
blood
pool of
the
city
who
is
the
Bana-jambuka, who
cut
the
police-chief
his
with
reports
hands of thieves
valiant
is
the palate
has
who
Good,
in
to
enough
to
the surgeon-
patient
and
left
Sadhu-himsaka,
great
satisfaction
comic general
cut a leach in two
and
;
the
In the second act, the

the ignorant astrologer Mahayantrika.
efforts of the chaplain and his pupil to obtain the damsel meet
with opposition from those of another religious teacher, Madandhami&ra and bis pupil, who are birds of the same feather. The
men
succeed, and the two pupils content themselves with

the old hag, knowing that they would share the young girl on
older
the sly.
words
The work
and
acts,
by unredeemed vulgarity of
and cannot in any sense be regarded as
is
an attractive production.
Ed. Sadananda
Sastri,
disfigured
The Kautuka-sarvasva
of
Goplnatha
Lahore 1921.
Ed. 0. Cappeller, ia litho print, Jena 1383 ; ed. Sri oath Vedantavagis, 2nd ed.,
Calcutta 1896, with a Skt. commentary.
3
Ed. Bamacandra Tarkalamkar, Calcutta 1828. Analysed by Wilson, ii, p. 410 and
>
by 0. Cappeller in Guru-pujd-kaumitd\ (Festschrift A.
Dacca Uniwsity M8, no. 1680
I),
Weber), Leipzig 1896, pp. 59-69.
499
EROTIC AND FARCICAL JPLAYS
Cakravartin, composed for the Durga-puja festival of Bengal, is

also a late work, but it is less vulgar and more amusing.
It
describes in two acts the wicked pranks of king Kali-vatsala,
Darling of Iniquity, of Dharma-naga city, addicted to the hempjuice and fond of other men's wives, who oppresses the Brahman
Satyacara, proclaims free love, becomes involved in a dispute
over a courtesan whom every one wants to oblige, and ends by
banishing all good people from the realm. The king's advisers
are
his
minister
Sistantaka,
his
chaplain
Dharmanala, his
followers Anrta-sarvasva and Pandita-pida-vi3arada, his courtier
and nobleman Kukarma-paficanana and Abhavya-6ekhara, and

his general Samara-jambuka, their names explaining the dominant
traits of their character.
work is of little
1
plot and characterisation. The Kautuka-ratnakara, another
ing, the
in
its
Although less vulgar and more amusmerit and possesses no greater appeal
Bengal work, composed by the royal priest (unnamed but surnamed Kavitarkika, son of Vanlnatha) of Laksmanamanikya
(end of the 16th century) of Bhuluya (in Noakhali), ridicules an
imbecile king Duritarnava of Punya-varjita city, who relies on
his knaves to recover his abducted queen.
Although she was
sleeping well protected in the arms of the police-chief SuSilantaka 1
she was forcibly taken

festival.
away on the night preceding the springThe king acts on the advice of his minister Kumati-
punja, his priest Acara-kalakuta, his

the overseer of his harem obscenely
astrologer Asubha-cintaka,
named Pracanda-sepha,
his
He
appoints a
general Samara-katara and his guru Ajitendriya.
courtesan Ananga-tarangini in her place to officiate at the festival,
until a Brahman, named Kapata-vesa-dharin, is accidentally
As in the other farces described
revealed as the abductor.
above, the oddities and antics of these characters supply a great
deal of vulgar merriment, but the work is not free from the faults
of exaggeration
and coarseness, which take away the edge
Dacca University MS,
pp. 62-68.
no.
1821 (fragmentary).
Analysed by C. Cappeller,
of its
tp.
500
To the latter part of the 17th

the
Dhurta-nartaka 1 of Samaraja Diksita, 2 son of
century belongs
Narahari Bindupuramdara, and author of a number of poems and
satire
and comic portraiture.
mentioned above.
of the play Sridama-carila

act but in
two Samdhis, composed
to ridicule chiefly the Saiva
in
love
confides
his
of a festival of
Visnu,
The
ascetic Mure^vara is
two pupils to whom he
oust him and seek to expose
ascetics.
but his
girl,
attempt to
passion,
honour
one
king Papacara. The play is comparatively free

the usual grossness, but it has little fancy or humour
him
to
from
to
with a dancing
in
It is a farce in
the
recommend it.
The Sanskrit Prahasana,
as a whole,
The
invention and lack of taste.
interest
suffers
from poverty
seldom centres
in
of
the
cleverness of the plot or in well-developed intrigue, but in the

follies and oddities of characters, which are often of a broad and
Neither in the incidents nor in the characters there
obvious type.
any vivid and animated use of colour or any sense of proportion.

The whole atmosphere is low and depressing. We have neither
is
thoroughly alive rascals nor charmingly entertaining fools, for they

are all thrown into fixed moulds without much regard for actuali-
The characters
ties.
are
not
low,
unredeemingly base and carnal
in social
their
as
and there being no credit for
any other quality, they are hardly human.

or
position, but
rougher
The
procession of
need not be
pastimes
no merit in attempting to
raise laughter by deliberately vulgar exhibitions and expressions,
which mar the effect of the plays even as burlesques and
unmitigated rogues
without any interest
caricatures.
bat
The parodies
there
is
of high-placed people lose their point,
not only from tasteless exaggeration, but also from their extremely
Even if refinement is out of
sordid and prosaic treatment.
place
and
in
farce,
detailed
and puerile coarseness
ineffective.
Analysed by Wilgon,
On Samaraja and
op.cit., ii, p. 407.
his date
and works,
see above, p. 486, footnote 5.
is
redundant
501
t)RAMAS 0# AN IRREGULAR TYPE
DRAMAS OF AN IRREGULAR TIPE
7.
Thte steady development of description
means
of elaborate verses
which we have noticed

their climax in
some
and the entire
in the
wiping out of action,
normal drama
so-called later
and the Mahanataka, which exhibit
and declamation by
plays,
of this period, reach
the
like
Dutdngada
also certain
markedly irregular features.

Although nominally keeping to the outward
form of the drama, the works are devoid of all dramatic action,
of
poetical stanzas,
being rather a collection
descriptive,
emotional or narrative, with slight interspersed dialogues and
quasi stage-directions.
Having regard to the course of development of the Sanskrit drama in this decadent epoch, which more'
and more sacrificed action and characterisation to narrative and
some
description,
inexplicable
some
since
of the general features
but
of
since
there
are
are particular
the
like
specimens,
themselves as Chaya-natakas, they
in
themselves not
irregularities
and
the
Dutahgada, describe
have been cited as typical
examples of a peculiar genre by expounders of the shadow-play

While the connotation of the term Chaya-nataka 5
hypothesis.
1
extremely dubious, the shadow-play theory, however,

appears to be entirely uncalled for and without foundation, and
there is hardly any characteristic feature which is not otherwise
itself is
intelligible
by purely historical and literary considerations.
R. Pischel, Das altindische Schattenspiel in SBAW, 1906, pp. 482-502; H. Liiders,

SBAW, 1916, p. 698 f; Sten Konow, op. cit., pp. 89-90; Winternitz, GIL,
Die Saubbikas in
iii,
p.
243 (also in
ZDMG, LXXIV,
also claimed as shadow-plays,
53
269
and
1920, p. 118
and discussion
The Problem
f).
For other plays
of the entire
of this type,
question, ice Keith,
which are
SD, pp. 33
Maban&taka in IHQ, VII, 1931, p. 537 f.

2
The term is variously explained as outline of a drama or entr'cte' (Rajondralala Mitra
and Wilson), 'shadow of a drama or half-drama' (Pischel ), 'a drama in the state of shadow'
f,
S.
K. De,
of the
'
Having regard to the derivative nature of the plays like the Dutangada and the
Mahanataka, which incorporate verses from known aud unknown Rama- dramas, it is not
imp ssible to hold that the term Chaya-nataka means 'an epitomised adaptation of previous
(L6vi).
technical term used in the sense of

plays on the subject/ the term Chaya being a well known
borrowing or adaptation. It should be noted that the Chaya-nataka, in the sense of shadow
and is unknown to theorists as a

play, is not a category of Sanskrit dramatic composition
in
ancient
times
is extremely doubtful, and the
Its
dramatic genre, early or late.
prevalence
part alleged to be played by
it
in the evolution of the Sanskrit
drama
is entirely
problematic^
HISTORY
502
The Dutangada
SANSKRIT LITERATURE
Otf
of
Subhata describes in four scenes the
embassy of Angada, who is sent to demand restoration

from Ravana. There is a regular prologue. After this,
first
is
scene, Atigada
sent as a messenger
sana and Mandodarl attempt

folly; in
the third,
Havana's endeavour
Slta, that Slta is
to be deceived
to dissuade
Atigada
bis
and leaves Ravana with threats
The work
the longer recension,
many
but
mission,
exists
on
is
and in the fourth,

and Rama
slain,
Eggeling writes
forms
various
in
longer and a shorter recension are distinguished.
of
fatal
his
persuade him, with the illusion of Mayain love with the lord of Laftka, Angada refuses
enters in triumph.
itself
the
to
two Gandharvas inform us that Ravana
logue
in
second, Bibhi-
in the
Ravana from
executes
Slta
of
but a
Characterising
"Not only
the
is
dia-
considerably extended in this version by the insertion
additional stanzas, but narrative verses are
in, calculated to
make the work
dramatic piece (with stage
Most
of these
other
Rama-dramas
citation) are taken
curious
directions)
supplementary
;
verses
also
thrown
between a
hybrid
and a narrative poem."

are,
for instance, verses
traceable in
however,
4 and 5
Eggeling's
(in
from the Prasanna-raghava and verse 5 from
the Mahavlra-carita.*
The
shorter
recension
character of a similar compilation, and in the
also
betrays
the
verse
the
closing
author himself acknowledges his indebtedness to his predecessors.

work does not pretend entire originality, but
It is clear that the
was probably compiled for some particular purpose. The

Prologue tells us that it was produced at the court of Tribhuvanapala, who appears to be the Caulukya prince of that name
it
Ed. Durgaprasad and V. L. Panashikar, NSP, Bombay 1891, 4th revised ed. 1922;
by L. H. Gray iuJAOS, XXXII, p. 69 f. The longer recension is given by the
trs.
Eng.
India Office
2
MS,
no. 4189 (Eggeling, Catalogue, vii, p. 1G04
The theme
is
the
same as that
of act vii,
f).
Madhusudana's version
of thr
Mahanataka,
the word Dutangada being actually used in Damodara's recension, act xi, p. 149.
3
(vii, no. 4189) contains 138
The longer recension, as given in the India Office
MS
verses (as against 56 of the shorter printed recension), but
owing
to irregular
numbering of the verses
in the
the
total
number
is
still
larger
MS.
Even gnomic stanzas, like udyoginarp purusa-sirîham upaiti lakgrnih, which occurs in
Hit
the
of ad tfa, are found in the work.
4
DRAMAS OF AN IRREGULAR TYPE
503
who
reigned at Anhilvad at about 1242-43 A.D., and was presented at the spring festival held in commemoration of the restoration of the Saiva temple of Devapattana (Somnath) in
Kathiawad by the
deceased
Kumarapala.
king
Apart
from
more narrative than dramatic, over very
prevalence of verse,
scanty prose, which
is
common enough
feature of the
decadent
drama, there is nothing to distinguish it from the ordinary play

and stamp it out as an irregular piece. Compared with the
there is a
anonymous, nor extensive
regular prologue, as also some stage-direction and scene-division the theme is limited, and the number of persons appearing
Mahanataka,
it is
not
Prakrit altogether omitted.

To all appearance,
a spectacular play of the popular type, composed frankly for
not large
it is
nor
is
a festive occasion,
which
will
fact
regard to the expansive character of

alleged laxity, as well as the
but there
is
to
nothing
pictures, except
(having
popular entertainments)
existence
show that
it
of
various
was meant
its
recensions
for
1
;
shadow-
doubtful self-description as a Chaya-nataka,
its
which need not necessarily mean

This descriptive epithet
some other plays
of
explain
sufficiently
also,
a shadow-play.
used in the prologue or colophon

which are otherwise different in no
is
ordinary dramatic compositions of this period,

but which have been mentioned by some modern scholars as
Such is the Dharmabhyuinstances of Sanskrit shadow-play.
way from
daya*
of
the
Meghaprabhacarya,
short
and almost insignificant
play of one act but three or four scenes,
having the usual proprose and verse dialogues,
logue and stage-directions, enough

and some Prakrit. There is, however,
which
it,
is
Pshadow-play.
Pisebel
said
to
support
its
As the king takes
points out that there
are as
one stage-direction
claim to
vow
many
to
in
be recognised as a
become an
rectniiona of the
ascetic,
work &
there are
manuscripts.
1
resume
Ed, Muoi Puayavijaya, Jaina Atrnananda Grantbaoaala, Bbavnagar 1918.

is
in
given by Hultzsch
3DMG, LXXV,
p. 69.
brief
504
the stage-direction reads
kas tatro sthapamyah
yamanikantarad yati-vesa-dhari pwtra"

from the inner side of the curtain
(p. 15)
The
be placed a puppet wearing the dress of an ascetic."
direction, however, is meant to be nothing more than the symit is difficult
to see inît any
bolical representation of a fact
is to
No
such directions, however,

are found in the other so-called Chaya-natakas, not even in the
reference
the
to
shndow-play.
Dutangada and the Mahanataka, which

specimens of the hypothetical
again, the three epic dramas of
nised by the
Haihaya
shadow-play.
admitted even
not
upheld as typical
Of
these
Ramadeva Vyasn, who was
princes of the
pura and who thus belonged to the

are
are
Kalacuri branch
first
half of the 15th
by Liiders as shadow-plays at
'
drama, Subhadra-parinaya,
.scenes, has a theme which is
first
of
consisting of one
act
plays,
patro-
Raya-
century,
all.
The
but three
by its title
the second, Ramabhyudaya,* also a short play in two acts,
deals with the time-worn topic of the conquest of Lanka, the
while the
fire-ordeal of Slta, and Rama's return to Ayodhya
sufficiently explained
third
Pandavabhyudaya*
play,
birth and
adopted
Svayamvara
of
title
also in
of Draupadi.
Chaya-nataka,
If
two
we
acts, deals with the
leave
aside
the
self-
these plays do not differ in any

4
The anonymous Hari-duta,

ordinary play.
which describes in three scenes Krsna's mission to Daryodhana,
respect from
the
has the same theme as the Duta-vakya ascribed to Bhasa, but

there is nothing in it which would enable us to classify it as a
shadow-play
and
does
it
not,
moreover,
describe
itself
as
Chaya-nataka. The Inanda-latika,* again, which is regarded

by Sten Konow as a shadow-play, is really a comparatively
modern dramatic poem in five sections (called K us urn as) on the
1
Britiih
Ste Bendail in JRAS, 1898, p. 331.
Mu*eum,
no. 271, p. 106f.
MS in Bendail,
India Office
Bendail, op.
MS
India Office
Parf>at-P0trfr0,
vol.
op. cit., no. 272, pp. 107-3.
noticed in Bendall'i Cat. of
Analysed by L4vi.
no. 4187 (Eygeling, vii, p. 1602).
cit.,
MS
MS
Analysis in Le>i, op. cit.
no. 270, p. 106.
no. 4203.
XXIII,
ft
Analysed by Le>j.
(Eggeliog,
vii, p.
1624). Edited in the
jû*?, Calcutta 3940-43.
M9S in
th*
505
Sama and Reva, composed by Krsnanatha Sarvabhauma

The same remarks
Bhattacarya, son of Durgadasa Cakravartin.
love of
apply to tbe modern Citra-yajna of Vaidyanatha Vacaspati (in

five acts, on the Daksa-legend), described by Wilson, who is
undoubtedly right in pointing out its similarities to the popular

Yatra of Bengal. It is possible that all these short pieces, not
entirely original, were meant for popular festive entertainments,
and therefore made some concession

forming
strictly to the
play theory
is
not at
popular taste by not con-
to
orthodox requirements, and the shadownecessary to explain whatever peculiarities
all
they possess on this account.

All the alleged irregular features
these
of
small
plays
are
found enormously emphasised in the huge, anonymous and semidramatic Mahanataka, the
peculiarities or real irregularities
of which
have
started some amount of learned speculation
centering round the obscure question of
as
and origin.
character
a Nataka, it evinces characterisWilson's

which apparently justify
description of the work
Though
tics
its
designated
technically
It is
nondescript composition.
almost wholly in verse, on the entire
number
extensive
very
Ramayana
story,
work,
but
is unblushingly plagiarised
from
and
some
the known,
most
probably
unknown, dramas on
There is little of prose and true dialogue
the same theme.
large
of
its
verses
of
the usual stage-directions are missing

there is
appearing is fairly large
;
we have
the
a
number
of
benediction,
characters
and in one
Prarocana verse, which ascribes

recension
the play to the mythical Hanumat, but there is no proper Prologue all the elements of the plot prescribed by theory are
a
curious
work being a panoramic narration
wanting,
the
incidents
without dramatic motive
acts, at least in
one recension,
in short, the
is
or
action
beyond
a
the
the
of the
epic
number
prescribed
of
limit
dramatic form, gives
work, barely exhibiting

the impression of being a loose narrative composition, as opposed
to dramatic, and might have been as well written in the regular
form
64
of a
Kavya.
1343B
506
The work exists in two principal recensions

West Indian, redacted by Damodara Migra in fourteen
;
the
one,
and
acts
Hanuman-nataka, while the other, East

Indian (Bengal), arranged by Madhusudana in ten acts and 7*20
2
The titles are clearly
verses, is named the Mahanataka.
548
is
verses,
descriptive,
the
styled
and the work
recensions find
it
in
is
reality
convenient
to
anonymous
ascribe
but
both
the
apparently
authorship to the
have no
legendary Hanumat, the faithful servant of Rama.
fanciful
but
about
the
historical information
the origin of
work,
traditional
work
unknown
of
or
forgotten
We
by the commentators and
accounts, recorded
the
prabandha, associate
recovery
of
the
by
Hanumat
Bhoja-
work with
Bhoja and suggest the redaction of an old anonymous composition.

Although the two recensions are divergent, a considerable
number of verses is common, and recent textual researches tend

4
to show that probably Darnodara's version is the primary source
and Madhusudana's derivative. But there is nothing to negathe
tive
conjecture
that
originally
nucleus, round which these elaborate
number
of verses, culled chiefly
there
an essential
existed
weave a large
If
from various Eaina-dramas.
recensions
legendary account be Bhoja of Dhara (second

quarter of the llth century), whose interest in encyclopaedic
compilations is well known, then the earliest redaction may
Bhoja
of the
have taken place in his time but the process of expansion must
have continued, leading to divergence of recensions and incor;
ed.
in
Ed. Venkat.es'vara Press, Bombay 1909, with the Dipika comio. of Mohaaadisa.
Ed. Chandrakumar Bhattacharya, with the comin. of CandraSekhara, Calcutta 1874;
Jivananda Vidyasagar, 2nd. ed

Calcutta 1890. The Dumber of verses varies greatly
MSS and editions; the number given here is that of Aufrechfc's Bodleian,
,
different
Catalogue, p. 142 b.
8
known
The term Mahaoataka

to Bharata
and the
is
not really a designation, but a description
Daa rupaka,
technical term which connotes a play
but later writers like
containing
all
the
The term
Vis*vanatha explain
episodes
and
possessing
it
The Bdla-ramdyana is apparently a Mahanataka in

(generally ten) of aots.
Saradatanaya's descripjion of a Mahanataka throws little light on the subject
S. K. De in Paihak Commemoration Volume, p. 139 f).
is
m.t
as
large
number
this
sense.
(see
A. Esteller, Die dlteste Rezension des Mahanataka^ Leipzig 1936.
507
from the leading dramatic
poration of a large mass of stanzas

works on the Kamayana theme. 1
What
was we do not know,
the original form of the text
but there can be
comparatively
doubt that the present form of the text is

and does not carry us back, as scholars have
little
late,
the earliest stage of the development of the

presumed,
Sanskrit drama.
That it is a drama of an irregular type, more
than any of the works mentioned above, is admitted
but the
to
work
shows the general features of the decadent drama in a

much more intensified manner, in its greater formlessness, in its
also
preference of narration to action,
and
in
almost exclusive
the
This fact may not furnish
preponderance of poetical stanzas.
a complete explanation, but since the quasi-dramatic presentation

is not
early and spontaneous but late and deliberate, it cannot be
argued that the irregularities betoken a primitive stage in which

the drama had not yet emerged from the epic condition.
That
some matter was worked up

fairly obvious, but
historical purposes
it is difficult
;
Nor can the
ancient India
in
no description
the case of
nothing in
show
that
the
compilation is
matter for
the
separate
of the
the
is
evolution
early
origin of the
far-fetched hypothesis of
which
to
extensive
old
and the work, as a whole, does not
any conclusion regarding

drama.
into an
the
of
justify
Sanskrit
Mahanataka be sought
in
the
shadow-play, the very existence of

We have here
not yet beyond doubt.
work
as a
Chaya-nataka, as we have in
and there
Dutangada and some other plays
the work itself, in spite of its irregularities,
is
the
composition
was
intended
or
ever
used
to
for
shadow-pictures.
On
the other hand, the late and derivative character
Mahanataka may very
well suggest that
adaptation of existing works on

1
The
citations from the
antiquity.
2
See 8. K.
De
in
work
in rhetorical
IHQ, VII,
title
was
subject,
of
the
compilation
for
or
particular
and anthological works do not prove
its
1931, pp. 641-42.
Mahanataka was an anthology of epic narration,

Najika was a subsequent addition is only an unproved conjecture.
Esteller's suggestion that the original
and the
the
it
508
purpose,
What
around an original traditional nucleus.
this
purpose was is not clear, but to suggest that here we have only
a literary drama or tour de force, never intended to be staged, is
not to offer a solution but to avoid the
no sense
In
question.
can the Mahanataka be regarded as a tour de force, its

merits, apart from its descriptive and emotional stanzas,
To
are mostly borrowed, being almost negligible.

2
Lesedrama plus Campu plus Tlka is

There are
description, and not an explanation.
that
it is
to
artistic
which
say,
again,
give a
facile
indications,
the contrary, that the Mahanataka, like other works of a
on
similar
type, was meant and probably utilised for some kind of perfor8
mance, in which there was more recitation and narration than
action and dialogue; and its form, as a recitable semi-dramatic
poem, was moulded accordingly.

This presumption receives support from the fact that the
work assumed its present shape at a time when it was possible
for such nondescript types to
that
we cannot
come
into
assign any of the recensions of
to a very early date,

light of the literary
the
It is
clear
Mahanataka
and that they should be explained in the

conditions which prevailed at a period when
and the creative impulse
of the old orthodox drama was
the classical
drama was in its

had subsided. The break up
decline
almost synchronous with the

Indian literature and along
rise
ments
existence.
Apabhramsa and modern

with it came popular entertainof
of the type of the semi-religious
Yatrft,
with
its
mytho-
logical subject, quasi-dramatic presentation and preference of

recitation and singing.
Having regard to these historical facts,
as well as to the trend and treatment revealed by

>
such
works as
Keith, 3D, p. 273.

Esteller in the
work
cited.
Keith admits this when he says that the \vork was composed ID preparation for some
kind of performance in which the dialogue was plentifully eked out by narration. S. P.
Bhattacbarya (IHQ, 1934, p. 492 f) suggests that the work was compiled as a manual for use
3
of professional
Purana
reciters of the
Bengal class
of
Kathaka?.
But, on this
occasional elaborate stage-directions, the cborus-Bke Vaitallya-vakyas,
ded working out of the story are not
Eathakae are certainly of a
satisfactorily
different character.
explained.
theory,
the
the length and exten-
The Bengali manuals
for

the Mahanataka,
509
the
presumption is not unlikely that such

vernacular semi-dramatic performances of popular origin reacted
on the literary Sanskrit drama and influenced its form and

manner to such an extent as to render the production of such
It is not suggested,
apparently irregular types greatly probable.
in the absence of tradition, that such a pseudo-play was actually
enacted as a Yatra, which
had
little
to
pretension
literary
not have been, but it is possible to

maintain that such works were not merely literary exercises but
character.
It
were intended
may
or
may
for popular spectacular
they were stylised
shows
some kind.
of
That
from their having been com-
is intelligible
posed for a more cultivated audience, who with the fading attraction of the mechanically reproductive Sanskrit drama, wanted
something analogous,
in
and
spirit
mode
operation, to the
of
living types of popular entertainments, but
exhibiting outwardly
some
The anonymity and
of the
forms of the regular drama.
secondary character of the Mahanataka, as well as the existence

of different but substantially agreeing recensions, are points in
As the imperfect dialogues and narrative
favour of this view.
passages were frequently supplemented, it is not surprising that
a work meant for such performance increased in bulk, incor-
porating into
and
itself fine recitative
passages from various sources
accordingly came
the versions shows that
different versions
very existence of
which was modified by the exigencies

discredits the idea
into
it
of
was
living
The
circulation.
work,
time and place,
and
All this
composition.
presumption is perhaps more in keeping with the nature of the
work and the period in which the recensions were redacted than
the solution of an unwarranted shadow-play theory or the super-
ficial
of a purely
literary
Lesedrama explanation.
Although regrettably
little
information
is
available about the
popular entertainments of the period, indications of their possible

influence on Sanskrit literature are yet not altogether wanting.
Keith rightly compares such nominal plays as the Mahanataka

with the Gita-govinda of Jayadeva and the Gopala-keli-candriku
510
of
Ramakrna, both
it
govinda
of
which can be (and
in the case of the Glta-
but
actually is) enjoyed as a lyrical narrative or song,
both of which are at the same time capable of similar quasidramatic presentation. In both the works, we find a sublimated
outcome
and melodramatic Krsna-Yatra, and in

the case of the Gita-govinda we have to reckon with the delibeof the operatic
rate art of a creative
But they resemble the Mahanataka
mind.
one particular, namely, in the adaptation of traditional matter and form to newer and less rigid demands of a
at least in
popular origin. The date of Ramakrsna's Gopala-keli-candrika

is not known, but it is apparently a late work written in Gujarat.
not
It is
an anonymous and extensive
Mahanataka, but a semi-religious play in

ful exploits of Krsna with the GopTs.
It
number
large
to be sung.
who
Caland,
has edited the
descriptive
verses
rhymed Apabbramsa
the
however,
both
work,
similarity to the Yatra, and suggests its
its
upon
as well as
like
on the youth-
contains,
of stanzas in light lyrical metres,
and emotional,
meant
compilation
five acts
obviously
touches
parallel to
the
North-western India, which unlike the regular play,

Swang
is metrical throughout, and in which the actors recite the narraof
tive portions as well as take part in the dialogues.
ion with the
where
play,
Mahanataka
is
acknowledged in the Prologue
the Sutradhara alludes to the
and there can be
connex-
Its
little
(p. 44),
absence of Prakrit in
that
doubt that the author was influenced
by the same tendency towards narrative and

than dramatic presentation. Another work
recitative
rather
similar
semi-
of
dramatic form but of greater operatic and melodramatic tenor is

the Parijata-harand* of Umapati Upadhyaya of Mithila, which
in
Ed.
W.
Caland (Ren onbekend Indisch
ZDMQ LXXIV,
t
Bd. andtr*.
under Haribaradeva
1920, p. 137
(ooneete/wfr),
Amsterdam
G. Grierson in JBORS> III, 1917, pp, 20-98.

of
1917.
Cf.
Winternitz
f.
Mithila reigning
familiar with Jaya leva's Gita-govinda.
"after
the
Yavana
The Harttcandra-njlya
1891)of the Nepalesek'ng Siddhi Narampha (circa 16'2)-57

Tanzsplel by its editor, but it is in the Nepalese dialect.
The author
flourished
rule," and appears to

(od.
A.D.)
A.
be
Conrady, Leipzig
rightly
called
DRAMAS OP AN IRREGULAR TYPE

deals with Krsna's well
known
of
exploit
511
carrying
off
Indra's
and actually contains songs composed in the

1
These works are not strictly plays of the
Maithili dialect.
Parijata tree,
orthodox type, and the introduction of song (especially vernacular

song) and narration indicates that they were probably meant for
some kind
They
are
of quasi-dramatic
performance of a popular character.
indeed distinguishable
Mahanataka, which
tant to note
is
is
in
many
a unique production
that these irregular
types,
respects
but what
from
the
is
imporhowever isolated and
might appear, are perhaps products of a distinct

tendency to renew and remodel older forms of Sanskrit
scattered they
literary
poetry and drama by absorbing the newer
vernacular literature, which
now
characteristics
of
the
reacted upon the Sanskrit, as
it
was often reacted upon by the Sanskrit and there is no reason

why the Mahanataka should not be regarded as illustrating an
;
It is curious, however, that the

aspect of the same movement.
movement did not prove as fruitful as it should have been advan-
could not ultimately save Sanskrit literature from

gradual stagnation or from being completely ousted by the
stronger and fresher vitality of modern Indian literature.
tageous
and
it
Sanskrit songs, on
t,he
direct model of Jayadeva's
work, occurs in
vallabha of Ramananda-raya, a Bhakti-drama inspired by the

See above, p. 468.
is called a Saipglta-nataka in its Prologue.
2
The Nandighoia-vijaya
lvii,no. 4190, p. 1606),
(or
Kamala-vilasa)
in
five
the JagannathaCaitanya movement, which
acts,
described
appears to be a similar semi-dramatic composition
the Ratha.yatra festival of Jagaaoatha at Puri;
it
by Eggeling
connected
with
was composed by Sivanarayana-dasa
honour of his patron Qajapati Narasiinhadeva of Orissa, in the middle of the 16th century
in
CHAPTER
LITERARY AND CHRONOLOGICAL RELATIONS

THE VYAKARANA SCHOOL AND THE ALAMKIRA SCHOOL
The word alamkara is derived from the word dam (Gk.
aurum gold), which in Sanskrit primarily means adornment.
Alamkara thus means the making of adornments or ornaments
or
decorations.
tastra
or
the
used in relation to the AlarfikaraScience of the Decoration of Speech, literary

It
is
The
embellishments.
also
science of
deals with correctness
grammar
Whatsoever development the Sanskrit

language or speech.
language may have undergone since the time of the Vedas
of
and
may have
whatsoever attempts
been made in the various
on Grammar, it
pre-Paninian writers
attained a stability and is supposed to have fitted
exactly
to the scheme prepared for it by Panini (5th or 6th century
literature
Silcsa
and
B.C.), Katyayana (probably 4th century B.C.), and Patafijali,

the writer of the great commentary called the Mdhabhasya
(2nd century B.C.).

that
has survived
was in
of
all
The
earliest systematic
the ravages of time
is
work on Alamkara
that of
Bhamaba (who
probability a Buddhist of the 5th or 6th century A.D.),
which we
Natyasutra,
shall have occasion to discuss
which
is
essentially
later
work on
on.
Bharata's
histrionic
art,
incidentally makes reference to many topics which might better

come under a work on Alamkara and which shows that in all probathe time when
bility works on Alamkara must have existed in
the relevant passages referring to Alamkara topics were written.

The date of this Natya-6astra is also uncertain as would be
evident from relevant discussions that would follow in due course.

'
The
close
literature
66-18433
may
association
of
the
well be expected
grammar and
and
it
is
also
the Alamkara
justified
by
514
The former
with correctness of speech and

the latter with literary embellishments*
In most works on Alamkara we find a chapter dedicated
tradition.
the
to
three-fold
in the
implies- that
signification
of
above-mentioned rule
Diksita as
We
know
that
Panini's
there
were,
five
opinions
powers of words.
pratipadikartha, etc.,
regarding the
deals
The word parimana
word.
has
been interpreted by Bhattoji
dronarupam yat parimanam

prakrtyartho'bhedena
pratyayarthe
If this interpretation
is
accepted,
it
tatparicchinno
vigesanam."
satfisargena
becomes
bnhih
clear that
what has
been regarded as laksana by the writers on Alamkara is regarded

by Panini as being nothing but primary sense. The author
the
of
trying to
effect
whether the
the
in
Jnanendra Bhiksu,
commentary,
a compromise between the two views as
Tattvabodhinl
first
case-ending
secondary sense,
suggestions, says that

aspects in which the
the
here
is
in
to
in the primary sense or
and in computing the value of the two

difference lies in the two different
word may be supposed to significate

Panini makes no provision
(abdabodha-krta-vailaksanyam).
for laksana even in the case of simho manavakah or agnir
This appears to me to show conclusively that

Panini himself was not aware of the view propounded by the
manavakah.
writers of Alamkara,
of
that
laksana
is
of
power
signification
words different from the primary sense.
We
know
that
when
word contradicts
context
its
in
the
primary sense of the word, as recorded in the lexicons, it may

meaning such signiyet in many cases significate another
fications
a special
are
bound
be cannibals/
to
human flesh
eating human flesh
who
be
either be due to customary practice or for implying

'
Thus if I say, The imperialistic states
suggestion.
may
the word 'cannibal'
certainly the
eats
imperialistic
the word, therefore,
they try to destroy one another.
The use
one another,
states
cannot
simply means that
of the
word
instead of simple expression that the imperialistic

is
means one
cannibal/
states destroy
intended to imply that their actions are as heinous
0$ ALAMKIltA
and
Here the .secondary sense
hateful. as those of cannibals.

'
word
the
has
cannibal
a relation with its primary sense, but
roundabout expression,
this
of
on account
of
the force
of
its
contributes to the embellishment of the speech and

hence comes within the province of Alamkara. In witnessing
a horse race, one may say that the black runs faster than the
implication,
Here
rest.
1
the
*
black horse
is
'
'
word
to
denote the
black
a customary usage which may or may not add
use
the
of
embellishment of speech.
The grammarians think that in the case of a primary sense
the signification is due to the power of the word standing as the
to the
symbol (saniketa)
significates
its
Here the
for the object.
object
fact that the
due to the fact that there
is
distinction between the symbol and its connotation.
symbol
no
is really
This
is
the
view of the grammarians as well as that of the MImamsaka and

Yoga authors. The writers of Alamkara follow this view in
the
Nyaya view which holds that

from certain words we understand
preference to the
it is
God that
The understanding
certain meanings.
while
the
of
view
significatory
and the Alamkara authors
is
held
as
subjective
by
the
is
meaning
it
would be obviously wrong
will of
affair,
grammarians
purely objective
words siguificate certain objects and we learn

But howsoever true it may be with regard
sense
by the
it
view.
by practice.
the
to
The
primary
to attribute the
secondary
to
the
due
power of
indicatory signification
being
occur
word, for here the indicatory sense does not
or the
the
as
with the pronouncement of the word but after a long process

of
cogitation
and
the
this
function.
the
as
which
in
this
significatory
this
reason
power
the
in
inappropriateness
can
laksana
of
context
the
word.
hardly
The
do not seem to be absolutely ignorant of

and we find them sometimes describing the
writers
criticism,
operation
inappropriateness
manner
For
removed.
regarded
Alamkara
its
possible
might be
be
regarding
of
Zafc$artd
as
an
aropita-kriya
or
an .attributive
no doubt that the older Alamkara writer Bhamaha

does not treat these, but the later Alamkara writers like
It is true
Maramata and ViSvanatha take
fundamental
their
the three-fold division of the
power
not
Panini
does
seem
that
before
With
We
words.
of
start
with
have said
admit the lakana as a
to
conception that words

objectively by their own power denote things and are as a matter
of fact one with the things, seems to be a Paninian view, at
function
separate
least
as
of
Patafijali
We know
Vftkyapadlya.
the
and Bhartrhari, the older

Patanjali's Mahabhasya and the writer of the
by
interpreted
commentator
words.
of
that
all
the
three
Mimamsa,
schools,
Vyakarana and Yoga, admit the philosophical doctrine that the

power and the possessor of power are identical. The Alamkara
school, in adopting the same significatory theory of words,
same philosophical doctrine
adopts the
naturally
That
implication.
this idealism
school of thought can be well
at
least
by
forms the basis of the Alamkara
apprehended from the words of
sa yat
Dhvanikara (apare kacyasamsare kavireva prajapatih
In the infinite
pramanarfi kurute vtivam tat parivartate
I
\\
world of literature the poet is the creator,
him
and whatever appears
be valid, tho world also changes accordingly).

The
It does not mean merely
last line should be read with caution.
to
to
imagination of the poet is valid, but it means that

the world changes its form in accordance with the value-sense
that
of
the
the
Or,
poet.
into that form

It
assumes,
which
in
other words,
the world transforms
itself
is
approved as valid in the poet's creation.
therefore,
that the beauty created by the poet does

world appear beautiful to our eyes but
merely make the

the world transforms itself into beauteous forms in accordance
not
with the creation of the poet. The vahmaya-jagat or the world

of words is in reality identical with the world of nature.
again, classifies words as being of four kinds,
as, meaning^ jati or class notion, quality or guna, kriya or
view of
action, dravya or things, in accordance with the
Mammata,
Patafijali.
We
thus find that there
is
a natural
affinity of
ALAMKIRA-&LSTRA
origin between the
school.
It
grammar
also
is
NAME
ITS
517
school of thought and the
Alamkara
Grammar
school has
well-known
that the
always been referred to by the Alamkara

men or budha.
school
as the wise
ALAMKIRA-SISTRA
The ordinary
ITS NAME
Alamkara
Kavya-praka6a or
Sahitya-darpana generally consist of ten chapters and they deal
the definition of
(1)
generally with the following subjects
treatises of
like
Kavya, whether
it is
necessarily didactic
or
not;
fold signification of words, primary, indicatory,
(2)
the
three-
and implicatory
(3) the nature of poetic emotion; (4) the nature of the implicatory
sense of a higher and lower order ; (5) the special qualities of
good literature, their defects, their style, their adornments

or alamkara.
Sahitya-darpana treats along with it the various
forms of Kavya. In addition to this there are special treatises
dealing only with a part of the subject.
Bhamaha, the author of the oldest
available
Alamkara,
guna, dosa, rlti,
and also makes incidental remarks on the usefulness
may,
therefore^ naturally be asked
treats
of
so
many
subjects,
treatise
on
and alamkara,
treats primarily of
it
why
of
Kavya. It
since a work on Alamkara
named as alamkaraforce when we consider
should be
The question
acquires a point of
that in most of the recondite works on Alamkara great emphasis
6dstra.
is
given on dhvani and rasa as the constitutive characteristics of
a good
Kavya.
The question
is
nowhere
definitely
faced in
a work of Alamkara, but it seems to me that the earlier works on

Alamkara that are now lost probably dealt with various types of
literary
ornaments or alarrikaras which
led, naturally, to
the cri-
ticism and enquiry as to the further condition which would

the adornments really possess the adorning character.
make
We find
Bhamaha actually raising such questions and introducing the

topic of rasa or emotion as being the determinant factor of true
1
See Dhvanyaloka.
0? SANSKftlT.
by him as
regarded
consisting of exaggeration (attiayokti) and the covert way of
suggestion which may be called vakrokti.
The 16th chapter of Bharata's Natya-sastra enumerates
adornments.
four
adornments are
All
also
adornments or alarfikaras ten excellences or gunas, and

,
thirty-six characteristics or laksanas of a good Kavya. But I think

that the first enquiry into the nature of poetic embellishments
must have
led
the
thinkers
earliest
to take
note of the poetic
spontaneous expressions of which are found also in

the Vedas, and this must have given alamkara its first title of
imageries,
importance.
In the time of Bharata there seemed to have been an excel-
development of poetic literature

himself particularly with one form of
lent
and Bbarata concerned

it t
Dramaturgy and
the
the allied topics.
The word upama

V. 34. 9
I.
is
31. 15, and
The
upamana.
explained by
alamkara
term
Panini III.
Brahmana
Satapatha
comparison is found in the Rg-Veda

Panini II. 3. 72 mentions the word
or
Ghandogya Upanisad
2.
XIII.
36,
8.
VIII. 8.
in
4.
form
the
and the word

7;
III.
But Yaska
5.
alamkarisnu
5.
in
occurs
in
36 and
1.
his
Nighaytu
which
are
indicating upama,
illustrated in the Nirukta I. 4; III. 13-18, and IX. 6.
These
These are called
are such as, iva, yatha, na, cit, nu, a, etc.
III. 13 gives a list of particles for
He
nipata in the sense of upama.
rupopama,
further
mentions bhutopama,.
siddhopama and luptopama as varieties of

is called arthopama and is in essence
and
The luptopama
upama.
the same as the rupaka
also
quotes the
definition
grammarian Qargya
gargyah).
and the
Prom
rule
we can understand
of
(athato
the
rule,
upamitam
that
assimilated by Panini
imagery,
the later Alamkara writers.
of
upama as
upama yad
given by an
atat
upamanani
vyaghyadibhih
Yaska
earlier
tatsadr$am
iti
sUmanya-vacanaih
samanyaprayoge
the teachings of Gargya were already

and we find there the various terms of
such as> upamana,
upamita,
samanya,
aupamya
ALAMKIRA-&LSTRA
NAME
ITS
519
upamartha, and sadrtya had all been used by Panini in about

The place of upama in modifying
fifty sutras of his work.
and in other grammatical construc-
compounds
and
accents
has
been
referred
tions
Santanava in
Varttika and
the
Mahabhasya
of the
term
upamana,
My
In
different
usage
from the
term.
later definition of the
the
somewhat
is
his
Panini's
Patanjali interprets
which
in
Paniui.
Katyayana
Phit-sutras follow
-his
55.
II. 1.
by Panini.
to
view that the Alamkara school arose
Grammar school, may

when the above facts
an offshoot of
as
be regarded to attain a special point of

are considered.
force
The
definition
later
and arthl upama is based upon the fact as whether

simile was based on a krt or a taddhit suffix and the 'distinction
of Srautl
between the
criterion
till
and
rautl
the
the
arthl
time of Udbhata
Panini's rule V. 1. 115-16.

that where the comparison
is
suffix in
the sense
and this
rauti
upama
Again, Panini
the Varttika, which directs that iva
Sabdarthaviva.
was based on
supposed to be
is
Panini
III.
1
of
II.
may always
1.
this
controlled by
is
indicated by yatha, iva, va, or
suffix vat in the sense of iva.
as in
upama
be
the
71 inspires
4.
compounded
10 advises
It is needless
the
kyac
to multiply
comparison.
examples but the above brief discussion seems to point to the
view that poetic imageries had very largely evolved in the
grammar
of speech,
school.
Of the various alamkaras or the adornments
imageries
of
than three-fourths of the
diverse
field.
types occupy practically
The high
respect
in
more
which the
grammarians were held by the Alamkara writers is also evident

2
Bhamaha also devotes
from the remarks of Anandavardhana.
one whole chapter
so does also
to the
Vamana.
grammatical correctness of words and

It
may
also
be pointed out that the
vyanjana, which is regarded as the

discovery of the theory
high water mark of the genius of the great alamkara writers, is
of
See 8. K. De's Sanskrit Poetics, Vol. I, pp.
'
praihame hi vidvamso vaiyakaranah,
Dhvanyalokq.
Ml
vydkaranamulatvat sarvvavidydnaifi, p.
47,
520
on the pattern of the Sphota theory of the grammarians, as

elaborated in V&kyapadlya and other works.
also,,
It is a
known
few centuries
first
Buddha-carita
upama,
Kalidasa
skill
of
or
of Busing
Bhamaha
also
Christian
rupaka,
The use
etc.
is also
the
of
the
his
in
$lesa
we
or
aprastuta-
various
of
speech by
hear also
seem
figures
takes
his
pride in
his
In
composition.
and liking for diverse

Ka^yapa and Vararuci as
aptitude
of
early writers of alamkara, as well as

All these
of
letter
every
find a great
We
yathasaifikhya,
Subandhu
too well-known.
types of alanikara.
Bhamaha.
in
Agvaghosa,
era,
well-acquainted with such figures of speech as
is
utpreksa,
praamsa,
during the
fact that the early prafasti writer,
Medhavin
as referred
to
by
the other
to indicate that even before
there were probably

manifest
treatises of Alamkara dealing with
emphasis on the
the
figures of speech, which had already developed in Panini and
topics of the alamkdra-tastra were developed
grammarians,
who may be regarded
the
as
of the
inspirers
alarfikara-$astra.
THE EARLY ORIGIN OF THE ALAMKARA

writers have in
Many
Alamkara.
It ia
modern times discussed the
admitted on
all
subject
of
hands that the alamkara-astra
attained in India the position of a science
But the question

*
is
how
early did
in very early times.

the alanikara-Sastra become.
prabandham
pratyakfara-tlegamayapiapaflca-vinyasa-vaidagdhyanidhim
datta>vara-pra*adac cakre subandhuh sujanaika-bandhn^

1
P. Kegnaud, La Rhetorique Sansknte, Fails 1884;
sarasvat'i-
il
B.
Pischel, Gottinger
G, A. Jacob, J.R.A.S., 1897; J. Nobel, Beitr&ge zur

Ameigen
de$ Alawkfra-fastra, Din., Beri<n 1911, and Z.D.M.G., 1912,1918,
t
1885
Meren
1919;
Gelehtre
Geschichte
P. V. Kaue,
Outlines of the History of 4/a^fcdra Literature, Indian Antiquary 41, 1912; his edition of
Sahityadarpana; H. OUenberg, Die Literatur des alien Indien t Stuttgart and Berlin
1003; Harich&nd, K&lid&sa et Vart poetique de VInde, Pans 1917 ; H. Jacob! , Uber Beg riff
und Wesen Def poetischen Figuren in der indischen Poetik; Nachnchten von der Kgl,
PhilologHwtor. Klasse 1908; and Die Poetik

und Aesthetik d&r Inder inter Internal Wochenschrift, 29th Okt. 1^10; SoTaoi't articlo
8. N. Pasgupta's Katyain Bhandarkar Commemoration Vol. 8. K. De s Sanskrit Poetics
Qesellschajt der Wissenschaften, Qattingen,
vicara (in Bengali).
EARLY ORIGIN OF THE ALAMKARA
521
From general considerations, since

alarriMra-tastra was inspired by the Grammar
really a gastra or a science.
in our view the
school of thought we expect it to have evolved slightly later

than the middle of the 2nd century B.C., in the age of Patanjali.
Let
us
how
see
far
other
considerations
may
justify
this
thesis.
Rajaêkhara, a
mlmdmsa speaking
man
of the
tenth
of the origin of
century,
in
his
the alamkara-sastra
Kavyaclaimed
was instructed by Siva to Brahma and from him it was

handed down to others and then it became divided into
18 sections, each of which was taught by a particular teacher.
that
it
Sahasraksa taught Kavirahasya, Muktigarbha, Auktika,
Thus,
Suvarnanfibha, RHinirnaya, Pracetayana, /lm/pra$i/ra,Citranga(*a,

Yamaha, Sesa tfabdatlcsa, Pulastya, Vastava, Aupa-
Citra and
Aupamya,
kayana,
Parasara,
Atifaya,
Utathya,
ArthaSlew,
Kuvera, Arthalahkarika, Kamadeva, Vainodika, Bharata, Rupakanirupamya, Nandike^vara, Rasadhikarika, Dhlsana, Dosadhi-
Upamanyu, Gunaupadanika, Kucurnara, Aupanisadika.
karikd,
It is interesting to
note that the
majority
the
of
sections
deal
with figures of speech, and this lends support to our view that
the earlier treatises on Alamkdra were mostly on the figures of
Of the writers, mentioned above almost nothing is
speech.
known
us
to
referred to in
Kucjimara and Suvarnanabha are

the Kama-sutra (I. 13-17) as the authors of the
except
that
We
Aupanisadika and the Sdmprayogika sections of erotics.
or
of
time
the
the
do not know anything further
authenticity of
the above-mentioned
writers.
According to
the
Hrdayangama
had
Kavyadarta, Ka^yapa and Vararuci
commentary
written works on poetics before Dandin, whose works Dandin
of
The Commentary Srutanupalinl on
had consulted.
dara
mentions
predecessors
the
of
the Kavyaand Nandisvami as
Ka^yapa, Brahmadatta,
These works are no longer
Dandin.
1
able.
60
P. V.
1343B
Kane, The Sahityadarpana, 1923, Introduction
(p. 1).
avail-
522
in the earliest literature do
But nowhere
Thus the Chandogya
to alatrikara-tastra.
sastras (VII. 1. 2. 4)
of the old
alarnkara-6&$tra.
but
does
it
and neither Yajnavalkya nor Visnupurana

6astra.
In the Lalitavistara there
grantha and Natya.

to
Alamkara.
to
refer
refers to the six
angas
Kavya-karana-
make
of Knutilya also docs not
Arthasastra
in
recommends sequence
advising
of
mean-
completeness of sense (paripfirnata), sweetness

of
and
clearness
\\idth
(spastatva)
meaning
ing (arthakrama)
(audaryya), as excellences of style, to be observed.
But
nothing to do with alamk<lra-astra

It thus appeared that there
style.
refer only
any alamkara tastra before

It is true that
2nd
its
at best
is
may
Natya-6Qstra
and
and
MM.
L6vi
to
elements of
contains
Macdonell assigns
Sastri
Haraprasad
the Ksatrapa
century B.C.,
Kalidasa in his Vikramorvati refers to
that
fact
to
no evidence that there was
date is uncertain.
century A.D.
it
this has
Patafijali.
Bharata's
alamkara-sastra, but
to the 6th
the
alamkaw-
refers to the
a reference to
Kautilya's
the language of the King's Edicts
(madhuryya),
not
list
Kavya-karana-grantha need not necessarily
The Arthasastra
mean Alamkara.
any reference
is
any reference
find
Upanisad gives a
4. 11
in IT.
Apastamba
we
to
period.
it
the
The
Bharata as a
muni, only shows that he was much earlier than Kalidasa.

This would place the lower limit of Bharata to the 3rd
From the reference in Kalidasa we are
or 4th century B.C.
compelled to say that Dr. De's view that the lower limit of
Bharata in the 8th century A.D., seems quite untenable. In
any case, there is but little evidence that the present Natya-tastra
was written earlier than the commencement of the Christian era.
Many
1
ton der
writers have written on Bharata's Natya-Sastra.*
W.
Heyinaun, basing on a South Indian MSS. wrote upon
Kgl
Gesellschaft
der Wissenschoften, GSttingen,
it
in
the
Nachrichten
Pliihlog-Hisio. Klasse,
1874;
and seven in La Rhtiarique Sanskrite, Paris

17 in the Annals of the Muste Guimet, and also the
adhy&yas
P. Regaaud published also the adhyayas six
1884, and adhyayas 16 to

20 to 22, and 34 have been published by F. A. Hall. The 23th adhyaya was published
by
J. Orosset in contribution a Wtude de la Musique Hindue, Paris 1888; a critical foreward to
M4
wat
also published by
him
in Ptrjs in 1898.
The whole wprk wan published
RARLY ORIGIN
We
thus see that there
ALAMKARA
TFtU
Ofr
no evidence that any
is
beyond the commencement of the Christian era.

Bharata, however, need not be regarded as the earliest \vriter
on dramaturgy. We find references in Paiiini of a Bhiksuiastra existed
ndra
and
original
sutra
is
and
Nata-sutra
author
of
do
\ve
and
Nata-sutra
this
somewhat connected
know who
not
whether this
is
the
Nata-
with our
present Natya-a$tra.
have also reference in Paiiini (IV. 3. 110) of Krsasva and
who were recondite writers on dramaturgy.
But
3ilalin,
We
know
we
nothing further
said
to
Naty<i-sastra
is
names
commentaries
the
of
are
Barngadevu
Bhattanayaka,
the
have
Bharata's
writers.
by Abhiuuvagupla and
to
Udbhata, Lollatn,
Bhattatauta,
The
commentaries.
many
referred
fallowings
Hahula,
two
these
of
Klrtidhura,
Sankuka,
Matrgupta.
Only fragmentary portions of Abbinavagupla's commentary are

available and have been printed in the Gaekwad Oriental Series
by
the
to
some
name Abhinaoa-bharatj.
the
of
Saiikuka.
of
verses
tiarhyadhara-paddhati refers
It
is
doubtful,
however,
whether Sankuka the poet and Sankuka the commentator is one

and the same person. Kalhana mentions a poet Sankuka and
his
poem Bhubanabhiiudayn. Sankuka probably
ninth century.
If the
ascertainable, but we
was probably
later
two are
identical,
know nothing
lived in the early
Sankuka's date becomes
of the date of Lollata, but
he
than Udbhata as Lollata controverts Udbhata's
view (9th century A.D.). There is a confusion as to whether

Bha^tanayaka was the author of a work called Hrdaya-darpana,
for while
Hernacandra
refers to
Abhinavagupta definitely seems

a different
person.
So,
as belonging to
it
to refer the
Bhattanayaka
as belonging to
though some scholars have maintained
Kavyamala series in 1894 and later on with parts

gupta, in the Gaekwad Oriental Series; Pavolini in
in the
Italiana discusses about the Natya.tastra in

the Ndtya-astra
work
lfll'2
the
commentary
and
IT.
of
Abhinava-
Giarnale de la Societ a Asiatic
and refers to the work
published in Naples 1912; Prof.
in Asiatic Quarterly Review, No. Ill, 2, 180C>,
of
the
of
F. Cimmino on
H. Dhruva abo wites on the subject
MM.
3stri in J. A. S. B., 5, 1<)19.
9. K,
De's Sanskrit Poetics and Introductory Notes to P. V. Kane's coition of Sahityadarpaya,

1
8. K. De's Sanskrit Poetics,
j).
37,
524
that Bhattanayaka
was the author
denied that
definitely
my
in
of
Hrdaya-darpana,
have
Hrdaya-darpana,
Kavya-vicara.
though it may have supported Abhinavagupta in

certain places, was in reality a work which had contradicted the
d/RY/ni-theory, and it was on this account that Mahiuia Bhatta to
however,
save
his
credit
that
said
before
writing
hi?
book he had not
consulted Hrdaya-darpana.
But
to
have been a commentary
probability conversant with
in all
and Anandavardhana and was probably
the text of Dhvanyaloka

a
to
Bhattanayaka was
maintain.
Hrdaya-darpana does not appear

Bharata' & Natya-sastra as some
a digression.
all this is
But these discussions do
contemporary of Abbinavagupta.
We
not concern us here.
was the
earliest
available
work
and this work
materials,
Natya-astra of Bharata
us that contained alamkara
find that the

to
not have been
could
at
least in its
present form earlier than the 1st or 2nd century A.D.
At the end of the work Uluratiya
The same n-ime
Nandi Bharata,
Nandi
or NandikeSara occurs
stands for the director of the
actor,
author appears as
of the
name of
The word Bharata also
tin author of a work on music, and the
occurs as
the author of
as
name
âtya-sastra the
Abhinai/a-darpana.
and R. Pischel translates, Bharatiya Nalya-tdstra as the

for the actors.
In later literature the word Bharata
is
also used in the sense of play-director,
play, and
u'fcers
Bbarabainuni
is
verse
benedictory
who appears on
called
we have
work
the
the
stage at the conclusion of the
Bharatuvukya.
Gandharva-vedam
the author of the
said to be
'
'
book of instruction on the art of acting
In
Visnupurana
the science
of
III. o
The
music.
an encyclopaedic character. It is composed

an
and
in
nature
verses
of
sometimes
epic
changes the metre, interspersed here and
generally
there with prose, and consists of 88 chapters or adhyayas. It deals noj; only with the nature
Nafya-lastra, as
of the dramatic literature
subjects connected
is
it,
the
also with
bat
of
the art of
with the operation of acting.
alarpkara and the art of dramatic poetry and
dancing and
mimic and various
It deals also with the rasa
niusic.
N&tya-sastra in the 1st centuiy of the Christian era.
and
Kegnaud and 01 den berg

Pischel, however,
fix
oth-.r
bftdtja
and
the date of
regarded this to be a
D.R. Bhandarkar thinks that the present Natya-astra e

based on an earlier work. Speaking of the chapter on music he says that it belongs to the 4th
century A.D. or it may even be later. MM. Sastrl regarded it to be a work of the 7th
work
of the 6th or 7th century
century
literature
A.D.
D., and Jacobi places
Gottinger
rJt$
4ntt'gw<!rj/41,1912,
(4)
MM.
BbaviaatU Kahao.
(6;
P. V.
Santkrit Poetics.
in the
3rd century A. D.
On
this subject see the following
Alien Indien, Stuttgart, und Berlin 1908, (2)

Gelehrte Anzeigen 1886 (p. 763), (3) D. B. Bhandarkar in Indian
:(!) Oldenberg's
K. Pischel in
ib
Literatur det
Sastri's article
in
the J.A.S.B.,
6, 1910,
Kane's Introduction to S&hit ya*darpa$a,
307, (5) Jacobi in

(7)
Dr. S. K. De't
THE EARLIER WRITERS ON ALAMKARA SISTRA
525
THE EARLIER WRITERS ON ALAMKIRA-SASTRA
whom
of
Bbamaha,
\ve
shall
treat
later
on,
refers to a
Medhavin, regarding the defects of npamd as pointed out

by him. He also refers to him on the subject of the alamkaras,
But Medbavin's work on vlawkdra
yath&Sankhya and ulpre'ksa.
writer,
'
down
has not come

of
to
and we do not know
us
any MSS. also
of
Medhavin's work.
P.V. Kane, referring to the unucaîsa verges of the \a(ya-bdstra mentions tho name
and Dhurtila, as persons stated there as destined to spread the
SaijdiJya
Ndtya-tastra. The name Kohula as a writer of \titya-sastra occurs in Knt^numatam of
of Kobala, Vatsya,
A.D.
of the 6th century
Damodaragupta
tndia Office Library, and
Hemacandri
A woik
in his
The Rasdrnava-sudhakara
on dramaturgy.
on ta!a
attributed to Kohala, exists in the
Kdvydnusdsana ^peaks
i,f
Kohala.-arya as a writer
Simha-bhupala mentions Bharata, Sandilya,

Kohala, Dattila, and Matanga as authors of works on Natya-Sastra.
Raghava Bhatta, in his commentary on Sakunta'a, quotes chapter-? and verses from
of
Bharata's AYift/a-i'asfra, and refers to the commentary Abhinava blidratt by Abhinavagupta.

This commentary occurs also under the name of Xtityaveda-vivfti. Some^vara, a c-ommentator
of Kdvya-prakata, refers to a commentator of Xatya-sdstra by the name of
Mangala.
Manikya-candra also in his Kdvya-prakdtasahheta refers to Mangala. Mafigala is referred
Sundara Mi4ra in his Ndtya-pradipa, composed in
lo also by Kemacnndra and Ra;'as*ekbara.
1018 A,D. refers

written a
to a
passage of Natya-tastra and speaks of Matfguptacaryya as having
VydMiydna on
and
in the Ndtya-sdstra
ifc.
Rahula Bhatta
supports
Matrgupta probably wrote
that
the view
a
alao refers
varttika
to the
passage of arambha and vlja
Matrguptacaryya on
of
the
of
Natya-sdvtra.
whether this Matrgupta was the poet who was made King
of
it.
Mr. Kane suggests
It is
difficult
to say
Kashmir by Harsavikramaditya
of Uijain UH stated in ftajatarahgini III, 128-169.
yathasaipkhyamathotprektam alainkaradi-ayani ciduh
prek*ab1rihita kvacit
As
it
stands
il
ândliyanamiti medhacinot-
2. 88.
means
it
that
Medhavin
utpreksd
styles
ag
samkhydna but
Daij(}iQ
has told us in the Karyddarsa II, 273 that yathdsamhhya has been styled as sat\ikhydna
the
second line the
that in
K-ine, therefore,
reading
biiggesls
by oilier writers.
medhavinolpreksd should read as medhavi notpreksd. The meaning under such a reading
would be tliat MedliaxI calls yathdsamkhya sa^khydna and has not mentioned utpreksd.
Such a meaning tallies with that of Dandiu as above. Namisftdhn in comnjenting on
Rudrat^'s Kdvydlawkara, I. 2. refers to the name
and Bhamaha as authors of alatiikara-sastra- But
rudra
the
is
of
of
Rudra, and we know also that there
difficult
to
guess whether Medhavi-
We
know of no Alamkara author of

were many names with Rudra as the second
one name or two names, Medhavi and Budra.
name
one Medhavi-rudra along with Dandin
it is
Malavarudra, Kapilarudra, etc. (See Kane's article in J.R.A.S., 1908^.

Narni-a-lhu further quotes from Medhavin on the subject of the defects of simile and on the
The
four divisions of wbda that Medbavin has not counted the
karnnipracacttnlyas.
member, such
as,
Trikdn<!a$e$a regards Medhavirudra and
Kdvyamimdmsd
calls
Medhavirudra
Kaae'j Sdhityadarpina
Kalidaâ
a blind poet
a-j
synonymous and Haja^Khara in

alawkdra
und Kalidasa a wnler on
his
(see
lllSTOfcY
OF SANSKRIT UTti
Bhainaha's Kavyalamkara is the earliest work on alamkara

The existence of the work was at
that has come down to us.
first
'clone!
Jacob in
few quotations given by
1897, and the work has been published by Mr. Trivedi
guessed from a
J.R.A
S.,
as an appendix to his edition of his Prataparudra-yaSobhusana in
the
Bombay
Sanskrit Series.
He
is
supposed to have
been
the
It is
son of Rakrilagomin and bis work is written in verse.
The first
divided into six chapters and contains 398 verses.
chapter, containing sixty verses, deals with the qualifications of

a poet, the differentiation and division of Kfwya as prose and
poetry, and as
work
in Sanskrit
prose
or
apabhrama,
as
epic
poetry, drama, dkhyayikd and aimbandha, and also treats of the

Vaidarbhl and the Gaudl styles, and speaks of some literary
In the second chapter he deals with three yunas,
defects.
prasada, and ojus, and takes up the subject of

he continues through tbe third chapter.
The
alatnkarasof which he speaks are two kinds ol (inuprfisa, five kinds
inadhurya,
alamkara which
of
yamaka,
vastupama
upama with its seven defects,

upama, akscpa, arthantaranyasd,
rfipaka, dlpika,
as a variety of
reka, vibhavana, samasoldi, atisayoldi,
svabhavokti,
preyas,
rasavat,
prati-
njati-
yathfisamkhya, iitprcksa,
])aryayokta,
samalnla,
udatta, slesa, apahnuti, visesoldi, virodha, tulyayogita,
aprastnta-
praiamsa,
vyajasltdi,
urjasvl,
nidarsaua,
upamarupaka, uparncy optima,
sahokti, parivrtti, sasandcha, anancaya,
bhavika,
asi/i-thirty-nine
in
all.
alayikara to hetu, suksma, lesa, and

vakrokti.
These were counted
predecessors of
Bhamaha.
In
as
He
utprcksucayava-sumsrsli,
denies
the status
of
vartta
as
they
contain
alamkara by some
of
the fourth chapter he deals
no
the
with
eleven kinds of defects of Kavya and defines and illustrates them.

In the 5th chapter he deals with logic and treats of the defects of
Kavya as arising from logical hiatus. In the 6th chapter he gives

some practical hints to poets for observing grammatical purity,
Whether Bharnaha was Buddhist in faith
as Bhamiba also did.
1
ColonelJacob, in X.TXM.CJ., 04.
THE EARLIER WRITERS ON ALAMKARA SiSTRA

or not lias been
the
much
of
subject
name
among many
discussion
Rakrilagoinin and his

has been the ground of
scholars, and while his being the son

a
527
of
of
Buddha,
a
was
Buddhist, Ivine lias given many
suggestion
arguinents-in favour of the view that lie was not a Buddhist, but
It appears from his writings
this does not concern us here.
aioring Sarva,
he
that
that he
had benefited himself by the
works of his predecessors.
The expressions given in his work mfy have been mostly

composed by him but it would be too much to say that all the
as
could be
said
of
expressions were composed by him
Up till now no
Jagannatha, the author of Rasagaiigadhara.
commentary on Bhamaha's \\orkhas been found but Udbhata has
\\orked
\\ork
is
commentary on
now
not
Bhamaha-virarana, but this

mentions many authors, such
called
it
He
available.
as
Kfunasarma, Kanabhaksa, Panini, Salatunya, Medhavin,

Rntnaharana.
Rajarnitra, Sakha vnrdhana, Asmakavamsa and
Hut Ratnaharana may wellJ)e the title of a book than of a man.

Bharata's work has been referred to but he has not been men-
He
tioned by name.
also
to
refers
the
Yatscsa and
ol
story
Naravahanadatta which were the principal chapters of BrhatHe highly praises Panini's grammatical system and
katlta.
is
conversant with dandaniti and sphotacada.
quotes
many
verses from
and Narayana
Kacifalatnharu
passages from
Bhamaha,
work on metrics.
commentary on
three
Bhamaha which
Bhamahas
There
Pratlharenduraja,
us that Udbhata had
are
not
available
in
Vrttaratnakara quotes long
Bhamaha had also

Bhamaha, who had \\ritten a
\vhich shous that

a
is
Yararuci's
are one,
his
in
The Kamadhenu
is
the
grammar, but whether

more than we can say.
all
these
Udbhata, informs
a commentary on Bhaniaha and
commentator on
written
confirmed by Abhinavagupta (see the Locana,

pp. 10, 40, 59, and Hemacandra, Commentary, pp. 17 and 110),
this
statement
Kuyyaka
also
is
refers
to
this
commentary
also betrays his acquaintance with
upama
is
mere paraphrase
Bhamaha
of that of
(pp.
18'J).
as his
Bhamaha,
Vamana
definition
of
Dr. De points
528
out clearly (Sanskrit Poetics , Vol. I, pp. 16) Vamana's

tance with Bhamaha's work.
Bbamaha, therefore,
Vamana and Udbhata
acquain-
preceded
belonged probably to the 8th century
Bhainaha
also
VI. 36).
Jinendrabuddhi
therefore,
must be anterior
refers
to
Nyasa
A.D.
Jinendrabuddhi
of
(Bhamaha,
700 A.D. 'Bhamaha,
But various doubts can
probably lived in
to Jinendra.
who has been
be raised as to the exact date of Jinendrabuddhi,
placed by Kielhorn as'being later than Haradatta, the author of

Padamanjarl, who died in 878 A.D. So the date ascribed to
Jinendra by Pathaka cannot be regarded as certain. Trivedi in

I. A., XLII has shown that the reference to Nyasakara need not
Thus the hyponecessarily be a reference to Jinendrabuddhi.
thetic reference to the above regarding the date
the strength of his reference to Nyasakara
of
Bhamaha on
smashed
is
to
pieces.
The supposition of Haricand in his Uart Poetique de Plnd, that

Bhamahi in I. 42 refers to Mcghadntam, is as untenable as
Pathaka's view that Magha II. 86 refers to Bhamnha I. 16.
We
no hint as regards Bhamaha can be
attained on the supposition that he was a Buddhist.
Jacob,
have already seen
that
however, has shown that in Chapter 5, Bhamaha makes a lot of

If this is correct then Bhamaha was
reference to Dharmakirtti.
who
7th century A.D.

Bhamaha then probably lived in the beginning of the 8th century
A.D. and might have been a senior contemporary of Udbhnta.
anterior
to
Bbatti
Dharmakirtti
tells
lived
in
us in XXII. 35 that he
the
composed
his
poem
in
Valabhi, ruled over by Srldharasena or Sri Dharasena, where Sri

kavyam idam vihitam maya valabhyam ^ridharasena-narendra-pdlitaydm.
The Jayamihgala comment iry reads 'Sridharasnnu'l It nppears that there were four
Srldharasenas who ruled ia ValabbI between 550 and 650 A.D.
Whether Ihe kiog be
1
SrldharaseDa or Smlharasena's son we find that Bhatti

century A.D.
He was
live')
in
the
first
half of the
7th
he wai a young poet

have lived "also in the
slightly older than Bhamiiia, or
probably
living in the court of SriJharasena and attained a long
if
life, he might
which case he might have been a senior contemporary of Bhamaha.
In his tenth canto be gives illustrations of 38 alamkaras including anupr&sa and yamaka
8th century
and
is
in the
dedicated
AD.,
eleventh
to the
in
he illustrates madhuryya gun a in 47

illustrations
of
verses
and the twelfth canto
bh&vika, which Bbaraaha describes in III. 52
thirteenth canto be illustrates bha?asarna t whe'e the
In the
same verse may be regarded as composed
THE EARLIER WRITERS ON ALAMKIRA &STRA

is
a decorative
that
word, the
whom was
last of
living in
529
651 AJD.,
being the date of his latest grant. Bhatti therefore lived

century A.D. and might have continued to live
the 7th
in
8th century A.D. and can thus be an earlier contemporary

1
of Bhamaha.
As it appears from Bhamaha II. 20 that he
in the
XXII. 34
work, which
covertly criticises Bhatti
(see
have seen Bhatti's
is
date of
Bhamaha
as adduced here.
Dandin's Kavyadarta
Poetics.
both in
The
figures are also in
These deviations
are
as gadya,
padya,
the illustrations of .the figures Bhatti mentions
in
with by
dealt
to their individual liking.
Bhatti in XXII. 34, in describing his work, said
Kavya
Bhamaha and D and in. His illustrations of the

the same order in which Bhamaha defines the figures, with some deviations.
show that probably both Bbatti and Bhamaha drew upon the same sources
figures that
and according
Now
Prakrta.
work on Sanskrit
well-known
is
1st chapter differentiates
Sanskrit and in
same
the
he probably
confirmation with the
foot-note)
in
vydkhy agamy am idam kdvyam utsavah tudhiydmalam

hata durmedhasa cdsmin vidvatpriyataya maya
II
Bhamaha
:-
apparently referring to the
above contention of Bhatti
him
criticises
as
follows
kdvydnyapi yadimdni vydkhyagamydni 3 as t rat at

ut-savah sudhiyameva hanta durmedhaso hatdh
II
As
Bhamaha
II. 20.
modern attempts regarding study of Bbamaba, see as follows

Jacobi,
1910 John Nobel, Beitrdge zur dlteren Geschtihte des Alahkaratastra; also
for the
Z.D.M.G.
64,
Z.D.M.G.
78, 1919,
is
published),
and
K. P. Trivedi, PTatdparudra-yatobhtisana (appendix, where the book

page 28, etc. Indian Antiquary 42, 1913 R. Narasimha-
also Introduction,
cara, Indian Antiquary 1912, 1913
T. Narasinghiyengar and P. V. Kane, J.R A. 3., 1905 and
Bhamaha as being younger than Dandin. Ganapatis*astrl in his Introduction,

page 25, of Bhasa's Svapna- Vasavadatta holds that Bhamaha lived in the 1st century B.C.,
but he was, probably as late as Kalidasa. On this point see Nobel Z.D.M.G. 73 already
1903, hold
referred to;
see
also Harioand's
Kdliddsa,
p.
70;
P. V. Kane's Introduction to
Sdhitya-
darpana and 8. K. De's Sanskrit Poetics.

It
is
curious to notice that several passages, which are quoted in the Kdmadhenu
are nob available in the present work. Probably these
Commentary on Vamana on Kalas,

are chapters which are now lost.
3
It has been often
printed in India since
its
Calcutta edition
of
1863
with the
Premcand Tarka\&gTs*a of the Calcutta Sanskrit College. It has been printed

commentary
with two commentaries, in Madras in 1910, and in Poona by Dr. Behalkar and Sastri RangaThe work is divided into three chapters. In professor Rangftcaryya's edition
cftryya Reddi.
of
there are four chapters, the third
being split up into two.
Calcutta edition and 668 verses in the Madras edition.
There are in
all
660 verses in the
530

again subdivided into akhyayika and
no real distinction between the two.
and mi&ra. Gadya (prose)
though there
katha*
is
is
made
division of literature is also
bhrarfifa
He
and mtira.
of Sanskrit Prose into apa-
also speaks of the
two
vaidarbhl
styles,
and gaudl, and the ten gunas. He differentiates and illustrates

anuprasa and regards erudition ($ruta), genius (pratibha) and
rupaka,
the
in
alartikaras
dlpaka,
vibhavana,
yathasamkhya,
leia,
dedicated
is
samahita, udatta, apahnuti,
rasavat,
slesa, visesokti,
vyatireka,
suksma,
hetu,
urjasvl,
of
upama,
svabhavokti,
utpreksa,
atifayokti,
preyas,
qualities
treatment of
to the
arthantaranyasa,
aksepa,
samasokti,
constitutive
order:
following
ar>rtti 9
the
as
constant application (abhiyoga)

a poet.
The second chapter
paryyayokta,
tulyayogita, virodha,
vyajokti, mdar$an8; sahokti, parivrtti, a&h,

In addition to this
and
bhavika, thirty-five in all.
samklrna,
in the third chapter he deals with yamaka and defines and
aprastuta-prafamsa,
ardhabhrama,
sarvato-
bhadra, svarasthana, varnaniyama and the prahelika.

Kane suggests that as in his illustrations the
southern
illustrates
countries
the citrakavyas,
are
often
from the Deccan.
He
in
He
he
is
said
to
Though he
Mahabhaya (K&vyadaria
Bh&maha, speaks
is
the following works by
mentions
Setubandha (1.39).
38),
with the
like
to,
referred
which Da$akumara~carita
of
(I.
gomutrika,
of
writing his work.
II.
most probably was a man

have written thirteen works
believed to be one.
name:
Regarding
Chandoviciti (1. 12),
Bfhatkatha
mention by name he shows acquaintance

He also,
227), Bharata'i Ndtya-Sastra (II. 367).
does not
purvacdryyas or great writers of the past whom he had consulted

He holds s discussion on the verse limpativa tamo'hgdni which Pratt-
harenduraja thinks as referring to Udbbaâ. The verse in question is a quotation from

Mfcchakatika and is also in Bh&sa's Cdrudatta and Bdlacarita.. In Sdrhgadharapaddhati
a verse of Bajaêkhara is quoted to show that Dagdio wrote three works which were widely
known.
1
On
this
point,
however, doubts have been
Prat&parudra.yatobhiifana,
p.
81),
Mr.
Agase,
raised
I.A.
1915
by Mr. Trivedi (Introduction,

and in bis Introduction to
Dafakumara-carita, p. 35, holds that the author
of Kdvyddar&a cannot be the author of

Datakumara.carita on the ground that the author <*f Kdvyddarta was a fastidious critic
and as such could not have been the author of Dafakumdra-carita whioh abounds in
faults of
grammar and good
practice is
more
difficult
taste.
But
as
Kane
points out, this is no serious
than preaching, as Mahimabhaâ also says
in h,is
argument for
Vyaktivivekq,-*
531
EARLIER WRITERS ON ALAMKARA-ÂSTRA

ascertainment
the
word
Dandin's
date
been
has
there
much
There is a
and opposition among the scholars.
passages in Kavyadarfa which agree with Bhamaha
discussion
number
of
of
P. V. Kane, for instance, wishes to place Darujin

Bhamaha, while most other scholars regard Bhamaha to be
for word.
before
than Dandin.
earlier
ayantritah katham anutisydd an yam ay am iti na vacyam, varayati bhifag

apathy dd i tar an svayamdcarannapi tat. Ksemendra in his Aucitya-vicdra-carccd finds
fault with his own composition.
The argument on the ground of the difference of style
between Dafakumara-carita and Kavyadarta also does not hold water for the one is
written in poetry and the other in prose.
1
Mr. Trivedi (Introduction
kar Commemoration Vol.

edition
of
to Prataparudra and Indian Antiquary 1913, and Bhandar*

Dr. Jacob! , Z.D.M.G. 1910; Prof. Barigacaryya, Introduction to the
Mr. Ganapati Sastri, Introduction to Svapna-Vasavadalta; Prof.

Kavirdjamdrga; and Dr. 8. K. De's Sanskrit Poetics place Bhamaha
Kavyddars'a;
Pthak, Introduction
to
Dandin Prof. M. T. Narasimhiyengar (J.B.A.S., 1905) places Dandin before Bhamaha

and Prof. Pfttfiak changes his former view in J.B.B.A.S. 23 and LA. 1912 and places Dandin
before
Bhamaha.
The ascertainment
before
of the reference of Bhamaha in Dandin or vice versa and the ground

agreement of views is difficult as both of them had utilized the works of their predecessors)
and the views common between the two may be due to the existences of common sources. Both
of
Dan (Jin and Bbamaha

therefore
is
it
both Udbhaâ
are
and
very early writers and are always referred to by later writers and
to
difficult
decide the priority between
the
two.
Dandin had preceded
Vftmana by a considerable period and he cannot be placed
later than the
8th century A.D.

Trivedi and Bangftcftryya have pointed out tbat
ci rant ana in
Alamkara-sarvasva
(p. 3)
as dkara or
Sakuntald, p. 14) and that it is only

Dandin has been placed earlier than Bhamaha,
The
not
of
the
question
of
the
has
been referred to as
by Baghava Bhafta (commentary

in Namisadhn's commentary on Budra$a that
to
determine
Bhamalia
source
priority
reference to
either
wrote his commentary on Budrata, as be himself declares in
Bhamaha
as very
old does
Dapdin or Bhamaba.
Sam bat
1125 or
Namisadhu
1069 A.D. The
statement of Namisadhu that Dan<Jin preceded even Medbavirudra referred to by Bhamaha

The reference
is regarded by Kane as being decisive of the priority of Dandin over Bhamaha.
Alamkdrasarvasva as being cirantana proves nothing, for the same epithet

been also applied to Udbhata. It has been argued that Dandin has an elaborate
treatment of yamaka and tabddlamkdra and bad made an elaborate subdivision of upamd
to
Bhamaha
in
has
while
Bhftmaha
Bhamaha
we
find
highly
them
treats
should
be
only
the
in
regarded as being
earlier.
that Bbarata gives ten varieties of
praised
A.D. 150.
In
even
in
later times
much
earlier
general
so
and
for
reason
this
But comparing Bharata and Bhamaba

five.
Yamaka was
yamaka and Bbajnaha only
times, as
yamaka was not
manner,
much
it
occurs in Budradamana's inscription in
appreciated, and
Udbha$a ignores
it
and
Dandin'g treatment of upamd follows Bbarata while Bbftmaba's

has been followed by Udbhata and Mammata. But from this no
Mammat* is exceedingly brief.

scheme
is
conclusion
that what
is possible.
The commentator Taruna Vacaspati, a
late writer, says that
in
man?
HISTORY OF SANSCRIT LITERATURE
532
The upshot
places
Da 9 din
which has
of the- discussion,
up (see P. N.),
criticises
Bhamaha
that
is
Bh am ah a.
briefly been
after the 5th
lived
summed
century
Thus Namisadhu and Taruna Vacaspati hold
opinions regarding the priority or posteriority of Dandin.

Again, the distinction between hath a and dkhydyikd as given by
different
Bhamaha and
Dancjin
This distinction between kalhd and dkhydyikd is also found in the Mahdbhasya
and Dandin's treatment of the distinction between kathd and dkhydyikd need not be regarded
are different.
Bhamaha.
as a criticism of
of seven, following
Danxjin speaks of four defects of upamd while Bhamaha speaks

Some illustrations that have been regarded as good poetry by
Medhavin.
Dandin have been regarded as being no poetry at all but merely as vdrtd or information by
Bhamaha. But this can hardly be regarded as determining the priority of Bhamaha. The
examples are' old ones and on them two different opinions have been given by the two
and other arguments based on the different treatment
by the two writers cannot be regarded as leading
Such
writers.
alarfikdras or dosas
some
of
to
any
of the
definite
conclusion.
But Bhamaha has a part

is
Sarngadbara
refers
the
to
of a passage of
Dandin
to be believed,
view
is
which the whole
prior to
Bhamaha.
of other writers without mentioning
between Vaidarbht and Gou$t, end this distinction
mentions
ten
the
for
argument
passages
criticises
if
Bbamaha
them,
found in Bhamaha,
the
e.g.,
Dancjin
but Bhamaha says nothing about the gun as. He

the division of guna$ and reduces them tc three like the author of the
such a comprehensive view of Bhamaha cannot be reduced to an
gunas 1 following Bharata,

view
But
Dhvanikara.
is
found in Dandin, and
many
names and
distinction
ridicules
is
In
of
his anteriority,
for
Vamana, who was
posterior to both Dan<Jin and
Bhamaha,
Again Bbamaha reduces upama to three types, the same is

done in Kdvyddarta (II. 30-82). Of these three, t e., nindopamd, praSainsopama, and
Ndtya-tdstra gives the first two only. Dandin not only gives the three
acikhysdu-upama.
also counts the ten gunas.
upamds
of
Bhamaha but many more
types of vpamas.
But from
view on the subject of other alamkdras.
There are also divergences

can be argued.
of
this nothing
But though the above arguments are inconclusive regarding the point at issue there
some other considerations which seem to throw further light It is very probable that
both Bhamaha and Dandin lived in more or less the same age, probably in the same
aie
century
and
difficult to
that
probably
they both derived their materials
say anything as to which of them borrowed from
Eane thinks that
gainsaid
that
Dharmaklrtti.
his
there
of
definition
Bhamaha
in
is
perception
V. 6 says
defines perception in bis
older
But
sources so that
in spite
no evidence, that Bhamaha was a Buddhist,
Nydyabindu
as
kalpandpodha
prat yak sam
-kalpandm ndma-jdtyddi yojandm pratijdnate.
who
from
whom.
a<*
Now,
is
it
it is
the
of
fact
cannot be
borrowed directly from
kalpandpodham
tato'rthaditi
kecana,
this is exactly the view of Dharmaklrtti,
The
pratyaksam kalpandpodham abhrdntam.
anumdna also agrees with that of Nydyabindu, It may therefore be conveniently

inferred that Bhamaha was anterior to Dharmaklrtti.
Dharmaklrtti in all probability
lived in the 5th century A. D. and Bhamaha, therefore, was anterior to that date.
About the date of Da n4itt we are not so fortunate. Kane points out that the poetess
definition of
Vijjaka
may
be identified with the Vijaya
son of Pulakesin II,
who
lived
Bhaftanka, the queen of Candradity a, the
about 660 A. D.
and
eldest
since Vijjaka quotes from Eavyadarsa,
Dandin must be earlier than or at least contemporary of Vijjaka; but the

which the ascertainment of the date rests is itself shaken.
identification
on
633
A. D. and that he was in
all
probability
probability more
lived in all
Bhamaha, but
there
is
no
or
direct
Buddhist.
Dandin
same century as
means by which we can concluthe
in
less
Dandin, but on the whole the weight of

not
conclusive, seems to tend to the conclusion
evidence, though
sively fix the date of
that
Though Kane
darta
Bhamaha was
generally adopted that
is
work
Dandin' s
holds the opposite view,
very popular and has many commentators.
is
Dandin.
prior to
Kavya-
UDBHATA
He
wrote Alamkara-samgraha and also a vivrti on Bhamaha's

Kavyalamkara. Udbhata's Alamkara-samgraha was translated by
Col. Jacob
in
J.
K. A.
1897
S.,
and has been published by
N. S. P., Bombay, in 1915 with the commentary of PratibarenduThe work contains six chapters and in 79 karikas he
raja.
defines 41 alamkaras.
to
According
Pratiharenduraja the
sambhava
1
from Udbhata's
taken
are
illustrations
own work Kumara-
These commentaries
a. e
(a) by Taruna Vacaspati (probably of the llth century
Hfdayahgama by an anonymous author, (c) Mdrjjana by Harinatba, who wrote
commentary on Bhoja'a Sarasvatikanthamani, who was not only later than Bhoja
:
A. D.), (b)
also
bat also later than Keavamis*ra
TriSaranatatabhnna
Muktdvali by
(d)
Narasiinha
by Vigvanatba;
Rasikarafljan*
(/)
(0)
Suri
Vivrti
(e)
by
Candrika by
Kr?nakanta
Tarkav&gida.
There are also commentaries by Vadijanghala,

vidhdyini
by
Tribtravanacandra,
Almost
authors.
all
Bhaglratha, Vijayananda, Vaimalya-
Dbarmavacaspati
these commentaries
in
are
and two commentaries
MSS. from
of
unknown
except the commentary
by
Premrand Tarkavagisa* published in Calcutta Taruna Vacaspati's commentary edited by

Prof.
Ba&gacaryya and flf day ah gam a edited by the same professor.
%
Among the modern scholars who have contributed to the study of Dandin the following
;
names may be mentioned

in the 7th
Bern Heimer f .Z.

(pp. Ill)
collection
Jacob! in Z. D.
1910, argues that Dancjin lived probably
noticed
by
G. Huth
translation of
in
(in
Bengali);
Dane's
Kavyadarta in the Tanjore

Berliner Akademie der
Sitzungsberichte der
Wisserwchaften 1895 and Z. D. M. G. 49, 283
Dasgupta's Kavya-vicara
there exists also a Tibetan
as
M. G.,
G. A. Jacob, J. B. A. S., 1897 L. D. Barnett, J. B. A. S., 1905

D. M. G. 63, 1909; P. V. Kane, Indian Antiquary, 1912; Gray's Vaswadaita
century A. D.
see also Dr.
De's Sanskrit Poetics and Dr.
Kdvyddarsa was translated
in
German by
0.
Bohtlingk, Leipzig 1890.

*
anena granthakfta svoparacitakumarasambhavaikadeto* trodaharanatvencpanya&tah.
HlSfORY Of SANStfRlT
534
The
follows
alatnkaras taken up by Udbhata
punaruktavadabhasa^
and
latanuprasa
chekanuprasa,
upanagarika, and gramyd),
(of three kinds, parusavrtti,
anuprasa
be enumerated as
may
rupaka, upama, dlpaka, prativastupama aksepa, arthantaranyasa,

9
samasokti,
vibhavana,
vyatircka,
yathasamkhya,
atifayokti,
samahitdj
rasavat,
urjasvl,
prey ah,
utpreksa, svabhavokti,
paryyayokta, two kinds of udatta, tiista, apahnuti, viesokti
virodha, tulyayogita,
upameyopama,
vyajastuti, nidarana,
aprastutapratiamsa,
sahokti, samkara, parivrtti,
ananvaya, sasandeha,
samsrsti, bhavika, kavyalihga, drstanta. It will be seen that these
alamkaras are counted here almost in the same order as
we
find
He
only omits Bhamaha's yamaka, upamarupaka

But he adds some alamkaras which are not
and utpreksavayava.
in
Bhamaha.
counted by
Bhamaha 1 such
as, punaruktavadabhasa, samkara,

and
drstanta.
kavyalihga,
Udbhata was a great Alamkara writer and was held in high
esteem by later writers.
Bhamaha.
He
is
even
as
regarded
greater
than
He
While Bhamaha divided anuprasa into two

often also deviated from Bhamaha.
and rupaka into four classes, Udbhata drew two different types from tbefiist kinr
While Bhamaha showed three types of sle$a, Udbhata showed two types. While
tupaka.
Bhamaha regards preyas as an expression of inspired devotion to a preceptor, God, King
1
classes
Bhamaha
Udbhafa regards bhavalarpkara as preyas.

grdmya and the upanagarika vftti, but, Udbhata
or Sun,
been referred to
Cirantana
as
along
with
shows
Bhamaha
does not speak of
them.
(P.
V. Kane's
paru$a,
has
Udbhata
often
Introduction to
8. D.).
Some
special
as different
though
it
doctrines of
when they have
be tabdatlesa
this
Udbbata are as follows

different
meanings,
view has been
(1)
(2)
criticised
that
that 6le$a
by
words
an
is
Mammata
should be
regarded
arthalankdra
even
that even though $lea
be mixed with other alamkaras, 6le$a should be regarded
as dominant, this view ha* also

by Mammata; (4) that a vdkya has a three-fold activity of abhidhd; (5) both
Rajafekbara and Mahirn abb atta ascribe to the disciples of Udbhata the view that there are
been
criticised
two kinds
of
meaning,
as in the cage of
(a)
where the meaning comes out clearly by the analysis of the context
literal ui e 01 tfatras, (b) where the meaning cannot be
got
commentary
merely by the analysis of the word and

jointly
its
ordinary meaning separately, but
foreshadow a meaning, as in the case of kavya.
though according to the older (pracyanam, should

is
it
has been
when
they
further
urged that
mean eastern?) works on alarpkara,
regarded as the chief thing according to

alatpkara have been given the bame position.
alaipkara
It
Udbhata
and others
guna and
UDBHATA
The
date of Udbhata
is
not so
536
difficult to ascertain..
He was
the
1
sabhapati of King Jayaplda of Kashmir (779-813 A. D.).
Therefore he must have flourished in the 8th century A. D.
The
commentator
commentator
oldest
Mukula
of
as
He
tary.
A. D.
in
refers
to
middle
the
Dhvanyaloka.
of
the
10th
Mukula
century
said
is
to
2
quarter of *he 10th century A. D.
Kavyalahkara Sutra is a well-known work on
have lived
the
in
Vamana's
Alamkara.
appears
he
as
the
probably
Alamkara works. He was a pupil

from the colophon of the commen-
of
flourished
is
Pratiharenduraja
first
Vamana's work
explanatory notes
consists
of the Vrtti type.
sutras
of
Vamana
with short
has been referred
Vamana divides
by Pratiharenduraja and Abhinavagupta.
his work into five topics (adhikaras) and each topic is divided
to
into
two or three adhyayas. There
are in all twelve adhyayas.
The
adhikarana deals with the need or prayojana of Kavya,

characterises the nature of those who are fit for studying alam-
first
karas, and
are
three
declares
that style
the soul of poetry.
The
number, vaidarbhl, gaudl, and pancall.
in
and their meanings.
styles
In the
with the defects of words, proposi-
second adhikarana he deals

tions'
is
In the third adhikarana he deals with
See RajatarahQim, IV. 495.

In Abbinava's commentary on Bhagavadgtta be mentions tbe name of Bhattenduraja,
tbe son of Sribbutiraja, tbe grandson of Saucaka of tbe Katjayana gotra as being his
2
teacher.
Peterson appears to suggest in
bis
Introduction
to
Subhdsitavali
(pp.
11) that
Bhattenduraja and Pratiharenduraja are the same, but there is no evidence in favour of this
identification.
Bhattenduraja was a poet, not only on tbe strength of Abhinavagupta's
declaration in his Abhinavabharati, but he is also quoted in Kêmendra's Suvrtti>tila1ta and
and his verses occur also in Sarngadhara-paddhati. But we have

no evidence that Pratiharenduraja had any poetical gift. He was not in sympathy with the
dhrani theory or Abhinavagupta and further holds that in Udbhata *s handling of the poetic
Aucitya-vicara-cintamani,
figures, the theory of
dhvani was anticipated.
edited by Cappeller, Jena 1875, in the Kavyamdld series, 1848, then

by Auandaram Barua, 1883, then in tbe Grantbapradars'an! series, 1895, in the Benares
Sanskrit series with K amadhenu commentary in 1908, and in tbe Smantvilasa series, Srlrangam 1909. The last one is the best edition of tbe work. It was translated into English by
8
Sir
It
was
first
Ganganatha Jha, Allahabad.
probably of the 16th century
It has
two commentaries,
A D, and Sahitya-*arva*w by
T
Kdmadhenu by Gopendra,
536
the gunas and in

of
the six dosas,
The
fifth
the fourth he deals with
upama and
adhikarana
alamkaras based on upama.
other
devoted
is
yamaka and anuprasa,

conventions, obser-
to poetical
vance of the rules of sandhi, necessity of grammatical purity and

The last chapter also deals with the purity of words.
the like.
He
defines
and
illustrates in
anuprasa, yamaka and
addition to
upama, prativastupama, samasokti, aprastutapra$amsa, apahnuti,

Mesa, vakrokt^ utpreksd, atitayokti,
rupaka,
vibhdvana,
nidarana,
ananvaya, ufiameyopama,
arthdntaranydsa,
Vamana
is
defender of the
the
vtiesokti,
samahita,
saliokti,
upamdrupaka, and utpreksavayava
krama, dlpaka,
parivrtti,
vyatireka,
dksepa,
tulyayogitd,
vyajokti,
sandeha, virodha,
vyajastuti,
samsrsti,
in all thirty-three alamkaras.

rlti
school of poetics and has
been severely criticised by the later writers on Alamkara. Though

Vamana uses some of the older names of alamkaras, such as,
aksepa, he gives entirely different meanings
commentator, Sahadeva/says that Vamana's
vitesokti, rupaka, or
to
them.
Vamana's
work had gone quite out of use and that Mukula Bhatta restored
As Vamana is mentioned by Pratibareuduraja of the 10th
it.
Vamana seems to
century A.D.., it must have preceded him.
have
preceded even the
Dhvantkara
(see Dhvanyaloka, pp. 37).

Biihler
Kalhana says that Vamana was a minister of Jayapida.
If this view be
supposes that the two Vamanas are identical.
<
accepted, then
porary
is
of
Vamana
But none
Udbhata.
a further point
lived in
as to
could be identified with
which case Vamana

is
curious,
as
is to
800 A.D. and would be a contemof
them
There
whether the -Alamkara author Vamana
Vamana
the writer of the
be placed in the
notes, that some
Kane
refers to either,
Katika, in
century A.D. It
grammatical views
7th
of the
Vamana are in agreement with those of Katitih. If these

two Vamanas are identical then the Alamkara author Vamana
of
should be regarded as having lived in the 7th century A.D.

The Kavyalarnkara of Rudrata with the commentary of Na-
misadhu has been published
in the
Kavyamala series. According

he
Jived
wider King Avaptivarjng
to Jacobf(Z.P.M,G 56, 763)
f
UDBHATA
537
Rudrata was also called Satananda and was the son

and
he should not be confused with Rudrabhatta, the
Vamana,
(855-883).
of
author of
however, in Z.D.M.G. 39,

in favour of identifying them, 1
Pischel,
8rhgaratilaka.
314 and 42, 296
is
In the first 16 chapters

is in 734 verses.
the objects of Kavya, the definition of a poet and
his requirements, the five
6abdalamkaras, vakrokti, anuprasa,
the four styles, vaidarbhl, paiicali, latl
yamaka, Mesa, and citra
Rudrata's work
he deals
with
and gaudi; the six bhasas, prakrta, samskrta, mdgadhl, paisaci,

He also
Sauraseni, apabhrama, in which poetry is composed.
defines vakrokti and anuprasa and illustrates five vrttis, madhura,
yamaka
in details as well as Mesa with its chief
He
tricky or citrakavyas.
He
He
parusa and rudra, of anuprasa.
praudha,
lalita,
also treats
also treats
varieties
of the defects of
and the
pada and
however, the earliest author on Alamkara, who

classify the alamkaras according to certain rational
These principles are five, vastava, on which 23
principles.
vakya.
was,
to
tried
aupamya, on which 21 alamkaras are

based
atiaya, on which 12 alamkaras are based; and lesa, on
which 10 alamkaras are based. Thus altogether it treats of 66
alamkaras are based
So
alamkaras.
number
the
defects of
far in
scarcely
meaning
ten rasas and
the
Bhamaha, Dandin, Udbhata and Vamana,

exceeds forty.
and
of four defects of
the
two
different kinds of heroes
On
those
deals
upama.
He
with the
describes
of
Angara and
of
classification,
classifies
method
some
of
upameyopamd or anvaya, which,

varieties of upama^ have been counted as
such as,
alamkaras,
reality
varieties
also
and heroines.
account of his rational
though in
He
are
alamkaras and so defined, have not been taken as

alamkaras by Rudrata but regarded as varieties of
separate
separate
151 and
See also Jacob! *s
Z.D.M.G. 42,425;
J.R.A.S., 1905.
Namisadhu
Rudrata
in 1068.
Wiener Zeitschrift Fur die Kunde des Morgenlande$ 9 2.

Jacobin J.B.A.8., 1897 (pp. 291> also NaraBinghiengar in
article in
also
Rudrata should not be confused with Rudrabhatta author of Srngdratilaka.

is said to have been a Sret&mbara Jain a, who wrote bis commentary on
538
Then, again, his naming of certain alaijikaras is

from his predecessors. Thus, what Bhamaha calls
upamft.
different
and what Udbhata
vydjastuti
calls
udatta and what Dandin calls
been called by Rudrata vyajattesa and jati.

What other writers have called attiayokti as the mutual change
of place of antecedents between karana and karyya, has been
svabhavokti,
termed as
have
purva by Rudrata.
Again some of the alamkaras,

samya and pldita, that have been
such as, hetUy bhava, mata,

counted by Rudrata, have been dismissed
by
later writers
ground that they are instances of gunibhutavyahga,

the implied sense instead of being superior has been
to the
i.e.,
on the
where
subordinated
primary sense,
As Kane has
said,
Rudrata represents the Alamkara school.
He repudiates the theory of Vamana that rlti is the soul of kavya.

While the later writer Mamrnata regards the existence of guna
as an important constitutive desideratum of kavya, Rudrata does
not define
Mammaâ
guna at all. It is probably from

had regarded the existence of alamkara
Rudrata that
as a
constitu-
desideratum of kavya.
As has been suggested above, he lived in the 9th century
A.D He was earlier than Prati'harenduraja, who always quotes
tive
k.
from him and
is
also earlier than Rajagekhara.
Rudrata's work
already been
in
of
Namisadhu has
published in the Kavyamala series, as already said
But Vallabhadeva,
above.
refers
with the commentary
his
own
well-known commentator of Magba,

commentary to Magha (Magha, IV. 21,
a
commentary on Rudrata. But this earliest

on
is probably now lost.
Rudrata
Vallabhadeva
commentary
has not only commented on Magha but Kalidasa, Mayura, and
Ratnakara, and Dr. De says that he probably belonged to the
VI. 28),
to
his
10th
century, for his grandson, Kaiyata, son of Candraditya,

wrote a commentary on Anandavarddhana's Devttataka (977-78)
during the reign of Bhimagupta (971-82 A.D.). This Vallabhadeva is certainly different from the author of Subhasitavali,
who, according
to Aufrecht, lived in the
16th century, and
ALAMKiRA
IN
THE AGNlPUftlNA
539
according to Biihler (Kunst Poesie) lived in the 15th century.

Peterson refers to another Jaina commentator on Kudrata, called
who
SjSadhara,
lived in the 13th century.
After the
invasion of
Sahabuddin Ohori he migrated to Malava and lived in the court

Dhara. He wrote more than fifteen works. We hear
of the king
of
also
another commentary
But the work
Harivamâbhatta Draviâ.
ALAMKIRA
The Agnipurana
IN
son
Rasataranginl by
of
scarce.
is
THE AGNIPURINA
one of the encyclopaedic Puranas like the

Visnudharmottara-purana, which deals with all sorts of subjects
1
of Indian culture even
including grammar and lexicon. For conis
Agnipurana may be placed
siderations stated in the foot-note the

in the 9th or JOth
century.
kinds of
vrttis
and
of abhinaya,
ritis,
and arabhati.
bharati, satvatl, kaitikl,
with different kinds
also
with four kinds of
It deals
kinds of kdvya as gadya, padya, and mlira

Sanskrit and Prakrit; the modes of kavya,
differentiates
and
its
four
It deals
various
language
is
as katha akhyayika,
and mahakavya the condition and modes of dramatic emotion and
expression, such as, sthayibhava, anubhava, vyabhicaribhava,
;
etc,
it
deals
with some sabdalamkaras arthalamkaras, and
also
Sabdarthalarrikaras , gunas and dosas*

Regarding lexicon, Agnipurana drew its materiela from Amarako$a, which was
India What It Can
into Chinese in the 6th century, as Maxmiiller saya in
'
translated
Teach Us.'
Mr. Oak places Amarako$a
But Hoernle
date.
in
J.
in the 4th
R. A. S. 1906
century and Telang
attempts
to
place
it
in
even an
earlier
between the 7th and the 10th
centuries.
The Agnipurana knows Bharata's Natya*sastra and seems

Bh&maha's work and even the theory
of dhvani.
also to be acquainted with
It can, therefore, he argued
that at least
was composed after Ahhinavagupta had written big

that no early writer quotes from Agnipurana. It is
the chapter on poetics of the Agnipurana
Dhvanydloha.
in
only
the
Tfc
is
12th
therefore roughly
also
significant
century
place
that
We
is
quoted as an authority.
may
9th or the 10th century A.D., preferably the
Agnipurana
Agnipurana
in
the
latter.
3
The Agnipurana has been
that of the
Bibliotheca Indioa,
published at different times.

edited by
published in English a translation of
it
in
Bajendralal
Probably the earliest one is

1878, and Mr. M, N. Dutt
Mitra,
two volumes, Calcutta, 1903.
540
ANANDAVARDHANA, THE DHVANIKARA, AND ABHINAVAGUPTA
The work
number of
of a
that passes by the
karikas with a
name
Dhvanyaloka consists
of
The work
Locana by Abhinavagupta.
tary called
into four chapters or uddyotas.
It
on
commentary
called the dhvanikdrikas
the
vrtti.
and the author
The commentary on the karika

the elaborate commentary on it is
is
The
called the
One
than the Locana.
was
which
written
whose family the
of these at
some ancestor
by
of
vrtti,
are
the Dhvanikara.
Dhvanyaloka and
the
was
least
different
verses
Locana.
further that there were other commentaries on
divided
the
karika,
karika
is called
called
is
three
that
appears
persons are responsible for the writing of the
and the
commen-
and an elaborate
vrtti
It
appears
Dhvanyaloka
called
Candrika,
Abhinavagupta, in
study of Dhvanyaloka was current for
many
generation?.
It
is,
therefore,
wrong
as sometimes it has been
karika was the direct teacher of
Abhinavagupta.
It
suggested that
has
the
author of
the
by Mr. Kane
(the commentary on the
been
suggested
Locana commentary of Abhio a vagupta on Dhvanyaloka

was written about 160 years after the Dhvanyaloka was composed. The Dhvanyaloka
For this reason he often refers
real work on which Abhinava wad writing his Locana.
that the
karika)
is
the
Dhvanyaloka as the granthakara. The karikas are sometimes called in

Mulakarikd or simply the Karikas, and its author was called the kdrikdkdra.
to the author of the
Locana the
of the Dhvanyaloka is also sometimes called the vrttikrt.

The study of Locana
shows clearly that Abhinavagupta regarded the author of the Karika as being different from
the author of the Vftti. In p. 8 Abhinava refers to a poet Manoratba who was a on-
The author
temporary of the author of the Karika.
name
of
the author
of
the
Vftti or
In pages 11 and 12 Abhinava

the
Dhvanyaloka
us
that ther
Aoandavardhauacarya. This
and Kdvydloka in the colophors.
work Dhvanyaloka is called by the name Sahrdaydloka

In the penultimate verse at the end of the 4th uddyota there
follows
tells
is
is
a verse which runs as
kdcyakhye khilataukhyadhdmani vivudhodydne dhvanir dartitah.

This suggests that the name of the original work on which inandavardbana
commented was
for this
Prof.
Sovani
probably
called
Kdvyadhvani or some other name associated with Kavya.
reason that Anandavardhana's
the
in
J.R.A.8.,
name
of
the
Vrtti
was
called
It
Kdvydloka or Dhvanyaloka,
1910,
suggested that it was called Sahrdaydloka because
author of the Karika was Sabrdaya. P. V. Eane has further
suggested that the passage in Mukula Dhaka's Abhidhavrttimatrka was considerably

dhvaneh sahrdayair nut an at ay d upavarnitasya
than Abhinava's; the passage
and also tbe passage in the same work, sahrdayath kdvyavartmani nirupitd and the
earlier
1NANDAVARDHANA, DHVANIKARA
From
the
considerations
ANt)
stated in
A&H1NAVAGUPTA
the foot-notes,
541
we
find
no certainty regarding the authorship of the karikas,

sometimes called the Mulakdrika or the Dhvanikdrikd.
The
that there
is
author is sometines referred to as Dhvanikara or Dhvanikrt.

There was probably for centuries before the advent of Abhinavagupta or even Anandavardhana, the author of the vftti or the
reference by Pratih&renduraja in his
commentary on Udbhata, kaiScit sahrdayair dhvanirSahrdaya was the name of the author of the
whether Sahrdaya was or was not the author of the Kdrikd, the argument
ndma vyanjakatvabheddtmd,
But as
Karikas.
to
prove that
does not seem to be conclusive, for there
attached to
name
of
it,
is a plnral number to the word and no honorific

and as such Sahrdaya may mean the intuitive school of poetry and not
the
any person.
The passage, sahrdaya-manar^pntaye occurring in the first kdrikd would

name of the author of the Kdrikd could not have been Sabrdaya,
that the
it
title
would be very unusual
for
him
to refer to himself in the
third
naturally suggest
for in
person and then
that case
say that
the work was written for giving pleasure to him, unless of course the word sahrdaya contained
a pun.
The other view
that
venture
to
suggest
is
that the
word sahrdaya probably
who regarded the intuitive implication as appealing to

the heart either by way of emotion or by way of suggesting truths.
So also the word,
sahrdayodaya^ldbha-hetu means for the benefit that there may arise the intuiti\e connaissance of poetic value. The word sahrdaya and its synonym sucetas occur often in the
Kdrikds, the Vrtti and the Locana. The Dhvanydhka, in discussing the nature of sahrdayatva, says (p. 11),
yesdm kdvydnus'ilandbhydsavasdd visadibhute manomukure varnanlyareferred to
a school
of literary critics
tanmaylbhavanayogyatd te hrdayasarrivddabhdjah sah[daydhi.e. those are to be called

sahrdayas whose mind after a long and continued practice of literature has become as
t
transparent as a mirror such that whatever
them
in such a
manner that they by
sympathy by which they may

as revealed through literature,
is
described to
ar,
literature enters into
capacity can exercise
same and thereby the poet's heart,

without restraint to them not only
identify themselves with the
may communicate
itself
the poets but other persons having similar capacities
with one
them through
their (natural or earned)
may
find
themselves in communication
other through the poet's heart as revealed in literature.
The Locana speaks
of
Anandavardhana as sahrdaya-cakravurti as the king of the sahrdayas. In the last verse of

the Dhvanydloka Anandavardhana says
satkdvyam tattvavi$ayary, Bphuriia-prasupta-kalpaiji
manahsu paripakvadhiydrn. yaddsit tad vydkarot sahrdayodayaldbhahetau dnandavardhana iti
:
prathitdbhidhdnah.
The essence
literary connoisseurs of excellence
what had appeared in the minds of

but had remained there in a dreamy and inarticulate state,
of the couplet is that
has been clearly explained and formulated in the Dhvanydloka and with that very purpose
the work has been written.
It is thus obvious that there were a large body of literary connoisseurs who had discovered the nature of dhvani and rasa as being the essence of poetry and it is this body of
men who have often been referred to as sahrdayas. I therefore cannot think that the name
who was referred
sah^daya was the name of tbe Karikakara and that it was the Karikakara
and
others.
Mukula
to by the term sahrdaya by
542
which
katik&s
grantha or the text by

Abhinavagupta in his Locana commentary, a school of poetical
connoisseurs who regarded the essence of charm of poetry as
referred
to
as
the
truth of the emotion communicated to us by the poet

art which so completely deluged the mind of the
being the
through
audience
is
his
or
the
reader
that
could not be distinguished from
it
what was communicated in this manner.

The name of Anandavardhana's vrtti
Dhvanyaloka or
is
Kavyaloka, and the name of the vrtti by

Locana as I have already mentioned.
By 900 A.D. Anandavardhana had become

and
writer
inandavardhana
muktavali.
and
so
10th
the
of
Eajaêkhara
does
some confusions among
the old
Thus Pratlharenduraja
own
to
refers
in
his
to
Sukti-
refers
to
some
times there were
Alamkara regarding
Mr. Kane points out.
authors
of
the identity of the author of the Vrtti, as
and
well-known
It is curious to notice that already in early
Vrtti,
century
Jalhana
also
is
Abhinavagupta
the
of
doctrines in
the
claimed by Anandavardhana, as his

Kuntaka, the author of Vakroktijlvita, is said
also to a verse
Sahrdaya.
to refer to a verse of
Anandavardhana
as
belonging to Dhvani-
Mahimabhatta, a contemporary of Abhinavagupta, makes

no distinction between the authors of the Karika and the Vrtti.
kara.
Ksemendra
the
in his Aucitya-vicara-carcca refers to
belonging to
Anandavardhana and
kdrikas
Hemacandra.
so does
as
Vigva-
natha in his Sahitya-darpana II. 12. quotes the first verse as

belonging to Dhvanikara and ascribes a Vrtti to the Dhvanikara.
We
thus see that there

1
pratibha'Vyutpattyoh
is
pratibha
conflict
great
dreyasi,
sa
hi
of
haver
opinion
between
avyutpatti-kftam
do$am
asexam acchadayati, tatraho iavyutpatU-krto dosah taktyasarflvriyate kaveh, yastvatakti*

kftastasya sa jhatityavabhdsate (Dhvanyaloka, p. 137).
RajaSekhara, Kdvyamtmar^sa
(p. 16).
Also,
dkvanindtigabhirena
kavgatattvanivesind,
Anandavardhanah
kasya
ndsidananda*
vardhanah.
Rijatekhara as quoted by Jalhaijia sod
M pointed oat ia J.B.R.A,8., Vol.
17, p. 57.
ANANDAVARDHANA, DHVANIKIRA AND ABHINAVAQUPTA

Abhinavagupta and these authors, and
come
for us to
My own
and
kara
to a decisive conclusion.
view
is
that the view of
Anandavardhana
some
others
places
differs
two
are
attested by an intimate study of

in
Dhvanikara
in such a
from that
manner
is
of
that
it
difficult
exceedingly
Abhinava that the Dhvanidifferent
persons
Anandavardhana' s
modifies and elaborates >he
it
it
543
is
vrtti,
well-
which
Dhvanikara while in
the
meagre statements of the

is Anandavardhaua and not
Dhvanikara who can rightly take pride in having evolved an

original system of dhvani in a systematic manner though elements of it are found in, the Dhvanikara's Karikas and even
before him.
That
of the fact that the
this
was the
case
was
on account
lost sight of
views of Anandavardhana
have in general
been in agreement with the teaching of the Karikas. This led
to the confusion
among many writers that the writer of the
Anandavardhana, was identical with the writer of the

Karikas.
Therefore, Anandavardhana has often been referred to
Vrttt,
as the Dhvanikara.
Dhvanikara was.
It is
almost impossible to say
through the date of the poet Manoratha of the

1
of the
who
really the
Dhvanikara
Jacobi's attempt to fix the date of
8th century A.D.
Mr. Kane following Sovani has suggested that Sabrdaya was the name of the author
to which I signified my dissent for it seems to me that there is ample evidence
Karika
show that though no elaborate treatise on the subject was written yet the dhvani view
in tradition as 5nandavardbana himself says (p. 10), paramparaya samamnatal},
i.e., carried through unbroken tradition, to which the Locana comments,
vindpi vititfa.
to
was current
pustakeu vivecanat ityabhiprayah, .., though the subject of dhvani was not treated in a
was known and propagated through unbroken tradition. It ia this
special work, yet the theory
school of thinkers
who
are in
my opinion
referred to by
the
word sahrdaya.
He knew
also
that Pratibarenduraja after referring to the views of the sahrdayas said that the views of the
gahrdayas regarding dhvani
is
already included in the theory of alainkaras
He
then treats
alamkdra and rasa, and there are examples given by

Dhvanikara a* these three divisions of dhvani are but examples of alainkara.
of the three kinds of dhvani, vastu,
Winternitz also thinks that the ground of the Dhvanikarikas is to be found in Udbhata'a woik, Die Lehre des Udbhafa, dass in der Stimmung das Wescn der Poesie zu
sei bildete die Grundlage fttr die Dhvanikarikas, 120 Memorialstrophen fiber Poetik
einem ungenannten Verfasser, zu denen Anandavardhana von Kaschmir urn 860 n.
Chr. seinen tiberaus lehrreichen kommentar Dhvanyaloka geechreiben hat, der in der Tat
suchen
con
ein telbstdndiges
Werk
injischen Litter at ur.
ilber
das
Wesen
der Dichtkunst
ist,
pp. 17-18, Geschichte
o'er
544

4
Rdjatarahginl, the minister of thje king Jayapldaj

also due to a confusion ; for if Abhinava's opinion is to be
to
(according
is
accepted, Manoratha
of
We
Anandavardhana.
date of the Dhvanikara

references
Bhamaha
the
in
contemporary of the Dhvanikara but

thus see that both the name and the
was not
is
The
uncertain.
find
no
Dandin or
Dhvanikara' s Karikas to either
Vamana, does not^rove
or
we
fact that
that he was not
contem-
Anandavardhana's date, however,

porary of either of them.
may be regarded as the 8th century A.D. if the identity of the
poet Manoratha and of the minister-poet Manoratha be accepted.
Abhinava must have lived about 150 years since the date of
Anandavardhana.
Jayaplda,
and
flourished
in
If
he
Manoratha
was
reign
of
flourished
in
the
reign
of
contemporary of 5.nandavardhana,
as stated by Abhinava, Anandavardhana's date may be regarded
as well-nigh
fixed.
Rajasekhara says that Ananda-vardhana
To
known
the
for
the
students of
his
prolific
Kasmir Saivism.
In
Avantivarma (855-83)
Indian
Kashmir.
Philosophy, Abhinavagupta
works on the
addition
of
to
is
PratyabhijM school of
these
he
also
wrote
many
kavya works, stotra works, as well as a

commentary called Vivarana on the Kdvyakautuka of his teacher
Prom the colophon to his Paratrim&ka Vivarana
Bhattatauta.
verses,
probably
we know
that his grandfather was Varahagupta,
father
Cukhala
and his younger brother was called Manorathagupta. He had

many gurus. Thus in the Locana commentary he not only
refers to his teacher Bbattenduraja but also quotes verses from
him.
He
is
profuse
in
From
the
references
in
probability studied
all
his praises of his
the
Locana
it
Dhvanyaloka with
guru Bhattenduraja.
appears that he had in
his
teacher Bhattendu-
who was
It has already
not only a poet but a critic also.
been suggested that this Bhattenduraja should be regarded as
raja,
tivasv&mi kavir anandavardhanah pratham ratnakaratcagat samrdjye'

tarahginl t V. 34.
This
.
is
in
harmony with the
fact that
apd was quoted by Rajatarahgin*
of 900
he quotes Udbhafa who flourished ID the 800
A.P,
INANDAVARDHANA, DHVANIKIRA AND ABHINAVAGUPTA
545
from Prftt'Tharenduraja, the commentator of Udbhata,

as
was not
in
favour of counting the
Pratiharendtiraja
of
he was probably a
and
dhvani,
independent importance
different
however interesting to notice that in the

Samudrananda and the Atamkarasarvasva (p. 130, Trivandrum)
Pratiharenduraja is regarded as identical with Bhattenduraja
southerner.
(see also p.
tauta
It
34
was
is
BhattaAlamkara-sara-samgraha4aghu-vrtti)
another teacher of Abhinavagupta, whose work
of
Kavyakautuka was commented on by Abhinavagupta. Utpala

is
referred to in the Locana as his parama-guru.
On the
subject of Pratyabhijna Philosophy his teacher was probably
Laksmanaguru.
The DhvanydJoka contains four uddyotas or chapters. In
the first chapter he takes up the problem as to whether the
claims of dhvani
as
being the essence of literature may be

whether it can be included within laksana
accepted as true or
or abhidha.
He holds
direct
meaning
or
that
literature is appreciated not for its
information
the
that
it
carries, but for the
grace or beauty (like that of ladies) which is inexpressible but

This pratiyamana or expression
can be felt (pratlyamana)
transcending the meaning is of three kinds, (1) it may manifest
.
truth
dhvani)
(vastu-dhvani)
;
or
(3)
(2)
suggest
(alamkara-
comparison
communicate an emotion
(rasa-dhvani).
Mere
grammarians and lexicographers do not understand the value

It is only when the suggestive
expression.
the
ordinary meaning that a kavya becomes
expression supersedes
In alamkaras such as samasokti, aksepa,
a dhvani-kavya.
of
this
suggestive
paryyayokti, etc., though there is a suggestive sense yet it is

the primary sense that appears to be chiefly dominant there.
Dhvani is of two kinds, (1) avivaksitavacya and (2) the
vivaksitanyaparavacya. In the first case the primary meaning

or the vacya has not the intended sense, it is only the suggested
sense that is intended whereas in the latter case the suggestive
sense
is
only
more graceful and
sense z though the

69-1848B
ordinary sense
beautiful than
is
the ordinary
also conveyed.
Abhinava
546
and Inandavardhana also try to distinguish here between bhakti

In the second chapter the avivaksitaor laksana and dhvani.
subdivided into arthantara-samkramita
further
is
vacya-dhvani
and atyanta-tiraskrta-vacya and the
vivaksitanyapara-vacya
is
subdivided into asamlaksya-krama and samlaksya-krama.

former is found in the case of the communication of rasa
further
The
He
or rasabhasa, etc.
also
there
distinguishes
between
the
alamkaras, rasavat, preya, etc., and rasadhvani and also deals

with the difference between the gunas and alamkaras. He
samlaksyakrama-vyanga and the

In the 3rd chapter he further classi-
subdivides
further
also
the
asamlaksyakrama-vyanga.
fies
vyafijana
being from pada,
as
prabandha, the manner in
which
the
rasa
which are particularly favourable
figures
in
the plot
its
relation
to
dominance and
conflict.
He
anumana.
also
The
and
4th chapter he discusses
gunlbhuta-vyanga,
equal in status
the
unlimited
to
or
the
particular rasas,
manner
in
which
may
view
repudiates the
ritis
to
manifested,
manifest the asamlaksyakramasubordination

rasas
of
and their
the particular suffixes, etc.,
vyahga
is
the subtle
rasas,
and
samghatana
vakya,
vrttis
are
that vyaftjana
also
is
In
discusssd.
not
the
the
nature of the pratibha of poets,

where the dhvani is either inferior or
meaning. He also treats of

which true geniuses may
poetry
the primary
field
of
discover.
The Locana commentary has

called
two
other
commentaries
None
Locana-vyakhya-kaumudi by Parame^varacaryya.
commentaries has yet been published.
of these
RlJAgEKHARA
The Kavya-mimamsa
Gaekwa^ Oriental Series, is
in
eighteen
chapters,
such
of
Kaja&khara,
published
a handbook for poets and

as,
pf the origin of alarfikara-tastra
(i)
(ii)
Sastra-sarrigralia,
is
in
the
written
treating
4astra-nirde$a, distinguishing
MJAÊKHARA
between
astra
and kavya
kavya-pumsotpatti, a mythical
whose body is word and its sense
(Hi)
account of a kavya-purusa,
and
the
various
547
its
languages,
the
limbs,
atman, and so on the kavya-purusa is married

vadhu
(iv)
pada-vdkya-viveka dealing with
;
rasa
to
vyutpatti or
erudition,
(practice)
samadhi (concentration)
constitutive
as
of
or
sahitya-vidyaakti,
self
its
and
pratibhd
abhydsa
the efficient art ot writing poetry
kavyapakakalpa dealing with vyutpatti or erudition, sastra(vi) padavakya-viveka dealing

kavi, kavya-kavi and ubhaya-kavi
with the nature of Sabda and vakya
(vii) patlia-pratistha
(v)
with the proper language and style to be followed

and the sort of intonation that is found in different parts
of
India
sources
of
(viii)
kavyarthanaya dealing with
dealing
the
materials
of
literature
the indispensable element
(ix)
artha-vyapti dealing with
(x) kavi-caryya
kavya as rasa
dealing with the discipline through which a poet must undergo
and the external environment in which the poet should live
of
(xi-xiii) the extent
his
predecessors'
krwhich
words
a poet
and
and
can appropriate
thoughts
xiv-xvi
utilise
dealing witb
xvii dealing
conventions of poetry and fauna and flora of India
with Geography of India together with economic and other
;
products and the complexion of the different races

xviii deals with the seasons, the winds, birds, etc.
many
India
He
quotes
and has also been quoted in turn by HemaVagbhaâ, Manikyacandra and Somesvara. He was
old
candra,
of
writers
probably a Marhatâ man who not only wrote the Kavya-mlmamsa

but also Nala-ramayana and Karpura-maftjarl in Prakrt as well
as
ViddhaSalabhafljika
and
Balabharata
Pracandapandava and Haravilasa.

1
first quarter of the 10th century.
He
is
otherwise
called
said to have lived in
the
Indian
Antiquary, Vol. 16, Vol. 84 and
Epigraphica Indica, Vol.
I,
show
thai
Mabendrapala and Nirbbaya Narendra lived between 902 and 907, and the date of his son
Mahlpala is 917 A.D. lUjagekhara wag the teacher of Nirbhaya and he speaks of the king
Mahlpala, the son of Nirbhaya Narendra.
548
BHATTATAUTA
We
have already referred the Kavyakautuka of Bhatfatauta,

the teacher of Abhinavagupta, on which the latter had written a
commentary
as
has
called
already
So
Vivarana.
far
we can
been done by Mr. Kane.
collect bis
We
views
can say that he
regarded $antarasa as the most dominant one. and superior to all

He further held that in understanding a poet the
other rasas.
must
reader
done.
undergo
same experiences as the poet has
the
Ksemendra
in
his
Hemacandra
and
Aucitya-vicara-carcca
bis
commentary on
The
Kavyaprakata refers to Kavyakautuka.
samketa of Manikyacandra also makes references
to Bhattatauta.
in
Kavyanuasana and Some^vara
his
in
Kavyaprakafa-
has also been suggested by Hemacandra that Bhattatauta was

against the view that the dramatic emotion was due to imitation
It
and
been elaborately shown in the Abhinavabharati commentary and Bharata's Natya-sutra.

this has
f
'
KUNTAKA
The
Kuntaka has been edited and published

by Dr. S. K, De. In his work Vakrokti-jlvita he profusely
quotes Bhamaba and Dandin and sometimes Udbbata also. The
Vakrokti-jlvita of
Locana of Abhinavagupta contains no reference to Vakrokti-jlvita

and neither does he refer to the Locana. It is assumed therefore
that he was a contemporary of Abhinavagupta and lived between
925
to
1025 A.D. 2
His
karikas
theory
work
and
that
Bhamaha we
1
is
their
divided
into
and
it
consists of
with examples. He held a

soul of
poetry but even in
interpretations
vakrokti
was
the
find that certain
"
4 chapters
alamkaras were
"
quqted
nayakasya kaveh Srotub samano* nubhavastatah
The following literature may be consulted on Kuntake
not
in the
:
regarded
Locana,
Jacob! ,
1902; also 62, 1908; T. Gepapati gastri in the Trivendrum Sanskrit Series, Vol.
Haricand's Kaliddsa,
as
p. 29.
Z.D.M.Q-. 56,
V;
see also
KUNTAKA
549
alamkaras as there was no vakrokti in them.

the
of
essence
but
invention of Kuntaka,
form.
It
Kuntaka's
literature
Kavya
is
therefore not a discovery or
was he who
it
Vakrokti as
it
gave
finished
seems that in most cases various definitions given are

own and so also are most of the examples. Most of
the later writers
such as
Manikyacandra,
all
etc.,
author
the
refer
of
Some^vara,
Ekavali,
views of Kuntaka
the
to
But
refutation, preferring the dhvani theory to the vakrokti.
have showed elsewhere, that

dhvani in it.
The word vakrokti
the idea
means
literally
vakrokti
of
for
as
includes
While
arch-speech.
anything is signified directly by the ordinary meaning of the

words the speech may be regarded as straight and direct. But
when
the intended expression
called
carried by other
is
The word and
arch-speech.
The word, however,
kavya.
should
be
such
that
that
though
intends
to
convey.
can produce delight to

be such that in its
1
The
striking and
it
may
be
constitute the
of
kavya
many meanings
it
only
meaning which the speaker
significance
should be
such that
it
men of literary taste, the meaning should

own spontaneous wave it should create
Real poetry must
beauty.
meaning
constitutive
is
has
it
expresses or implies that particular
its
means
be
the
submission of an idea in a
charming manner.
The word and the sense both co-operate together in producing

But to what end do they co-operate? To this
kavya.
Kuntaka's reply
indescribable
is
that
they
charm or beauty.
in
co-operate
producing
Both the word and the
an
sense
play their own respective roles in producing the charm of poetry,

and in the writings of a really great poet, they compete with
one another in producing the
which
effect.
There are various ways in
It %roay depend upon the alphabetic

is effected.
the
the
words,
sufl&xee, the propositions, the contexts.
sounds,
1
this
tab do
vivak$itdrtha\ka-vacakah
anye$u
satsu
bhahgi-bhanitirucyate.
artJiah
api,
svaipandasundarafy, ubhdvet&valariikdryau lay oh punaralanhf t ij
saJirdayahlddahari
vakrohtireva
vaidagdhye-
550
He
gives elaborate examples of the uniqueness
of
different
criticised
of
varieties
and strikingness
Mahimabhatta, however,
poetry.
both Kuntaka and Abhinava. 1
DHANASfjAYA
The Dahriipa
It
is
work
of
Dhanafijaya
of four chapters
heroines
the
work on dramaturgy,
deals with the different
first
with the several kinds of
parts of a drama, the second
and
the
is
third
with
deals
heroes
the
practical problems
concerned in connection with staging a drama and the varieties of
dramatic demonstration, and the fourth deals with the rasa
It
theory.
has a commentary by Dhvanika who had written also

His views were somewhat
Kai)yanirnaya.
another work called
similar to that of Bhattanayaka.
Dhanafijaya was the son of Visnu

rajasabha of Munja (974, 979 and 991-94
and a member
of the
D.) and Dhvanika,
the commentator, was his brother.

Dhanafijaya practically
remodelled and re-edited the dramaturgical portions of Bharata's
Natya-sastra and has often been quoted in later times by writers
3
on alamkara
This dramaturgical work of Dhanafijaya became so famous

times that both "Visvanatha and Vidyanatha have largely
in later
drawn upon
work
this
valoka, quotes from
On Kuntaka
materials of their treatment o*
the
The commentator Dhvanika who wrote Da&arupa-
dramaturgy.
pendrum
for
Sanskrit
see
of
Padmagupta
Jacobi,
Series, No. 5;
995 A.D. and
is
also
quoted
Z.D.M.G., 1902 and 1908 and T. Ganapati Sastri, TriKalidasa; S. K. De's Sanskrit Poetics} and
HaricSnd's
Mr. Kane's Introduction to Sahitya-darpana.

*
See
Indica t
Epigrapliica
Vol.1,
235,
p.
Vol.
2,
p.
180;
Indian Antiquary
Vol. 6, p. 51.
The work has been published by F. Hall,

Parab,
Bombay
1897.
It
has
University, Indo-Iranian Series,
been
translated
New York
1913 and Barnett. J.R.A.S., 1913.
1912
Bibl.-Ind.,
into English
Calcutta 1865, and by K. P.

by G, C. 0. Haas, Columbia
sec also Jacobi, Gdttinger, Gelehrte Anzeigen
See also S. Levi, J. A. 1886. Jacobi holds with Levi that
Dhvanika was only the other name of Dhanafijaya.

3
Das
Datar&pa
ist
viel
iibersichtiicher
und systematischer
Natya-Sastra und wird daher in den spfiteren Werken iiber Poetic

Wintemitz, History of Indian Literature , VoL IIT. p. 20.
am
als
das Bharatiya-
na'ufigsten
zitiert.
551
MAHlMABHATTA
by Bhoja in his Sarasvati-kanthabharana in the first part of the

llth century. This suggestion by Jacobi and Levi based on the
inadvertent
reference
of
verse
of
Dbananjaya
For Vidyanatha
cannot be supported.
refers
Dhvanika
to
to
Dhananjaya's
and
commentary,
Dafarupa
Sarngarava quotes
verses from Dhvanika's commentary referring them to Dhvanika.
but not to the
few other commentaries were also written on
as
Dasarupa such
the commentary
by Nrsimhabhatta, the Dagarupa-tika by

and
Devapani
Da$ariipa~paddhati by Kuravirama.
1
MABIMABHATTA
that
Rajaiiaka Mahimabhatta's Vyakti-viveha, with a commentary

breaks off in the middle of the 2nd vimarfo, has been
published in the Trivendrum Series (1909).
His chief
purpose
dhvani theory of Abhinavagupta.
He
does not deny that the soul of poetry is emotion, but he objects
was
to
to
manner
the
called
the
controvert
He
dhvani.
is
holds that
the
as
being of a special type
communication
is
by the
divided into three chapters or vimarsas.
In the
process of inference.
The work
communication
of
very first verse he gives us the object of his work as leading to

the demonstration of the fact that all that passes by the name of
dhvani are really cases of inference, 8

It is not the place here to enter into an elaborate statement
the arguments of Mahimabhatta for the destruction of the
dhvani theory. But it may be pointed out that his attempt
utterly failed as it left the later writers unconvinced of the
of
rigbtness of
by
later
his
writers,
contention.
He
has often been referred to
but always for refutation.
See De's Sanskrit Poetics, Vol.
asty abhisandhanavasare vyanjakatvam tiabdanam
As
his views have
I, p. 135.
gamakatvam
tacGa
Uhgatvam aim
ca vyahgya-pratitir lihga-pratitireveti linga-lingi-bhara eva te$&m vyahgya>vyaftjaka.bhav(
See Mahimabha^n's Vyakti-viveka.

anuman&ntarbhavaw sarvvasyaiva dhvanety prakaSayituin, vyakti-vivekam kurute
naparaty ka$cit,
3
praqamya mahim& pararp vacam.
Ibid.,
Verse
I.
552
summarised in the Alankarasarvasva he must be earlier

than 1100 A.D., and as he quotes the Balaramayana of RajaSekhara and criticises the Vakroktijlvita he must be placed kter
been
than 1000 A.D.
But Mahimabhatta has
Ravyaprakaa.
by Mammaâ
he lived between 1020 and 1060 A.D.
in his
flourished in the
first
It
also
been criticised
therefore
is
likely
that
Again, Ruyyaka who

half of the 12th century wrote a commen-
Mahimabhatta therefore lived between

Abhinava and Ruyyaka, which leads us to the conclusion,
Mahimabhatta's preceptor is Syamala, who was
just arrived.
in
this
is
quite
harmony
quoted by Ksemendra, and
with our view of Mahimabhatta's date. It is difficult to say
whether Mahimabhatta was wholly original regarding his anuMahimabhatta.
tary on
mana
theory
of
for
rasa,
we know
Sankuka had
that
a similar
theory and that Anandavardhana refuted a similar theory which

was current in his time. But at any rate, Mahimabhatta's
work
is
we have on the anumana

written another work called
the only elaborate treatise that
Mahimabhatta had also

Tattvohtikosa, in which he discussed the nature
theory.
of pratibha.
Mahimabhatta's work, with the commentary of Rajanaka

Rujjaka, was published by Ganapati Sastri in Trivendrurn
Sanskrit Series (1909).
BHOJA
Bhoja's Sarasvatt-kanthabharana is a merely compilatory
work of great dimension. It was published in Calcutta by
Anandaram Barua in 1884. It was written by King Bhoja
who
llth century A.D. It is divided into five

chapters of which the first deals with padadosa, vakyadoa and
vakyarthadosa of 16 types and 24 gunas of Sabda and vakyartha.
lived
in
the
2nd chapter he deals with 24 6abdalarn,karas and in the

3rd with 24 arthalanikaras. In the 4th chapter he deals with
In
the.
See Narasimhyienger's article in J.R.A.8., 1908
SMtyadarpana, and De's Sanskrit
Poetics.
also
Kane's
Introduction
to
BHOJA
24
varieties of
number
gabdopama and 24
663
varieties of
arthopama and a
other alamkaras, and in the 5th he deals with rasas,

bhavas, the nature of heroes and heroines, the five sandhis of
of
drama and the four
He
vrttis.
quotes profusely
from Dandin's Kavyadara, Kalidasa

Srlharsa, RajaSekhara, Rudrata
Bhavabhuti, Bana and
and
and Magha. In dealing with the figures, upama, aksepa, samasokti and apahnuti, he follows Agnipurana.
He counts 6 ritis,
vaidarbhi,
pancali,
Jaimini
gaudi,
avantika,
abddlamkdra.
instances of
to figures
rasas, he gives
of
speech,
He
and
extreme emphasis
latlya
reduces
to
and
the six
magadhi, as
pramdnas
of
though he speaks of eight

Srhgdra, and in his Srhgara-
prakaSa he admits only one rasa, viz., srhgdra. It is curious

enough to see that he regarded gunas and rasas as alamkaras.
Numerous works are ascribed to Bhoja. He is said to

have written one Dharmadstra and passages from this are found
quoted in the Mitdksard and the Ddyabhdga. He wrote a commentary on the Yogadstra called the Rdjamdrtanda and an
astronomical work called Rdjamrgdhka (1012-43).
The Sarasvati-
kanthdbharana was probably composed between 1030 and 1050.

1
has a commentary called Ratnadarpana by Ratnesvara.
It
Apart from Ratnadarpana there are at least three other commentaries on Sarasvativiz., Sarasvairtcinthabharana-marjjanaby Hatinatha, Duskaracitra-prakahka
kanthabharana,
Bha^ta, and Sarasvatikanthabharana-tikd by Jngid-ihara, who wrote

commentaries on the Meghaduta, Vdsavadattd, Venlsarphara, Malatimadhava, etc. Hari*
krsna Vyasa is also supposed to have written a coiomantery on Sarasvati-kanthdbharana
by Lak 9 in In atria
(see
8. K. De's Sanskrit Poetics).
came
to
in
hU
Dr. Bhaodarkar in his
the conclusion that Bhoja belonged to the
first
Dr. Blihler
Introduction to the Vikramankadevacarita holds that Bhoja flourished at a somewhat
Rajatarahgini refers tj Bhoja as a
later date.
man
of great charity
the passage in question in Rajatarahgini refer* to the period

of
Early History of the Deccan
half of the llth century.
Kashmir
reference
in
to
1062.
and Biihler thinks that
when Kalasa was crowned king
This has, however, been doubted by others and instead of Kalasa the
Biihler further s&ya that there is a quotation from Caura-
king Ananta.
Caurapancasika was written by Bilhani but this

According to the Bhojaprabandha Bhoja reigned for 55 years.
Mufija, the uncle of Bhoja, was killed by Tdilako, between 994 and 97 A.D. and he was
succeeded by his brother Sindhula, also called Navasahasanka. An inscription of Jayasimha
paflcatika in Sarasvatikaythabharana.
aho
is
not absolutely certain.
This shows that Bhoja could not have been

i.e., 1055 A.D.
beyond 1054 A.D. A land grant by Bboja dated 1021 A.D. has also been found.
Bhoja probably ascended the throne in 1005 A.D. and died before 1054.
is
found dated 1112 Samvat,
living
70-1848B
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT
554
KSEMBNDRA
He
wrote two works on Alamkara, the Aucitya-vic&ra-carcca

and the Kavi-kanthabharana. In addition to this he wrote
Bharata-mafijari, the Brhatkatha-manjari, the Rajavali and forty
other works. He also wrote on metre a work called Suvrtti-tilaka.
is
In his Aucitya-vicara-carcca he holds that propriety (aucitya)

the soul of poetry, and when any description, alamkara, rasa,
its
etc., oversteps
proper
bounds
hurts the rasa and mars the
it
poetry.
In
Kavi-kahthabharana he deals with the following
his
subjects
kavitvaprapti,
He
paricayaprapti.
He
and dosas.
iksa,
camatkrti,
gunadosabodha,
also gives certain directions regarding
gunas
grammar, logic and
also regarded the study of
He probably flourished in
indispensable for a poet.
1050 A.D. at the time of King Ananta who ruled in Kashmir
drama
as
(1020-1063).*
MAMMATA
Mammata's K3vya-prakaa
It
became
is
a first class
work
of compilation.
on the model for any other similar works of

In the first chapter he deals with the object of
later
compilation.
writing kavya, the definition of kavya and its subdivision as

good and bad. The second chapter is devoted to the study of
words, abhidha, laksana and vyanjana, the third with the

functions of different kinds of vyanjana ; the fourth with the
the fifth with gunlvarieties of dhvani and the nature of rasa
;
bhuta-vyanga and its eight subdivisions ; the sixth with citra-kavya,

seventh
with dosas, the eighth with gunas and their
the
distinctions
from
alarfikara, the
ninth with
tabdalamkara and
nti and the tenth with alamkaras.

1
anaucityamrte nanyat rasa-bhangasya karanam, prasiddhaucityabananastu rasasyo-
panitat paid.
2
For information about
his work, see Bdhlcr'g
Vol. 16, pp. lt>7-79 and alao the extra cumber, pp. 5-9.
Kasmir Reports,
pp.
45-48, J.B.R.S.,
555
MAMMATA
Though a compiler, Mammata is also an independent critic.

Thus he criticises Bhattodbhata,
Rudrata, Mahimabhatta,
Vamana and others. He also finds fault with Bhamaha and
upholds the dhvani theory.
The work
bis
is
divided into karika and vrtti.
Vidyabhusana
Mahe^vara and Jayarama in his

hold that the karikas were written by Bharata and the
Sahityakawnudl,
Mammata.
From considerations mentioned
in
Tilaka,
vrtti
by
Kane defends
in the footnote,
the view that both the vrtti and the karika were
same person. But whatever that may

work was not written by Mammata.
be,
written
by the
whole
the
of
the
The commentator
of
Kavyaprakafa, Ruyyaka, in his Samketa commentary says that

Mammata could not finish the work but that it was finished by
some other person.

the style of
The apparent unity
Mammata.
Jayantabhatta,
is
due to
his
imitating
Sarasvatltlrtha,
Narahari,
Some^vara,
Kamalakara, Ananda Yajnegvara, the commentators of Kavyaprakafa, also uphold this view.
Rajanaka Ananda in bis com-
mentary says that Mammata wrote up to the parikara alamkara

and the rest was written by Allata or Alata. 3
1
The ground
for
such an assertion
is
tbat
some
with th
kdrikds are identical
of the
verses of Ndtya-tdstra, e.g., tfhgdra.hdsya'kanwQ'rati rhdsafoa. etc.
Again, in the
t?f tti
to the
first
a different person than that of the

opinion between the
which seems
vjtti.
k&nkd and the
writer of the
kdrikd the
third person as granthakft pardmtfati
There
in
kdnkd
is
referred
to in
the
to indicate that the writer of the Jcdrikd IB
in the
10th
the kdrikd
ullasa
there
is
difference of
%
Against
So other
this it
agree with Hharata's.
kdrikds may also be pointed out which are adaptations from Vamana and the Dhvanikdrikd.
The use of the third person also is often a fashion with the commentators. The supposed point
t>rttt,
samasta.vastu-vi$ayam.
can he urged that out of the 142 kdrikas only a fcw
of difference is in reality
8
esa
an elacidttion or modification rather than
difference.
grantha-kftdnena kathamapyasamdptatvdt aparena piiriidiae$atvdt.

dvikhaQfa'pi akhanjatayd yad avalhasat* tatra tornghatanaiva hetuh
8
fcfta^ Jn-mammatdcdryya-varyyaHi 1 arikardvadhih
grantho
prabandhah p&ritah e*n vidhti-yailata-stiTina.

Arjuna Varmi a commentator of AmaruMaka of the 13th century, in quoling a verse
t
from Kdvyaprakdta says, yathodahrta?^ dosanirnaye mamma{aUatabhy3m. Arjuna Varma

was almost a contemporary of Mammata and his words are to be trusted. Allata *a work
commences from some part of the 7th
chapter.
556
I agree,
with Kane that there
however,
is
no reason
to
suppose that the kdrikds were written by Bharata, for in that case
the vrtti
rasakdrikds
the
of
should
not
have supported the
contention of the karika by quoting Bharata.
Abhinavagupta, and to Bhoja, and as

in or about 1055 A.D.
Kavyaprakafa had
commentaries, such as, Bdlacittannraftjinl by Narahari
Maramata refers
such must have lived
many
to
Sarasvatltlrtha, Dlpika by Jayantabhatta, both
13th century A.D.

viveka
by
belonging to the
Kavyadaria by Somesvara, Kdvyaprakaa~
Sridhara,
Kavyaprakafa-darpana
Chandldasa,
Kavyaprakdga-dipikd, by
by Visvanatha of the 14th century,
Sdhitya-dipikd by Bhaskara, Kdvyaprakdta-vistdrikd by Parama-
nanda CakravarttI, Kdvyaprakata-dipikd by Govinda Thakkura.

On this last-mentioned work Vaidyanatha wrote a commentary
Prabhd.
Nagojibhatta wrote the Uddyota, Jayarama

Nyayapaflcanana wrote a commentary on the KavyaprakaSa called
the KavyaprakaSa-tilaka and Srivatsalaficbana wrote Sdrabodhinl.
called
Babi wrote a commentary called Madhumati, and Ratnapani

Kdvyadarpana. Mahe^vara Nyayalamkara wrote Bhdvdrthacintdmam and Rajanaka Ananda wrote Kdvyaprakda-nidarand.
Again, Rajanakaratnakantha wrote a
Narasimha
samuccaya.
Vaidyanatha
Thakkura
commentary
called
Sara-
wrote
Narasimha-rnanlsd,
Uddharana-candrikd, Bhimasena Diksita wrote
Sudhdsagara, Baladeva Vidyabhusana wrote a commentory called

Sdhitya-kaumudl and a Tippanl called Krsndnandinl. Nagojibhatta wrote two commentaries, Laghuddyota tnnd Brhaduddyota.
In addition to this we have a commentary by Vacaspati and also
a
commentary by Kamalakara Bbafta.
His work Alamkdra-sarvasva

of speech.
He
is
a standard
work on
figures
summarises and compiles the views of Bhamaha,
Udbhaâ, Rudrata, Vamana, the Vakrokti-jlvita the Vyaktitiveka and the Dhvanikara, and deals with about 75 arthfclarfikaras in addition to the tiabddlarfikdras,
panaruktivadabhdsa^
RUYYAKA
chekanuprasa,
He adds a few
vrttamtprasa,
557
yamaka,
more alamkaras
to
latamtprasa
Mammata's
and
list,
citra.
such
as,
parinama, rasavat, preyas, urjjasvi, samahita, bhavodaya, bhacasandhi, bhavafavalata and adds two new alamkaras, vikalpa and
vicitra.
Vigvanatha was inspired by Ruyyaka and drew some of
bis materials
He
nanda.
from
So also did Ekdvall and Kuvalayaalso sometimes criticises some of the older writers,
bim.
such as, Abhinava, on the subject of

refers
to
Kavyaprakaa.
He
differs
from
abdalamkara and arthalamkara are
principle on which
When Mammata
tinguished.
He also often
Mammata on the
alamkara.
said that the
principle
to be
dis-
should
be
anvaya-vyatireka, Euyyaka said that it should be arayarayibhava.

The definitions of many of the alamkaras, however, are
the
same
as in
There
is
Kavyaprakda.
some dispute regarding the authorship
of the
Vrtti.
In the Kavyamala edition the first verse says that the Vrtti
1
This view is also supportbelongs to the author of the Karika.
ed by Jayaratha who commented upon the work 75 years later,
and so did many of the later writers. But theTanjore MSS. says
that the Alamkarasutras were written by his
Ruyyaka supplied the

ever,
the
Vrtti.
commentator
teacher
In the Trivandrum
Samudrabandha
says
to
which
edition,
how-
the
Vrtti
that
was written by one Marikhuka or Mankha. We know from

Mankha's 3rlkantha-carita (25. 26-30) that Mankha was the
It appears therefore that there was a tradipupil of Ruyyaka.
tion that
Ruyyaka wrote
Mankba wrote the Vrtti.

such persons as KumarasvamI
the Karika and
But the conscientious opinion
of
(Ratnapana), Jagannatha, Jayaratha and other writers being on

the side that both the Karika and the Vrtti were written by
Ruyyaka, we may safely ignore the statement of Samudrabandba
(1300 A.D.)
who
is
much later
writer.
According to
colophon
vfttya tatparyam ucyatt
Alarpkarasorvvasva, Verge
2
'
gurvalaitikarasutranarp vrtty& atparyam ucyate.
P. V. Kane's Introduction to Sdhityadarpana.
1.
558
MS.
of the
of
the
of
Sahrdaya-llla,
Ruyyaka and he was the son
Eucaka was another name
of Rajanakatilaka.
According
Jayaratha Ruyyaka wrote a commentary on the Kavyaprakafa
called Kavyaprakaa-samketa.
The work Alamkara-sarvasva is
to
often referred to by later writers merely

tion to Kavyalamkara-sarvasva,
such
as,
mimamsa,
Alamkaranusarinl,
as Sarvasva.
In addi-
Ruyyaka wrote many other works,

Kavyaprakaa-samketa, NatakaSrikantha-stava,
Vyaktiviveha-vicara^
Sahrdaya-lila,
Sdhitya-mtmamsa, Harsacarita-varttika.
As Ruyyaka quotes from Vikramahka-deva-carita, composed
about 1085 A.D. according to Biihler, and criticises the Vyaktiviveka and the Kavyaprakafa,
he must'have therefore lived after
1100 A.D. Mankba's 8rlkantha-carila
is said to
posed between 1135 and 1145 A.D., as

tains quotation
from
1150
than
earlier
this
work
A.D.
have been
com-
Alamkara-sarvasva con-
must have been composed not

The Kavyaprakaa-samketa of
it
Manikyacandra composed between 1159-60 often refers to the

Alamkara"Sarvasva was
Alamkara-sarvasva.
Therefore the
probably composed between 1135 and 1153.
Of the commentaries Jayaratha's Vimartim was particularly

famous. It was probably written sometime in the 13th century.
Jayaratba
The
other
wrote also
another
work
called
Samudravandha, was
commentator,
See Piscbel's Introduction to fyngara-tilaka (pp. 28-29*.
The work was translated
J.B A.8. 1897 held that
it
Tantraloka-viveka.
in the court of
into German by Jacob! in Z.D.M.G. 62, 1908. Jacobi in

was possible that Buy yak a wrote the sutras and Matikba the Vftti.
See also Haiicand's Kdliddsa.
Buyytika was also the author of Sahrdaya-Hld, published by B. Pischel. See also De's
Sanskrit Poetics in which the view held above regarding th identity of authorship of the Vftti
and the KarikA has been subscribed
The
fact that
five
verses of
to.
Srikantfia-carita occur in
to the reason that the $r\kan\ha-carita of
Alahkarasarvatva joay be due
Mafikba was submitted to Buyyaka among others
for criticism
The work has been published

first
in the
KavyamJli
series
and the Trivandrum series, the
Alamkara-vimartini and the second, the Vftti of 8 a mud raalso another commentary on it which has not yet been published, which
containing the commentary
bandha.
There
is
by Vidyacakravarttl. It was probably written before Mallinatha's

commentary, before the 14th century.
is called Alaqikara-saftjivant
HEMACANDBA
Kavivarma who was born
in
1265 A.D. and he
towards the end
of
the 13th century or towards the
flourished
may have
beginning of the 14th century,
VIGBHATA
The Vdgbhatdlamkdra
is
Vagbbata
with a commentary by
has been published

Kavyamala series.
work containing 260 kdrikds, divided into 5
in
Simhadevagani
It
of
small
The
the
chapter deals with the nature of Kavya

that pratibha is the source of Kavya.
Pratibhd,
are
three
conditions
and
the
which
lead to
abhyasa
vyutpatti
The second chapter is
the successful production of poetry.
chapters.
and holds
first
which Kavya is
written, such as Samskrta, Prdkrta, Apabhrama and BhutaIt divides Kavya into metrical, non-metrical and mixed
bhdsd.
and deals with the eight dosas of pada> vdkya and artha. The
devoted to
the
description
of
languages in
4th chapter deals with the gabdalamkaras, citravakrokti, anuprdsa

and yamaka and 35 arthdlamkdras and treats of two styles,
Vaidarbhl and
GaudL
The author was
Jaina and his real name in
Prakrt
is
Bahata and he was probably the son of Soma. The examples are
mostly the author's own. He probably wrote also a Mahdkdvya
called Nemi-nirvana.
He probably lived in the first half of
the 12th century.
HEMACANDRA
His Kavyanuasana
but
little
originality.
small work of compilation with

written in the form of sutra and
is
It is
The sutras were probably called the KdvydnuSdsana and

There is a short
the vrtti was called Alamkdra-cuddmani.
Vrtti
some
on
the
containing
commentary
examples. It is
The first deals with the nature of
divided into eight chapters.
vrtti.
Kavya, regarding what constitutes Kavya, the various meanings of

abda and artha. The second deals with rasa^ the third treats
560
the fourth guna, the fifth, figures of speech and so also

The 7th discusses the various kinds of heroes and
the sixth.
of
do$a,
and the 8th
heroines
from
tensively
classifies
He
the Kavya.
borrowed ex-
Kajaêkhara's Katiyamimamsa. KavyaprakaSa,

In the commentary, however, be
Dhvanyaloka and Locana.

examples,
gives copious
successors.
his
in
He
little
primarily a grammarian.
is
1088 A.D. and died
but he exercises but
in
influence on
He was
born
1172 A.D.
JAYADEVA
His Gandraloka contains 10 chapters
first
as
usual
is
dedicated
to
the
of
definition
350
verses.
The
and condition of
poethood and the classification of words, the 2nd to dosa, the

3rd to devices adopted by poets to heighten the charm of their
words, the 4th to gunas the 5th to alamkaras, the 6th to rasa,
9
gunibhuta-vyahga, the 9th to

The author was the son of
to abhidha.
the 7th to vyanjana, the 8th
laksana,
the 10th
Mahadeva
and
Sumitra
Prasanna-Raghava.
He
to
and
is
wrote
the
celebrated
from
different
the
Kavya,
author
of
Gltagovinda, who was the son of Bhojadeva and Ramadevi and

was an inhabitant of Kenduvilva in Blrbhum, Bengal. It
is
much
later
work, probably not earlier than the 12th
century A.D.
The
was published first in Madras, 1857, Calcutta,

1874, 1877, and 1906 by Jivananda
by Subrahmyanya at
in
1908
by Venkatacaryya Sastri, Palghat, 1912
Vizagapatarn
by Nirnayasagara Press 1912-1917 with the commentary of
text
Gandraloka-nigudhartha-dipika.
the Budha-raHjanl commentary
larfikara
many
The Madras
edition containing
is a commentary on the arthaand

on
not
the whole of the text.
section
It had also
other commentaries,
such
as,
Saradagama, Candraloka-
by Proddyota Bhatâ, Rakagamasudha by Vi6ve6vara

also called Gaga Bhatta, Rama by Vidyanatha Payagunda, a
commentary by Vajacandra, 3aradaarvarl by Virupaksa, and
prtffeSâ
Candr&loka-dipika by an anonymous writer.
VIDYADHARA
561
BHINUDATTA
His Rasa-tarahginl is a work in eight chapters, dealing merely
with the various components of rasa, such as, bhava, sthayivyabhicaribhava and various
The Rasa-manjarl deals with the nature of the
rasas, etc.
heroes and heroines and the parts they play.
He seems to
bhava,
anubhava,
sattvikabhava,
drawn much from Dasa-rupaha. He was the son

and belonged to the Videha country on the bank
have
G-ane^vara
the Ganges.
13th or the
of
of
He
probably flourished towards the end .of the

beginning of the 14th century. His Gita-gaurla
seems to have been modelled on Jayadeva's Gitagovinda, and
the 12th century A.D.
The
commentary Rasa-mafljari-praM$a was written in 1428. This
also corroborates our conclusion about the date of Bhanudatta
Jayadeva
is
generally
placed
in
he flourished
that
sometime
end of the 13th or the
the
at
beginning of the 14th century.
YlDYIDHARA
work
His
Ekavali
with
the
Tarald
commentary by
Mallinatha has been published by Trivedi in the Bombay Sanskrit

Series. All the examples are "Vidyadhara's own and contain panegyrics of
just as
King Narasimha
there are
other
Raghunatha-bhiipatiya.
of
Utkala in
whose court he
lived,
works, e.g., Prataparudra-yaobhiisana,
This work
is
divided into eight chapters
1
Rasamanjarlprakafo was published in Madras 1872 and 1881, with Vyahg&rthakaumudi of Anantapandita and Ratamaftjariprakata of Nago;I Bhatta was published in the
Benares Sanskrit Series in 1004 and was also by Vehkatacaryya Sastri, Madras 1909.
There were many commentaries as if apart from those mentioned above, such as,
Parimala by Sesacintmani, 17th century,

century,
Rasiltaraftjam by
Vyahgyaitha-kaumudi
by
Rasamartjarivikasa by
Gopala Bhatta, son

Vilve^vara,
son
of
of
Harivaipda
Laksmldhara,
Qopala Acaryya, 15th
Bhatta,
Samarijasa
Rasamafljarydmoda
Ranâsvamin, Vyahgyartha-dipika by Anandagarman, Bhanubhdva-prakatim
or
by
by Madhava,
RaeikaraGJana by Brajaraja Dlksita, and Rasimanjari-sthulatatparyartha by an anonymous

writer. The Rasatarahgini has also a number of commentaries, such as, Naukd by Gang&rama,
Rasikaranjani by Venldatta, Setu by J^varSja, RasodadKi by Qanete* Rasodadhi by
Mahadeva, Sahityasudha by Nemis&dhu, Ntitanatari by Bhagavadbhaâ, a commentary by
Divakara, another by Ayodhyapraa&d,
71-1843B
562
The
or unmesas.
the nature
first
deals with the conditions of being a poet,
Kavya and discusses the views of Mahimabhatta

The 2nd chapter deals with the threefold meanings
of
and others.
the third and fourth

and vyanjana
with dhvani and gunibhuta-vyanga and the fifth with guna and
and the
riti, the, sixth with dosa, the seventh with Sabdalamlmra
of words, abhidha, laksana,
eighth with arthalamkara.
based on the KdvyaMr. Trivedl in his edition of the
The work
is
prakaSa and Alamkarasarvasva.

work brings out all the important data
about his date and
it
Keâva Nara-
appears that the author was patronised either by
simha (1282-1307) or by Pratapa Narasimha (1307-1327).

therefore probably flourished in the 14tb century.
He
VTDYANATHA
An
excellent
edition
of
Vidyanatha's Prataparudra-yasabhusana with a commentary called Ratnupana by Mallinatha's son

Kumarasvami has been brought out by Trivedl in the Bombay
It consists of kiirikas, vrltis, and illustrations.
Sanskrit Series.
The
illustrations are all
patron."
The patron
is
also
composed by the writer
said to be a
Prataparudradeva,
was at Ekasila (Warangal).
or
The work
prakahnas and the following
order
heroes,
Kakatlya
called Vlrarudra
or
in
honour of his
king of
Telangana,
Eudra whose
capital
divided into 9 chapters

are dealt with in
subjects
is
nature of Kavya, nature
of nataka, rasa, do.sa,
It deals with
guna, gabddlamkara arthalamkara, mUrdlamkara.
some new alamkaras not taken up by Mammata, or described by
He
him, such as, parinama, ullekha,
vicitra, and vikalpa.
,
flourished
Ratndpana
Mallinatha.
probably in the beginning of

is
the
14th.
century.
an excellent commentary by Kumarasvami, son
of
On discussions about his date see J.B.R.A.S., Vols, X. & XI; Telacg's article in
Indian Antiquary, Vols. II
&"$II; Biibler's reports on Sanskrit Manuscripts 1874 Ras&rnaca4udh&1cara t p. 107 see also Dr. De's Sanskrit Poetics and Kane's Introduction to
Sahitya,!
darpana.
9
In addition to Trivedl 'a edition there were
also
two other editions
of the work.
VJSVANATUA
VAGBHATA
563
II
The Kdvydnusdsana of Vagbhata has been published with the

Alamkara-tilaka commentary in the Kavyamala Series, written in
the form
of
In the
chapters.
and examples. It is divided into 5

he deals with the definition of Kavya and
vrtti
stitra,
first
of poets,
the conditions
the
division
of Kfivya as gwrf//a,
padya
and misra and the distinction between mahdkdvya, tikhyayika,
katha, campu and misra-kdvya including the 10 rilpakas. The
2nd chapter deals with the 16 dosas, of pada, 14 dosas of cdkya

and 14 dosas of artha and 10 gunas according to Dandin and
Vamana. But he holds that yunax are really 3 in number,
madhuryya, ojas and prasdda and he admits 3 rllis gaudl,
vaidarbhl
and
pahcdl't.
arthdlamkdras and
In
mentions
puma,
apara,
dslh.
In the 4th chapter
he
describes
63
rare alamkdras,
mata, ubhayanydsa, bhdva and

he deals with 6 sabdalamkaras, e.g.,
yamaka and punaruktavadanuprdsa, takrokti,

In the 5th he deals with the rasas and the varieties of
9
He
and heroines.
Rsabha-deva-carita
He was
his
He
probably
wrote a mahdkdvya called
work on metrics, Chando'nuSdsana.

Nemikumara and probably lived in the 15th
and
son of
the
century A.D.
drawn
chapter
among them some
lesa 9
dbhdsa.
heroes
3rd
le$a, vihita,
anya,
citra,
the
has
materials
but
little
originality in his
work and has
from Kdvyamlmdmsd and Kdvyaprakd$a.
VlgVANITHA
Visvanatha's Sdhitya-darpana is a very popular work on
alamkdra.
His great grand-father, Narayana, was a very learned
man and had written many works on Alamkara, and his father
Candrasekhara was a poet and he often quotes from his father's

work. He mentions two works of his father, Puspamata and
Bhaarnava.
In
all
probability
he was an inhabitant of Orissa
sometimes gives Oriya equivalents of Sanskrit words in bis

commentary on Kdvyaprakda. Both his father and he himself
as he
probably
held
high
offices
in the court of the king of Kalifcga,
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT
564
He was proSandhi-raigrahika-mahapalra.
bably a Vaisnava in religion and was also a poet and he quotes
his own verses both in Sanskrit and Prakrt.
He wrote a number
and had the
title
works such
of other
a
as, Rcighava-vilasa, Kuvalayafoa-carita
Prakrt kavya, Prabhavatl and Gandrahala (both natikas), and
also Praasti-ratnavali and a karambhaka in 16
languages. His
1
There are at least

Sahityadarpana was composed in 1384 A.D.
4 commentaries on Sahityadarpana,
Suhityadarpana-locana by
Sahityadarpana-tippana
by Mathuranath Sukla,
Sahitya-darpana-vivrti by Rarancarann Tarkavagisa and Sahitya-
Anantadasa,
darpana- prabh a by Goplnatha.
KESAVAMISRA
Hi&Alanikara-6ekhara, written as karika, rrtti and examples,
has been published in the Kavyamala series.
It is said in the
vrtti
that the
author
has
were written by one Sauddhodani. The

largely from Kavyadarfa, Kavyamimamsa,
karikas
drawn
and
It is
Dhvanyaloka, Kavyaprakafa,
Vcigbhatalamkdra.
divided into 8 chapters called ratnas, and deals with the conditions of kavya,
the
dosas,
heroines,
the
rltis,
the
threefold
meanings
and the alamkaras, the nature
gunas
the conventions
of words, the
of heroes
and
of poets, subjects to be described in a
rasas.
He also regards rasa as
kavya,
the soul of poetry.
The work was written, as the writer says,
at the instance of the King
Manikyacandra, the son of Dharma-
tricks
candra
who
of
words and the
flourished in the middle ot the 16th

century.
APPAYA DIKSITA
Appaya wrote 3 works
on
poetics,
Vrtli-varttika in
words
and their meanings. Kuvalayais

an
nanda,
elementary treatise of alamkara in which he adds 24
more alamkaras to the 100 alamkaras already given in Gandraloka.
chapters dealing
with
His
Citra-mimamsa, in which he deals with dhvani,
third
1
work
is
For a discussion on
his date see P.V. Kane's Introduction to

SahityadarpaQa.
565
JAGANNATHA
gunlbhutacyahga and cilrakdtya and treats of a number of

alamkaras. Jagannatha in his Rasa-gahgadhara tries to refute
the
doctrines
Citramimamsa and
of
calls
work
bis
Citra-
mlmamsa-khaudana, but curiously enough, he stops at apahnuti.

Appaya Diksita quotes from Ekavali, Prataparudra-yatobhusana
and Alawikara-sarvasva-saftjlvanl and
Dr. Hultzsch
must therefore be
in the
Epigraphia
later
Indica,
shows that the Venkatapati referred to iuKuralayananda

1 of Vijayanagara, one of whose grants is dated
Vol. 4,
was Venkata
1601
A.D.
Diksita
Appaya
therefore
flourished
the
in
first
JAGANNITHA
The Rasa-gahgadhara of Jagannatha together with its

commentary Marma-prakasa by Nugesabhatta has been published
in the Kavyamala series.
It is a standard work on poetics, of
the same rank as Dhvanyaloka and KavyapraM&a.
The work
consists of kdrikds, vrttis
and examples
which are
all
from the
He often boldly criticises celebrated writers of

the past offering his own independent views.
He holds that
not rasa but rdmanlyakatd is the essence of good Kavya.
The
author's pen.
work suddenly breaks
off
in
with the uttariilamkara and
second
the
chapter
while dealing
Nagesa's commentary also goes no
seems therefore probable that Jagannatha could not

work.
His vrtti is very erudite and contains
further.
It
complete
his
many views on
the theory of
vyaftjana or dhrani and the expression of raxa, which are not
In addition to Rasaavailable in any other work of alamkdra.
references to his
the
subject of
gahgadhara and Citra-mlmanisa-khandana he

work called Bhaminl-vilasa published by L.
the
Kavyamala
Manorama and
He
series.
called
own
1
father
R.
another
Vaidya
in
wrote a criticism of Bhat(oji Dlkita's"
Manomma-kuca-mardana.
Tailanga Brahmana who
it
Jagannatha was a
his
wrote
Perubhatta,
rQma$lua1(arthapratipadaka$
and
tabdalj,
studied
Sesavire^vara.
kavyam
The
Rasayahtjadhara.
under
title
560
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LlTKKATUHti
He wrote a work
Panditaraja was given to him by Shahjahan.
called Asafa-vilasa, probably mourning the death of the favourite
Khan-Khanan who
in
his
1641 A.D. and praises Dara Siko

He probably lived in the middle of
died
in
Jagaddbharana.
the 17th century.
LATER MINOR WRITERS

in
Quite a large number of Alamkara works has been written
recent times and it may be worthwhile to mention some of their
names
Acyuta-Sarma
Sahitya-sara, a work of 12
chapters,
Ajitasenficaryya's Alamkara-cintamani and

Srhgara-maiijari (the writer was a Jaina), Anuratna-mandana or
16th
probably of the
Jalpa-kalpa-lata
of the 19th century,
Ratna-mandana-gani's
same author, Anantaraya's

Sahitya-kalpa-valll, Amrtananda
century, Mugdha-medhakara by the
Kavisamaya-kallola,
Ananta's
Yogin's Alamkara-samgraha
(edited
in Calcutta,
1887, with an
Mallaraja's Rasa-ratna-dlpika, Indrajit's

Rasika-priya, Kacchapesvara Diksita's Ramacandra-ya&obhusan(ij
English translation),
Kandalayarya's Alamkara-tirobhiisana, Katyayana Subrahmanya

Suri*s Alamkara-kaustubha probably at the end of the 18th
century, Kanticandra Mukhopadhyaya's Kavya-dipika (Calcutta
1870 and 1876), Kasllaksmana Kavi's Alamkara-grantha,
Kumbha's Rasaratna-hosa 15th

Sahitya-tarahginl,
Krsna Diksita's Raghucentury), Krsnabhafcta's Vrtti-dlpika,
Krsna's
Krsna Sarman's Mandara-makaranda-campu,

natha-bhupaliya,
The writer
(edited in the Kavyamala and the Rasaprakad)
.
was
later
than Appayya Dlksita.
We
have also Kesavabhatta's
Karna-bhusana
Rasika-sanjwanl,
Gangananda-maithila's
It is unnecessary, however, to
(probably in the 16th century).
enumerate these names of Alamkara works of
exceed x>ne hundred in number.
than
Besides
later writers
these, there
Mss. in
more
anonymous works on Alamkara. Quite a large number

names have been collected from the catalogue of Sanskrit
Dr. S. K. De's Sanskrit Poetics, Vol. I and also in
fifty
of these
are
which
P. V. Kane's Introduction to Sahityadarpaâ.
CHAPTER
II
PRINCIPLES OF LITERARY TASTE AND CRITICISM

INTRODUCTORY
Prom
of writers
the preceding sketch of the history
of the
old
school
on Alamkara and the works on Alamkara
it may
appear
with
of
alamli&ra
our
Bhamaha
that though
or
begins
history
have
in
alanikara
must
of
association
the
science
Bharata,
begun
with the grammatical ways of thinking, probably from the 2nd or

I have pointed out elsewhere that upamii
the 3rd century B. 0.
as a dec rated form has been very well investigated by Yaska and
seems natural therefore to think that the early

on the subject must have generally concentrated them-
Pfinini.
efforts
It
on the discovery of these decorative forms of speech

which go by the name of alamkara. A close study of the
selves
Rudradaman
shows
inscription of Junfigadh in
clearly that
were accepted as
naturally
be
certain
regarded
the other topics of
quite
high*
of
ways
dignified
binding in
2nd
the
literary
literary
circles.
feasible process
alani1\ara-6astra
from
century A.D.
delivery
It
may
of
turning to
an acute observation
under which a figure of speech becomes really

It was found that a literary composition must
of the conditions
an alamkara.
first
of all be free
from grammatical errors and must internally
be logically coherent.
Kautilya's Artlia&astra gives us fairly
elaborate canons for regulating the composition of different types
It also became evident to these early inquirers
of royal edicts.
that different forms of
composition
ways and that these ways

character which belonged
of
to
became
composition
the
effective
were of a structural
composition
could not be located in any particular

These were called the nti or mode.
part
in diverse
as a whole
of the
and
composition.
No Alamkara
writer has
568
modes
clarified the
matter as to
were called
Gaudl % Pancati, Mcigadhl, and the like. Bbamaha,

writer on alamkara, expresses the view that this
the earliest
these different
why
of writings
has nothing to do with the countries which form the basis of the
nomenclature.
They are merely technical names of different
But it is very curious that in any case
forms or styles.
forms of style should be associated
different
different important centres
the
remarks found
stray
the
in
Patanjali had noticed that people of
fond of
predilection
to
Thus some had
taddhita-pratyaya,
This signifies that already

time people in different centres of culture had
mark
their
by their style of composimust have been at one time pretty vast
in
This literature
make
of
compounds.
using long
by Patanjali *s
tion.
Vyakarana Mahabhasya that

different parts of India were
expressions.
exaggerated use of the
an
to
already from
others for
made
kinds
different
with the names of
We. know
of culture.
literature
literary tendencies
who
remarkable to an author
lived
somewhere in Northern India. We know also that Vidarbha

was within the empire of Pusyamitra at whose sacrifice
Patanjali officiated as a priest.
Magadha was also a well-known
centre of
from the time
culture
of the
Paficala and
Nandas.
Surasena \\ereplacesof culture from very early times; but no

ancient literature has come down to us except the Kdmayana
The
and the Mahdbharata.

associated with
The
attention
subject of literary style
what may be
of
drawn principally
that no one before
the
to
earlier
the
the
defects
called
writers
subject of
is
naturally
and excellences.
on alamkdra x was thus
style.
We
therefore
find
Dhvanikara and Anandavardhana had
turned to the problem of literary emotion ar.d regarded it as the

most essential desideratum in literature. Some indeed emphasised
the importance of the figure of speech, but others had emphasised
the importance of style and grace.
Some had also noticed that
whenever there
nature.
It
is
is
not
good poetry the utterance

true,
is
of a striking
however, that the subject of literary

*v
See Patafl jail's Paspatahnika.
569
LITERARY TASTE AND CRITICISM
emotion was not discussed by the writers that came between

Bharata and the Dhvanikara. But as Bharata's own remarks
about rasa appertained to dramas that were actually played,
people were loath to believe that literary emotion occupied as
much
in
place
poem
formed
a necessary
discussed the fault?
as in
and
part
In a play the dialogues

this reason Bharata also
a play.
for
and excellences of prose speech and also

treated of the figures of speech.
In the 16th chapter of his
work he had
of
referred to these as signifying the defining
literature.
But excepting Dandin
the
later
concept
had
writers
ignored this view and had been content leaving them as being
connected to the construction of a play.
Among the alamkaras,
Bharata had counted only upama,
rupaka, dlpaka, and yamaka.
We
discussions on
know
that
fairly
and
both in Panini
elaborate
his
commentators.
upama appears
There, can also be little
doubt that Bhamaha, Dandin, Udbhata, Vamana and others

had largely been influenced by these views. Only Dandin had
Later writers on alamkara had indeed
withstood the temptation.

discovered
many
varieties of
upama.
Bharata in discussing about defects and excellences pointed

out that the following must be regarded as instances of defects,
to
e.g., to say the same thing only by a change of words,
to
commit a break of
introduce irrelevant or vulgar things,
thought, or to say anything which is invalid, metrical lapse, the

use of words without propriety and full of grammatical errors.
Bhamaha
also
mentions the defects and these are as follows
absence of complete sense, repetition, irrelevant speech, doubtful

meaning, break of order, break of metre or pause, to make
euphonic combinations
anomalous descriptions,
principles of art,
what
common
in
wrong
descriptions
and to enter into

which are against the
places
usage and reasonings.
differently stated, these agree in essence
counted by Bharata.
Though some-
with
the
In addition to these Bhamaha
other defectflr, e.g., where the sense is forced, unclear,

difficult words
loss of proper emphasis, use of such
7913483
defects
mentions
obscure,
as
may
570
obstruct the
comprehension of sense, impossible descriptions,

vulgar words and vulgar significance or the use of harsh words.
When these are compared with the defects pointed out by
Mammaâ we
find that with closer inspection
have come out.
Thus, according
to
many new
Mamrnata
there
defects
are sixteen
kinds of defects of words, e.g., use of harsh words, incorrect

words, those not incorrect yet not current in usage, to use words
wrong meaning, to use a word in an obscure sense ignoring the

more patent meaning, to use words which are antagonistic to the
in a
words merely for the sake

use words in a meaning which it does
emotions that are to be roused, to use

the metre, to
of keeping
not possess, obscenity, to use words in a doubtful meaning, to

use words in such technical meanings in which they are used
only in special works, to use vulgar words, to have recourse to
ungraceful meanings, to create obscurities, to lay emphasis on
the wrong place, to use words in such a manner that undesirable
and unwholesome suggestions
To
Mammata
these
adds
be apparent, and so forth.

defects
not of words but of
may
the
words contrary to the intended emotions, to

combinations
in wrong places, to use more or
make euphonic
less words than is necessary, to make an idea drop after rising to
sentences
to use
having finished an idea to take it up

the absence of link between connected sentences, not
proper importance to an idea, to compose sentences in
a height,
after
manner
may
be
not available without making insertions, wrong use

breaking of the expected order, to introduce all on
is
meaning
of words,
a sudden an unexpected and

these,
Mammata
to describe
purport
such a
dependent on the other for its compremake compositions in such a manner that the
that one
hension, to
again,
to give
In addition to
contrary emotion.
has spoken of
many
defects of
sense^ such
as,
such things which are not indispensable for the main

to use words in such a manner that there
;
of the speech
may be
difficulty
in
oneself; to use words
manner such
comprehending the
ki a
wrong
that though their
order;
meaning
sense
to
to
contradict
use sentences
is
comprehended
in
the
LITERARY IÂSTE AND CRITICISM
571
purport remains obscure; to speak unconventionally; to

speak in a new manner.
If
we
consider the above-mentioned
fail
to
enumerated by
defects
Bbamaha and Mammata, we
find that in a higher sense they may

be regarded as defects of style.
In the modern European
concept style signifies the manner in which a particular personaall
Whenever the question of personality comes there comes the question of the way of his enjoyment and the motive that is urged by such an enjoyment. Now,
expression to himself.
lity gives
of the defects
many
enumerated are
i.e., defects that delay
the
really defects of
expression,
obscure
its
expression,
clarity,
or
effects, the
height of its vigour or bring in associations that

Mammata regarded abda and
operate to throw it out of gear.
artha as being the body of literature.
The body should not be
such that
it
might give a
false expression to the
soul within.
It
the soul within that out of the whole nature selects a particular
part and enjoys it and returns to the world its enjoyment
is
through the vehicle of thought and language so that
similar
be produced in others.
But in the earlier writings of Indian authors of Alamkara the
enjoyments
style
may
was limited
at times the true
to the
mere externals
significance of
wisdom
of
rasa,
it
emotion or obscured
in the
emotional enjoyment
had the advantage of
Anandavardbana and Abhinava and as
he had counted as defect whatever

of the
and artha though
of
Mammata
peeped in and through them.

the deep
of Scibda
wrong channel,
it
or to
its
the
delayed
or arrested
its
partial
such
communication
heightening or laid
apprehension.
From
Vamana no one had
given the right emphasis on

aesthetic emotion and for that reason they could not see eye
Bhamaha
to eye
to
to
Mammata' s view
ment was what constituted
that detraction from aesthetic enjoydefects.
But Bhamaha had
so cleverly
cannot be gainsaid that he regarded

put the whole thing that it
the sweetness of emotion as being the fundamental essential of
literature.
Against
Mammata
it
may
sort of hesitancy in^such admission.
be said that
THough
we
notice
some
in describing do$a
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERAT?GRtf

he defines them as those that hinder the expression of rasa, yet in
defining kavya he says Kavya is that which should not be
marred by
defects, should have excellences, but
may
or
may
not
a definition would
not necessarily
mean that it is indispensable for poetry to be charged with emotion.
Among later writers also Jagannatha did not admit this
have alamkaras.
Now, such
indispensable character of rasa. All the defects that have hitherto
been pointed out lead to an obscurity of comprehension,

desirable suggestion or wheeling of the
mind out
impossible description which
the
track
by
misapprehension of
always insisted on the fact that
to
lead
Bhamaha
aesthetic enjoyment.
of its
un-
the style of poetry should be easy of comprehension for if this

is not so then even if the poems are charged with emotions they
would fail to affect us. He had in many places contrasted
literature
and other sciences
also told us that unless
honey and
as
something
is
bitter
said in
He
pills.
striking
had
manner
was no poetry. He was thus in a way hinting that aesthetic

emotion and its unobstructed communication constituted the art
it
Dandin has not
of poetry.
relation between
said anything very definite
the defects
about the
and the excellences, yet he has ad-
mitted the relativity of some of the defects. He has also said that
whatever is not avilable in the Vaidarbhl style should be regarded
as defects.
would not be wrong to think that he had regarded

be those which were opposed to the excellences. In
It
the defects to
hardly any agreement between
the classification of dosas there
is
the various writers on alanikara.
But it would be unfruitful for

But from Bhamaha to Mammata
us to enter into that discussion.
most
some
in
of
the
have signified the relative character of

Thus, the use of harsh words may be a defect
authors
of the dosas.
amorous poetry but
should be an excellence in heroic poetry.

has said that it is by the manner of use that a defect
Bhamaha
may
be
it
an excellence or
1
8annivea-vi6e$dttu
an excellence
may be
duruktam api tobhate
nllaw palatam abaddham antardle trajam iva

kiftcid
aJraya-saundaryad dhatte tobhamasadhvapi
kanta.vilocana-ny<utam malimasam iv&fljanam.
a defect.
LltERARt TASTE AND CRITICISM

Bhoja also counted a number
in
Bhamaha
it.
classification of
is
unwilling
as
style
but there
of dosas
to
no originality
is
the
accept
573
rigidity
Gaudl, Vaidarbhl, Pancall,
he dismisses also the
list of ten gunas accepted by

he accepts only three, viz., sweetness,
their place
The
simplicity.
This
external.
is
and
strength
structure
speech are comparatively

the view that Udbhata has expressed in his
1
those
has described excellences as
speech and he defined Alanikara as
that
beautify
nature
heightening the
of
Mammata
speech.
Vamana
on
In
Bharata.
of
figures
commentary on Bhamaha.
Vamana
and
etc.
excellences (gunas) are integral to the
of the style, whereas the
the
of
has severely criticised this view of Vamana.

has counted ten excellences depending on words and ten
He
its significance.
used the same terms in double senses to
denote the excellence of words and the excellence of
meaning.
Thus, the word ojas means the thickness of word-structure but

of meaning.
it also means gravity
Prasada means on the one
hand the
loose
other hand
structure of a sentence and on the
it
means on the one hand

smoothness of expression while on the other hand it also means
the existence of various meanings of one word, and so on.
Bharata^ Dandin and Bhamaha practically followed the same
means
simplicity
of
meaning.
Slesa
principle in counting the excellences,

terms
used
of meaning in the
Dandin
'
called
Vamana's
to
'
lesa
called
is
'
prthak-padatva
Dandin's madhuryya
!
Vamana's
1
samadhi
'
by
'
but
and
there
is
difference
them.
Thus,
by
Bhamaha,
what
'
ojas
f
and
'
agramyakata are equivalent

There is no agreement , between
and Dandin's
'
samadhi;'
while
'
ojas
yathd tadvad-asddhiyah sudhiyadca prayojayet

tad grdhyarp suTabhikusumam gramyametan nidheyam
dhatte sobhdrp viracitamidarfi sthdnamasyaitad asya
malakaro racayati yathd sadhu
vijfldya mdldrji
yogyam 1tavyev avahita-dhiyd tadvad evdbhidhdnam.
Bhamaha
tamavdyavrttyd sauryyddayah
ndrji
bhedah,
samyogavrttyd tu
/.
54-55, 58-59.
hdrddaya ityasmdt
gundlarfikdrd-
ojahprabhffindmanuprdsopamadmarp cobhaye$dm api samavdyavfttyd

bhedah.
itfiitiriti
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT
574
'
'
has been used by Bharata to mean solid structure of long compounds with which Dandin and Bhoja agree, while Hemacandra
According to Hemacandra
does not.
greatness to the
His
We
'
The same may be
meaning/
means
ojas
sometimes agree with Vamana
definitions
not.
'
to attribute
said
of
Bhoja.
and sometimes do
thus see that the technical names used to denote the
various excellences by the different writers do not agree.
Bhoja
and others have mentioned new excellences which are absent in
Vamana.
the treatment from Bharata to
not
It
appears that
also
our senses can be present in every case of literary strucThe existence of some may easily bar out others.
all
ture.
Mammata
the
to
of
has emphasised the view that the excellences belong

For that reason the defects
aesthetic emotion.
emotion
aesthetic
Thus Mammata
arbitrary character.
that what
Vamana
them
some
of
calls
6lesa,
9
It
ojas.
involve
calls different
modifications
are
aesthetic
of
difference
Generally, the classification of the
qualities.
'
will
gunas are of an
criticising
Vamana
says
gunas are sometimes such that

of one guna.
What Vamana
samddhi, udarata and prasada are included within

has been suggested that the gunas are those excellen-
which influence the mind in a particularly favourable manner

and makes its speech original. In many cases the so-called
ces
gunas are but the absence of defects. Again, what has been
counted as gunas by some have been regarded by others as being
only poetical
Many
skill.
modern
of our
writers have considered
it
advantageous
pi the divergence of views of the different Alamkara

authors as being capable of being classified in the Western
to speak
fashion, such as, the Rlti school, the
Dhvani
way
school.
am
of classification.
alamkara
school
or the
forced to submit a dissenting note, to
From Bharata
to
this
Anandavardhana every-
one of the writers of Alamkara understood the importance of

do$a, guna, nti 9 rasa, and alarfikara as constituting the grounds
,
of appraisal of the value of
Vamana
regarded
rlti
any kavya.
But
or style to constitute
of these
writers
if
the chief essence
it
575
cannot be regarded that he thereby formed a school by himself.

We do not know of any other author who like Vamana says,
ritirdtmd kdvyasya
Dandin
as well as
most other writers have
The
given much space to riti, dosa, guna, and alamkara.
doctrine of gunas was also an old doctrine and we find madhuryya,
kdnti,
and uddratd referred to there.
Bharata enumerates 10
gunas and they are more or less the same as those enumerated
by Dandin and Vamana. But as rasa is more important for
Ndtya-tdstra Bharata laid greater stress on rasa than on dosa or
guna, whereas Dandin gives greater preference to dosa, guna and

alamkara, as almost the whole of his work is dedicated to dosa,
guna and alamkdras. Dandin however expands the concept of

alamkdras and includes the gunas within them. We have already
was drawn primarily

But
figures of speech.
stated that the attention of the early writers

to the literary embellishments
as thought advanced
would not
be
as
was found
that the literary embellishment
embellishment unless certain other conditions
really be
fulfilled,
it
found in
for
example,
as
Bhamaha
stated,
that
there
must be a strikingness or archness (vakrokti) or originality and

due exaggeration (atifayokti) without which the alamkdras would
not be alamkdras and Dandin pointed out that the literary excellences or the gunas also constitute alamkdras which form the
The
word
means the
way and this is very nearly the same as the riti of Vamana.
The gunas there refer to the way of speech or the style. The
essence of the
Kdvyamdrga.
mdrga
previous writer did not fully realise the value of the excellences
or the gunas as constituting the essence of good style.
Dandin
-
however
defines
Kavya
as
istdrtha-vyavacchinna-paddvali.
be istdrthavyavacchinna, i.e., agreeable,
Naturally the question would arise how should the
pleasant.
words be arranged that they may produce the istdrtha. The
The paddvall should
way
of
making the
suitable arrangement of sound or sense should
Even Kuntaka in later

be such that they may be pleasurable.
times laid emphasis on the particular bandha or arrangement of
fobda and artha as constituting a good Kavya and he said that
576
such an arrangement can only be successful when

ted by genius that
knows how
to
make
it
striking.
it is
manipula-
Dandin had
not definitely introduced the idea of the proper arrangement of

sense or artha as Kuntaka did, he only spoke of paddvall
and did not introduce the concept of artha which, however,
must have been latent in
What Kuntaka
calls
mind.
his
bandha
is
Kuntaka made
vyavaccheda or
marga
it
patent.
in
Dandin.
Bharata himself also spoke of the kavya-gunas but he does not

speak of rlti. Dandin as a matter of fact spread out his gunas
two
as indicating only
Gaudl.
find
varieties of style, the
Vaidarbhl and the
These names, however, are not Dandin's own
them
Bhamaha.
also in
their inclinations
Bana
composition.
confirms the view.
ly of the style.
have already pointed out that

different cultural centres in India
I
even at the time of Patan j a li,
had demonstrated
in
his
we
as
towards different
Harsacarita
Bhamaha mentioned
in
much
styles
of
time
later
the gunas independent-
But Dandin included them within the
style.
Bharata also regarded the gunas as belonging to the kavya as a

whole and not to the style, while the later writers like Mammata
and others regarded the gunas as belonging to rasa. According

to Dandin it is the Vaidarbhamarga that carries within it the
correct integration of the ten gunas which may be regarded as
the very
The
life of
the Vaidarbhamarga and are absent in the Gaudl.
ten gunas enumerated by Dandin are neither

1
logically
dis-
Of the
gunas enumerated by Dandin

the samadhi is really upamalamkara whereas the other gunas refer
to the sonorous effects of sound, compactness of words and clear-
tinct
nor exhaustive.
ness of meaning.
that produce the
Dandin says that alamkaras
are those qualities
embellishment of kavya (kavyaobhakaran

dharman alamkaran pracaksate). In such a wide scope gunas
1
The ten gunas of Dan4ia are : ??*?<* I compactness), prasada (clearness), samata (proper
grouping of the word-sounds*, madhuryya (alliterative sweetness and absence of vulgarity).
sukumaratQ, (soft sounds), arthavyakti (ezplioitness of sense, which is almost the same as
pro8&da} t ^d&ratva (expression of high spirit), ojas (force proceeding from the use of comof usage, convention and the like), tam&dhi
pounds)* frdnt* (agreeableneas, due to consonance
(transference of characters, qualities
and
actions)
TASTE AND CRITICISM
577
are also included within the concept of alarfikara and in

chapter
II, 3 he speaks of the gunas constituting the Vaidarbhl style as
alanikaras and distinguishes these
from other alatjikaras which

may exist both in the Gaudl and the Vaidarbhl style and these
may
be regarded as the general alarfiMras. 1

thus find that Dandin conceives of as kavya that compo*
We
words that produces pleasure* Here, of course, the

rasa is very dominant.
As a matter of fact it is the very
sition of
idea of
very soul.
For, if a particular
composition did not produce pleasure it could not be kavya at all.
defining concept of kavya,
Bhamaha
its
also distinguishes
bitter guducl.
kavya from Sastra as honey and
But the production
of pleasure being the
common
kavya, a further criterion of superiority is added as

depending on the presence or absence of further embellishment.
If Dandin could logically think it would have occurred to him,
quality of
why do
all
these
embellishments add to the charm of poetry
if
Is that not an intropoetry be that which produces pleasure?

duction of a new standard? If this is a new standard v\hat
constitutes the character of this standard?
Or do these
qualities
add to the charm of poetry because they heighten or make it easy

to enjoy the pleasure better
This would have naturally brought
!
him
Mammata.
He, however, did not follow

this line of thinking and regarded the obha of havya as being
or desirability.
istartha
But
something different from the
to the position of
'
'
then a
new
difficulty occurred
the alarrikaras.
the gunas produce
nbha,
*o
do
Therefore gunas also must be alarnkaras^

katcin marga>vibhaq&rtham
Mdh
prag apy alamkriyah

sadh arena m alamkara-jatam adya pradarfyaie
II
KavyadarAa.
i.e., ID
treating the vcridarbhi style
bat the gunas) t and now we

and Vaidarbhi.
we have shown some
of the alarpkciras (which are nothing
re describing those alarpkflras
which are present in both Gaudl
Tims, Tarana Vftcspati in commenting on Kdvyaprakata IT. 8 says :

pUTvarp lesadayo data guna ityt<ktam> katham te'lamkdra ucyante Hi cet Jobhakaratvam hi
guna alarpkdra eva itydcaryah...

alaipkdra-lakfanam, taUakjana-yogdt te'pyalawkarah
tat ah tlejadayah punalmakalarpkdrah purcam marga-pTabheda-pradartanaya uktah, idanim
tu mQrga-dvaya tadharan& alarpkart ucyante.
678
In the treatment of the figures of speech that are common td

Vaidarbhl and Gaudl Dandin takes up the 6abdalawk&ras,
l
particularly yamaka and 35 arthalamkaras
.
As regards dosa Dandin
generally regards the opposites of

the gunas as dosa, but as three of the gunas have no
opposites.
Dajujin counts the dosas as seven.
Dandin does not discuss the
He only
question as to whether dosas are positive or negative.
holds that the Vaidarbhl rlti is free from the dosas and that
they
are only to be found in the Gaudl rlti.
But Vamana positively
declares the dosas as being the negations of gunas.
Vamana abda and
According to
and rlti, the
artha form the body of kavya,
structural arrangement of words (viista-pada-r'jcana)
But
only a particular structure or regiment
if
soul of good poetry
what
answer
it is
is
this that
holds further that in
is this
that structure that
contains
all
its
soul.
words be the
of
Vamaoa's
element?
particular
Vaidarbhl we have
is
the
gunas.
ten
He
kinds of
Gaudl we have only o;as and kanti and in the

gunas,
Paflcall only madhuryya and saukumaryya.
But he does not
in
the
discuss the question as to

called
why
particular
guna should be so
and should a particular structure containing particular
gunas be given preference to other structures. The gunas are

regarded by Vamana as qualities of Sabda and artha, but the
commentator notes that the gunas
really
Their existence
Vamana by
of
men
of
is
taste.
according to
Dandin.
But
rlti.
the
proved
testimony
Varnana's enumeration of gunas or rather the
names that he ascribed

of
belong to the
to the various
in essence they
may
gunas
be
is different
regarded
as
from that
a
conse-
quence of an expansion and systematization of Dandin's ideas.

cannot also be said that the classifications and the definitions
It
and they have been severely criticised by

Mammata. It may also be pointed out that some of the gunas
of Vamana as well as Dandin are really alarfikaras.
Following
are all logically valid
Bftfla
Both BbStnaha and Daîn devote much time to citrabandhas called prahelikd
And M&gha and Bh&ravi as well had much preference for these. But Inandavardhana
entirety discredited them.
679
Bhamaha
the later writers of alamkara have regnrded vakrokti or

ukti-vaicitrya the principal criterion for the admission of figures
of speech.
because that none of these writers could discover the
It is
underlying principle of guna and dosa that they tried to pick up

in a haphazard manner some of the appealing qualities of a
delightful poetic conversation.
The
in
difference
classification,
enumeration and nomenclature among the various writers was

But on the whole it was really Bharata's
therefore natural.
classification that has
Vamana.
Vamana,
been developed upto
however, does not stop with the
he thinks that a kavya
is
(kavyam grdhyam alamkarat) and

(saundaryyam alamkaram). We
Rlti
if
is
because
acceptable
called the soul of kavya, but a
there
is
arrived at
double
here
kavya
is
scheme.
acceptable
only
alamkara or saundaryya.
The compromise has been
the
gunas are the permanent
by
holding that while
qualities constituting kavya,
and are hence
alamkaras form additional charms.

tuting the
is
it
by
gunas but
alamkara
alamkara as beauty
defines
find
limits
furthest
its
rlti
called
the gunas, the
But why the gunas
should be regarded as essential
for
consti-
kavya?
The
answer that we get is that they are indispensable qualities without which no beauty or charm of poetry can be produced (gunah
The alamkaras produce

kavyanamanupapattih)
only additional charms. The gunas are said to be related to the
rlti in the samavaija relation or the relation of inherence, whereas
nityd, tairvina
the alanik&ras exist in the relation of samyoga.

Mammata has,
however^ pointed out that this view is not correct, for a guna
like the ojas and an alanikara like anuprasa or upam&, should
be regarded as being in samavaya relation.

The upshot of the
whole thing is that alamkaras cannot produce kavya without
the gunas but the gunas may produce kavyas without there being
any alanikara. Vamana does npt pay much attention to the
He counts only anuprasa and yamaka and abd&and regards all arthalanikaras as involving upama or
different modes of upamd,.
alarfikaras.
larrikara
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT tlTBRATURB
580
It is desirable, however, that
people who are inclined to give

would be wrong to speak of the
the past as belonging to the RUi
the ancients there
may have been
a special emphasis
to nfi, yet it
writers
of
Alamkaras
Alamkara
school or the
though here and there among
in
No
school.
such classification
the Indian tradition of Alnmkara and I do not

of writers of a particular time
as
know
upholding the
that they might be referred to as belonging to the
is
current in
of a
riti
RUi
number
theory so
we
When we
school as
very well find in the field of Indian Philosophy.

find that from the time of Sankara there is an unbroken chain of
may
who
held the monistic doctrine and supported it against

the attack of the opponents, we can speak of these authors as
authors
belonging to the school of Sankara. But if a writer here and

a writer there have any special fondness for riti we cannot call
them
any more than we can

Aristotelian school or Kant
as belonging to a particular school,

as belonging to the
speak of Hegel
the Platonic.
The
to
fact
was that these early writers were
groping in the dark for discovering a rational principle about the

essential sine qua non constitution and the nature of kavya and,
they faltered in their attempts and ran into contradictions, Thus
in Vamana we may ask
what is riti apart from the gunas?
:
ArWiis a
tn^sta-pada-racanfl, but this vUistald of arrangement or
racanft includes the gunas.

as essential in poetry.
out them and
with the
it is
Varrjana therefore regards the gunas

If that is so there would be no riti with-
said that they are
That which
riti.
thing must be regarded as
in
the samavaya relation
in a
samavHya relation with any

being such an indispensable character
is
of the thing that the thing can hardly be conceived

quality.
We
the gunas.
of kavya,
entity for
can hardly speak of any
The
riti,
therefore,
which
without that
without speaking of
supposed to be the soul
riti
is
would be only imaginable as an abstract and theoretical

upholding the gunas. The Ek&vali points out that if
the gunas are the principal element, they themselves cannot be

regarded as adorning poetry, for they themselves should be the
objects oi adornment.
681

Prof.
of
Kane
"
says
"
that
says
alanikaras, which are
The
important.
Alamkara
rlti
foremost representative
Mr. Kane
are the others?
'the
really of secondary
upon
the
as
very
importance,
school marks a very real advance over the
and though
school,
is
But where
The Alamkara school looked
the nil school."
further
Vamana
it
did not reach the real essence
of
approached very near it. Instead of looking upon mere

alamkaras as the essence of poetry it looked upon the gunas as the
essence.
The rlti school was not yet quite aware of that to
poetry
it
which the gunas belonged.
It is therefore that the
Dhvanikarika
"
l
But this
asphuta-sphuritam, etc."
Bhamaha regarded vakrokti as the soul
says about the Rlti school,
seems hardly correct.

of all alamkaras and regarded honey-like sweetness to be the
characteristic of kavya.
Going back
that here also to
Bhamaha, Udbhata and Eudrata we may say

call them as belonging to the Alamkara school
to
though Bhamaha collects many

them as
alanikaras from the previous writers and regards
is
not
quite
correct.
For,
embellishment as everyone does, he never regards alamkaras as

As a matter of fact the problem as to what
the soul of kavyas.
constitutes the essence of literature
When
Vainana
was not solved
till
the advent
atma kavyasya he
probably simply meant that kavya necessarily implies a bandha
or arrangement of fabdartha.
Though he uses the word atman
yet by that word he^really means deha (body) of kavya, which is
of
Dhvanikara.
really
that
said,
rltir
But Bhamaha was shrewd enough to perceive

not merely the bandha that constitutes a kavya but the
fabdartha*
it is
It must be vakra.
expression must be out of the commonplace.
Probably the word vakra has been suggested by the am&f-
ous glances of
manner
is
women.
The glance made
simple vision but an
fcficyatji
arch-glance
in a straightforward
signifies
tattvam etad yathoditam
ataknuvadbhirvyakartum ittayah sampravartit&h
the
II
Dhv nikanka
*
dlmd dcht dhtfau
jfv*
ivabh&v* paramatmani
whole
III. 52.
582
complex and emotion that fills us with a

an
thrill.
expression carries with it the heart bf the
Similarly,
poet when it is used in a special and unique manner and without
situation of mental
mere communication of information is not a

reason he had dismissed the claims of hetu, Ie6a,
that uniqueness
kavya. For this

etc., to the status of alamkara.
Bhamaha no doubt
accepts two
kinds of
alamkaras, fabda
In his treatment of the object
and artha, but so does everybody.

of kavya he counts a number of external reasons, along with priti
or delight, which have been followed by other
writers
of
alamkaras
also.
Bhamaha
object of a kavya to bring in
thus puts
it
line
in
with
moksa
also
daranas.
as
the
Bharata
had described the function of dramatic art as being of the nature of

play or pleasure and uses the terms kndanaka and vinodakarana
(Natya-tastra
I.
Bhamaha
11 and
1. 86).
kavya as being the togetherness of fabda

and artha implying thereby that both were equally important.
He further conditioned it and said that it should be free from
regards
defects (nirdosa).
He
does not
pay that attention to
riti
that
Dandin and Vamana gave.

His emphasis was on vakrokti.
This vakrokti was also the same as atitiayokti.
He says that
unless any composition can transcend the limits of its meaning
can neither be striking nor be poetic. He further says that
unless this transcending character is found no alarrikdra can
it
daim any
excellence.
vaco yat tu
Dandin as
He
therefore defines atUayoldi as nimittato
lokatikranta-gocaram and this is paraphrased by

Abbinava
vivaksa va vitokasya lokasimStivartinl.
also in defining vakrata says
va
vakrata lokottlrnenaiva
1
These external reasons are
fabdasya hi vakrata, abhidheyasya

rupena avasthanam. The vakratd,
dharmarthak&r7iamoke?u vaicakfanyarp kalasu ca

karoti kirttirn prU.rjt ca
sadhnJfdvyaniêvanam
II
real essence of kftvya is prUi or joy without any further end

which distinguishes kavya from the commendatory scriptures and the recommendatory atories. ABhinava is probab'y the first to distinguish between three kinds of upadetas,
guni-sammita, tuhft-sammita, k&nta-sammita*
and
But Abhinava says that the
it is
this
LITERARY iASTE AND CRITICISM
58$
thus means according to Abhinava the same as the atisayokti of

Bhamaha, namely, that words and their meaning should transcend
cannot be denied that in laying

his emphasis on vakrata and atisayokti Bhamaha had implicitly
caught the secret of the charm of literature, which has been so
their ordinary local limits*
It
brought out in the works of Anandavardhana and

Abhinava. From this point of view he had attained a state of
explicitly
perspective which underwent
hands of his successors, until

also admits the vakrata of
Kuntaka
call it a
no
improvement in the
we come to Anandavardhana.
literary
Bhamaha though he would
bhahgi or vicchitti, which constituted the special
charm
and strikingness of poetry as distinguished from common speech.

Naturally enough he included the function of rasa within
85 Bhamaha says that rasa as well as alamkara

This meaning has been accepted by
are produced from vakrokti.
it
and
Abhinavagupta
really means, though implicitly, that rasa is
the result of vyaftjana and the vyanjana is in reality the vakrokti.
alamkara.
In
Bhamaha,
II,
of course, never dealt with the subject of vyanjana
a special topic but

least
it is
clear
from his
them all
Udbhata
his
vyanjana and
its
real
alamkaras, paryyayokta,
samasokti, shows that in

aprastutapraamsa
there is always an implied sense which is explained by
and
vyajastuti,
Thus
definition that implicitly at
he had caught the real purport of
function in poetry.
Bhamaha in the treatment of
as
as
vacyavacaka-vyaktibhyam sunyenavagamdtmana.
an avagamyamana artha or an implied meaning
*
there
is
in these alamkaras.
'
But Anandavardhana
criticises
that
mere
avagamyamana or implication is not enough to produce dhvani.

The implication must be superior to the ordinary meaning, which
should play only a subordinate role and this alone can produce
dhvani.
Udbbata has also shown in detail that even in the case
of the expressed poetic figures like rupaka, etc., there
may
be an
This has been admitted by

underlying current of implication.
This brings out the fact that it is not
the writer of the Locana.
true that
Bhamaha and Udbhata
denied dhvani, but they did not
HISTORY OF^ SANSKRIT LITERATURE

simply count dhvani as an independent and separate function
as included in
biit
the elements' of the
general structure of good

Pratlharenduraja, the commentator of
Thus* again,
Udbhata, says that the dhvani which has been regarded by some
writers as the soul of literature has not been specially treated by
poetry^,
has been already dealt with in an implied manner

in the treatment of alamkara.
Jagannatha also remarks that
Udbhaâ as
it
though Udbhaâ and others never mentioned dhvani in an explicit
manner, yet the fact of the implication playing a very important,

nay, an indispensable, part in poetry was well-known to them.
Ruyyaka also confirms this view. In Vagbhata and Hemacandra

also we find the same view operating that Bhamaha and Udbhata
had
all
perceived the essence of dhvani and
but had not treated them
separately
as
its
function in
kavya
Dhvanikara
the
did.
Kuntaka, however, developa and expands Bhamaha's definition of

vakrokti and founds on it his own doctrine of literary excellence.
Udbhata
also,
though he does not
treat of rasa separately,
does
indeed treat of rasa in association with alamkaras and treats also
bhava and anubhava, which may be traced in Bhamaha also.

In both Bhamaha and Udbhata also there was but little distinction
of
But Vamana, as we have

between the gunas and alanikaras.
Again, while
seen, distinguishes between gunas and alamkaras.
Bhamaha simply mentioned the rltis but does nat lay any importance to the rigidity of classiBcation,
mention the rltis but only mentions the
associated witb.anwprasa,
which correspond roughly
to the three
Vamana, and so does Anandavardhana. But it cannot

that Udbhata's gunas tally wholly with the rltis of Vamana
gunas of
be said
Udbhaâ does not even

three vrttis which are
or the three gunas of Anandavardhana.
But while the gunas
are
regarded by Udbhata (according to Abhinavagupta) as belonging

merely to the sahgathana or arrangement, such as, a-samasa,
dlrgha-samasa or madhyama-samasa, it does not seem that
1
udbahtadibhittu gunalarpk&rdnam prayatah $amyan\ eva t&citam.

AlaTfik&ratarvatvai p.
rftr hi gunescva paryyavatitih.
7.
Vamana
is specifically clear
as to
over and above sahgathana.

that
same view
to
whether the gunas are something
It is interesting here also
Pratiharenduraja regards
attributes the
585
rasa
as
the
note
to
soul of poetry
and
Udbhata whose work was commented
upon by him.
Rudrata, again, does not attach much importance to the ritis
or fhe gunas but he descends straight away to the classification
of alamkaras, sabdalamkdras, and arthdlamkdras and their enumeration and definition. He no doubt speaks of rasa also but
he does not #ive it the prominence it deserves.
I have so long combated the theory of
many
of
my
predeces-
and genius of poetry could

But I contended from
schools.
sors that the inquiry into the nature
be sub-divided into a
number
of
the very beginning that the study of alamkdra first attracted and
I have
in fact originated the inquiry into the science of poetics.
also observed that a
number
the time of Panini in the

igation into
which
of poetic figures
were discovered in
grammar school, and
further invest-
for specialised treatment passed into the
who were regarded
hands
on poetics.
This early predilection towards the poetic figures bad gained such
traditional strength that even when as a result of further enquiry
of a school of writer's
as
writers
the essence of literature was considered by some to belong to the

style, the absence of dosas, and the possession of gunas or to
dhvani and rasa, elaborate treatment of the alamkaras never

Indeed in the later writers we find more and more classi-
ceased.
and ingenious distinction and dialectical skill were disThese different writers,
played in the treatment of alamkaras.
however, did not agree in their classification of the alamkaras or
fication
maintained by one or the other writer.

This was largely due to the change of perspective due to a more
A comrecondite acquaintance with the principles of literature.
the
subtle
distinctions
prove to be an interesting field

of the writers had a much wider scope attached
parative study of this in itself
by
itself.
Some
to a particular figure of speech
may
than others.
But
it is
needless for
us to enter into the discussion of such elaborate details*

741343B
586
YAKROKTI
Bhamaha
in his
work says that
as the night
the
without
is
as beauty is without the humility, so is dexterity of speech

without poetic talents. Even a fool can be a scientist or learned
moon,
in the Scriptures with the instructions of the teacher, but without
The literary body of a poet

genius it is not possible to be a poet.
Genius atone
shines even greater at the fall of the physical one.
is not sufficient for the production of poetry but one must acquire
a thorough acquaintance and experience with the words and their
subtle
meanings and must study
also the literature of other poets.
poet should be careful to see that not one word used by him be
Poetry like a woman receives an en-
defective or transferable.
hancement
But before
of her beauty by adornments.
ments the language must be
Kavya
adorn-
faultless.
or poetry consists of a
words and their meanings.

be significant and striking.
all
Above
By
co-operative conjunction
all,
the
such a conjunction
word
'
striking
or
of
must
vakra
Bhamaha means that kind of expression where "more is meant

than meets the ear."
He therefore dismisses svabhavokti or
natural description from the status of
alamkara as
it
is
simply
informative of a particular scene.
Eeal adornments belong to
that special trait of expression by which it implies more than itIt
says.
is
this
striking- implication
adornment
of
expression
on which
alamkaras.
Therefore there
depends
cannot be any alamkara where there is no vakrokti. He thus
c
'
the sun has set/
the moon has
says that such expressions as
the
'
risen/
of
all
the birds are flying/ cannot constitute literature. 1
All the faults that
Bhamaha had
described as faults or dosas
It is
because they obscure the significance of turn of expression.
and
of
the significance of an
the
peculiarity
uniqueness
expression that constitutes the literary character of a composition.

1
<tai$a sarvaiva vakroktir anayartho vibhavyate

yatno'syarp kavina karyah ko'lamkaro'naya vin&
I
gato'stam arko bhatindur yanti vdsdya paksiyah
II
ityevqmadi kirp kavyarp vdrtt&menani pracakfate,
!l
VAKROKTI
Bhamaba
This vakrokti of
different later
has been differently understood by

Dandin, Vamana and Budrata under-
writers.
hbddlamkara depending upon the pun existing

two meanings of a word, making it possible for the hearer
draw a different meaning from the expression than what was
stood vahrokti as a
in the
to
intended by the speaker.
When Bhamaha
atitayokti he probably
that
said
meant that vakrokti
of an extra sense of atitaya.

ly
Dandin takes
it.
tion and says
that
all
Vakrokti,
exaggeration.
atifayokti,
in
name
is a
of
alamkara.
the
first to
that though
there
same
as
alamkara
which
vakrokti.
Alamkara
in general.
Vamana
the
is
is,
there-
Other alamkaras are
counts vakrokti as a separate
contemporary of Abhinava, was
importance to vakrokti. He says

hundreds of works on the science of
special
are
is
poetry produces.
are trifling.
of
no one among them which lays special imthe transcendent delight and inexpressible joy that
alamkara there
portance to
right-
alamkaras we have an element
Kuntaka, probably
attach a
it
atigayokti in the sense of exaggera-
therefore,
subdivisions of vakrokti.
leads to the implication
Abhinavagupta, however, does not
svabhavokti and
fore, twofold,
same as the
the
is
Anandavardbana understood
and agreed with Bhamaha. 2
agree with
vakrokti
Compared with
Though
this
joy
all
literature consists in the
other
pleasures
co-operative
con-
junction of words, yet until such a conjunction can produce a

superfluity of transcendent joy, it cannot be called literature. The
same idea may be expressed
may
in
two such
different
ways that one
8
have an appeal of beauty to us far excelling that of the other.
oho kenedtfi buddhir ddrund tava nirmitd

triguna sriiyate buddhir na tu ddrumayi kvacit
I
Here there
2
is a
pun on the word ddrund, as
II
cruel or
made
yogo'nyasya tvalar^kdramdtTataiva
itt
wood.
sarvvdlawkdrdnusdriqd svikarana-yogyatvendbhedoAnandavardbana.
pacdrdt saiva garvvdlarflkdra-Tupd ityayamevdrtho'vagantavyah.

3
of
tatrdtitayoktirevam alarpkdram adhiti^liati kavi-pratibhd-vatdt ta&ya c&rutvdtitaya-
mdnim-jana-ct/ocawa-pafdn
manda-manda-muditah prayayau
bhlabhiia iva 6ita-mayukhah
II
IUSTOUY OF SANSKRIT UTERATUHIi
588
Words
commingle with words and sense with sense, and

by mutual rivalry they are mutually rising into a climax, an
1
ascension point where they again commingle together.
Here
Kuntaka suggests that the function of art is in the production of
as
if
a whole in which the sound and the sense co-operate together

purity and propriety to rise gradually in an ascending scale
in
till
Words and sense are two different

they
completion.
elements and the harmony must be attained both in their indivirise to a
dual sphere
and their mutual sphere
of
co-operation.
There
nothing in the arrangement of words that would

produce a shock to the progressive march of thought and vice
versa.
They should march towards a common end. The word
should
be
sahitya (literature) etymologically means unity of thought and

Intuition and expression are here for the sake of
language.
up as two and the growth of intuition and

expression must be of such an organic order that they may
produce a whole without a hole.
analysis
split
The words should be

what the poet intends
so chosen that they
to express.
may
express exactly
prakatayan
kaldh svairam svairam nava-karnala-kanddhkura-iucah
purandhrindm preyo-viraha-dahanoddipita-drtdm
katdksebhyo bibhyan nibhrta iva candro'bhytidayate
Of these two verses the idea is the same, but tbe second
This
first.
is
due
to the
mode
of expression.
II
is
far
more beautiful than the
Words meet vuth words,
sense
with sense,
mutual combination they create a picture njore beauteous than what the
by
mere sense or the purport would have given.
their
until
asararp sarnsdram parimttsitaratnam iribhuvanam
niralokam lokam maranafaranam bdndhavajanam
adarpam kandarpam jananayananirmdnam aphalani

jagajjirndranyarn, kathamast vidhdtuni vyavasitah
The
them
verse
rise into
is
II
from MalatimddJiava and idea after idea with the words co-operating with
a greater and greater resonance of sound and sense until they attain a climax
in the last line.

2
kallola-vellita'df$at'parusa*prahdrai
ratndnyamuni makardkara mdvamamsthah

kim kaustubhena bhavato vihito na ndma
ydcM-prasdrita-karah purusottamo'pi
In this verse of Bhallata, p. 587, the ocean
II
jewels with its roaring billows, for even Lord
is
asked not to treat harshly and disdain the

bis baud to snatch the
Narayana spreads out
VAKBOKTI
What Kuntaka wants
external world that
mind
to
exactly
of these objects, but held within the

of the poet, they
assume new
the things
that
is
say
forms
take the
of the poet are not
589
the
of
and images in the

mere copy or a mere symbol
of ideas
emotion
the boiling soul
of
forms with new spiritual
spiritual
Thus, the external objects, to which the poet is supposed

to refer, become spiritually metamorphosed, and they are as
such largely different from the objects themselves, and they in
values.
their turn react on the
mind
poet's
by them, the poet,

of which tie is not even
that, inspired
activity,
of
this
the
that
is
into
intuition
poetic
transcendental
propriety that
may
an undivided piece of art.

process by which external
of
to
them become transformwith
emotion, is a
transcendental in the sense that in
vibrating
It is
affair.
such
of
physical objects and our ideas relating
ed
manner such
through an inward spiritual

explicitly aware, chooses words
and phrases, meanings and ideas

assemble together for the creation
The upshot
in an ineffable
our ordinary affairs our thoughts are moved in the tune of selfinterest, the fulfilment of a need or the removal of a sorrow.
It
has always an
external
end
to
But
fulfil.
in
poetic intuition, no such interest or fulfilment

part.
It
cognitive
or
any
is
therefore
conative.
unlike
It
all
our
therefore
is
the
case
of
of needs plays
ordinary
called
activities,
transcendent
consequence of the movement of

the same process that suitable words, phrases, ideas and metres
are churned out, as it were, unconsciously or subconsciously,
(alaukika-vyapara)
from the ocean
It is in
of our internal
experience and
The
the creation of an artistic whole.

is
treated as an instrument, as
it
set
in
order for
poet's ordinary personality
were, by his poetic
personality.
it.
Now, the high value of the Kawtubha does not demonstrate the
importance of other jewels which this illustration was intended to demonstrate. Therefore,
the word Kauttubka is wrongly chosen and does not convey the sense which the poefe wished
Kauntubha jewel from
to convey.
$i id m,'
If
t
in
the place
of the third line
we
substitute
idea would have been consistently expressed.
'
eltena
kitti
na vihito bhavatafy
590
HISTORY OF SANSKRlt LITERATURE

the
Poetry consists in
form
words and
of
translation
of
form in the
spiritual
Poetry consists of unique

combination of a unique class of words and their meaning.. It
is that peculiar combination which shows itself as the aesthetic
was designated
natural description can only become
Kuntaka.
somehow
work
in
quality
meanings.
of
art
that
or other the poetic personality,
as
vakrata by
poetic
when
intuition or perspective
Kuntaka had dismissed the svabhdvokti of

Dandin in the same manner as some Western art critics have
dismissed portrait painting from the dignity of art.
But both
is
infused into
it.
in svabhdvokti and portrait
there
may
if
painting,
they
are works of
rt,
be infusion of personality, apprehension of perspective,
choice, emphasis and attribution
make them supersede
their
of
which
grace,
in nature.
originals
will naturally
If a particular
piece of composition did not contain any exuberent excess, an

overflowing of significance, sonorousness and joy far beyond that
by the words in their simple meanings, the

composition would be a dry piece of information but not poetry.
As life is
It may be history and philosophy but not literature.
which
is
carried
to the body,
manner and
which being in the body exceeds

gives
meaning
it
in an unspeakable
dreams, so does the poetic

piece of composition with an
to all its
and aesthetic quality charge a

excellence and emotion, a life and a
that
is far
beyond
words and their meanings. This is what we call the
aesthetic quality, which arises out of that unique character of the
constitution of proper words and their meanings which can
thrill,
the
transform them into literature.
It is this
regarded as the spontaneous ebullition

Kuntaka understands by vakrata.
Kuntaka
wrong
in criticising
quality which
of life
and
this
may
is
be
what
Vamana and Dandin
to associate poetic styles
with particular
says that it is
countries or to
Styles may be of infinite

say that there are three kinds of style.
with
the
personality of the poet and it is
variety in accordance
impossible to enumerate them.
It
you might give to a particular
style.
does not matter

It is not only
what name
unimportant
VAKROKT1
What
but useless.
is
important
591
whether
is
There are poets who are habituated
beautiful or not.
to write in a soft
who
fashion, while there are others
it is
write
manner, and a poet may be great and

form of style he may choose to write.
in
and tender
more
discover
mystery of the
the
As
creation
it is
impossible to
Lord
the
of
forceful
whatever
distinguished in
so
it
is
impossible to delve into the mystery of any particular kind of style.
He
distinguishes between a subjective aesthetic quality and
an objective aesthetic quality. A subjective aesthetic quality is

an internal character belonging to the intuition itself. The
objective quality
which belongs
and
saubhagya
He
to the expression.
that
former
the
calls
is
the
latter
tfirunya.
style
expression and the mode
According
of intuition the nature and character of aesthetic qualities must
to the difference in
The manner
also vary.
of
of style
followed by poets like Kalidasa
and others has been designated by Kuntaka as sukumara,

delicate and tender.
Speaking of the
vicitra-riti
or
ornamented
style,
i.e.,
Kuntaka
very difficult to write in this style, and unless the

words and the sense flow in their own dynamic competing with
says that
it is
each other for the production of a piece of art, without any effort
of the poet, it will be impossible to be successful to
on the part
write in this style.

the apparent and
me
The
the
writers of
implied
this
style
can make both
beautiful.
meaning
It
is
go into any further details and elaborate

Kuntaka did
illustrations, indulged in by Kuntaka in his work.
not deny rasa as emotion but lie regarded that only as a mode of
unnecessary for
to
vakrata, which produces both rasa and be-iuty.

1
yat
feat? i
prayalna-nirapdâyatva
sabdatthah
svabharikah ko'pi
parisphiiTan pandjtyate.
2
he hela-jila-bodhi-sattva vacasam
kirn vistaraistoyadhe
nasti tvat-sadjfah parah parahitadhane gfhita>vratah
trsyat-pantha-janopakara-ghatana-vaimukhya-labdhayafo-
bhara-prodvahane karofikrpayd sdhdyakam yan-maroh

3
nirantara-rasodgara-garbha-saundarya-nirbharah
(jirah
kavinam jwanti na kathamatram
a&ritali
II
II
rakraiaprakarah
592

Writers
rasa
Bhamaha and Dandin had
like
subordinate
is
alamkara.
the
to
But Kuntaka docs
admit
not
is
it
meaning
ordinary
that
said
He
it.
when the
a
rasavat
says that
predominant. Kuntaka had

also admitted dhvani under anothor name but included that also
whenever there
rasa that alone
is
within vakrata.
Though
Kuntaka
later
is
writers did -not
accord
a high
appears clear that an all-round estimate of

literature with emotion and beauty as its root, as conceived by
place to
it
yet
Kuntaka, seems to beat even the authors of the dhvani school,

who were more or less obsessed by the dhvani and the rasa
perspectives.
THE THPORY OF RASA
We
must
start the theory of rasa or aesthetic
emotion with
Bharata's
maxim, vibhavanubhclva-vyabhicari-samyogCid rasaThe meaning of this line has been a subject of much
nispattih.
But after this, the
discussion to which \\e shall attend later.
writers
later
come
are
not
particularly
Anandavardhana.
to
eloquent about rasa until
Bhamalia was
we
also acquainted with
he spenks of kcivya-rasa with which as a first starting

1
Dandin also
people are to be tempted to study the Scriptures.
of
rasavad-alamkara but had also spoken
had not only spoken
as
rasa
of the
has
madhuryya
general
as
rlti
and
being rasamayl.
technical meaning.
But the word rasa

In the general sense
means taste, rasamayl means tasty, while in the technical

sense it means the well-known dominant emotions, such as, the
rasa
the ludicrous, the pathetic, the passionate, the heroic,

wonder-producing, the fearful and the repugnant ($rhgara-
amorous
the
hasya-karuna-raudra-i'lra-bhaijanafa^^
In our current literary discussions there
between these two

1
senses of rasa.
In one sense
svadu-kavya-rasonmisram sastram apyupayujyate
prathamaUdlia-madhurah pibanti hatu-bhesajam
II
Bhamaha.
2
raso
gandhe rasah svade tibtadau visa-rogayoty
Grhgaradau drive viryye deha'dhatvambuparade
II
iti)*
is
much
it
confusion
means merely
593
THEORY OF RASA
the other sense
in
pleasant,
means that a
it
particular
dominant
emotion constituting our personality has been affected and roused.

A mere sonorousness of alliterative sound has been spoken of by
Dandin and Vagbhata, but it means nothing more than the pleasant
jingles.
But
in the description
of
mahdkdvya
or epic,
Dandin
be inspired with rasa or bhava. Abhinavagupta in his commentary on Bharata's maxim of rasa had said
that Dandin's view of rasa is very much like that of Bhatta Lollata.
says, that these should
But
if
that were so
it
cannot be denied that Dandin had a fair
that
acquaintance with the view that it is the dominant emotions
come to be expressed as rasa. But we find no further treatment
of rasa in
Vamana
Daudin.
quality of literature and calls

mitted rasa in the case of the
has admitted rasa as an important

Udbhata has also adkanti.
it
He
rasavad-alamkara.
says
that
a piece of kavya can only b3 called living when it is inspired with

Rudrata also accepted the view that there is an intimate
rasa.
relation
between kavya and
rasa,
he could
but
say
nothing
further about this intimate relation.
Before proceeding further it is necessary to explain a few of

the technical terms that are continually associated with any discussion of rasa
ing an emotion.
uddlpana.
reference to
Vibhava, the objective condition of producVibhava may be of two kinds, (i) alambana and
(I)
Alambana-vibhava means a person or persons with

whom the emotion is manifested. Uddlpana-vibhava
means the circumstances that have excited the emotion.

a
man may
feel
attracted to a
Thus
co-operating with it.

towards a woman of young age
it is
if
woman
if
Thus
the circumstances are
easier for a
man
to
be attracted
they are thrown alone and there
a beautiful scenery before them, the moon peeping through

Any one
the clouds, the fragrant breeze blowing^ and the like.
is
of such
circumstances
whereas both the
may
man and
be
the
regarded
woman
are
as
uddlpana-vibhava^
alambana-vibhavas to
Anubhava means bodily expression by which

Thus the arch glances of a lady, her
the emotion is expressed.
awbhava. (3) The vyabhicari
inviting smile, may be regarded as
each other.
(2)
591
means
a series
emotions
diverse
of
A woman
dominant emotion.
to
him,
feed
the
lamp
of
love anxiously waiting at the
disappointed that he is
be anxious that somethirg might have happened
rendezvous to meet her lover

not coming,
in
that
may
may be jealous
woman, may
may
feel
he might
that
been courted by
have
Remembering the coaxing

words that he had whispered into her ears, and so on. Like
another
feel
delight
in
cinematograph emotions of diverse sorts may be

passing in quick succession and may all at the same time be
continuing the constitution of the same emotion.
pictures in
The
of rasa was started by Abhinavagupta

1
The real
on
Bharata's maxim on rasa.
commentary
point of discussion and diversity of opinion was on the two
words samyoga (conjunction) and rasa-nispatti (expression of rasa
discussion
real
in his
or
Before proceeding further

completion of rasa).
to say a few words about the foundation of rasa.
upon a particular view

is
personality
of
constituted,
it is
necessary
It
is
based
psychology which holds that our

both towards its motivation
and
few primary emotions which lie deep in the subThese primary

unconscious strata of our being.
intellection, of a
conscious
or
emotions are the sex, the ludicrous, the pathetic, the heroic, the
Other aesthetic
passionate, the nauseating, the wonderous.
psychologists have in later times added to
intellectual, the devotional and the filial.
running through
that
sense
dominant
be
all
tbe
These
peaceful
or
emotions are
natures in a permanent manner and
dominant emotions (sthayibhara).
called
states
it
may
in
These
determine the particular internal tempera-
that
ments are regarded as the dominant characteristics of those

emotional states. Emotional states, such as, the amorous, the
heroic and the others,
of
show
atomic formations,
in their expressions
i.e.,
each
emotion
the
appearance
in its manifestation
shows a composition of diverse sentiments constantly shooting

out and changing like the kinetic atoms and gases, like the
ravaniapattih
THEORY OF RASA
tianielets that
appearance of
595
come and go and thereby produce the

there
the permanent, undivided whole of a flame
continually
are continually passing little flames of diverse sentiments that give
expression to the permanent emotion of love or hate, heroism or

It should, however, be noted that no emotion
anger.
rasa unless it is aesthetically excited.
When a young
called
is
man
falls
with a young woman and his whole frame is shaken,

we cannot speak of him as being the subject of srhgara-rasa, or
when his son is dead and he is crying in tears, we cannot speak
in love
of
him
he
that
the
in
is
karuna-rasa.
llasa
nn
is
eimotioiu
excited by artistic circumstances or situations.
the question that puzzled "the
Now,
was
this
How
aesthetic or artistic
held
while
that
they
described
writers
in
no
real
of
it
even
Kama, no
a
their
their
if
real
there
Sita,
situation
of
actiAg produce
induce the amorous sentiments of
internal
illusory
and
forth
set
like
roused
by
Bbatta Lollata
vyabhicari
be
rasa
conjunction
no snake,
the
mimic
reality
Rama
in
are
mimic,
by
vividly
As through hallucination we may perceive
and be afraid
is
or
and
emotions be
anubhaca
vibhavu,
co-operate together
produced.
there
Some
means?
the
either ingeniously
dominant
can our
Alanikara writers,
old
so
actors
is
a snake
though
may by
our minds and
in our
minds.
The
datum
which guarantees the production of such an

perspective is the fact that we have the amorous emotion
running through subconscious stratum of our personality as our

Bhatta Lollata says that when the vibhava
very constituent.
ideation of the situation and the person together with the atomic
emotions that are the feeders of the sentiment of love, are made
to coalesce with or penetrate into the inner vein of the
dominant
only then that a new superimposition of an illusory

amorous emotion can be produced. In further explanations of
amorous,
it is
appears that the actor tries to imitate the

sentiment of the hero whose part he plays, but that the audience
the view of Lollata,
it
by the conjunction of the amorous situation and the projection

of the person has in him the dominant stream of a particular
696
emotion transformed into
Thus Mammata,
sentiment called rasa.
the aesthetic
speaking of Bhatta Lollata, says that the

dominant emotion of, say, the amorous, is roused or produced
by the vibhavas consisting of the woman on the one hand and
in
the exciting circumstances, such as, the
garden, the moon-light

intelligible by the external
and others, and then this is made

gestures of the actors, and then this being heightened by the
free flow of the associated emotions, one intuits the rasa mainly
in the hero of the plot and also in the player who has tried to
live
up
him.
to
to
According
this.
view, a dominant emotion
by vibhavas and they are made

and enriched by the associated,
of the aesthetic type is produced
by
intelligible
anubhavas
changing feelings
this
emotion
Rama
Rama
or Sita),
Though
(vyabhicari-bhavas).
primarily excited in the dramatic personage (e.g.,

yet by imitation or the assumption of the role of
or Sita
it
appears in the actor or by transference into the aesthetic audience

who witness the play, and the emotion thus roused in the
audience
is
called rasa.
But the above quotation

does not
tally
with the actual
Abhinava-bharatl,
Mammata
statement now
from
the commentary by
(see
footnote)
available in the
Abhinava on Bharata's
It appears there as
if
anubhdva meant those
which
are
to
similar
feelings
sthayibhava in their nature as
These are, no doubt,
feelings, but were constantly changing.
internal states but yet they are not co- existent with the dominant
Natya-sastra.
Yet contact of these loose and changeable feelings with

the dominant emotions is possible only because the dominant
emotion.
emotion resides in the back of the mind as an
instinctive
The idea seems to be that the dominant emotion

resides in the mind as a vasana.
The concept of vasand in
Indian thought is rather difficult and to some extent obscure also.
character of
it.
vibhavair lalanodyanfidtbhir
alombanoddlitana-karanailj
ratyadiko
anubhavaih ndyakasya bhujaksepa-prabhrtibhih karyyaih pratttiyogyah

nirwedadibhil),
sahakaribhir
vpacito
krtalj
bhtivo
ganttnlj
vyabhic&nbhtr
mukhyaya tavnadav anukaiyye tadrupatanusandliandt
narttake'pi pratiyamano rasdh iti.Bhattuhllata-prabhrtayal}.
597
THEORY OF RASA
It
means
in
the
the motivation within us, that
instance
first
spring of desire that adapts us to find our enjoyments in this

or that particular way.
It is supposed that in the animal
world the behaviour of the animal, its impulse to action and its
adaptation to find enjoyment in a particular
is guided by its own particular vasand.
mode
of behaviour,
Vdsand thus means
emotion and impulse. Man is born

with a large number of such emotion-impulse complexes or
vasanas.
Some of these lie dormant in him and may become
a complex
of
integration
is peculiar in man that on the

basis of these emotion-impulse complexes similar other complexes
may spring into being through mere description, delineation or
active
by external stimulus.
imitation.
It
here that
is
It
the
artistic
faculty finds
its place.
This second type of emotional complex is not directly connected

with the ldeas or the affliction which are concerned with the
moral career of a
ment.
It,
discussion
human
therefore,
among
the
being in his struggle with his environ-
belongs to a
scholars
new
order of reality.
The
was about the nature, origin
and character of these second-grade complexes.

Bhatta Lollata
was of opinion that in addition to the dominant emotion-impulse
complexes or vasanas there were the changing feelings in and
through
which each dominant emotion expressed
itself.
He
further held that these feelings were also of the nature of vasanas
and that reason when aroused they could commingle with the
dominant emotion and so enrich
it
as to
make
it
shine through
them.
On
the point that in a dramatic performance the player

imitates the dramatic personages and thereby produces feelings
similar
to
them, Abhinava shows sharp opposition.
that imitation
produces laughter.
Imitation
is
also
He
says
done in a
be completely done.
Again,
and
the
a dramatic emotion is supported by the situation
person
are
these
of
the
Both
(alambana- and uddlpana-vibhava).
case where the thing itself cannot
nature of facts and entities and therefore cannot be

It is not also possible to imitate a mental feeling.
imitated.
There
is
598
.HlSTOftY 01? SANSKRIT LITEftATUftfe
either a feeling
which
imitation
gestures
my mind
a feeling
for
it
it,
is
if
a feeling of another, it is 'no longer an

I have the feeling, it is a real one, and if I have
A mere
does not exist.
imitation of external
not an imitation of the internal thing.
I do not
also
what particular manner Rfima expressed his sorrow at

We may at least imitate the gestures
separation from Situ.
know
his
have in
If
similar to
is
not got
there or not.
in
man
of an ordinary
whom we
have seen grieving.

Abhinava
drama docs not go to the stage with
of
says that the player in a

the idea that he was going
to
the whole situation, his dress,
Rama's
imitate
gestures.
But
music, the surroundings, the
the
words as coining from Rama, make him

forget for the time his local personality, and while playing the
part of Rama, he spontaneously assumes Rama's personality
utterance of the poet's
and the
world of his particular time and
real
place
away
slips
(ucita-glta-todya-carvana-vismrta-s^
The upshot,
tion can produce the
the actors
is
then,
according to Abhinava no imitawhich holds its sway both among
that
illusion
On
and the audience.
imitation would spoil
the dramatic
to
art
the
stir
illusion
very
up.
the other hand a conscious
In
which
is
our ordinary
the business of
the events
life
that stir us up are present with us, and immediatiely affect our
interest, excite and change our motives to the success or failure
wishes
of our
leading to
truth in this field
is
pleasure
and pain.
correspondence
of
The
criterion of
the objective
field in
time, place and character with the subjective field of consciousness

or it may also be that since the action of our operation of the
external world
truth
may
is
that
as well
all
mean
truth
is
rational and logically consistent,
consistency
of the objective finding
with
the subjective expectation in time, place and character throughout

Or truth may also mean
the entire field of their application.
that
it
may somehow
our wills.
or other affect our feelings, our beliefs and
Most discussions about truth whether
idealistic or pragmatic, are generally
occurrence through which our
restricted
little selves
it
to
be
the
have to run
realistic,
field
for
of
their
THRORY OF RASA
final
fulfilment.
with
the
In this
external
world
world
ourselves
and
directly
such the manner in which we
with the external
we
field
599
hurts
or
in
But
such
if
form
literary
such a charm
us
that the whole of the present environment slips
our
promotes
particular
of certain events, real or unreal, produces
as
by our intercourse
position in the external world and also our minds.
be our nature that a presentation in
and
intimately,
are affected
seriously
connected
are
as
off,
it
were,
an enfolding garment, from our consciousness and we feel

ourselves to be real participants of an imaginary situation,
appearing no longer as imaginary, we can no longer judge the
like
status of this appearance by our criteria of our living

call it true,
false
or
doubtful.
Our judgments
of
world and
truth
and
through, and in terms of, the

All our perspectives of truth
experiences of the living world.
falsehood
are
merely
in
and
and falsehood are from different points or sections

reference to which and relative
world
with
of
to
the
living
which our
judgments of truth and falsehood are made. But with reference

to the imaginary representations and experiences that introduce
us to the
poetry or drama,
to the real objective world.
No
drawn
field of
we can no
longer set our limits
co-ordinates
from
it
can
be
world and consequently

In
or reality about it.
to find our location in the aesthetic
we can make no judgment
of
truth
witnessing a play as a result of the joint co-operation of all the

we seem to identify ourselves
factors including the music,
with the dramatic personages and feel ourselves to be one
with them.
Abhinava's teacher in his work Kavya-kautuha says that a

dramatic play is not a physical occurrence. In witnessing a p)ay
we
forget the actual perceptual experience of the individuals

the stage playing their different parts or their individuality
associated with their
local
names and
habitations.
on
as
The man
playing the part of Kama does not appear to us in his

actual individual character and it does not also appear to us that
he cannot be the Rama about whom Vslmlki wrote, He stands
who
is
600

and the pure
the scenic associations and
somewhere midway between the pure
actuality
This together with all

those of music produces an experience which vibrates with
exhilaration ; and as a result thereof the whole presentation of
ideality.
becomes
actuality
occurrence of
veiled, as
it
were, in so far as
The
character.
presentative
is
it
an actual
impressions,
past
memories, associations, and the
like, which were lying deeply

buried in the mind, became connected with the present experience
and thereby the present experience became affiliated and
new
in
perceived
manner
new
is
types of pleasures and pains,

pains associated with our egoistic
and the success or
technically
literally
means
called
personality.
of
their
This
strivings.
which
rasasvadana-camatkara carvana
of the roused
play or a drama
an experience.
It
failures
the experiencing of a
from the enjoyment
of
new
experience, revealing
unlike the pleasures and
instincts
dimension
in
resulting
drama or
transcendant
exhilaration
emotions inherent in our own
is
the objective content
a play is not a
physical
of
such
occurrence.
enlightenment, a spiritual expression

throbbing and pulsating with a new type of music, joyous and
is
pure
spiritual
As a
pensive.
result
of
this
experience
unity
is
effected
between the individual's own experience and the expression of

the art.
This experience is, therefore, nothing else but the
Or
enlightenment of a universal.
that
it is
new
may
it
also
rather
creation involving the personality of
the
dual and the objective dramatic contents as constituents
appearance^ a revelation different from

all
external objects.
and
If this analysis
all
be
said
indivia
other experiences
new
and*
be true, dramatic experience
can no longer be regarded as imitative.

Bhattatauta thought
that
on the one
art
hand
all
the
equipments of the stage together with the music release from our
mind the hold of the impression that such and such a person has
taken a particular part, and
suggestion of
be
R&ma
it
also cpakes
an impossibility that the
Being cut off of
its
us
indifferent
to
the
us cannot
player before
connection on two sides, namely,
THEORY OF RASA
601
the positive connection of the play with the present actor as a

known individual with the actuality of all his bearings, and on
the other hand the impossibility of connecting the actor with the
realised Rama's character having lost its force, the suggestive
can very naturally surcharge the mind with new
influence
which can, without any relation to

anything else, modify the state of the mind. In this state the
previous experiences existing in the mind of the audience as
impressions work up independently in association with the
exhilarations and feelings
The affiliation, appersuggestion of the dramatic performance.

of
these
roused
and
integration
ception,
impressions and expectaproduce new joys and new
content of a drama is all that
tions
process
The
intuitions.
is
illuminated
aesthetic
in
such
Mammata
repudiates Bhatta Lollata's view that rasa
is
related
vibhavas in the relation of the produced and the producer,

He says that if the vibhavas are to be
as effect and cause.
to the
regarded as cause they must be regarded as the cause of agency

But in the case of
or the efficient cause
nimitta-karana.
nimitta-karana,
when
is
that an action
may remain
in tact even
There cannot be any rasa

also the vibhava and the anubhava. The vibhavas,
the efficient agent
unless there
etc.,
we know
cannot also be
is
destroyed.
regarded
as a
communicative agent,
for
communicative agent pre-supposes the existence of the thing to

be communicated, but the rasa does not exist before. It can be
through only when it is suggested by the vibhavas and the
rasa has no other existence than being lived through and enjoyed.
For, it should be remembered that the dominant emotions
lived
existing in the subconscious strata of the person are

selves rasas.
They acquired that designation only
are
aesthetically
presentable
It is not the
discussion
into
place
here
to
enter
rasa
the
into
when they
Bhatta
and enjoyable.
cannot also explain the method as to how

the player can infect the audience,
not them-
all
which the various exponents
Lollata
produced in
the niceties of
of the rasa theory
602
such
Bha^ta Lollata, Sri Samkuka, Bhattatauta,

1
Bhatâ Nayaka and and Abhinava himself.
entered,
Sri
as,
Samkuka introduced
the
similitude
of
painting to
said that just
explain the enlightenment of aesthetic emotion. He

as of a painted horse it can be said that it is not a horse and that
it is
it
so
a horse,
of
an
both real and unreal.
is
we can say that

Bhatta Nayaka said that rasa is
aesthetic, experience
He
anything.
creation has the peculiar function
neither produced nor suggested, nor
held that
created
by
proper aesthetic
of generating in us a new spiritual creation and
a special function by which we can enjoy
functions
are
we have
it.
These two
The
by him bhavakatva and bhojakatva.
called
us
in
enlightenment of rasa is not the subject of ordinary psychology

but of aesthetic psychology.
For the presentation of the spiritual
situation throbbing with exhilaration
two
different
which the
functions,
Abhinava
ordinary functions.
composition,
is
which the
situation
to
admit
without
is
Abhinava,
the force that he can
all
admit these two extra-
to
unwilling
Abhinava holds that

after
in the case
of a
truly
having grasped the full significance of
the words and their meanings, there

of
bound
and bhojokatva,
bhavakatva
however, has combated the view with
result
are
aesthetic experience cannot be explained.
command.
poetic
we
mental intuition as a
and
spatial character of the
is
actual, temporal
withdrawn from the mental
field
and the emotion
individual character and also becomes

from such conditions as might have led us to any
The emotion is apprehended and intuited in a
motivation.
suggested therein loses
its
dissociated
purely universal
character
and
in
consequence thereof the

ordinary pathological symptoms of emotion lose their significance
and through all the different emotions bereft of their pathological
characters
in
that
we have one enjoyment
the
experience
of joy.
It is
we
find as
of a tragedy
for
this reason
much enjoyment
as in that of a comedy, for the experience of a grief would

1
For a more elaborate treatment of the subject, see the author's Kdvya-victiro.
have
THEORY OF RASA
been unpalatable
if it
603
was associated with
pathological conseconsequences are always due to a

its
These pathological
sense of self-struggle, self-motivation, loss, and the like.
But
in the intuition of the rasa we live through the
experience of a
of
bereft
all
its
sentiment
local
characters.
pure
quences.
In the
subconscious
and unconscious regions there are
always lying dormant various types of emotio-motive complexes.

When through artistic creation a purely universal emotional fear,
amour,
etc., are projected in the
those
joy
or
rasa.
identity
imme-
It is
presented artistic universal into artistic

for this reason that in the rousing of artistic
a kinship and identity
is
Here we
special
of
affilia-
transforms the
joy there
kinds.
recognition
to
affiliated
emotio-motive complexes and this mutual
of
types
tion or apperception or implicit
diately
mind they become
among
all
art-en joyers.
find that the universalization of poetic art
is
of
two
all, the aesthetic composition by nature of its

suggestive force presents before our minds an aesthetic
First of
and an emotion that
situation
Secondly,
the
its
devoid of
all its
local
character,
enlightenment has a
In
manifestation in different minds.
expression
universal character in
is
of
this
artistic
presented whole becomes commingled with

various types of subconscious and unconscious feelings or emotiothe
next
stage
this
motive complexes which are lying dormant in

various
people.
It
is
the
minds
of
easy to see that so far as these latter are
concerned they are naturally different in different persons in

It is
accordance with the nature and diversity of experience.
for
this
presented
reason
in
the
apperception of it
that
the
same
same manner
would be
artistic
whole,
in different
different
in
though
it
be
minds, their artistic
accordance
with the
emotio-motive complexes. But neither in

the universal whole presented to the mind nor in the motive
difference
of
diverse
complexes do we find any trace of any local character or colouration that are associated with the ego or the self in its practical
commerce with the real objective world around it. It is therefore called transcendental, i.e., alaukika t
and
its
other
name
is
604
camatkara.
different
The word camatkara
senses.
It
is
in reality
sometimes used
is
to
used in three
denote
the special
mind produced by the commingling of

the universal artistic situation and the stirred up emotio-motive
It also means the aesthetic pleasure arising out of
complexes..
aesthetic attitude of the
and
the bodily manifestation of such an enjoyment.

In addition to thisît is also used to denote that special mental
it
thirdly,
function by which the whole thing is enjoyed.

It will again be out of place for us to enter into the various
problems of rasa over which we have the accounts of the most

1
recondite discussion.
.
The view
of rasa expressed
by Abhinava had been accepted

truth and as
in later times as the almost

unchallengeable gospel
the last
analysis
of
through literature.
carccd
many
the
aesthetic
phenomenon
Ksemendra, however,
as
propagated
in his Aucitya-vicara*
the secret of poetry in propriety.

But as
other Alamkara writers have pointed out, the secret of the
tried
to
find
production of propriety is again nothing but the production of

rasa.
As rasa is the soul of poetry, many prominent later
like ViSvanatha and others, have
regarded dosa, guna
and alamkara as belonging to the rasa. The guna and the dosa
belong permanently to the structure of the composition, whereas
the alamkaras are additional charms.
Jagannatha is disposed to
take a more metaphysical view of the situation and thinks that
writers,
the essence of rasa consists in pure consciousness as conditioned

by the aesthetic situation and content. Jagannatha also gives us
various
definitions
of
from the standpoint of
rasa,
mostly of a metaphysical character
different systems of philosophy.
DHVANI
We
have indicated before that words have a two-fold func-
tion, primary (abhidha)
and indicatory (laksana).
See the author's K&vya-vicaro,
In most cases
DHVANI
wherever there
605
an indicatory sense there
is
and
is also reflected
It is generally for giving scope to the reflected

suggested sense,
or suggested purport that a word is used in an indicatory
sense instead of its primary sense.
Thus instead of saying
"
The holy man lives on the side of the Ganges/' one may say
"
The holy man lives on the very stream of the Ganges/- The
latter
being
proposition
physically
same
the phraseology was
has the
impossible,
But yet
purport as the first proposition.
so chosen in the second proposition that this meaning could be
arrived at only by indirect indication.
Tbe reason for this was
that the
lives so
expression
naturally suggests that the holy
near the Ganges that he draws
suggested
first
latter
sense
which
arises
grammarians.
grammatical
its
separately,
two functions had ceased
idea of dhvani has been
all
advantages.
as
it
when
were,
of sphota
the
The
to operate, is called dhvani.
drawn from the theory
man
This
of
the
Bhartrhari in his Vakyapadiya as well as later

this
writers have elaborately maintained
view.
It
involves
are
out of place
obscure
many
the
in
philosophical
present
context.
which
discussion
But
the
general
words and propositions in

theory
particular contexts and with reference to particular speakers and
audience under particular circumstances and situations, may
upshot of
the
is
that
the
induce rasa or suggest important truths or ideas or alamkaras.

Dhvanikara says that from early times people had regarded
dhvani or implicative suggestion as essence

there have been some who held that there
of
poetry.
But
no necessity of
admitting dhvani and that the purpose of dhvani could be
is
by the extension of the primary sense as in the case

laksana.
There are others again who hold that apart
served
of
from words,
else
that
their,
raises
meanings and alamkaras, there
the.
beauty
of
literature,
or
that
is
nothing
whatever
heightens the beauty of literature must have to be regarded either

as guna or alamkara, that words and their meanings form the
core of kavya and that none of them could be regarded as dhvani.
It is for refuting the views of such people that Dhvanikara
606
undertook his work. 1
thus evident that long before Dhvanithinkers of the alamkara school some of
It is
kara there had been
whom
not only admitted dhvani as a separate function
words
of
and propositions but have been extremely enthusiastic over

while there
as a separate function.
Udbhata had
fold,
and
who
have been others

2
said that the abhidhd function of words
primary and subordinate.

called
it
it^
denied the existence of dhvani
Thus opinions
vakrokti.
existence of dhvani but also about
is
two-
Vamana had admitted laksana

its
differ
not only about the
nature and
in spite of this difference of opinion people
But
function.
have always marked
that there was some secret in the compositions of great poets

which makes them charming, and Abhinava remarks that those
who by constant association with literature can make their mind
like a mirror, are the persons
of taste. It is they
of poetry.
of
women
of
great
who can
sahrdaya or men
once that dhvani is the essence
who can be
feel at
called
Anandavardhana further says that just as the
loveliness
something over and above their limbs so in the words

poets we find an exquisite charm which is over and
is
above the words and their meanings, and this is dhvani. The
rasa, of which so much has been spoken, is also communicated by
the dhvani.
But what
is
dhvani ? Let us take an example
Holy father, go thou fearless thine way,

The dog that barked at thee lies dead quite near the bay
Mauled by the lion that on the banks of the Goda does rove
And
1
loves to loiter in that shady grove.
kavyasyatma dhvanir Hi budhair yah samamnata-purvas

tasy&bhdvam jagadur apare bhdktam ahustathanyc
kecid v acarp, sthitam avi$aye tattvam ucus tadiyarp,
tena brumah sahrdaya-manahpritaye tat-svarupam.
Thus, Manoratha, the poet, who has been already referred
admirers of dhvani in the following terms
to spoke of the
newfangled
yasmin ndsti na vastu
kiftcana manah-prahladi sdlarfikftir

vyutpannair racitam ca naiva vacanair vakrokti tuny am ca yat
kdryam tad dhvanina samanvitamiti prityd prafarysan jatfo
no vidmo'bhidadhdti kim sumatina pftfah svaruparp dhvaneh.
3
ye$drp kdvydnutllandbhydsa-Tasdt vitadibhute
bhavana-yogyatd
it
mano*mukure varnaniyatanntayi.
hfdaya-samvdda-bhdjah sahfdaydh.
60*7
had
a place of assignment in a particular

flowery
a
man
to
used
disturb the solitude of the
religious
grove^ but
lady
grove and despoiled
it
to frighten the
man
was seen
in the grove
the
addresses
comes
holy
to this
holy
started a cock-and-bull story that a lion
and that
man
lady in order
it
had
But the lady
killed a dog.
in quite a different manner.
Her
idea
lion is loitering about in the grove and you

about the place just as you please. Her words
The words, "go thou
fearless thine way."
may now walk

are, "go thou
fearless thine
The
of its beautiful flowers.
way
"
is
by signifying that the man may
finished
walk as he pleases. The primary meaning has not been barred by the context and therefore there cannot be any indicatory
meaning (laksana) by the extension of the primary. Yet we

understand from the sentence very clearly that the holy man had
been very politely
warned.
This significant suggestion comes
only by the implication of dhvani, for this meaning is complelely

Bhatta Nayaka holds that
different from the primary meaning.
it is
a suggestion of fear by the introduction of lion that
may
be
as desisting the holy man from walking by that path.

Abhinava's reply is that the warning becomes apparent
only when the whole situation is taken into consideration and as
such it is the suggestive sense of the whole context. And even
regarded
To
if
this
has
there
only
possible
example
been
any suggestion
through
of fear
implication.
that
also
would be
Abhinava gives another
Mother-in-law in deep slumber sleeping here,

While I lie quite on this side, dear,
Mark
out cots in daylight clear,
Don't by cbaace come

This
is
spoken
by a
spoilt
of
me
lady
too near.
who
lived
alone
with
her
and the lady in

mother-in-law, who snored
showing their mutual positions of their sleeping places and in
warning the guest not to come too near her bed is actually
deeply in the night
608
him
inviting
to
come
would be sleeping
to her bed in the night, for the mother-in-law

like
Here the negative meaning
stick*
suggests the positive meaning.

In the case of the manifestation of rasa also
Abhinava said
that it is the delineation of the exciting scenery and the circumstances as well as the various passing feelings and their expressions
that
suggest
jointly
aesthetic
process
our minds by the process of dhvani an
on develops into rasa. By the

dhvani one can indicate rasa through any
which
situation
suggestive
to
of
later
suggestion, warning, admonition or the like, or an

alamkara. It is needless for me to enter into these scholastic
particular
discussions by the opponents of dhvani like Mahima Bhatta, who

wanted to show that all cases of dhvani are but cases of inference,
Bhatta Nayaka and others, who wanted to include it within

It may, however, be pointed out in this connection
laksana.
or
that
as
just
in
the sphota theory
it is
supposed that the words
whole conjointly signify a particular

meaning, so it is held by the upholders of dhvani, like Anandavardhana and Abhinava and others, that a whole situation, a
context, the speakers, the words and their meanings, all may
and propositions
jointly
co-operate
of the context
of
as
to
produce a suggestion.
and the situation
is
the most
The
consideration
important
condition
Thus, in a story in the Mahabharata when a baby
dhvani.
was brought
to
the cremation ground, the jackal gives a speech
should
sorrow over the death of the baby

and wait till dusk, for by some good chance the baby may come
to life.
The vulture delivers a counter-speech that there is no use
that
in
the
attendants
further
comes
delay,
weeping over the dead
to the cremation ground ever revives.
child, for
no one who
Both
them have
of
cogent reasons on their side, but the real motive of their speech
becomes obvious when we remember that if the baby is protected
till nightfall, the vulture would have no share in the carcass, and
the jackal would have to contend over the mastery of the carcass
with the vulture, if the carcass is not protected till dark. So all
their reasons emanate from their greedy look at the carcaes.
DHVANI
They
609
two European diplomats, and all the meaning and

high-sounding moral speeches become apparent as soon
are like
import of
we can catch the suggestion of the real motive.
The upholders of the dhvani further urge that a piece of
composition should not only contain implications or implied
suggestions but it is when these suggestions are more beautiful
as
and charming than the primary sense or when the suggestive

the only meaning intended, then we can call a piece
composition a good piece of kavya. When the suggestive
meaning
of
is
weaker than the ordinary sense or is less charming,

the dhvani becomes weaker, and this type of kavya is called
sense
is
gumbhfita-vyahgya.
Anandavardhana
avivaksita-vacya,
ly
ignored
i.e.,
the
(ii)
dhvani into
divides
two
where the primary sense has
other type
is
classes
(i)
to be absolute-
vivaksitanyapara-vacya,
i.e.,
where the primary sense remains in force but along with
The
a superior suggestive sense flashes out.
the
(a)
can
avivaksita-vacya,
arthantara-samkramita
arthantara-samkramita
is
be divided
again
and
(b)
implied sense entirely
class,
it
namely,
two
into
clnsses
The
atyanta-tiraskrta.
that where the implication modifies the
whereas atyanta-tiraskrta
primary sense,
first
reverses the
that
is
where
the
sense.
Thus, in
immeasurable
primary
"
What
speaking to one's mortal enemy one says
what debts of magnanimity
benefits have thou conferred on me
do I owe to thee. Behaving in the same manner, oh my friend,
:
may
you
suggestion
live
is
that
hundred years more/'

for
all
the
from the enemy he curses the
ill
Here the implied

he had received
treatments
latter.
Here the implied sense

The vivaksitanyapara-
completely reverses the 'primary sense.

(a) the laksya,
v&cya dhvani is again of two kinds
:
alaksya.
The alaksyakrama-dhvani
that 'it
is
and
(6) the
that where the process of
cannot be apprehended.
It
is
suggestion is so quick
of the rasa that this dhvani'
only in the case of the implication
The laksyakrama-dhvani is that where the process of the
occurs.
implied suggestion can be recognised.
610
The
many
limits
of
interesting
my
preclude me from entering into

on the nature of dhvani and the
subject
discussions
study of
which forms a very interesting chapter on the

the development of our aesthetic traditions.
But on the
whole
may be
conflict of opinions,
it
said that the dhvani theory
came
to stay
in
the
Indian poetics, and no further notable progress has been

made upon it through the centuries that have passed away.
field of
SOME EARLIER WRITERS

A
work
tions from
called the Pdtdlavijaya or
which are available
Jdmbavatl-vijaya, quota-
some
in
of the anthological works,
was* probably written in the kavya style as may be judged from

the quotations found in these anthologies.
If this work can
really be attributed to Panini, the
grammarian, we have
admit
to
that the kavya style of writing was in vogue in the 4th or the 5th
when Panini probably
century B.C.,
number
of passages written in the
lived.
kavya
Patanjali quotes a
style
which proves that
2
writing was prominent in his days.
Again,
in anthologies Patanjali has been quoted as the writer of some
the kavya style
isolated
of
verses.
Vararuci.
The
refers
to a
poem by
was probably a contemporary of
who
Pingala,
also
Mahabh&sya
Winternitz thinks that the Astddhydyi of Panini was written in or about 350 B.C.
His argument is based on the fact that he mentions Yaska and Saunaka.
Mr. K. C. Chatter jee has tried to prove that the poet Panini is not the grammarian
Panini and that Jambavati-vijaya and Patafa-vijaya are one and the same work.
(See C.O.J
Pischel in
Z.D.M G.
39, 1885, 95ff. has argued on behalf of the identity of the
I, 1933.)
two and so
also P. Peterson in J.B.K.A.S., 17, 1889, 57ff.

see also Subhdsita-ratndvali, 64 ff. and
Kane in Indian Antiquary 41, 1912, 125; H. K. Diwekar in Les
J.B.A.S.,1891, Sllff.
fleurs de Rhetorique dans rinde, Paris, 1930, p. 32; and Dr. S. K. De in his Treatment of
;
Love
in Sanskrit
Literature t Calcutta, 1929, p. 13, holds the same view;
Introduction to Kavindra-vacana-samuccaya,
Other writers such as F. Kielhorn
in
p. 61
ff.,
regards
N.G.W.G., 1885, 185
Thomas
in
his
the question as undecided*

ff.
E.G. Bhandarkar
in
and A. B.
J.B.R.A.S. 16, 344; D. K. Bhandarkar in Indian Antiquary 41, 1912, 125 n
Keith in his History of Sanskrit Literature 203 f. have expressed themselves against the
It is interesting to notice that Kajamukuta in his commentary on
identity of the two.
;
Amarako$a written in 1431, quotes the passage from Jdmbavatl-vijaya.

also
quoted by Kuyyaka.
probably another
2
name
in his
Die indischen Inschriften und das Alter der indischerl

Antiquary, 14, 326 ff. and Dr. P. C. Chakravarty
Peterson, in J.K.A.S., 1891, 311ff.
V&rarucarp
kdvyamMahdbhd$ya,
The unknown
is
is
for Panini) is praised.
Compare G. Biihler,
Kunstpoesie, p. 72; F. Kielhorn, Indian

in I.H.Q, 2, 1926, 464 ff.
<
The poet Panioi
In Sadukti-karndmrta a poet called Dakslputra (which
poet Jfiluka
is
4, 3., 101.
also mentioned here.
Gl2
rilSTORY OF SANSKRIT
presupposes *in his Metrics the existence of love-lyrics

written in the kavya style.
Patafijali
Again, the Hathi-gutnpha inscription of Kharavela written

somewhere about the 1st or the 2nd century B.C. in a language
allied to Pali, contains rhythmic prose with alliterations and
1
long compounds which reminds one of the kavya style.

The existence of the kavya style in early times is proved by
the existence of the
original
form
is
not
Brhat-katha
now
Gunadhya which
of
in
its
In the Jaina Ahgas, in

history of Mahavira, in the Buddhist-
available.
didactic passages, in the life
and particularly in the Therigathas, we come across

2
A Nasik inscripverses which are written in the Kavya style.
tion of about 154 A.D. illustrates various modes of prose and
Pali canons
this inscription is written in Prakrt.
worked upon by
This inscription has been
various
such as
scholars
Luders,
Rramen, Berlin, 1911 Epigraphica Indica, X, Appendix pp.

R. C. Mazumdar and K. G. Sankara Iyer,
29, 1916, 208ff
W.Z.K.M.,
Charpentier,
Bruchstiicke buddhistischer
160,
Indian Antiquary, 47, 1918, 223ff; 48, 19, 214ff., Sten Konow in Ada Or, 1. 1923, pp. 12 ff;
Smith, Early History, pp.219; B. M. Barua, I.H.Q.,4, 1928, pp. 511ff
Ramaprasad
and K. P. Jayaswal and ll. D. Banerjee, Epigraphica
Chanda, I. H. Q., 5, 1929, 587 ff.
;
Indica, 20, 1929-30, pp. 71ff.
Here
in the latest
of the inscription.
researches the
first
half of the
On
the style of the old
of
renaissance as propounded by
Brahmi
2nd century B. C.
Inscription, see B.
is fixed
aa the date
M. Barua, I.H.Q.,
4,
What Can
It
1928, pp. 525ff.

'
The theory
Maxmiiller in India,
Teach U$ t London, 1882, has been completely refuted by G. Biihler, Die indischen
Inschriften und das Alter der indischen Kunstpoesie (S.W.A., 1890) also by Haraprasada
Sastrlin J.A.S,B.,6, 1910, 806 ff. B. G. Bhandarkar, A Peep into the Early History
There are
of India, J.B.B.A.S,, 1900, pp. 407 ff., reprinted, Bombay, 1920, pp, 72(6).
;
some who do not
believe in the theory of
but think that
during centuries of
the complete interruption
Buddhism from the
A.D. the overflow of Prakrt literature had
slowed
of Sanskrit literature,
1st century B.C.
down
the
to the 4th
development
of
century
Sanskrit
F. Lacdte, of course, in his Essai sur
Guna<jhya et la Bfhatkatha, Paris,

Erzahlungen in Mdhdrdshtrt, pp. 11 ff., hold that
a special Pr&krt period in Indian literature. But there is no reason for accepting
literature.
1908, and Jacobi in his Ausgewahlte

*
there is
such a suggestion.
Prakrt poetry was limited to certain classes and probably to certain
sects and there were also probably poets both in Prakrt and Sanskrit,
but there seems to be no period in Indian History in which people wrote only in Prakrt and
courts and to certain
not in Sanskrit.
3
pp.
See Buhler, Die indischen Inschriften und das Alter der indischen Kunstpoesie*
6(5 ff.
also Smith's Early History 9 pp. 230, 231
also 8* L6vi,
la Suite
des Indies dans
NOTES
The Rudradamana
written in the 2nd
inscription at Girnar,
century A.D., appears to conform to Dandin's vaidarbhl style.

AgvaglxMja, who flourished about 100 A J)., in his works
1
confirm
also
same view.
the
ASvaghosa's Buddha-carita is
this, he wrote also the Sutra-
In addition to
well-known.
lamkdra and also the drama Sariputra-prakarana* and another

kavya dealing with the conversion of Nanda, the half-brother
Buddha, in 18 cantos, and
of
The
other
this is called the
author of this
period
Saimdarananda*
was Matrceta, wrongly
4
A^vaghosa by Taranatha.
regarded as
les textes Sanscrites a propos d'une des intcnptions de Nasik (Cinquan

lumtere de Vecole
Pratique des A. hautes etudes, Paris, 1921). See also Dr. H. 0. Raychaudhuri's Political
History of Ancient India, Calcutta, 1923, pp. 261 ff.
1
This inscription has been re-published by Kiclhorn in Epigraphica Indica 8, 36 II.

as belonging to 151 or 152 A.D. and Biibler placed it between 160 and
and was dated by him
170 A.D. It appears in the same rock of Girnar on which 18 edicts of As*oka appear.
See also Smith's Early History, pp. 222, 231 and Kaychaudhuri's Political History of
Ancient India, pp. 65 ff.

2
In 1911 Liiders discovered three pages from the Central Asian Collection of
of
ASvaghosa.
pp. 888
Das Sariputra-prakarana,
See
ein
Drama
des
Asvaghosa.
thjs
drama
(SBA., 1911,
ff.)
The book was also called Saradvati-putraprakarana. See also H. Liiders, Druchftucke
Dramen (Kdniglich Preussiscne TurfanExpeditionen, Kleinere Sanskrit
vorklassischer Zcit (Internationale
texts), Berlin, 1911; Also Buddhisttsche Dramen aus
buddhistischer
Wochenschrift
The
298
See
ff.
the
There
Suvarnaksl.
klrtit etc.,
is
as personalities.
La
and Gawronski.
Asvaghosa
The
is
possible that this
As Thomas
says, there
d. Kdnigl.
Akademie
following works are attributed to
Varnanarha-varnand.stQtra.
3.
Samyag.buddha.laksana.stotra.
also written
also Hultzsch,
by As*vaghos.a.
Z.D.M.G.,
Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1859).
Triratna-mangala-stotra.
7.
S.
10 *
Another work
in Die Vajrasucl des
4.
Triratna-ttotra.
Kaliyuga-parikatha.
Weber
SatapancaMka'-stotra*
Ekottarika-ttotra.
74, 1920,
another work attributed to Asvaghosa
2.
&
Maticitra-glti.
d.
him
6.
11.
is
ff.
See Bulletin de V Academic Imperiale t 1911, pp. 1044.
1.
9.
drama was
called Vajra-suci has been edited and translated by
AQtaghofa (Abhandlungen
*
It
Poussin in B.S.O.S., 1018, 133
vallee
called Ganfi-stotra.
of
NR. 22) also Die Vermutung von Luders. (SBA. 1911, 8. 409.)
drama Sdriputra-prakarana gives the author's name as the son of
also another fragment of an allegorical drama containing buddhi, dhfti,
V, 1911,
title-page of
Sugata-paflcatriratna-stotra.
Arya-tarddevt-stotra.
Calur-viparyaya-katha*
614
Aryaûra also belongs to this time and had written Jatahdmala, Paramita-samasa, Pratimoksa-sutrapaddhati, Bodhi-sattva
jataka-dharmagandi, Supathadesa-parikatha and Subhasita-ratna1
karandaka-katha.
connected with the Jatakamdla
Closely
literature^
the
are
Avadana
such as the Avadana-sataka, the Divyavadana, and the
Mahdvastu as well as the Lalitavistara, which are all written

The Avadana
probably during the 1st and 2nd century A.D.
tales are generally of a didactic nature
and so also are the Jdtaka
but the Brhatkathd and the Paficatantra relate
stories,
stories
from a different point of view. One of the versions of the

entire Pancatantra is styled the Tantrakhyayika.
BHATTIKIVYA AND OTHER COGNATE CARITAKIVYAS
The
commentary, Jayamahgala, has been edited by

Govinda Sankara Sastrl Bapata in N.S.P., Bombay (1887) and
the
oldest
commentary
the five Cantos
slated
>
in
Tibetan, such as Axtavighna-kathd,
oertes
on the
Soka-vinodana,
The
varna-sarpgrahat Sthula-patti.
Fifty
st
Paramattha-bodhi-citta-bhavana*
Manidipamahakaninikadevaparica'Stotra,
$atapaiicaMka*na mastrotra
Chinese:
Dasa-ktisala-karma-palha-mTdeta,
kramavarna-samgraha,
graha t
to
other works of Asvagho*a also ex
Gant}i8totra"gdthd i
Serving a
for
Vajrayanamtilapattisam-
Sarnvfti-bodhi-ciUa-bhavan-opadeta-
following works attributed
Rules
Mahay ana-bhumiguhyavacamula 6d$tra

On Ma tree ta see Taranatha's
Schiitz tran-
XXII in German in his Fiinf

An experimental translation
1837.
XVIII
Gesange des Bhattikavya in
Many
B.S.S. (1898).
of Mallinatha in
Teacher-,
to
ASvaghosa
exist
in
Dasadustakarmamarga;
Sutralahkdrasastra
Geschichte
des
Buddhismus
in
Indian.
Au6 dem
and
Dharrnika-
Tibetieschen, Petrograd. 1869.
See also F.
suhuti in
W. Thomas
Album Kern, Leyden
Also Matrceta
The Works
of
Aryas*ura,
Triratna-dasa
1903, pp. 405 408.
and the Mahdrdja-kanlkdlekhd in Indian Antiquary 32, 1903, pp. 45-60.

of Matfceta, Indian A ntiquary, 34. 1905, pp. 146-163.
Also
,
Also see Varnanarha-varnand
Kavindra-vacana-samttccaya. (Introduction).
A. 1896,
in J.
tic
pp.
447-449,
pp. 455-466.
Also Sylvain Levi, Notes sur le$ Indo-scythes

L. de la Vallee Poussin, Documents
Also
n ferities.
1
AryabOra's work Catufysataka was translated into Chinese in 484 A. D.
EDITOR'S NOTES
in
been
poetry has
1850
(p.
20
given
The
ff.)
first
''615
by Anderson
four cantos
J.B.R.A.
in
English by V. G. Pradhana, Poona, 1897.

In Cantos X to XIII the most important
have
S., 3,
have been translated into
figures
of
been
illustrated by Bhatti.
This section shows
with
striking similarity
Bhamaha, Dandin and Udbhata though
there
are
differences
in
In Canto XIII the
detail.
great
speech
bhasa-le$a has been mentioned.
It does not occur in the earliest
which Anandavardhana
Alamhara-sastras^ of
furnishes
one
Cf Trivedi's edition of Bhatti, Vol. II, Notes, p. 9

example.
Indian
Kane,
Kane, Introduction to
Antiquary, 1912, p. 208
14
K.
ff.
De's
S.
Poetics, Vol. I,
Sahityadarpana, p.
.
Nobels, Studien Sum 10, Buck des Bhattihavya in

p. 50 ff.
Le Musdon 37, 1924, p. 281 ff. Ruyyaka also quotes Bhatti;
kavya.
liberally
p.
53
Kramadlsvara in his grammar Samksiptasdra quotes

from Bhatti. See Zachariae in Bezz. Beitr., 5, 1880,
ff.
the 22nd Book, verse 33, the poet says that

like a lamp for those whose eye is grammar,
mirror in the hand of the blind or people without
At the end
work
"this
but
is
it
like
This poem must be understood with a commentary
grammar.
then
is
of
As
a feast for the discerning ones.
is
only like to deal

1
with experts, fools will fare badly with this poem."

Chronologically he may be regarded as being contemporary
be regarded as having lived in the
2
court of Sridharasena in Valabhi.
with Bhartrbari.
Bhatti
may
vyakhyagamyamidavp kdvyam utsavah sudhiyamalam
vidvat'priyatayd
mayd
II
Bbamaha
hatd durmedhasa$cd$min
in criticising this view of Bhatti says
kdvydnyapi yadlmdni
That is, even

utsavah sttdhiydmeva hanta durmedhaso hatdh
vydkhydcjamydni tdstravat
commentaries like the sdstras, then ib is only
if poetry has to be understood only through
II
the enjoyment of the
intelligent
and those who lack
it
are indeed cursed.
This shows
Bhatti was probably a contemporary of Bhamaha or Bhatti

but not later. Bhatti has sometimes been associated with
Bhamaha
to
have
been
may
prior
Bharirhari and sometimes he has been described as the son of the half-brother of Bhartrhari.
apart from other things that
Some commentators regard him

2
In the
mayd
last verse of
as the son of Srldhara Svamin.
the Bhattfkavya
we have
the
t
talabhydrp $ridharasena-narendra-pdlildydm
following line
kavyamidarp
610

/
Now
there are four Dharasenas
The
ID Kathiawad).
The
earliest grant of
samvat 332
I,
is
252 samvat of the
Valabhl
of the
probably lived in
Dharasena
Dharasena II
first
(modern Vala
Dharasena is not known.
Valabhl
571 A.D., and the latest grant of Dharasena IV

Valabhl era or 651 A.D.
Dharasena I
era, i.e., about

is
date of the
in
came
500 A.D.
to
Dronasimha, the successor of

the throne in 502 A.D.
Bhatti may
for
He would thus
placed between 500 and 600 A.D.
be either a contemporary or predecessor of Bhamaha as menbe
therefore
tioned
son of
Some scholars identify him with

Bappa who forms the object of a grant made
before.
son
senalll,
objects
of
this
to
Dharasena IV
identification
(see
p. 92).
Mr. B. 0. Mazumdar
identifies
him with Vatsabhatti
in
by DhruvaDr. Hultzsch
Epigraphica Indica, Vol. I,

J.R.A.S. (1904), pp. 395-97
of
Mandasore Sun temple

the similarity between the
the
because of
(473 A.D.),
inscription
A.D.).
(653
Bhattibhatta,
and the description of autumn by Bhatti.

correct, Bhatti would be living under Dharasena
verses of the inscription

this
If
view
is
Keith objects to this view, but both Keith and Mazumdar

agree that Bhatti flourished before Bhamaha and Dandin and
I.
that he
The
not the Bhartrhari,
is
popularity of Bhatti
may
author of the Vakyapadlya.

well be judged from the fact that
the
Bhattikavya has at least twelve commentators.

The Bhattikavya is not however the only mahakavya
which
We
purpose of illustrating grammar.
have to mention in this connection Bhaumaka or Bhattabhima
has been used for the
or
Bhuma
seven
1
or
Bhumaka who
cantos.
The
wrote the Ravanarjunlija in twentyof Arjuna

subject-matter is the fight
See Kane, Introduction to Sahityadarpana, pp. 15 and 16.

by SankorScSrya; Subodhinl by Kumudananda
Commentary
commentary by
Bhaîbodhinl by NSrayana Vidyavinoda Kaldpadipikd by Pundarikftk?a
Mugdhabodhini by Bbaratasena commentary by Malliuatha Vydkhydnanda by Ramacandra; Subodhini by Ramacandra Vacaspati BhaMicandrika by Vidyavincda Kal&padipika
Jayamangala
by Vidy&tagara.
3
or
9.
Edited in the K&vyam&ld series, 68, 1900.
Vyojakdvya.
1982, p. 10 ft.
See K. C. Cbatterjee in
I.
H.
under the name Vyo$a

628 and Zachariae, Z. I.J.,
It is also cited
Q., 1981,
p.
617
EDITOR'S NOTES
Karttavlrya with Eavana after the legend told in the Ramayana,

VII. 31-33. The main purpose of the work is to illustrate the
1
rules of Panini's grammar.
Another work of the same kind
primarily dedicated
secondarily a
to
lexicography
and only
2
the Kavirahasya
is
poem
grammatical
It is
by Halayudha.
a sort of lexicon of roots (dhatupatha) and at the same time a
eulogy of Krsnaraja III of the Rastrakuta family who reigned in
Deccan from 940-956 A.D.

cal
Hemacandra
to
Kumarapalacarita
epic
also wrote his
own
his
illustrate
histori-
grammar.
Other grammatical poems are the Vasudevavijaya by the poet

Vasudeva who probably lived in the court of Vikrama of Calicut
in
and the
Kerala,
to
supplement
is
it
dhatukavya by
Narayanabhatta.
The
story of
Krsna was
He
Harivilasa.
poem
Harihara, a
Krsna legend
in
in
lived
Ramacandra
1484
the
court
of Bhoja.
contemporary
in five cantos.
by Lolimbaraja in
utilised
in Tailinga.
of
epic
southern king
written
Harivilasa was
wrote
also
5
his
Gopalallld
about the
Ksemendra's Dasavatara-carita
Buddha
in its 9th canto deals with the life of
in
which the Buddha
and the Krsna legends have been inter-mingled. 8 Ksemendra's

other two works Bhdratamanjari and Ramay ana-manj an are well
known. 7
probably
The Bhar ataman j an and

written
in
the
Dasavataracarita
were
About 200 years
later
1037 and 1066.
it in the Suvftta-tilalca as an example of the Kdvya~4astra.

This has been edited in 2 recensions by L. Heller, Greifswald; also see Bhandarkar's
Reports on Sanskrit Manuscripts, 1883-1884. See also L. Heiler, Halayndha's Kavirahasya,
Ksemendra quotes
Piss., Gottingen, 1894

3
Die indischen Worterbucher,
Zachariae,
See Pan4it> Vol. II,
p.
78
f.
Weber, Ind.
p. 26.
Streifen III, 210, 3.
and Kâraacarya,
p. 120.
4
It
has been published io Pandit
II,
79
if.
and the Kavyamala, Part XI. 1895,
94133.
5
Published in Panfct, Vol. VI.

See also Foucher, JA, 1892, and J. J.
Published in the Kavyamala series, 1801.
Meyer, Altindische Schelmenbucher, T, p. XXXIII ff. A part of Canto IX has been
*
translated here.
7
Published in the Kavyamala

Seelje'vi,
JA. 1885, VI, 420,
series, 66,
1898 and 83, 1903,
618
Jaina Amaracandra, also called Amaracandra-suri, Amaraparujita

and Amarajati
wrote an abridgement of the Mahdbharata
called the Balabharata.*
The work was written under king
Vi&ladeva of Anhilvad, 1243-1261.

As there was a tendency of making abridgements from larger
poetical works so there was also a tendency of some authors to
make abridgements from
prose works as well.
Thus Abhinanda
Gaudabhinanda wrote his Kadambarl-kathasara in the 9th

century in which he abridged Bana's romance .K&dambari* He
or
was the son
was the minister

In
One
of Bhatta Jayanta.
Saktisvamin
Kashmiri
the
of
of his ancestors
king Muktapida (699-735).

of the verses he refers to the dramatist Kajasekhara who
one
was his contemporary.

other Abhinanda, the son
He had written an epic
He must
distinguished from the

of Satananda whose time is not known.
be
Ramacarita in which he
the
called
with the story of Rama.

The Indian poets, however,
turned their attention to other directions also. It is, therefore,
dealt
name of Sandhyakara Nandl, the

4
The verses have a double
author of the Ramapalacarita.
sense, one applying to the hero Rama and the other to the king
well worth noting here the
Ramapala, who
of
story
the
lived towards the
killing
of
called the Kicaka-vadha,
sena.
written in the Yamaka-kavya
which has a commentary by Janardana-
Published in PancW, Vol. IV- VI and in Kdvyamald 45, 1894.
Ind. strifen 3, 211
it
See also Weber,
in Greek, 1847, Athens.
ZDMG,
D. Galanos pub27, 1873, 170 ff.
ff,
In this connection we may mention the name
BchOnberg, K$emendra's Kavikanthdbharana.

3 Buhler, Indian
Antiquary 2. 1873, 102
p.
is
The
lished a translation of
Kicaka
end of the llth century.
ff.
of
Padyak&dambari
Thomas"
p. 20.
of
Ksemendra.
Aufrecht
in'
ZDMG.
See
27,
4 quotes a verse where Abhinanda is associated with Kalidasa as being equally celebrated.
* Published
by MM. Haraprasada Sastrl in J.A.8.B. III, 1910, pp. 1-56. Epigraphica
Indica, Vol. IX, p. 321

I. 258, etc.,
See also H.
ff.
Index, p. 641; Dr.
C.
Bay has
construction; C/. also Raniipraaad Chanda,

5
Ray's Dynastic History of Northern India,

used the materials of this book for historical
Modern Review, March, 1035,
p.
349
IT.
Edited with an Introduction, notes and extracts from the commentary of SarvanandaThe word is quoted in the m^nuals of poetics from, tee
Dr. 8. K, De, 1929
nag* by
EDITOR *S NOTES
619
But two other writers tried to outshine the work of

Sandhyakara Nandl by writing two works called the Rdghavapandavlya or the Dvisandhanakavya and the Raghavanaisadhlya^
The first one was written by Dhanafijaya, a Digambara
Jaina who probably wrote his work between 1123 and 1140.
This work, however, should not be confused with the Raghava1
Kaviraja, which has
pandavlya by
Dhananjaya
man
a Carnatic
is
at least
referred
commentaries.
six
by Vadiraja in the
lived probably in the 2nd
to
(1025 A.D.), who

3
10th Century.
The other author of the Raghavapandavlya called Kaviraja
Partivanathacarita
half of the
lived in the court of
the
in
lived
divided into
Kamadeva
13 cantos.
Kadamva
12th century. This poem is

we hear of another Raghava-
the
But
quoted from the Pamparamayana, 1105 A.D.
pandavlya was a work which, when read from
from right
to left
it
delineated
the
This Raghavaleft
Rama
delineated the character of
way,
who
the
inscription, dated
the usual
family,
by Srutaklrti. He is referred to in an
1163 and it contains a verse which is
written
pandavlya
of
half
latter
II of the
character
of
to
but
the
right
in
when read
Pandavas.
We
hear of another Raghavapdnddvlya, which when read from

6
Kaviraja, the
right to left, delineated the story of Krsna.
author
the
of
Rdghavapdndavlya
was
very famous
man.
iu dictionaries and grammacentury onwards beginning with Bhoja (1050 A. D.) as well as
The verse I. 7. should be interpreted as an allusion to king Vigrahapala. Cf.
tical works.
S.
K. De's
edition, p.
A. B. Keith in
1
13.
XIII
S. 0.
S.,
ff.,
V,
93
ff.
J.
K. A.
S. 1927,
109
f.
B. 8. 0. 8., V. 3, 1929, 502
.,
1. 1928, p. 31.
This work has been published in the Kavyarnala
series,
49 and
it
consists of 18
cantos.
2
Commentaries by Caritravardhana, Padmanandlbhattaraka, Puspadanta, Lak^manapagdita (Saracandrika), Vidvanatba and Saâdhara fPrafca&j),
3
Cf. A. Beukatasubbiah, in J. B. B. A. 8., 1928, 135 ff. See also K. B. Paftak,
J. B. B, A. S., 21, 1904, 1 ff. Bhandarkar, Report on Sanskrit Mss., 18844887, p. 19 ff. ;
;
Zacharfae, Die indischen Worterbucher, p. 27 ff.

4 It has been edited with the commentary of SaSadiiara in the Kavyamala series, 62.
vi TT. NO *u
5 See Narasiinbtchar,
Epigraphica Catnatica,
6
7133,
No.
See Keith, India Office Catalogue,
620
Pathak thinks that

Kaviraja says that
The
name was Madhavabhatta.

no one can rival him in vakrokti.
his
Our
real
Raghavanaisadhiya
written by Haradatta Suri.

of the author.
Every Averse
was
We
do not exactly know the date

here has been interpreted on the one hand as describing Kama's
exploits and character and on the other, those of Nala.
There is, however, another Rdghavapandavayadavlya written

one
by
Cidamvara, where every verse can be interpreted in three
ways, as describing episodes of the Mahabharata, the Rdmayana
and the tirimadbhagavata*
Amaracandra, a pupil
the
of
request
Padmananda.*
first
of
minister
This work
Jina, Esabha,
is
Jinadatta
a
Padma,
is of
called the
maha-kavya
19 cantos in which the
He
treated in an ornate style.
-the
at
wrote,
Suri,
life of
the
has written
another work called the Gaturvimati-jinendra-samksipta-caritani,

Hemain which he gives an account of the life of the Jinas.
candra had written a maha-kavya in which the lives of the Jinas

and Jina poets were described. There is also another work
called
series,
the
1931,
in
which the
unknown age
called
drawing'
his
of
short
life
the 20th Jina
life of
a poet of
the Trivandrum
in
edited
Munisuvratakavyaratna
is
Amaracandra
Arhaddasa.
24 Jinas had
the
described by
to
draw
in
his
materials from Hemacandra.
Kavideva, son of Narayana,
who
wrote a commentary on
to Kalidasa, wrote a small
Nalodaya, wrongly attributed

kavya called the Kavyaraksasa, to which
the
commentary.
1
We
really
know nothing
See K. B. Pathak, J.B.R.A.S., 1905, 11
with him.
The name Kaviraja being used
about the date of the anther of
the
he
added
Bavideva's
of
But Benkatasubbiah
ff.
own
his
does
time.
not
agree
make out anything

Raghavapandaviya from the reference to the name
as a title,
it is
not possible to
Yam ana's
Kdvydlamkdrasutra^tti, IV. 1. 10.

kavirdjamavijftdya kutah
kavyakriy&darah/ kavir&jaftca vijflaya kutah kavyakriytidarah.f f
9
It has been edited with the Poet's own commentary in the Kfvvyam&la series, 1896.
3
See Aufrecht's Catalog us Catalogorum.
Kaviraja in
by H. B. Kapadia, G. 0. S, 68, 1982.

Three Reports, p. 834 ff. ; Report IV,
Critically edited
Peterson,
1883-84, p. 16; Aufrccht, Catalogue Catalogorum
Pischel,
p.
CV
Bhandarkar, Report,
Z.D.M.G., 1902, 626; J904, 244,
621
EDITOR'S NOTES
The work has 4
commentaries, by Kaviraja
(Subodhini),
Aufrecht says
Krsnacandra, Premadhara, and Vidyakara Migra.
work is attributed to two other persons excluding

Ravideva, mz. t Kalidasa and Vararuci. In one commentary
that
the
Vasudeva, son of Ravideva,
is
mentioned as the author of the
Nalodaya.
Vasudeva, son of Ravi, to whom the Nalodaya is attributed,

wrote 3 other kavyas, the Tripuradahana, the Saurikathodaya
and the Yudhisthiravijaya*
We must now mention Kumaradasa's Janakiharana.* Thomas

thinks that Kumaradasa
older than
Rajasekhara and probably

Aufrecht says that passages from the
Jdnaklharana have been quoted by Rayamukuta, who wrote a
is
lived in the 7th century.
commentary on the Amarakosa in 1431. According to tradition,

Kumaradasa was a Simhalese king, who lived between 517 A.D.
and 526 A.D. Kumaradasa's style of writing resembles more
that of Kalidasa than that of Bharavi and
The Kiratarjuniya
Magha.
based upon a Mahabharata

story, in which considerable modifications have been made. It has
been quoted by Vamana in his Alamkdrasutravrtti, by Ksemendra
of
Bharavi
is
and by Dhanapala and Raja-sekhara, and

some of the anthologies. Its popularity is
in the Suvrttatilaka
is
also
quoted in
evident from the fact that
This
book
was
published by
A,
it
has
at least
Hoefer, Sanskrit- Lesebuch, Berlin, 1849,
K. P. Parab, Bombay, 1900; an Italian translation by

33 ff. ; see also Weber, Ind. Streifen, II, 15.
1
Cf.
Edited
Bamnatba
with
This commentary
20 commentaries.
Iyer, in J.R.A.S., 1925, 263
Belloni-Filippi, in
the P&rthaJcatlia.
86
p.
G.S.A.L,
ff.
1906,
ff.
Bajanakaratnakaptha's commentary
is called
the Kftvayamala, 60, 1897.
in
See Zachariae, in Z.
1. 1, 4,
1926, 223
ff-
was published in Bombay by G. K. Nandargikar. He wrote also a work,

Kum&radasa and hit place in Sanskrit Literature in 1908. Many writers had written
3
It
about the poetry of Kumaradasa, such as, J. d'Alwis, 1870; Zaohariae, Bezz. Beitr, 5,
1880; G. G. A. 1887; Peterson, J. B. B. A. S., 17, 1889, 57 ff; E. Leuiuann, W. Z. K. M.
F. W. Thomas, J. B. A. S. 1901, 253 ff A. B. Keith, J. B. A. S , 1901,
1893,226 ff.
678 ff. The work has also been quoted in the Subhasit avail, 24 f. and in other works of
7,
anthology.
4
By
Damodara
Narahari,
Mifoa
Ekaoatha,
Kasluatha,
(Gaurava-dipani),
Gadasiipha,
Dharmavijaya,
Prakas'a versa,
Bhaglratha,
Jonuraja,
Bbarataeena,

.Bharavi indulges in many word-tricks. Sometimes there are
verses with one alphabet and sometimes he writes verses which
can be read vertically, from right to left and
left to right.
Bharavi
pithy sayings and maxims

which are often quoted as rules of conduct. He seems to have
been very well read in Indian polity. As for the general estimate
of his work, see Dr. De's treatment
in the body of the
is
famous
particularly
for his
many
book.
With Bharavi our

vadha.
Magha
and word-tricks.
Bharavi.
and
The
attention
drawn
is
based
Magha
story
also, I. 287.
Magha' 8
the
8i$upala-
many alamkaras
Bharavi in
also indulges like
to
scheme
of
work on
his
based on the
is
Mahabliarata, 11^ 41-45,

Indian tradition Magha is
to
According
supposed to have the combination of depth of meaning, richness

of imagery and sweetness of words.
Magba's 3isupalavadha,
though not a very excellent work
our judgment and poetical

among the scholars of India
in
taste, attained a great popularity
as
may
well be judged
by the
fact that there are at
least
16 or
17 commentaries on tbe 8i6updlavadha.*

Manohara Sarmft,
Bankimadasa
Lokananda,
Madbava,
Mallinatha,
Rajakunda,
(V ai$amy oddhdrini), Vinayarama (Pradipikd), Harikantha and the commentary called the
Sabd&rthadipikarasabodhini. An excellent) edition of the commentary of Mallinatha has been
published from the Nirijayasagara
Translated into
Schiitz, 1845.
Bombay.
Press,
English
Kirdtdrjuniya has also been quoted in the
The
C.
by
Ka&ka
It
was translated
Cappeller
in
H.O
into
S. t
German by
Vol. 15.
The
see Kielhorn, Indian Antiquary, 14, 827.
4th canto has been translated by Haberlandt, in tbe Wiener
Landwirtschaftl,
Zeitung,
1883.
1
Published with Mallinitha's commentary by the Nirnaya"igara Press, Bombay.

A general
translation in prose of the first 11 cantos by Schiitz appeared in 1843
A German
introduction of
2
it
by C. Cappeller appeared in 1915, Stuttgart.

of word-trick can be found in XIX, 3,
An example
jajau jo ja
ji jijja ji
tarp tato'
ti
ta ta
tut
bhdbho'bhibha bhi bhu bhd bhu

ra ra
Jaoobi,
W.
Z. K.
M.
ri
ra ri
3, 1889,
ra rail
121
ff
II
141
ff.
There are corn men laries on the Siiupalabadha by Ananta Devayani, Kavivallabba
Caritravardhana, Dinakara
CakravartI, Govinda, Candrasekbara (Sandarbhacintctmani)
4
623
EDITOR'S NOTES
Rajanaka Ratnakara
of
of
This
by Magha's
8i$upalavadha.
50 cantos and reveals an exhaustive study
written in
is
have Been
influenced
passionately
work
in his Haravijaya appears to
Magha's Stiupalavadha. The poem is based upon a conquest

Andhakasura by Siva. But Rajanaka Ratnakara used all the
from various subjects for

opportunities of drawing materials
drawing his pictures. Thus he brings his knowledge of NUi6astra into prominence in writing Cantos
know-
his
VIII-XVI,
ledge of KamaSastra in the 29th canto and devotes one canto to a
Durga (Gandlstotra}. The same writer

another work called the VakroTcti-paftcaSika.
to the goddess
hymn
the author of
The
is
who wrote an
other,
epic on the model of
Magha
in
21 cantos, called the Dharmasarmabhyudaya, a life of Dharmawas the Jaina TJaricandra. 2 Haricandra
nathatirthankara,
than Vakpati who wrote the Gaudavaha and hence
must have lived after the 8th century A.D.
later
lived
The
been utilised by many writers. Thus

works on that subject, such as the Nalacarita,
story of Nala has
we have many
Nalacaritra
the
the
kavya),
Nalananda
Nalavarnanakavya
the
Nala-
the
Laksmidhara),
and the Nalodaya to
(by
drama by Jivavibudha)
(a
Diksita),
(a drama), the Nalayddaoaraghavapandavlya
bhumipala-rupaka
(a
drama by Nilakantha
(a
3
which reference has already been made.
Devaraja, Bjrhaspati, Bhagadatta, Bbaglratha, Bbaratasena, Bhavadatta (Tattvakaumudi),

Mallinatba (Sarvamkasa), Manes' vara Paficanana (Maghatattvasamuccaya), Laksmlnatha
Sarroa, Vallabbadeva Wandehovitausadhi), and Srlrangadeva.
1
Rajanaka Rafcnakara's Haratijaya has
been
see
pnblisbed
with the commentary of
W.
Alaka
in
259
Jacobi says that Ratnakara himself says that he followed Bana.
ff.
Dhruva,
the
W.
Kavyamala
Z. K. M.,
Vallabhadeva has
63, 1909, 816
ff.
5,
a ] ready
136
ff.
1891,
26
appeared in
22, 1890;
Published in the
KegavSditya, Ganes*a,
Schmidt,
Z.
K. M., 29,
See also K.
H.
The Vakrobiipaflcatika with the commentary of
the Kavyamala series. Bernheimer in Z. D. M. G.,
Ratnakara
is
also the author of another work,
Both the works have been quoted by Ruyyaka.
Kavyamala
There was another work

This work has DO
also
ff.
gives a resume of the work.
the Dhvanigdthftpafijika.
2
series,
less
Nrsimha
series,
No.
8,
1888; see also Jacobi,
W.
Z. K. M., 3, 1889,
kdvya called the DharmaSarmdbhyudaya by Puspasena.

than a dozen commentaries, by Atreya Bba((a, $ditya Suri,
of
also called Nrsimhas'rama, Pratijfiajcara Mis*ra,

BJjaratasena,
624
But the most important work in which the Nala legends

have been worked up into a massive kavya is the Naisadhacarita
It has been arbitrarily divided into two parts,
by Sriharsa.
the Purva and the Uttara Naisadha (I-XI and XII-XX1I).
The first half was edited by Premcand Tarkavaglâ from the
Sanskrit College, Calcutta, 1836.

An edition of the second
with the commentary of Narayana was published by
half
B. Roer in the Bibliotheca Indica Series in 1855. l

based upon the story of Nala and DamayantI in the
Mahabharata. Sriharsa had a thorough knowledge of the
AlamkaraSastra, the Kamaastm the Puranas, the Metrics and
It
is
Grammar and
he tries to
show
all
his learning in this
work.
"
What a difference
Winternitz,
commenting on it, says
between the delicate chastity with which the love between
in
Nala and DamayantI
is
depicted
in the Mahablidrata and the
on obscenity in Cantos XVI1I-XX of the

which describe the love life of the newly
sultry erotics bordering
Naisadhacarita 9
wedded couple."- And yet it cannot be denied that Srlbarsa is

a master of language and metrics, an artist in the invention of
elaborate plays on words and that he has many good ideas in
Sriharsa also shows his philosophical
his description of Nature.
learning and convinces us of his erudition in the Vedanta,

Buddhistic
Vaiêsika,
systems and the Carvaka.
Nyaya,
Sriharsa was
Mukunda
the
author,
we know,
Bhatta, Ravideva (Jatavabodhini),
of
an abstruse
Jlamarsi, son of
dialectical
Vrddhavyasa, Hariratna
(Balabodhini), the Aarthadipika.
complete edition with the commentary of Narftyana was published in the Nirnayasagara Press, Bombay ; W. Yates in his Asiatic Researches, Vol. 20, Part II, Calcutta,
1839, p. 318 ff. has given an excellent Introduction to this work. The whole work has been
1
translated into English with critical notes from unpublished commentaries, appendices and
vocabulary by Krsnakanta Handiqui, Lahore, 1934. It bad no less than about two dozen
commentaries, by Kajanaka inanda, ISftnadeva, Udayanacarya, Goplnatba (Harahrdaya),

Can<Jupandita (written in the middle of the 15th centnry), Caritravardhana Jinaraja,
Narahari (Naisadhiyapralfata}, Nftrayana (Nai$adhaprakata) t Bhaglratha, Bharatasena,

Bbaradatta, Mathuranatba Sukla, Mallinatha (Jivatu), Mahadeva Vidy a vagina, Ramacandra Sesa (Bhavadyotanikd)
VamÎvadana Sarman,
Vidyaranya Yogin, Vi6ve6varac6rya

in 1,6.118 and hence
prior to him), and
(Padavakyfathapaftjika, quoted by Mallinatha
,
Srfdatta, drfnatha (Naiqadhaprakata)
and Sadannda
EDITOR'S NOTES
work on the Vedanta
called the
625
The
Khandanakhandakhadya.
Naisadhacarita was a source of delight to the scholarly pundits.

But yet there is a tradition to which Winternitz refers in his
History of Indian Literature. The tradition is to the effect

that Sriharsa showed his work to his maternal uncle Mammata,
the
author of
remarked
the
Mammata is said to have

Kavijaprakata.
the book that had lie read it before
after reading
found in one
writing his Kavyaprakafa, he would have
place the examples of dosa or faults of literary style and would
have saved himself the trouble of hunting for it from book
to book.
Srlharsa was the son of Srihirapandita and Srimamalladevi,

2
is apparent from the concluding verse of each canto.
In
as
the concluding verse

that
says
kubja, as
two
the
Khandanakhandakhadya
Snharsa
he belonged to the court of Jayantacandra of Kanyamay be evident from his statement that he received
betel
leaves
in the court.
the
of
from the king and had a seat assigned
In that verse he also refers to
Naisadhacarita.
Jayantacandra
the grandson
lived
of
From
in
1165
it
land-grant
A. D.
Govindacandra,
his
sweet
to
him
kavya,
appears
that
This Jayantacandra was
who
so
is
renowned
in
the
Eaja Jayacand whose daughter was carried off

by the gallant Rai Pithora of Ajmeer. He was known to the
Mahammadan historians as the king of Benares, which was
His territory extended from the borders
probably his capital.
Hindi poems
as
is referred to by Hall in his preface to the edition of the Vasavadatta.

a
from
He quotes
Bengali pamphlet entitled Samskrta Bhd$d
Samskrtasdhityait has
no historical validity. Anyhow, it represents one aspect
Prastdva.
But
vigayaka
This tradition
it
of the opinion regarding grlharga.

2
M-har$at|i kavi-rdja-rdji-mukutdlarnkdrahirah sutam

rt'hirah susuve jitendriya-cayam mdma1la*devi ca yam
taC'Cintd-mani-mantra-cintana-phale srngdra-bhahgyd
k&vye
3
c<Lruni naisadhiyacarite saryo'ijam-adirgatah
II
wiaJia-
II
t&mbUladvayam&sanam ca labhate yah kanyaktibjetvarat

yak sak$dt*kurute samddhisn para-brahma-pramoddrnavam
yat-ktoyavfi madhu-varsi dhar$ita-pardstarke$u yasyoktayah
$rt-rih&r$a-kai>eh kftih kfti-mude tasyd'bhyudiyddiyam
II
79
1843B
II
626
of
China
the
to
M alwa.
province of
Sahabuddin about 1194
He was
in
Chandawar,
His army was destroyed and he was also
at
defeated by
Etawah
the
district.
Srlharsa thus
killed.
end of the 12th century A.D. In addition to the

Khandanakhandakhadya, he is said to have written two other
lived in the
kavyas called the Vijayapra6asti and the Gaudorvi$akulapraasti.
He
quotes Vacaspati
Udayana who
who
Sriharsa to
belong
attributed to
him
the
carita
the
that
the
Arnavavarnana,
also
quotes
safely regard
Other works
Siva&aktisiddhi,
lvarabhisandhi, and the Sthairyaseems from references in the Naisadha-
the
the Sahasahkacampu,
It
vicaranaprakarana.
So we may
the 12th century A.D.
to
are
He
976 A.D.
984 A.D.
in
lived
in
lived
Khandanakhandakhadya
was
written
earlier
than the Naisadhacarita.
He
in a debate.
felt so
was defeated by
scholar
insulted that he died out of grief.
At the
Tradition runs that his
father
time of his death he told his son
Sriharsa
that
revenge on behalf of his father by

debate, his soul would not rest in peace.
unless
defeating his
the same
to
his father
and
after long
he took
opponent in
Sriharsa promised
penances and adoration

(cintamanimantra) and
charm
But after this he appeared
the gift of knowledge and wisdom.
so learned that nobody could understand his discussions and
then he again adored Durga to make his words intelligible.
The goddess prescribed that he should take curd in the night
and that thereby he would become more phlegmatic and duller
of
Durga he
and so be
true
received
intelligible
and that he
references in the
offered
special
to
others.
That the
penances to Durga,
Naisadhacarita.
wrote a commentary on
The
poet
story
is
is
partially
inferable from
Krsnananda not
the
Naisadhacarita, but he also

only
re-wrote the legend of Nala in an epic, the Sahrdayananda in
15 cantos probably in the 13th century. 2 In the 15th century
See Pandit
Lakmana
Sastri Dravida's Introduction to the Khan$anakhan<fakhddija
Edited in the Kavjarnala
series, 82, 1892,
Et>H?OR*S
NOTES
627
the
poet Vamanabhattabana (or Abhinavabhattabana)

wrote the same legend in his Nalabhyudaya.
He was also the
author of the Srhgarabhiisana, the Parvatiparinaya and the
again,
He
imitated the prose style of Bhattabana. 3

Vemabhupala, in whose court the poet Abhinavabana lived, was
himself also a learned man and had written the tfrhgaradlpika
Vemabhupalacarita.
He
and the Sahgltacintamani.
From
country.
was the
ruler
of
the
Trilinga
1448 in the
a copper plate, dated the
name
of
Vema, it is possible to determine the time of his

father Annavema or Vemabhupala as being the first half of the
15th century when the poet Abhinavabana lived. The style of
the son of
the Nalabhyudaya
We
is
quite simple.
must now mention the name
Mankha and
of
book $rikanthacarita*
the
Kashmir poet
with the story

of the destruction of the demon Tripura by Siva, bat this is
his
It deals
made only the
occasion for the description of natural scenery in

In the 25th
different seasons and the amusements of the court.
canto,
of
we
which
have a German
Mankha
translation,
fragment of 8 cantos of tbis poem has been edited in the Trivandrum Sanskrit
No. 3, 1918, by Ganapati gastn. He is also the author of the Vemabhfipdfacarita
a prose novel after the style of Ha rsacant a. Vema, the hero of this novel, was still living
Series,
when Vamnabhattabana
Sastri's Introduction
2
wrote, probably in the
and Suali in G.
8.
A.
first
I., 26,
commencement of Vemabhupalacarita
bdnakavmdrddanye kdndh khalu sarasa-gadya-saranisu
Thus he says
Cf
Gaijapati
214.
at the
itijagati *rudham-ayao vata sakuto
vdmano'dhund marsî
II
kavirabhinava-bdnah kdvyaniatyadbhutdrthatn
bhuvanamohita-bhumir ndyako vemabhupah
tri-bhuvana>mahaniya.khydtimdneu yogah
prakatayati na kewrp pan<j,itdn8m praharsam
II
Again, at the end of the same work comes the passage

sarvo'tk&Tsena
vartamdnah
sdksdl.laksmi-samuccaryamdna-jaya-sabdo
vifoa-
ri$vambliarapdla-mauli-mdld>makaranda-surabhita'Carandravindo jayati visvddhi-kavibhdvo
vema-bhupdlah.
See Introduction by Gaâpati Sastri.
3
This work with the commentary of Jonaraja (1417-1467 A*D./ was published in the
The 25th Canto was translated into German by Elizabeth
series in 1887.
KS-vyamala
Kreyenborg (Der
XXV
Gesang
aliindischen literaturgeschichte.
des Srikantha-caritdm
Diss.
Munster
1.
W.
des
1929.
Mahkha,
?m
beitrag
zut
628
describes
number
how
after
finishing his
of pundits in the
poem he read
it
out
to
the
house of his brother Alamkara,
minister of Jayasimha and takes this opportunity of describing

Mankha himself calls Buyyaka the author
a sabha of scholars.
of the
Alamkarasarvasva, as his teacher.
It
is
curious,
how-
Buyyaka should quote in his Alamkarasarmsva verses

from the Srlkanthacarita. Kane thinks that though Buyyaka
had in the beginning written a commentary on the Alamkarasarvasva, this commentary was retouched by Mankha and he
ever, that
probably introduces his own verses into it. For this reason,
while Kumarasvami, Jagannatha and Jayaratha attribute the
commentary
to
(vrtti)
Buyyaka himself, Samudrabandha, an
author of the 13th century,
Mankha
Mankha.
is
the
attributes
commentary
lo
sometimes called Mankhaka also and the
Rajatarangim says that he was appointed minister for peace

and war by king Jayasimha of Kashmir. 2 Now, Jayasimha
of Kashmir ruled in 1128-1149 A.D. and according to Buhler,
Marikha's frrlkanthacarita
was
between
written
1135
and
1J45 A.D.
Bajanaka Jayadratha wrote a religious epic called the

3
Haracaritacintamani in 32 cantos.
He probably lived in the
His elder brother Jayaratha

wrote a commentary on the Alamkarasarvasva,
called the
first
which was quoted and criticised by Jagannatha.

His great-grand-father's brother was a minister of king Ucchala
(1101-1111 A.D.) and his father Srngara was a minister of RajaVimarsinl,
raja
or
Bajadeva (1203-1226).
In
the
Haracaritacintamani,
Jayadratha refers to the conquest of Prthvlraja (Prthvlrajavijaya)

which event took place in 1193. We may therefore safely put
1
See Srikaythacarita,
XXV,
26-30.
sandbivigrahiko ma&khakakhyo' lankarasodarah
sa mathasyabhavatprasthafc grTka^thasya pratietbaja
II
(Rajatarahgtyi, VIII, 8354,.
Vide also Srlkan^hacarita III,

3
Published
66.
^Kavyamala, 61, 1897; gee Buhler 's Report, p. 61.

mistaken io calli&g the author Jayaratha, which should be Jayadratha.
in
Winternitz
is
629
EDITOR'S NOTES
Jayadratha in the last quarter of the 12th century and the first
Jayadratha was a pupil of
Siva and
Sankhadhara. In addition to the
Sughatadatta,
Haracaritacintamani he wrote the Alarnkaravimarsinl and the
Alamkarodaharana.
deals
with
the
In the
Siva
Haracaritacintamani,
legends and
Jayadratha
of the
doctrines
Kashmir
Saivism.
The Kathakautuka was

15th century.
"
story
Yusuf
written by Srlvara
probably in the
an adaptation in 15 cantos of the Jami

"
in Persian.
Zuleikha
It glorifies Muhammad
It is
Shah who ascended the throne in 1481 A.D. and in whose

The story ot Yusuf and Zuleikha is of
reign Jami died.
Hebrew origin, which was the romantic theme of Jami.
The amalgamation of this romantic Persian love lyric with
Indian
the
the
of
indeed interesting.
The 15th Canto
1
to
the
entirely
praise of Siva.
of Jonaraja and
in
to
the
addition
Saiva faith
work
was a pupil
Kathakautuka he also
Srlvara
Bhanubhatta,
is
dedicated
is
also
Haihayendracarita
wrote
called
the
Hari,
with
dealing
according to the Visnupurana,

Naisadhacarita.
He also wrote
the
iSambhurajacarita,
The
poet
called
the
Jin'jtarahginl.
wrote
the
an
life
epic
of
Kartaviryarjuna
on the model
of
Sriharsa's
another historical poem called

Sambhuraja being the Mfiratha king
2
Sambhajl, son of Sivaji. The work was complete in 1684 A.D.
We now pass on to Nllakantha Dlksita who wrote a poem
on the descent
See R.
of
Ganga
to the world called the
Gahgavatarana.
Schmidt, Da* Kathakautuk am des Srlvara verglichen mil Dschamis Justtf

Text also in the Kavyamala series, 72, 1901. On the Persian
und Zuleikha, Kiel, 1893.
poetry see P. Horn, Geschichte der Persischen Litteratur, 1901, p. 190
f.
The epic Delardwa-
hathdtdra by the Kashmiri poet Rijauaka Bhatta Ahladaka, published in the Eavyamala
Jinaktrti's Geschichte von Pdla und Gopqla, pp. 61 ff.
(see Hertel,
aeries, 77, 1902
;
185
f.).
Sec
Scherbatskoi
Uber das
Haihayendracarita
des
del'Academie imp. des sciences de St. Petersburg, VIII Series f

P. K. Gode, in Ann. Bh. Inst. 16, 1935, p. 362 ff.
3
Edited in the K&vyaniala
series,
No. 76, 1902.
Harikavi,
t>.
IV.,
in
Memoires
No, 9, 1900;
and
ttlSTORV OF SANSKRIT
630
The
poet
the son of Narayana Diksita, a nephew of Appaya

He also wrote another work called the Sivalllarnava
is
Diksita.
in 21 cantos, in
which he describes the 64 sports or Hid
according to the Hdlasyamahatmya of
A woman
poetess of
poetess
called
King Raghunatha
Siva
of
1
the
Skandapurana.
Madhuravam who was
of Tanjore, wrote the
court
Ramayanasara
dealing with the principal tale of the Ramayana
in
17th
the
century.
Two
cantos of an epic Rajapraasti by
Ranacchoda
poet
end of the 18th century has come down to us in an

8
Even as late as the end of the 18th and the
inscription.
the
of
beginning of the 19th century, Riipanatha

an epic called the Ramavijaya-mahahavya.*
Upadhyaya wrote
SANSKRIT DRAMA
The NatyaSastra
of Bharata, probably
work
or the 3rd century A.D., preserves a tradition that natya
Veda which men
2nd
the
of
is
the
would enjoy and which was

composed out of the elements of all four Vedas and that
Vi^vakarma built a play-house and instructed Bharata into the
fifth
the
practice of
of all castes
The gods
art.
contributed their portions essential

this creation.
and Visnu,
ParvatI
Siva,
the
to
effective
Originally practised in Heaven,
practice
all
of
was brought
it
an imperfect condition by Bharata. All through

Natyasastra and the Vedas has
to earth in
the epochs the holiness of the
been preserved.
1
Edited by
Gaijapati
Sastri,
TSS. No
another epic called the Jdnakiparinaya edited ID

of
4,
TSS
1909;
Cakrakavi was the author of
No. 24, 1913.
He was
perhaps a
Khiste,
edited
Nilaka^tha Diksita.
contemporary
2
See M. T. Narasimhienger, J.K.A.8., 1903, p. 168.
3
See Kielhorn, Epigraphica Indica, Vol. V, Appendix No 821.
4
Published with Introduction by Pandit NirSyana Sastri
,
The
OanapatilftlJha, Benares, 1932.

1917, is by an
unknown author
in
Bma epic Raghuviracarita,
an unknown period.
period.
in
The Bharatacanta
the legend of Bharala, son of Dusyanta, by a poet Krsna,
an unknowu
edited
TSS
No.
86,
TSS
No.
dealing
1926,
is
by
67,
with
also of
EDITOR'S NOTES
We
631
cannot trace any drama in the
there are
hints in the Vedas of
many
But
Vedic literature.
nature of dialogues.
(R.V., X. 10), the dialogue
the
Thus, the story of Yama and Yarn!

between Pururava and UrvaSI (R.V ,X.95), that between Nema
Bhargava and Indra (R.V. , VIII. 100), between Agastya,
Lopamudra and their son (R.V., I. 179),

Indra, Indram and Vrsakapi, Sarama and
108), and
many
other instances like that,
debate between
the
the Panis (R.V., X.
illustrate the existence
Maxmuller suggests in connection

in the Rgveda.
with his version of the Rgveda, I. 165 (SEE. XXXII, 182 f.)
that the dialogue was repeated at sacrifices in honour of the
of dialogues
Maruts or that
it.
enacting
two parties personating Indra and the Maruts

The suggestion was repeated by Lvi in his
Le Th<$dtre Indien, Paris, 1890 (1.307 ff.), who further urged

that since the sama hymns were sung, the art of music had
We
hear also of coquettish women

the Atharva-veda (XII. 1.41) tells
developed in the Vedic age.

in the Rgveda (I. 92.4), and
us that
men
used
to
and dance
sing
in
Vedic times.
It
is
dramatic spectacular shows of

a religious character in the Vedic age.
From this Prof, von Schroeder drew the elaborate theory
thus possible
that
were
there
Vedic atmosphere of dancing,

2
singing, sowa-drinking, out of the dialogues and monologues.
Hertel lent support to the view that the dialogues were like
that the
drama developed
the Mystery Plays and
in the
hymns, when they were sung by

them the seeds of drama, 8 Hertel
the
various persons, and had in

further seeks to discover a drama in
chapter of the Vedic texts.

may be traced in the modern
the Suparnadhyaya,
prototype of the old type of
late
drama
'
'
of Bengal.
jatra$
indeed possible to discover dramatic elements in the

Rgveda, but all the hymns of the Rgveda need not be ritualistic.
It is
Keith, J.R.A.8., 1911, 981
ff.
Myiterium und Mimus im Rigveda, 1908

V O,J., XVIII. 59 ff., 187 ff XXIII, 273
V
ff.
J,
XXIT, 223
XXIV, m
ff.
ff.
Of,
XXTIT,
ff.
Charpentier,
270
f.
632
To

to
find
ritualistic
the
explanations in all
hymns
and to explain the origin of the drama in the rituals of the
jRgveda, may certainly be regarded as a little over-straining the
In any case, sufficient arguments have not
facts.
been
try
such a
forward in support of
brought
supposition.
Again,
were
Rgveda
always
lacked confirmation in the
Hertel's suggestion that the dialogues of the
sung in accompaniment with dance,

Vedic ritualistic texts. It is also practically certain that while
in the Sama-veda hymns were us a rule always sung, not all the
drama.
the
that
case
his
Windich,
hymns were
be
could
texts
Rgveda
Mr. Hertel has hardly proved
sung.
Suparnadhijaya
and
Oldcnberg
have not come down to
us.
think
Pischel
full-fledged
Vedic
that
with prose compositions which
originally associated
2
represents
The suggestion
is
that these
hymns
and dialogues were dramatic. Pischel explained the combination

of prose and verse in Sanskrit drama as a legacy from these
3
Our Vedic
hymns.
The
tales of
tale
of
traditions
in
the drama.
support such
view.
in the
Brahmana and
3atapatha Brahmana
It
therefore
is
quite
the
are
unsound
Vedic texts at any time represented any form of

assumption of the dramatic nature of the hymns
regard that
to
ritual.
not
Altar ey a
the
Sunahsepha
Pururavas and Urvasi
tales for explaining the
do
No
Prof. Geldner at one

necessary to explain the context.
time supported Oldenberg's view but later on regarded the hymns
4
The use of prose and verse in Indian dramas does
as ballads.
is at all
not necessitate the theory that this should have a Vedic ancestry.
Drama
known
requires prose
and verse
for songs.
It is
moreover well-
Hindus are very fond of verses and that versein books -on law, astronomy, etc.
even
forms are used
1
p. 441
3
the
The Sanskrit Drama, p. 18;

hymns have been made by Keith
Keith,
the Vedic
*
that
ZD.MG., XXXVII,
ff.
ff.;
(Ibid, p. 18 et seq
Keith
).
XXXIX, 52ff.;G.G.A.,
Zur Geschichte der altindischen Prosa
(1917), p.
53
ff.
1909, p. 66 if. G.N. 1911,

Das Mahabharata, p. 21 ff,
has contradicted the theory in J.R.A.S., 1911, p. 981
Rgveda Brahmanas,
*
54
Detaited objections against such overstraining of
p.
68
ff, ;
1912, p. 429
ff.
Die indische Balladendichtung 1933 G,M. Miller, The Popular Ballad, 190$.
,
ff
EDITOR'S NOTES
G33
It should be noted in this connection that the epithet
can
be given only
Even
pleasure.
if
such cases
in
drama
where players act for giving

elements in some Vedic
there are imitative
intention
being the production of magical effects,

In the Vedic ritual
they cannot be as such regarded as dramas.
of the mahavrata, there are certain operations
symbolising the
of
over
the
the
nonAryans
victory
Aryans. Again, in certain
ceremonies sex unions or approaches resembling sex union are
their
rituals,
But from this it may be hazardous

used as symbols of fertility.
or
that
mimic plays existed among the
think
to
pantomimes
We
people from which they crept into the Vedic rituals.

nowhere the word nata or ndtaka in the Vedic literature.
term gailusa
of
is
course used, but there
term denoted an actor.
It
is
have
The
no proof that that
might have denoted quite easily a

later literature the term is almost
musician or a singer, though in

always used to denote a nata.
1
We
agree with Hillebrandt and Konow

that the cases referred to above are instances of ritual-dramas
cannot,
therefore,
and that they are borrowed from popular pantomimic plays. 2

But the hymns of the Samaveda were sung and
have
many
instances
Vedic ceremonies.
of
Thus
we
dancing as
at
forming parts of the

the mahavrata, the maidens used
charm for causing rain and at

the marriage ceremony matrons whose husbands were living,
used to dance as a charm in order to make the marriage
when a dead man was burnt, mourners
Again A
happy.
vase
the
moved round
containing the ashes and dancers
to dance round the
were
present
who
fire
as
danced
in
Judging from these materials it is possible

atmosphere which could produce drama was
Use
of the term tailusa
Uber
die
be found in V,S.
Anf tinge de* indischen Dramas,
Berlin, 1920, p. 42
3
may
XXX
to hold
already
T.B., III.
Munich, 1911, p. 22
p.
music.
that the
being
4. 2.
Das indiwhe Drama
ff.
Caland, Die altindischen Todten und Bestattrngsgebrauche,
80-1843JJ
of
accompaniment
138
ff.
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITBRATUPB
634
formed in the Vedic society. It is perfectly legitimate to

surmise that these songs and dances were associated with the
pantomimic gestures and postures. A little addition of prose

and verse with a story behind it transforms it into a crude form
of drama.
Thus, it is reasonable to hold that though there were
no actual dramas in the Vedic

environment
for the
development
the surrounding and
period,
of the
drama was already being
Keith says, however, that unless the hymns of the

ftgveda present us with real drama which is most implausible,
we have not the slightest evidence that the essential synthesis
formed.
and the development of plot, which constituted the

drama, were made in the Vedic age. On the contrary, there
was through the use of epic
it
is every reason to believe that
of elements
recitations that the latent possibilities of
drama were evoked and
the literary form created.

Oldenberg admits the importance of
the epic on the development of drama but Keith holds that but
for
epic
recitation
dramas could
recited.
Admitting the importance

writer
much
Keith
majority of the stanzas were not
further points out that the vast
sung but were only
have evolved.
not
of
recitation, the present
epic
prevalence of songs and dances had

to contribute to the development of the drama.
According
is
of opinion that the
the song, the music and the dance as well as the

imitative acting of the actors that constitute the chief difference
to
Bharata
it is
between dramas and kavyas.
The Da$a-rupaka
defines
or natya as imitation of a situation (avasthannkrti)
drama
Keith thinks that the drama developed out of the recitation

poems, but he does not seem to adduce any plausible
of the epic
argument in his favour.

a conjecture.
He
points
The view
out
that
as he states appears only as

all
those
places
where the
words nata and nartaka are used in the Mahabharata and the
Ramayana,
are such that
we could
easily
take
Die Literatur de$ alten Indien, p, 241,
it
in the sense of
635
EDITOR'S NOTES
mimic or a dancer. 1 It is only in the Harivama L written

somewhere about the 2nd century A.D. A that we hear of a
drama made out of the story elements of the Ramayana. He
then refers to some references to a much later period when the
a
were recited, and he refers to a picture in Sanci/ whicti

be dated before* the Christian era, in which we find a
epics
may
group of kathakas, who were reciting in

accompaniment with music and dance. He further thinks that
the term bhdrata is an appellation of a comedian in the later
of
representation
the connection of the rhapsodes with the growth
texts, attesting
drama.
Keith derives the bhats or the professional

3
reciters from the word bhdrata.
He derives the term ku&laVa
of the
from Kusa and Lava
Later on, by a sort of

4
witticism, kusllava came to refer to the bad morals of the actors.
of the
Rdmayana.
Panini in IV. 3.110, 111 refers to the Nalasutra of Silalin

to the
and Kr&a&va. The reference is made with regard
derivation of the words
saildlin
The
and krsdsvin.
sutras are
The words
parafaryya-Silalibhyaw, and karmwda-kra$vadinih.
sildlin and kr&ava get respectively the suffixes nini and ini to
denote the natas of the
being iailalino
natdh,
and KrSaSva schools, the forms

kravino natdh. In other cases, the
Silalin
adjectives would be Saildlam and kdrsdsvam.

there were two kinds of Nata-sutra attributed
The adherents were
Krsa^va.
The
difficulty here
is
is
saildlins
about the meaning
Does nata mean a mere

Panini's date
called
'
of the
It implies that
and
to Silalin
and krfaMns.
word nata-sutra.
'
'dramatic player--?
fairly fixed as being the 4th or the 5th century
or a
dancer
Hopkins, The Great Epic of India, p. 55 ff. Ndtaka in Mbh. II 11.36 is considered
J.R.A.S. 1903, p. 571 ; see Mahdbhdrata, XII. 140, 21 ; also XIII, 33.12; see
;
as very late
HarivamSa,
II.
88
ff;
see
Rdmayana
II. 67.15; also II. 69.3;
also II.
I.
27,
where
the-
word
used to denote plays in mixed languages according to the commentator;

see also Hillebrandt. ZDMG., LXXII. 229 n, 1 see also Keith The Sanskrit Drama, p, 29.
vyamisraka
is
Macdonell and Keith, Vedic Index, Vol. IT, 94
See Keith, The Sanskrit Drama, p. 30.
See Konow, Das indische Drama, Berlin, p. 9
1890, p. 51.
1899, p. 877
On
ff.
ff.
the nature of the rhapsodes, see Jacob],
Hopkins, The Great Epic of India,
p. 364.
Le*vi,
Le ThMtre Indien
Das Rdmdyana,
p.
62
ff. ;
Paris.,
GGA*
636
B.C., and
if
nafa means a
sure of the existence of

the
'
dramatic actor
dramas
B.C., refers in his Commentary,

the
who
lived
to a poetical
of Kamsa by Vasudeva
kamsam kila vasudevah).
killing
(jaghdna
then
we
Panini's times.
in
author of the Mahabhasya,
'
as
could be
Patanjali,
probably
line
an event
in
referring
150
to
of the past
explaining Panini's sfdra, hetumati ca f III. 1.

26^ Patanjali raises in the Bhasya t the question as to how to
justify the causative suffix nic in such expressions as he makes
Again,
in
makes Bali bound when Kamsa and Bali were

He justifies the usage
respectively killed and bound long ago.
He says the saubhikas (i.e., the
in the following manner
Kamsa
killed or
teachers teaching the actors
how
to imitate the killing of
Kamsa)
demonstrate through the actor imitating Kamsa how they are

So they do with reference to
to behave as Kamsa and be killed.
Then
Bali and these are demonstrated before the public eyes.
again, in
also
pictures
scenes
may
be painted in which strokes
aimed and shown as cutting Kamsa. In the case of the

granlhikas also, though there is only a book in the hand and the
are
audience before, he so describes the events that they appear to

Sometimes,
people almost in their objective external forms.
however,
there
a mixture
is
The granthikas sometimes
of
acting
as
well
as
recitations.
divided themselves into a few parties,
one posing themselves as belonging to the side of Kamsa and

the other as belonging to the party of Krsna and they painted
themselves red and black. It should be noted that since the
objective occurrence of the fight between Kamsa and Krsna was
a matter of mental imposition, it was possible to describe the
events in the present, past and future and it appears that
Patanjali actually quotes phrases from some dramatic narration

that existed in his time describing the killing of the king Kamsa
as present, past and future (gaccha hanyate
kamsah, gaccha
ghanisyate kamsah, kim gatena hatah kamsah).*

1
Mahabhfyya by
Patafijali, III. 1.20.
EDITOR'S NOTES
Liiders and Keith
seem
have misunderstood the situation
to
of the
by misinterpreting the meaning

function
of
the
granthikas.
637
word saubhika and the
The saubhikas
did not before the
naturally in appearance
eyes of the spectators actually carry out
and
of
the
Kamsa
the
killing
binding of Bali ; nor
only
are the Saubhikas persons who explained to the audience shadow-
The Saubhikas
pictures.
in the matter
is
is
of
trained the
actors
demonstrating how Kamsa

fettered.
This demonstration
is
demonstration by superintending over the acting

The saubhikas are the prayojaka-kartd or
disciples.
visible
their
the causative nominative, because they

to
who
or
acting,
by Krsna or Bali
killed
of actual
are the teachers
how
they
should
direct
show the
actually
their
killing of
disciples
Kamsa
as
before
Kaiyata gives the meaning of the word Saubhika

kamsdnukdrindm natdnam vydkhydnopddhydydh
kamsanu-
the public eye.

as
kdrl natah sdmdjikaih kamsabuddhyd parigrhltah kamso bhdsye

This means that the Saubhikas are the teachers for
vivaksitah.
explaining to the natas how to imitate Kamsa, and it is the

nata that imitates Kamsa and is regarded by the audience as
Kamsa and it is such a Kamsa that has been referred to in the
The
Bhasya.
nata
that
plays the part of Vasudeva
imitate the actor, the real Vasudeva, in
Nageâ
is
Kamsa.
killing
made
to
Thus,
says in his Uddyota, tddrsenaiva vdsudevena.
In our view, there were two schools of dancing and acting,

one of Silalin and the other of Krsasva. There were dramatic
which there were teachers who taught pupils the art

These teachers were called Saubhikas.
acting and dancing.
schools in
of
Dancing
itself in
tableau forms sometimes attained
the
function
dramatic performance through speechless gestures. The

gestures, the movements of the limbs, the postures, the various
of
positions of fingers or of standing
and
all
sitting,
came within
the art of dancing as is well-evident from the Ndtya-sdstra and

the Visnu-dharmottara Purdna.
We
must say that ndtya
avasthanukfti
or
the
is
imitation
defined
of
in
the
situations,
Dahrupaka
as
which need not
638
HISTORY
SANSKKlt LITERATURE
Otf
Even
necessarily be vocal.
be called a natya.
of the imposition of the
will
a non- vocal pantomimic performance
natya
is
characters
a rupaka because
called
heroes upon the actor.
of
Sometimes a dance with a mere song expressing a particular

Thus
sentiment, forms the minimum requirements of a drama.
the Malavikagnimitra, Malavika in the 2nd Act first sings a
song and then expresses the sentiment of the song through
in
dancing or acting (tato yatharasamabhinayati)

explains the symbolic aspect of the dance.
We next come
The
Parivrdjikd
word granthika. The

word (franthika is used in the Bhasya on Panini 1.4.29, and
III. 1.26.
The meaning of the word granthika in the Bhasya,
III.1.26,
is
to the
meaning
of the
As regards
the phrase granthikesu, katham
by Kaiyata as being kathaka.
given
the word sabda-grantha-gadda in
yatra tiabda-grantha-gaddamatram hksyate, the reading is gadda

and not gadu as taken by Keith. At least, that is the reading
that had been accepted by Nagesa
and gadda means
men'
interpreted
(manusya-sahghatah)
as
by
'
crowd
Nagesa.
of
It
appears from Nagesa' s interpretation that these granthikas

explained the whole story from the beginning to the end e.g., in
the case of Kamsa, they described Kamsa's birth, his attainment
;
of
and destruction and thereby they made the imKamsa so vivid that they were almost felt to be
prosperity
pression
of
It appeared
to the
present before the audience,
audience through the impressive description of the granthikas
that the whole episode appeared as if it were objectively enacted
objectively
before
before
little
them
or as
them.
if
The
obscure, but
it
the real
Kamsa and Vasudeva were
present
the Bhasya that follows, is rather a
appears that sometimes it was a mixed one
text of
(vyamisrasca -drtyante),
i.e.,
the entertaining description of the

of the people
granthika was supplemented by the actual acting

1
angairantar-nihita-vacanaih sucitaty samyagarthah
pada-nyaso layamupagatas-tanmayatvam raseu/

6akhayonirmrdurabhinayas>tadvikalpd-nuvrttau
bhdvo bhavarp tudati vi$ayad raga-bandhaty sa eva//
EDITOR'S NOTES
coloured
and red
black
639
to denote respectively the party of
The
and the party of Krsna.
Kamsa
given by Keith is
They also, while relating the fortunes of their
from
their
birth to their death, make them real to the
subjects
as
minds
interpretation
"
follows:
they divide themselves into two

parties, one set adhering to Krsna, and one to Kamsa, and they adopt
different colours, the adherents of Kamsa black, and those of
of
their audience, for
Krsna red."
Keith's reading of the texts also differs from ours.

In our
reading is ataca sato vyami$ra hi drsyante.
Keith's
reading of the text there is a full-stop after dtasca satah and in

the next passage we have ca instead of hi.
That this reading
After
is correct, is apparent from
Naggsa's interpretation.
vyamiraca, Nagesa says ca hetau,

The reason is that two
reason.
Kamsa and
i.e.,
the
ca
are
parties
here
the
gives
formed,
one for
Krsna and that they make their parties

impressive by dyeing them in different colours black and red.
The meaning that has been given here, would be corroborated by
the other for
a reference to the
III. 7. 5,
commentary
of Helaraja
which has been quoted
The next question
is
on the
Vdkyapadlya
in Kaiyata's
with regard to
commentary.
the place where these
performances were held and the further question as to whether

they were purely pantomimic or whether there were actual
dialogues
in
them.
But here
Bhdsya on Panini,
decided.
dkhyato'payoge/
granthikasya
cso'pi
hi
Keith
I
says that
should
iti
upayoga
upayogahj
question
our readers
The Bhasya runs
1.4.29.
&rnoti/
refer
this
upayoga
atatca
kimartham/
iti
to
cannot be
Fata iij all's
as follows
natasya
rnoti,
ucyamane'pi atra prapnoti/
upayogo yaddrambhakd rangam
gacchanti natasya rosyamah granthikasya srosydma iti/

Now, the phrase natasya rnoti means that one listens to
what the nata
People go to the ranga or stage with the

definite purpose of listening to the vocal performance of the natas
and granthikas. This settles the question that there was a stage
when
the
natas
says.
and the
performance included
granthikas
vocal
speeches.
played
and
Further
that
their
evidence
is
640

from the
derived
that
fact
quotes specimens of
utterances
prose
in his
Patafijali
of
Bhasya, 111.1.26,
these
hanyate kamsah, gaccha ghanisyate kamsah,
actors
kirn gatena
gaccha
hatah
kamsah.
We
now
have therefore
the
decisive evidence that
by the
2nd century B.C. there were actually the stage or the ranga
where the natas imitated the actions of the legendary heroes and
that their performances included prose speeches at least.
is
we may
accepted,
also
infer
If
this
that the Nata-sutras of Silalin
and Krsa^va mentioned by Panini must have been written at a

time when the performance of natas was very popular and since
there were Nata-sutras, there must have been taubhikas for teach-
We
ing the dramatic art.
therefore conclude that
dramas were
probably in existence in the 5th or 6th century B.C.

regret we are quite unable to agree with Prof. Keith's
view regarding the origin of the Indian drama from any analogy
of the vegetation ritual in which the outworn spirit of vegetation
We
represented in
Kamsa
out of
Neither Kamsa is a Sudra

verging on absurdity.
His statement that because victory
a Vaisya.
not only the Kamsavadha drama referred to by Patafijali but also the Bali-vandhana.
Its analogy with the mahavrata ceremony seems to us as entirely
place
nor Krsna
is
is
destroyed. There
is
with the Vaisya and defeat with the Sudra we have no

We
sorrow in Sanskrit drama, seems to us to be rather wild.
lies
also fail to understand
how
and Bala-carita support
how
the
religious
the dramas
this theory.
origin
character of the vidusaka.
Kamsa- vadha, Uru-lhanga
We
also fail to
understand
of the drama can be adduced from the
His statement
to ignore in this regard the dialogue
"
It
would be absurd
between the Brahmin and
the hetaera in the Mahavrata where the exchange of coarse abuse

is
intended as a
first
of
all,
fertility
charm/'
is itself
absurd for two reasons;
the supposition that the coarse abuse
is
intended
as
a fertility charm t
secondly,
does
but
drama
in
the
seldom
Sanskrit
vidusaka
indulge in coarse
The name vidusaka suggests nfrthing. The name
abuse.
is
itself
wild conjecture;
the
KDITOR'S NOTES
641
vidusaka for the Fool in Sanskrit plays may simply imply that
he always encouraged the king in his inappropriate love and
adventures.
the
We need
not go in details into Prof.
subject,
for
much
of
it
seems
Keith's
treatment of
to us quite out of place in
proving his theory of the religious origin of the Sanskrit drama.

Great legends of the past always had their appeal on the Indian
mind, but some of our oldest dramas have no religious significance, e.g., the Carudatta and the
Mrcchakatika
the
of
Svapnavasavadatta of Bhasa,
Vikramorvasl, the Malavika-
Sudraka,
the
and
Abhijnanaakuntala of Kalidasa. We are
gnimitra
prepared to admit that sometimes dramas were played on the
occasion of religious festivities, but it cannot be proved that the

dramas were played only or mostly at the time of religious
On
festivities.
quoted above do
the other hand, the references to the

not.
reveal in the
Mahdbhasya
the religious origin of

that the Indians always
least
But one fact remains

regarded the drama to have a great educative value
the
drama.
people of all classes would join.

Professors Konow and Hillebrandt
the
support
in
which
the theory of
drama.
They believe that though
their
have
share, yet a popular mime
may
The existence of natas or nartakas is proved from the
secular
of
origin
the
Vedic ceremonies
existed.
Mahabhdsya and the Rdmayana. Hillebrandt

further thinks that a comedy is a natural expression of man's
The simplicity of the Indian stage,
primitive life of pleasure.
evidence
of
use
of
the
the
Sanskrit and the
dialects
of
the
classical
drama,
claimed as an evidence of the popular origin of the drama, the

popular nature of the vidusaka, the beginning of the drama with
the sutradhara and the na/t, his
wife, are all regarded as
Prof.
evidence for the secular origin of the Indian drama.
Konow
drama
we have even now the model
thinks that
in
the
ydtrds
of the old Indian
and similar performances.
J.D., p, 42
ff.;
AID.,
p.
22
ff,
Pischel goes
642
in for the puppet play.
But nothing can be proved from the
the origin
existence of the puppet-shows that they represent
Indian
the
drama.
explained the
2
what
again that the saubhikas
view
Liiders's
of
explained in pictures, is clearly

Liiders endeavoured to prove that the function of
tale
of
is
impossible.
the aubhikas was to explain the shadow-plays, and he thought
that these, united with the art of the old natas, explained the
Konow
origin of the Indian drama.
suggests that
word rupa
The word
tli3
Aôka's Edict No. 4 refers to some shadow-play.

nepathya meaning dress was termed into the word nepathya
in
meaning dressing-room and it was supposed that the shadow-plays

were explained from behind the curtain. Keith thinks that the
early existence of the
shadow drama
as held by Pischel, cannot be
There are indeed examples of chaya-natyu as in the

case of the Dutangada by Subhata in the 13th century and the
proved.
3
But it forms rather
Meghaprabhacarya.
a very small part of the Indian drama.
In any case, the evidence adduced docs not seem to be
Dharmdbhyudaya
of
sufficient to prove the secular origin of the
drama
or
its
origin
from puppet-plays or shadow-plays.
Our own
the matter
position in
is
that
secular
pantomimic
dances associated with songs were, in all probability, held mostly

on religious occasions and with the growth of religious legends
drawn from those legends. We

believe that since long before Panini the two terms kr&a$vin and
sailalin denoted two different schools of dancing and since also
these were associated with plots
the art
of
we
dancing as
find in
Bharata and
later traditional
works such as the Natya-sutra in Visnu-dharmottara-purana,

various forms of gestures, postures, positions intended to express
sentiments and to communicate them to others, included within it
all the functions of a dramatic actor.
The infiltration of legendary
i
See Mahabharata, III. 30. 23
V. 39.
1,
We
have references to the puppet devices in
the Kathd'sarit-$dgara and the Bdla-rdrndyana of Raja-6ekhara.

*
3
See Hillebrandt, Z.D.M.G.,
Z.DMG
LXXlI,
p.
230
f.
Wintering, 3.D.M.G.,
LXXTV,
120
ff
EDITOR'S NOTES
plots or symbolic plots
times
it
643
must have taken place from very early
would be impossible
to distinguish therein the religious
and the secular motive, both having interpenetrated into each

into the production of the device of these performances at
the time of religious festivities.
other,
We know
also that at the
on the stage with their wives

that
these
love
of
different
nails
took the
other natas
time of Pataiijali the natas played

the nata-bharya or natl and
called
the wives or the objects of
of
parts
playing the
roles of different characters in
dramas and that they declared
characters
their love
The
in
with
relevant
natas also wore different
proper speeches.
kinds of false hair and beard and dyed themselves as the occasion
and they were generally
required,
persons amenable to senti-
mental appeal. They also sang songs, danced and acted

1
parts, which they were called upon to play.
We
different
have further evidence that the science of drama existed,

from dancing and music, and that the teachers
as distinguished
who taught
and other persons,

were paid out of the public revenue and we have the name natya
there along with nrtta
a ftact which definitely proves the
these
to the courtesans
subjects
existence of natya as an art
Government.
and recognised by the
encouraged
There were also arrangements
for higher teaching
for the production of expert teachers of these subjects.
Our
regarding
1
agdsit
rasiko
the
the
of
interpretation
passage
of
the
granthikas
in III. 1. 26., viz., that
natahMahdbhd$ya, II.
natahIbid. V. 2. 95.
Mahabhasya
two kinds of
4. 77.
vyafljandni punar-naâ-bhdrydvad bhavanti

yo yah pfcchati kasya yuyarp kasya yuyam-iti tan i
t
api yasya yasyd'cah kdryamucyate tarn
farji
tad
tarn,
bhajante
yathd natdndui striyo ranga-gatd
tava
tavetydhuh evarn vyanjandny-
Ibid. VI. 1. 2.
sarvakeSi
natahIbid.
II. 1. 66.
gandhagUa-vddya-pdthya.nrtta-ndtyd-ksara.citra-vina'Venu-mr^^
rahgo-pajivintica
vaitika-kald-jndndni-ganikd-ddsi>
mdlya-sarpyuhana-sampddana-samvdhana
ganikd-putrdn rahgo-pajivinatca
Arthatdstra, Chap. 48.
grdhayatotdja-mandaldd-djivamkurydt
dayeyuh
art?a-ta?at?a-cardriartica
mukhydn
Ganikadhyaka, Artha-Sastra,
II. 27.
nispd-

demonstrations, one depending solely on the descriptive power of
the granthikas and the other where the descriptive performance
was supplemented by
of
the
as
distinguished from
granthikas
actors differently dyed,
the interpretation of other
like
scholars
could be found to be irreproachable on two
Keith and Liiders,
when we consider the meaning of the word

firstly,
grounds
vyamisra and secondly, when we take the elaborate interpretation
:
on
as given by Hela-raja to explain Bhartrhari's Karika in the
it
Vakyapadlya interpreting the same point.

that
Moreover,
evident from
Rule IV.
the
the
time of Panini,
is
himself derived the word in his
he
that
fact
in
existed
ndtya
3.
the natya
129, chandogaukthikayajnikabahvrcanataMyah, i.e.

is formed
by the suffix ftya to the word nata. The
suffix
is
nya
used
the sense of
in
In the Mahdbhdsya
dharma,
we have
III. 2. 111.
i.e.,
character and
'
the passage
vydmisTdsca drtyante.'
by Kaiya$a as meaning hetu or cause (cahetau). In the reading
given by Keith (vyamisra hi drsyante) we have hi instead of ca. But hi also means hetu
(hi hetavavadhdrane
Amarako$a). The meaning of the word vydmitra will be evident
The
ca
is
interpreted
on a reference
Panini, III.
to Patanjali's
2.
own
adya hyo'bhuksmahiti
The lah
is
use of the same word in another context, in the Bhasya to
41.
in
prescribed
together as in
referring
adya ca hyasca abhuksmahiti vydmitre luheva yathd sydt

anadyatana, but when adyatana and anadyatana both go
to
eating
ray
to-day and yesterday are combined,
As regards our
interpretation that in
the
yesterday, that
is
when
the eating of
In such a case we have luh only.

one case the granthikas themselves created the
objective illusion of the appearance of i fight
before the
and
to-day
we have vyamisra.
between Karnsa and Krsna occurring as
if
we
quote the following passage from Heist-raja's commentary, together with Bhartrhari's karika which gives also a philosophical ground for it
eyes
of
audience,
sabdopahitariipdmsca buddhervixayatam gatdn
praryaksamiva kamsadln sddhanatvena

tatra
granthikdh kathakayata
prakrtirupasyabhaDat
uktah
te'pi
fit
prakasayanitti
mdndmstdn
na
katharn
iti
vrttirupenaiva
teamulpatti prabhrtydvinadd
kamsddmdm
|i
paryanuyogah
buddhiivydcakxandh
bahirasattvdt
tatra
tatra
ca
parihdra
santo buddhivisaydn-
buddhigocaratayd sato
vidya-
sabdendvabhdsayanti
buddhipratibhdsyeva hydkdrah sabddrlho
tathd ca kathakah tirotari kamiddydkdrapratyayajanandt buddhivdsu-
prakd,<'ayanti
vastvarthah
many ate
kamsavadhadyacaksate
prayojyaprayojakalvamiti
cirakdlailtatvdt
devena buddhikamsam ghdtayatlti prayojakatvaiamdropdt prayogopapattih

Icv'tUafabdasdmarthyopaksaydt
kamsddin
karmddisddhanatayd
sddhanavyavahdrah siddhah
rupavisesdn srotrabuddhigocaramdpatitdn
bhdsyakdro
manyata
iti
iathd hi katha*
savydpdrarupdn
buddhyavasthdnibandhanah
HeUrrvja's commentary on Vdkyapadiya, III. 7.6,
645
torron's NOTES
habit and also the
dmndya
or the traditional Scripture belonging
Thus, natya means, according to Panini, the character and behaviour by virtue of which a nata is so called and
to
them.
also the dramatic science or
and
Bobtlingk
the
give
(dance),
mimik (mimic),
upon the
stage),
performance).
Again, the
of
meaning
Roth
Natya-sdstra.
the word natya
tanz
as
darstellung auf der biihne (performance
schauspielerkunst (the science or
art
of
stage
'
Kama-sutra
B.C.
century
the
scripture,
by
of Vfitsyayana is placed
Schmidt.
This work
(I. 3.
16)
2nd
the
in
refers
to
vddyam, nrtyam and ndtakdkhydyikd-dartianam. Here

music, dancing, songs and witnessing the performance of ndtaka
gitam,
and dkhydyikd referring probably to the performance of natas

and granthikas, are mentioned as edifying and instructive. He
further mentions tbat on specified days the
temples and
Ku&llavas came from
performance at the temple of

Those performances were called by him prcksanakas.
Sarasvati.
The festivities mentioned in I. 4. 42, are mostly spring festi-
diffierent
vities
or
seasonal
also here the
vidusakas.
gave
festivities
names and
It is
or
We
religious festivities.
have
and
pithamarda,
thus not true that the vidusakas are Fools who
descriptions
of
vita
mere comedians,
who made their livelihood by their witticisms and also by
friendly advice. They were generally also well-versed in some art
attended the courts of kings only.
or
They
are
The plthamardas were generally welland came generally from distant places and
other and were trusty.
versed in fine arts
made
bread
by being instructors to the courtesans.

They were generally poverty-stricken fellows having no wife or
The vitas were those who had a family and had many
children.
often
their
good qualities and who had spent
made
them.
all
their riches
their living through the courtesans
We
have
plthamarda and
1
Beitrdge
thus the evidence

vita
were
mr Induction
real
in
luxury and
and those who
here
characters
that
in
the vidusaka,
social
Erotik, 3rd Edition, Berlin, 1 J22, p. 9.

(
visited
life
in
646

2nd
the
B.C.
century
and
were
not
merely
dramatic
invention.
an excellent literature in modern European languaThere

ges on Sanskrit dramas, which is well worth reading.
first
of
H.
H.
Wilson's
the
Select
Theatre
is,
all,
Specimens of
There
of the
is
Hindus, London, 1827
(Wilson's
11 and
Vols.
Works,
out of this English translation the German translation was

made called Theater der Hindus, 2 volumes, Weimar, 1828,
12)
1831;
Sylvain
Klein,
Geschichte
Le Theatre Indien, Paris, 189U; J. L.

des
Dramas, 3 volumes, Leipzig, 18G6
Levi,
M. Schuyler, A Bibliography
1906
U.
of the Sanskrit
Drama, New
York,
3); K. Pischel, G.G.A., 1883, p. liilTff.

A. Earth, Revue Critique, 1892, p. 185 ff
1891, p. 353 if.
G, A. Grierson, Indian Antiquary, 23. p. 109 ff. A. Hillebrandt,
(C.
1. S.,
Alt-Indien,
Dramas
p.
150
ff.,
and
Bay. A., 1914,
(S.
4.
Uber
Anfdnge des indischen

E. J. Kapson, in E.K.E.,
die
Abh.)
IV, 883 ff. Winternitz, Osterr. Monatschrift fiir den Orient, 41,
H. Luders, Die 3aubhikas, ein Beitrag zur
1915, 173 ff.
;
Geschichte des indischen Dramas, S.B.A., 1916, 698
ff.,
and other
works.
Vamana
thinks that
tions, the dramatic form
is
like a picture it manifests
forms of poetry or literary creathe best, for it is like a picture, and

of all
in
things
their
complete concrete-
ness
(Vamana's Kavyalahkara 1.3.31). ix. Gottschall,

Poetik II, p. 184 (Breslau, 1870) says that the drama
in
his
is
the
the union of epic and lyric elements is the

spontaneous demonstration of life towards actual development.
flower
of
So Bharata
It
is
as
poetry
also gives
probable
drama the most prominent
that poetry in
earlier
place.
times written
in
could hardly
Under the
fulfilment.
balladic form, such as the satakas or the praastis,
be
regarded
having any dramatic
as
circumstances,
it
is
difficult to
imagine how ballads could have
been transformed into dramatic poetry.

Winternitz refers to a letter written to him
his collaborator,
by Grierson,
on the subject of Buddhist akhyanas (dated the
EDITOR'S NOTES
647
9th and the 19th December, 1912), in which he draws attention

to what he has written about the Rajasthanl
Kheyals, written in
Marwar
the
form
in the
These attractive
dialect.
with dialogues in verse.

loudly or played
verse
or
upon the stage involving the
introduction
of
had probably neither any scenery nor any
It
stage-manager.
were clothed
folk-stories
prose composition mixed

These were either recited by a person
in
of dialogues
into Acts.
From the literary point of view, these
could be called ballads in the form of dramas.
E. Schlagintweit
in his India in Wort und Bild, II, p. 12, pictures the develop-
division
ment
J.
E. A.
1910,
S.,
K. Ramavarmaraja writes in
about the manner in which even
drama.
Indian
the
of
037,
p.
dramas are acted in Malabar by the so-called Cakkyars,

demonstrating Puranic stories with moral teachings and also
to-day
in
From the picture of these

prabandhas and campus.
Malabar Brahmins, the Cakkyars, the successors of the Puranic
the
how
even to-day the difference between the

dramatic performance and the epic recitations between the parts
of the mimic actor and the reciting nata, is bridged over.
one realises
sutas,
We
here understand the difference between the Sanskrit
expressions,
bbarata and kusilava and also the sutradhara.
There
manner
also
is
the
theory
that the
drama evolved from the
which the Yedic texts were chanted.
in
On
this
point,
Die Sonnwcndjestc in AWindien, p. 43; also

In post-Vedic times, there were festivities
Vcdische Mythologie.
in honour of Indra in the rainy season and festivities throughout
see A. Hillebrandt,
the
year
this
351
in
point,
ff.,
honour
see
of
the gods, Krsna,
tries to
Grundriss,
work Hopkins
III,
IB,
gives us
trace the origin of the Indian
drama
p.
See also Hopkins, Epic MythoIn the last mentioned

ff.
125
a description of the festivity of raising
the banner of Indra, which probably took place

the
p.
month
655 and
of
L.
September.
V.
N.S.
1909,
to the festivity of Indradhvaja.
logy,
J.A.S.B.,
On
and Siva.
5,
Haraprasada
where be
Sastri,
Rama
in
Bloch in Z.D.M.G.,
Schroeder, in
the
62,
end
of
1908,
Mysterium nnd Mimus im
648
Rigveda, 17 ff.,
of
Indian
the
On
cult.
think
that
drama
attributed
the doctrine of the influence of the
Cult and
its
1920, 118
ff.
The
origin
the
to
Saiva
Krsna cult on the

on the Krna
see Winternitz's article
Indian Drama, Z.D.M.G., 74,

the conjecture of A. B. Keith on the subject,
Contribution
On
to
B. Keith, Z. D. M. G., 04, 1910, 534
1912, 411
the
of
part
great
has to be
origin of Indian drama,
see, A.
ff.
and J.K.A.S.,
ff.
cult of
Krsna was often associated with some mimic
Winternitz gives a reference to the Visnu-purana,

V. 13, where the Rasa of Krsna with the Gopinls is described.
He implies thereby that some kind of folk-dance and mimic must
dances.
have been associated

festivities associated
with
festivities as associated
The shadow
(See
W. W.
Skeat,
representation
K.
p.
158
Th.
ff.,
in
Preuss,
refers to
the religious
Archive
in
Mexican spring
with mimic dance in ceremonial dramas.
Java have
of
plays
the
these.
1904,
Anthropologie,
fiir
with
also
religious
character
Malay Magic, London, 1900, 503
ff.
and
H. Bohatta, in Mitteilungen der Anthropolog. Ges. in Wien,

About China, see W. Grube, Geschichtc der
1905, 278 ff.).
About Japan, see
Chinesischen Litteratur, p. 362 ff. and 39G.
K. Florenz, Geschichte der Japanischen Litteratur. About the
subject
in
general,
see
W. Wundt,
the
Indian drama from
Volkerpsychologic, III and
L. V. Scbroeder.
The
origin
of
nataka, nata
dancing is welland natya. Nata
imaginable from the names,

'
means a dancer/ natya means mimic or the art of spectamimical show.' The word
and nataka means
cular show'
'
'
'
'
nata
is
Prakrt form of the Sanskrit root nrt
This view of Winternitz
meaning
said
that
of
nataka
nataka
is
is
somewhat modified
as given in the
if
we
'to dance.'
refer to
Natya darpana. There it is

it makes the heart of the
so called because
audience dance, and Abhinava-gupta says that nataka
because
of
mere
it
is
so called
down the mind. Though recitation

may also make the hearts of the people dance,
softens or bends
stories
the
EDITOR'S NOTES
not
is
it
yet
enacted
in
so
much
darpana, G.O.S,
p. 28).
particularly
nartana means
is
divided into Acts and
music and dress,
The meaning
Bhava-prakasana, G.O.S. ,
also
a play that
as
with
association
649
p.
of
etc. (see
nrlta
Natya~
the
given in
includes gestures and postures
46,
when
associated with songs and music, whereas

'
movements of the limbs/ ' The
merely the
Visnudharmottara-purana regards painting as only a part of

dancing a fuller treatment of what is only statically shown*
in painting.
The mimic dance and

of
ingredient
also evident
the
religious
from the nandl.
the
consequential to
play
an
it is
The religious association

The nandl is only a remnant
cults.
is
of
longer religious ceremony which formed the purva-rahga,

associated with music, recitation and dance, in honour of a
The Natya-darpana says that the nandl refers
particular God.
a
to
that is to be performed in the piirva-rahga, some of which

local nature or useless or not compulsory and hence
all
were of
they are
not
p. 193).
Bharata's
or sacrificial
separately
defined
reason
so
G. 0.
why in India the

much utilised in the
motive explains the

gods and of the Buddha
religious
legends
of
composition of the
kavya and the
In popular religious feasts and holy places

2
those dramas were played which had a religious content.
dramas,
S.,
Natya-sastra, V. 113, prescribes an ijya

ceremonial of an auspicious nature, to be performed.
Winternitz says that this
was
(Natya-darpana,
nata-karmaiva ndtyam sydditi nd^ya-viddm
matam
karanairahgahdraitca nirvritam nfttamucyate
only
II
vrttibhih saliitam gttam tathd vddyadibhiryutam
nartanam gdtra-viksepamdtramityucyaie budhath
II
in H. H. Dhruva, in
point see the description of BhavSis in Guzerat
O. C. IX, London, 1, 305-307 the ydtrds in Bengal (Nishikanta Chatterjee, Indische Essays,
have also similar priestly performances in the Punjab (sea R. C. Temple,
ZOrich, 1883).
2
On
this
We
Legends of the Punjab, Vol.
1,
p.
?iii).
In the Dasahard festivals the Ilftma legend is

Indian ^ntigtiar^ 10, 1881, 289).
played in places Itke Ferozepure, etc. (K, C. Temple,
So also in the festivities associated with Kdli-pujd. Durga-pujd. Vdsanti-puja and the HoH 9
the legends of gods are demonstrated before the people in dramatic forms (see F. Rosen,
Die Indarsabhd des Amdnat. Neuindisches Singspiel, Leipzig, 192).
650
Winternitz* thus
ancient times the
holds
and
ceremonies
religious
present time so in
as in the
that
with dramatic displays as

Barnes, nata, ku&ilava and failusa.
associated
festivities
were
well evidenced by the
is
THE THEORY OF THE GREEK ORIGIN OF THE INDIAN DRAMA

Some European
scholars had
that
held
the
Indian drama
had developed under the Greek influence. A. Weber had for

the first time given expression to the supposition that the dramas
played in the court of the Greek princes in Bactria,
the
dramas
in
and Guzrat,
had inspired
E. Windisch has
the
origin
of
to
prove
the
also sought
influence
Punjab
India.
of
Greek
Jacobi, Pischel, Schroeder and L6vi

drama on Indian drama.
have long ago shown the weakness of the argument in favour
Greek influence.
There
hardly any proof that at that

time any Greek drama was enacted in India.
Chronologically
also the influence of Greek dramas in the development of Indian
of
the
is
dramas would not appear probable. The question assumed a new

form in 1903, through the book of Hermann Reich, Der Mimus.
Reich was writing a history of mimic. He traced it not only
the
in
and
old
classical
Greek dramas but
also all over the world
mimic wandering from Greece also

Reich tried to show the similarity of Greek
tried to prove that this
came
India.
to
mimic with Indian prakarana and repeated mostly the arguments

The point arose about the drop-scene. Neither
of Windisch.
Indians
the
1
Ind.
1890, 920
5
nor the Greeks had any drop-scene in the modern
liite-ratur
Geschichte, Berlin, 1876, p. 224 also Die Griechen in Indien S. B. A.,
f.
Der
griecliische Einfluss
im indischen Drama,
a pupil of Windisch believed in 1904 (Z. D.
India a
Greek theatre could be discovered.
in 0. C. V., Berlin,
58, 455
But the
f.)
1882; Th. Bloch,
that in some
grounds spoken against the possibility of discovering any Greek theatre
Indian Antiquary, 84, 1905, 197
V. Golonbew, Ostasiat. Zeitsckrift.

to
find
any reference to the
Poetics of Aristotle.
ff.
C-
Gfonneau,
8, 1914-15,
253
ft.
difference that exists
hole in
archaeologist* have
;
Central
with very good

see J. Burgess,
Revue Archtohgique, 1904, 142 f.

Even eo, one would be disappointed
;
between Bharata's N&tya-astra and the
(See Beitraye zur altindischen Rasahhre, Leipzig, 1913.)
EDITOR'S NOTES
651
The stage is separated from 'the ante-room ;

the drop-scene separated the back-room from tbe
stage and this
sense of the term.
The Indian nepathya corresponded to

nepathya.
the post-scenium of the Orraeco-Koman Theatre.
The drop-scene
l
in Sanskrit is called yavanika.
the
separated
Another agreement between the Greek mimic and the Indian

drama is to be found in the admixture of prose and verse and
the
The Indian sutradhara

corresponded to the chief mimic in the Graeco-Roman type and
we have also the wife of the sutradhara as in Greece. As the
common people went to see the mimic so also in old Greece
disreputable people went to these places and the women mimics
introduction
the
of
folk-dialect.
were courtesans there as well as in India.

Greece corresponded
with that of India in
scenic apparatus was very little and simple

on the imagination of the spectator or
expressed
through
The mimic
its
stage of
The
simplicity.
and much depended

whatever could be
Consequently, there is also a

without retrogression upon the unity
gestures.
of scenes
change
and place. 2 There is some similarity also between the
wit of the mimic and the vidusaka.
The only difference between
disorderly
of time
the two
either
is
plays
Roman mimic
the
influenced
middle
while
that
is
ages.
Elizabeth
vidusaka
slave
Brahmin the wit
the
by
Greek,
over
spread
It
passed
off
and
and from there
of Europe in the
from Italy to the court of Queen
had influenced the writings of
and so he thinks that the agreement

3
Shakespearean and Indian dramas can be explained.
The word yavanika may be regarded
to
Pischel thought that the word yavanika
Persians.
Greek
mimic plays over the whole

1
Shakespeare
in
Reich believed that the
a peasant.
or
influenced
is
is
mean
as
between
coming from yavanas or the
only the sanskritising of the
Prakrt
word yaianika (Q. G. A., 1891, 354). We do not come across the word in Bhasa.
2
Bharata indeed says that one act should not contain events of more than a day,
but the poets do not observe this rule. Often a number of acts is devoted to describe fche
event of a day and between
Jackson,
3
Time and Analysis
On
this
point,
H.H.Wilson's Works,
see
one act and another
many
years
may
of Sanskrit Plays, J. A. O. S., 1897, 841
Schroeder,
Vol.
XT, p,
L. C., 6O2
I.
xii
pass.
ff.
Reden und
Reich, Der Minus, 880
ff.
(See A. V.
1900, 88
W.
ff.)
Aufsatze, p. 105
;
Klein, Gcsc Me hi*
652
If
Belch's theory
is
Indian
then the
correct,
writers were either directly influenced by the
dramatic
Greek mimic or the
Indian plays were somehow influenced by the introduction of the

mimic influence. Both may be possible.
But on the other hand,

invented the
it is
dramatic art
possible that
Indians had
Greeks and that Indian
the
before
the
comedians had gone about quite independently of each other

and had, thus, influenced the Greek mimic and this also
explains the correspondence between Greek mimics and
Sanskrit
plays and also that

Sanskrit drama.
and the
between
Shakespearean
plays
Against the possibility of any foreign influence we may say

that it is remarkable that in Indian drama as we find it the
characters are peculiarly of Indian national
.When Indian
type.
themselves to be influenced
astronomy and Indian sculpture
matter
be
the
can
detected very easily.
But in
ideas
Greek
by
let
the development of the Indian drama

As it
Indian spirit and Indian life.
ment
of Indian
drama seems
to be
we
now
quite
find
the
essentially
stands, the develop-
independent of Greek
influence.
Again,
Reich holds that
mimic from Greece
his theory of transmission of the
whole
world only indirectly

has not given any direct evidence
of the influence of Greek drama on the Indian.
The chronological possibility does not seem to decide in favour of the influence
to
the
He
affects the case of India.
of the
des
W.
Greek drama on the
Dramas,
III,
87
A.
V.
W.
of the
Indian dramas.
earlier
Jackson,
American Journal
A. Clouston, Asiatic Quarterly Review, 1890, p.
of Philology, 18 J8, -Jil
ff.
'JOG.
Another point of agreement between Indian and old

Winternitz (History of Indian Literature, Vol III, p. 177)
is
English plays, as stated by

that the curtain had
different
black in the case of serious plays, variegated in the case of comic ones, white in
the case of erotic and red in the case of violent display as battle and wars. In old English
plays also the curtain had different colours.
colours
602
G. G. A., 1891, p. 364 and D. L Z 1905,
Heimat des Puppenspiels (Halle, 1900) in which Pischel
tries to prove that the Indian drama arose from puppet-play and fcad developed from it and
that it is in the pupptt-play that we find the origin of the comic figure of the vidu$aka. The
l
p.
541
See Pischel,
S. B. A.,
1906, p.
see also his paper, Die
EDITOR'S NOTES
The whole
for
proof
of the
653
Vedas do not seem
the existence of
to
any secure
give
shows and the idea of
spectacular
though there may have existed in the East

Panini refers to the
singers, mimic dances and
dialogues.
Nata-sutras which must have been a book of instruction for the
dramas,
literary
dramatic art such as Bharata's Natya-sfttra, and which might

have dealt with religious mimic dances.
In Patanjali's Mahal
bhasya and in the epics Mahabharata and Ramdyana and in the

text of the old Buddhistic literature, we hear much of recitations,
and dances and leaders of plays. But we do not know

2
of any literary drama of these types.
It is only first in the Hari-vamsa and in the Buddhist
singers
of
actual
dramas.
literary
we
the 1st century A. D. that
Sanskrit texts
These dramas seemed
get evidence of
to
be too good to
be excluded and the Buddhists, therefore, imported them in their
We
have a great enlightenment of the dramatic

literature in the 1st century B.C. and the 1st century A. D.
This was also the time of much Greek influence in India
literature.
introduction
of the sutradhara
and the sthdpaka also points
same
to the
direction (see
P. Pandit, in hia edition of Vikramorvaslya, B. S. S., 1870, Notes p. 4 and O. C. IX,

],
313
But the puppet-play and
f.
its
fool
had his home
in India
and so
also
Sanhar
London
had the
fool
Indian puppet play to be conceived to be drawn away.

3f Greek Mimus
It was right that the whole construction of Pisclnl had not the ad vantage of drawing
sympathetic attention of specialists. It had to be simply ignored and so also the theory of
to be lead out of
shadow-play (Pischel, S. B. A, 190G,
48:2 if.
and Luders,
S.
B. A.,
698
ff
Panini, 4, 3.110; see also Osterr. Monatsschrijt. Orient, 41 1U15, 180
On
Patanjali
Mahabharata
see'
Winternit/
Z.D M.G.,
l'J20,
118
ndâkd vividhah kdvydh kathd-khydyika-kdrikdh
The
K. A. 8
verse,
,
ff.
In
f.
the whole of
puny ah ye cdnye gttru-pujakdh
however, does not occur
1903, 571
f.)
in
the South
In the Ramdyana, II, 69.4,
II
Indian recensions
we have
vddayanti tadd fdntiin Idsayantyapi cdpare
(Winternitz,
the verses
ndâkdnyapare smdhur lidsyani vividhdni ca

$a tair mahdtmd bharatah sakhilhih priyabodhibhih
II
gosthihasydni kurvadbhir na prdhryata rdghavah
But
the
there is one passage in II. 11.36
tatra titfhantt te
J.
191ff,
it 13 difficult
to understand
how
(1
the appellation of ndfaka can suit the context.
654
and
was
it
flourished.
at
time that the Graeco-Buddhistic sculpture
this
Drama
$akas and the Sanskrit

Levi
held the view that
a literary
use of
language more or
Sanskrit
inscription
is
in
the
124
data's
inscription
Drama
flourished at the
capital
in
of
Sanskrit
earliest
A.D. 150,
or the
This implies that the Sanskrit

time of the Ksalrapas who had their
of
repudiates
definitely
Usabba-
A.D.
The discovery
had flourished.
The
inscriptions.
in
to
rose
where so many Sanskrit writers
Ujjayini
Asvaghosa
from
less
Kudradaman
that of
the position of
the time that we find the
Sanskrit
brought in favour do riot
seem
dramatic
the
the
fragments of
The
view.
of repute
arguments
to be sufficiently serious to deserve
2
any criticism.
Buddhistic Dramas
The
evidence
first
India has
of
the
existence
of
literary
be found in the Buddhistic Sanskrit
to
dramas
literature.
in
In
Avadana-ataka there is a reference to a dancing girl Kuvalaya, who had attained the highest stage of holiness because she
the
had the opportunity of showing honour to one of the
Buddhas
in the Buddhistic
notes that
tischer
Buddha had
The
drama (nataka).
in his
earlier
Lalita-vistara
young days received instructions on
In one Buddhistic collection of dramatic fragments iLuders, Bruchstucke buddhisis introduced as appearing in his holy light bub his Imlo of light
Dramen} Buddha
has a Greek tinge in it as Foucher has shown. It may also be noted that the story of king
Udayana has in it a motive of a Trojan War, as has -already appeared in Bhasa's dramas.
The resemblance of the Bhdnas to the Greek mimologies has been pointed oat by Lindeneau.
The present
the
Udayana
treatment of
editor is
story
unable to subscribe to the view of Winternitz and other scholars that
Greek motive in
has a
We
Gunadhya.
it.
The improbability
See Keith's Sansk rit
See Levi, 319
ff.
would appear in our

drama had
Our reasons
beginnings between 1st century B.C. to 1st century A.D.

our treatment of K&lidasa and Bhasa.
its first
in
of it
also cannot subscribe to the view that the Indian
Drama.
Winternitz, W.Z.K.M., 27, 1913,39
f,
will
appear
EDITOR'S NOTES
1
There
natya.
the
also
is
story of
which dramatic elements can be
655
Mara and Upagupta, from
restituted
and elements of
it
can
be drawn from Asvaghosa's Siitralahkara*

In 1911, H. Luders found in a bundle of palm-leaves in
Turfan three pages in Central Asian dialect which has been deci-
phered as being a fragment of
drama
of
A^vaghosa called the
Sariputra-praharana or &aradvati-putrapraliarana* The pages belong

to the last Act of the piece and relates the story of Sariputra and
his friend
Maudgalyayana
Mahapadma
in the
as related in the
Buddhist
canon
of
The small remnant does not
Vinaya-ptiaka.
worth and the general scheme of

the drama but we can only understand that the dramatist A6vavery far regarding the
us
lead
ghosa was not inferior to the A^vaghosa the writer of Kavya.

It seems that the scheme is that of the classical drama.
But the palm-leaf bundle contained two dramas together,

which from paleographic evidence appeared to be manuscripts
written in the Kusan times and both these probably were written
by A^vaghosa. But the title page in the other drama is missing.
It seems to be an allegorical drama in which buddhi, dhrti, Idrti,
are playing their parts as personages.
to the 1st century
the
Act,
A.D.
We
have here
the mixture
Vidflsaka,
Both these seem
the Introduction to the
and verse and also of
of prose
Sanskrit and Prakrt and Luders has shown that the
used
is
first
discovery,
which there are two

Buddha*
In
Prfikrt here
older than that of the classical dramas.
After this
theatre.
to belong
another bundle has been found in
dramas in Tukharian
dialect
on the
life
of
shows the influence on Indian drama of the Chinese

In classical Sanskrit there is no Buddhistic drama.
It
4
Amddna,
75
(VIII. 5);
Lalita vistara,
an allusion to rasa as was demonstrated
in a
XII. In Jataka-mala,
drama by a good
27.4. there
is
player.
2
W.Z.K.M., 27,40. Winternit/, thinks that ASvaghosa is the first Indian poet who
was the author also of a drama. This statement is highly doubtful as would appear from
our treatment of Kalidftsa and Bhasa.
3
See S. B. A ,1911, p. 888
Le"vi, J. A,, 1011, p. 10, Vol. 17, p. 189.
ff.
656
The drama Ndgananda

Buddhistic in
Harsadeva cannot be regarded as being
of
We
have got a Tibetan translation of

the drama called the Lokananda of Candragomin, the poet and
character.
the grammarian.
I-Tsing says that Mahasattva Candradasa, a learned man in

Eastern India, had composed a poetic song about the prince
Vi^vantara, hitherto known as Sudana, and peoplfc all sing and
dance to
it
five
through
centuries in India.
In
Burma
also even
is played on the
In
stage.
also
monasteries
the Tibetan
Buddhist dramas find their place.
to-day the story of Vessantara-jataka
Lyric Poetry
We have already referred

the
earliest
and
the
to the reputation of the
best
lyric
the
that
Megha-duta,
Sanskrit literature
Manuscripts and commentaries diverge as regards the

verses (from 110-120) and as regards their order.
possesses.
number of
The commentator Mallinatha, who belonged probably
century, already regards
and
also
refers
Mallinatha
still earlier,
we have
some
some
different
readings.
than
Earlier
commentator Daksinavarta-natha, and

3
The earliest form of text is what
Vallabha-deva.
the
Sec Takakusu's 1-Tsing, p. 164
Candragorirn, see
2
to
to the 14th
verses as praksipta or interpolated
Lcvi
(B. E. F- E. 0, 1903, 41
ff.).
For the date
Liebkh, Das Datum Candragomin's und Kalidasa's, Broslau, 1903,
p.
of
ff.
verae by Mallinatha occurs in the Vijayamgara inscription of the year 1533-34

the Vasanta-rajya which
Mallinatha quotes
Indian Antiquary, 5, p. 20 note).
was written about 1400 A.D. (See Hultzsch, Prakrta-rupavatara, edited, 1909, p. IV,
(Fleet, in
Note).
Whether the poet Mallinatha as
Nirnayasagara Press edition, verse No. 222

cannot be determined.
3
cited in Balllla's
is
identical
Bhoja-prabandha, 10th century,
with the commentator
See B. Hultzsch's edition of Magha's SiSupala-vadha,
German
Mallinatha,
translation.
Here he
agrees with Pandit Durga-prasad and K. P. Parab (Kavya-mala series, Part I t page 101,
Note), that the latter lived at the beginning of the 10th century in Kashmir as he is identical
with that Vallabha-deva whose grandson Kaiyata wrote a commentary on inanda-vardhana's
Pathak in his edition, p. xviff., raised serious objections to

and has given good reasons for regarding Vailabha leva as being precedent
See J. Nobel, Foundations of Indian Poetry, p. 15 N ; and A.B.
to the year 1100 A.D.
Keith inBS3,V, 1 1928, p. 31f. and S. K, De in J.ft.A.8., 1927, p. 472 N. and B.8,0,S,
Devi-$ataka in the year 977.
tbis identification
v, 3, 1929, p. 503,
EDITOR'S NOTRS
657
found in the Parva-bhyudaya by Jinadasa, who wrote his

Samasya-purana poem in the 9th century. The text of the
is
is
Megha-duta
this text the
embodied
in the
poem
According to
Parsva-bhyudaya.
has 120 verses, whereas the
Vidyullata com-
mentary, edited by R. V.
Krishnamachariar, Srirangam 1909,

has only 110, Vallabha-deva 111, and Mallinathall5 verses. 1
We have also referred, in our section on Kalidasa, to the
number
of imitations that
We now
come
was made regarding the Megha-dilta.

50 Verses
to the Caun-surata-paficasika or the
of clandestine amours, that is said
who was
hana,
have been written by Bil-
to
Kasmiri poet and lived
in the court of a
South
Indian prince.
The stor^ goes that Bilhana was secretly
attached to the daughter of the king.
Being discovered, he was
sentenced to death and at the place of execution he composed
these
beginning with the phrase adyapi

king
to
was so much delighted
his
him
to
tarn.
It
hear these
is
verses
his
marry
daughter.
See J. Hertel, in Q. G. A., 1012, 403
ff.,
It
who
is
p.
The
238
referring
suggests that Kalidasa's number was
verses are also cilled the Caura-paflcatikd or
name
of the author
ff.
and Hari Chand's
text of the-
1838, and Haeberlin, 227
translated by Ariel
(J.A..,
Cora-pailcd.tat.
was Cora, but according
to
It
was sometimes
Buhler (Report 48
f.
and
hardly any doubt that Bilhana was the author of

Middle Iniian recension has been edited by Bohlen, Berolini,
Vikramdhka'deva-carita, p. 24),
The
is
ff.
supposed that the

the poem.
that the
curious that there
108; see also for criticism of the text Macdonell, J.U.A.S., 1913. 176
Kahdasa,
said
daughter Vidya that he pardoned Bilhana and allowed
to
1
each verse
verses full of voluptuous love experiences,
fifty
ff.
there
is
In the South Indian recension, which has been edited and

which appeared in the Kavyamala
1848), as w^ll as in the edition
Part 13, 1903, pp. 145-69, the 50 stanzas form only an insertion in the short epic poem
Bilhana -car ita in which the legend of Bilhana 's love for the princess is told, though differently
The Kashmir recension of the PaHcatikd has been discussed
in each of the two editions.
series,
with textual criticism, edited and translated by W. Solf, Kiel, 1886; see also Jacobiin
Liter aturblatt fur orientalische Philologie, III, 63 ff. and Winternitz in Osterr Monatss*
chrift fur
3
vere
den Orient,
12, 1886, 155
ff.
This story, so far as the name
of the Caura-pancatiika
of the princess ii
concerned,
adyapi taw kanaka-campaka'dama-gaurim
phulla-ravinda-vadandm tanu-loma-rdjim
supto-ttlntdrp madana-vihval'dlasd-hgim
vidydrri
pramdda>gunitam*iva cintaywni
II
is
found
in the opening
658
Vidya-sundara which is a
The lover
dialogue between a young princess and her lover.
persuaded the princess to allow him to spend the night with
The princess told him that, if detected, he would be
her.
another khanda-Mvya called the
beheaded, but she ultimately agreed to his undaunted overtures.

In the morning he was discovered and the king's people took
him
to
to
the
pray
to
God
execution.
of
place
the
at
When
moment
last
he was asked by them

of his
life,
the
lover,
but nothing
The following portion suits very well with the Caurafollows.
The two seem to be the two parts
pancatika as an Epilogue.
The style and the language are closely
of the same story.
called
was supposed
Caura,
similar.
Both
are
to
erotic
equally
as
say
follows
and sexually inspired.
The
These verses are capable of being interpreted also as an adoration to the goddess
The word Vidyd at the beginning of the 4th line
means, on the one hand
the
and
Kali
or
also
refers
of
to
the
name the prineesa whom Bilhana
goddess
mahdvidyd
Kali.
loved.
The
legend forms a
Kavyamala and
is
also
told
part*
of the
poem
in
the edition
mentaries, such as by Ganapati, MaheSvara Pandita,
Ariel
by
The work has
the commentator.
by
and
Kama Tarka vagina,
the
in
number
of
Kadhakrsna,
cometc.
In Ariel's edition the princess is called Yamiol-purni-tilaka, daughter of the Paficala king
Madaoa-bhirama. In the Kavyamala edition, on the other hand, she is called Sasi-kalft,
Candra-kala or Candra-lekha, who
we have
in the
Bilhana-kdvya.
Kavyamala
series
a daughter of king Vira-simha of Mahila-pattana.
is
Dame
the
In a manuscript
t'ro
of the Caura-pailcdtikd
as
beloved is a Caura
Guzerat, the
So
Candra-lekhd-sakti(i.e.,
Cauda
or
Capatkata) princess. The commentator Ganapati regards this as a khanda-hdvya and

thinks that a Brahmin Caura bad a love intrigue with a princess, i.e., the proper theme of
the
poem was the love between a th'ef and a princess.

1
The last verse of the Vidya-sundara is as follows
raja tdnapi sevakdn suvasand-lankdra-bhuî-kftdn
krtvd ghnantu vipaksakani kharataraw khadgani samdniyate

nitvd tani bhavandd vahir-vilasitani rdjd'tmajani sdhasam
drtfod sanismara devatdm
The Bengali poet Bharata-candra

the Gaura-paftcdikd
Sundara
is
and
formed
a prince of Kafici
king of Burdwan.
who
iti
in
taddpyevam sa cauro'vadat.
II
the 18th century united the
one connected story

goes to
and so a'so
Vidya-sundara and
did
Burdwan and becomes attached
Ramaprasda.
to the
daughter
He
used to send love epistles to her through symbols in flowergarlands and used to meet the princess through a tunnel, which he made between his house
and that of the princess. Ultimitely he was discovered and taken to the place of execution,
of the
where he sang hymns
of adoration to the goddess Kali.

In Haeberlin's edition Sundara is
mentioned as the author of the Caura-paftcatikd. In MM. Haraprasad's Catalogue, VII,
No. 5114, Caura is mentioned as the poet of the Vidya-svndara. Bat in the Vidya-sundara
659
EDITOR* S NOTES
text of the
that
says
the
of
recensions.
We
Caura-pancaika
is
verses
fifty
indeed
all
have come down in
five
only
Winternitz
uncertain.
all
come now
to the
Arya-saptaatl written by Govardhana
He is a contemporary of Jayadeva. As
he himself boasts in V.52, he adapted for the first time the style
in the llth century.
which was previously current

evidently modelled his work on Hala's
of poetry as love lyrics in Sanskrit
in Prakrt
He
only.
Each
Gatha-sapta$atl.
in
Hala's
book,
of the verses is a separate
Grierson
points
out
that
love-scene as
Hindi
the
poet
composed his Sat'sai in the Hindi language

model and Paramananda wrote his Srhgara-saptafatiha modelling
Biharilal
it
after his
on Biharilal's Sat'sai. 2
The Arya-saptasati
in
inferior
is
poetic excellence to Hala's work.
Side
with the love
side
by
we have
lyrics
in the form of Satakas or centuries,
hymns
tataka of
Bana.
the religious
as the Candi-
such
There are 102 verses in the sragdhara metre.
It is the adoration of
Candi as the Mahisa-mardinl.
Another poem dedicated to the Sun,
like the Mayura.-sataka,
Paramaditya-stotra and
4
the Brahmadiiya-stava, attributed to Samba, son of Krsna.
is
the $amba-panca&ika, also called the
we nowhere
find
the
name
farewell
to
life.
We
Sundara.
of
The Kashmir recension has two
find
there the
names Kumara and Caura,
introductory verses, the second of which looks like the poet's
In the Calcutta Kavya-saiiigraha edition
also, in the
49th verse, the poet
says that the only escape from the sorrow of lus separation can be impending death.
1
See 8. N. Tadpatrikar in Ann. Bh. Inst., 9, 1927-28, p. 18 ff. The Bilhana-parlcaât-
pratyuttara or Bhupaja-jalpitam,
recording the wailings of the princess SaSi-kala, is an
imitation by a poet Bhuvara, which runs as a continuation of Bilhana's Canra-paftcastkd.

2
See J.K.A.S., 1694,
Edited
Antiquary,
1,
in
p. 110.
the Kftvya-malft,
1872, 111
of Mayiira together
ff
Part
translated
4,
into
Iff.,
with commentary
ff.
Biihler,
Indian
with the text and translation of Bana's Can4i-ataka, pp. 243-857.
Edited with a commentary of Kêma-rSja, in the Kavyamala

another commentary by Sarabaîva Sastrf, TS8, No. 104, 1930 :
guided by
see
English by Quackenbos, The Sanskrit Poems
177, 40
(Bibliotheca
Indica edition, Cf. TSS.
Krna, Samba went
putfna dedicated to the Sun-cult.
to worship the
104,
Sun
in
Preface,
Mathura.
series,
13,
1889,
with
In the Varaha-purana,
p. 2)
it
There
is
related that,
is also
a Sambopa*
660
We
a
come next to the $iva-mahimnah-stotra by Puspa-danta,

The story goes that Puspa-danta used to steal
from a king's garden for worshipping Siva. The
Gandharva.
flowers
been
and
lost bis
He
gardeners.
from
punishment
power
the king.
of flying
the
composed
the Hindus.
among
unwittingly treaded over
The Gandharva
worshipped.
those flowers
the
some flowers with which Siva had
scattered about
left
gardeners
and was caught by

in
verses
order to
The Mahimnah-stotra
is
escape
popular
has got over 20 commentaries.
It
It is
say anything about the author of the Stotra}

the other hymns attributed to Sankara we have the
difficult to
Of
Bhavanyastaka and the Ananda-lahan.'

There is another Ananda-laharl,
laharl, a
work
of
103 verses
of Siva but of Sakti.
Mr. J.C -Glcsb
It is really
said
It is
1,1934, 324
in C.O.J.,
called
of tikharinl, the last
vasanta-tilaka metre.
the
also
a stotra not in the praise
Siva
that
ff.
Saundaryaone being in
suggests that
can only function
was
thr author
the
Jain
Pu|>pba-yanta who was formerly a Sana Brabmin, in tle 10th century, but nothing can be
made out merely frcm the similarity of names. Anoorg its celebrated commentators, we
have the names of Sridhara-svami, Vopadeva and Madbusudana Sarasvati. It has been
There
translated by Avalon.
See
MM.
is
a suggestion that
Harapraeada's Cat. VII, NOB.
English translation
cdrya, Madraf.
is
included in
considerable
been published in the
Works
S.
number
of
6, 8, 3,
arikaracarya wrote a commentary on

6606.
collection of 8 such
it.
hymns with
Yenkataramanan's Select Works of Sri Sankaraof hyirns in minor works of Sankaracaiya has
Sahkaracarya, Vol.
IV, edited
by
Hari-raghunatha
Bbfigabat, Poona 1925 and the Bjhat-stotra-ratnakara.

2
The former bas been translated by A. Hoefer, Sanskrit- Lesebuch,

ff.
The latter has been edited and translated
Berlin, 1849; sec
also/nd. Gcdichte, II, 167
into French by
Troyer in J. A., 1841. The text has also been published in Haeberlin, 246 ff. It has
been translated into English by Avalon with commentary, 2nd edition, Madras, 1924.
Other hymua to Detl have been edited in KM., Part IX, 1893. 114 ff., 140ff Part XI, 1895,
A.
1 ff; the
Amba-ftaka or Eight Stanzas
1886, 154
ff;
the Paftca-stavi (Five
to the
Hymns
to
Mother, with commentary,
in
Durga by unknown authors)
in
KM., Part II,

KM., Part III,
9-31
Hymns addressed to Siva and attributed to Sankara have been edited in
ar d in EM., Part VI, 1890, Iff
a hymn to Visnu in KM., Part II,
Haebeihn, 496 ff
There are other works also which pass by the name of A nan da -tali art, such as
1886, 1 ff.
pp.
the
Ananda-lahari-kavya by Gopala-kavi, the Ananda laharl-kavya by Abhinava-narayanThis Ananda-lahari-stotra in twenty yikhannl verses was published in the
endra Saraavati.
Bfhdt-stotra-ratnakara.
EDITOR'S NOTES
the potency of Sakti.
through
Some
taries.
of
66i
commen-
has no less than 25
It
the most celebrated commentators are
Appaya
Diksita, Kaviraja, Jagannatha Paiicanana and Srikantha Bhatta.
Later authors often assumed that Sankara was a follower

of
the
Sakti
fact that a
The confusion may have occurred from
cult.
Tantrik author Sankara existed in
the
Bengal in the
15th century.
There is another
Visnu-narayana which
work
SataSlolii-gita is
is
called Satpadl
attributed
is
of seven an/a stanzas
consists
There
work
attributed to
which
is
hymn
3
to
to
This
Sankaracarya.
and contains good poetry.
Kamanuja.
another work called the Pancasatl or Five-Hundred
Verses which was written by Muka, contemporary of Sankara. But

in the Kavyamala series, wherein it was printed in 1S88, Muka is
said
tft
be a modern poet.
him
But Krsnamacarya says
that tradition
He
is said to
would place
contemporary of Sankara.
have been dumb originally and is said to have* got his speech from
4
It is composed
the Deity. Ananda-vardhana wrote Devi-sataka.
of 100 verses and is replete with all sorts of alahkaras.
Utpala-
the
deva,
as a
teacher of Abhinava-gupta, wrote in the beginning of
the 10th century a book of twenty
to Siva.
hymns
In
the 14th
century, Jagaddhara composed thirty-eight hymns in honour of

Siva called the Stuti-ltusumafijaU* Utpaladeva is said to have
the son of
been
verse
Udayakara and
from the Saundarya-laharl
is
of
disciple
quoted
Somanauda.
Vallabha-deva's
in
He
Subhusita-vali
as being by Sankara.
2
See Sivaprasada Bhatlaoarya's article in T.H.Q., 1, 1925, p. 349, Isotts sec also
Haraprneeda's Cat. VII, 5, 6, 7, 9, where he says that the author of the Manikarrtikaof the Manikarnika-slaka,
$toka is Gaucjija Sarikaificarya. But, in the Bengali edition
been
have
to
is
it
said
composed by Gangadhara-kavi.
published in the Kavya-san.igraba,
;
MM.
See Minor
1926, 301
4
in
Wo'lcs
of
Sahkaracarya,
p.
Edited in the Kavyamala
series, 1808,
A.D. 978 (Hultzsch, Katidasa's Megha-duta,

5
366
see also S. G.
Edited
with
the
commentary
cf
with
the
commentary
of
Kayyata, written
p. ix).
Kema-raja
in
Benares 1902.
6
Kanhere, B.S.O.S., IV,
ff.
Edited with commentary in the Kavyamala
aeries, 1891.
Chowkhamba
Sanskrit series,
662
930 A.D. and wrote the
Ajada-pramatr-siddhi^ the
ttvara-pratyabhijna-sutra-vimarsini, the Parameta-stotra-vall and
the Spanda-pradlpika.
The Stotra-vall contains twenty hymns
in
lived
God Siva.
The Mukunda-mala
to
by Kulasekhara
worthy of notice.
There were several Kerala kings of the name of Kulasekhara
between the 9th and 12th centuries. In this connection, we
is
must mention the name
of
also called Bilva-mangala,
whose Krsna-karna-mrta
Lila-uka or
the
Krsna-llla-uka,
is
sung along
with the songs of Jayadeva, the poet of the Glta-govinda* The
Krsna-karna-mrta or Krsna-lila-mrta has about 7 or 8 commen8
Krsna-karna-mrta was brought by SrlThe text, however,

Caitanya (1485-1533 A.D.) from the South.
in
in
the
the
and
Southern
varies
Bengal recensions. In the
taries.
It is said that the
Southern text
consists of three sections, the
it
number
of ^verses
each varying from 102 to 112, while the Bengal text gives
only the first section containing 112 verses. Bilva-mangala' s
in
Edited in Haeberlin, 515
22 verses
if.,
the
Kavyamala
edition contains
34 verses
Barnett in his Cat., 521, refers to an edition with free paraphrase in Canarese and
translation edited by
M. B.
quoted in an inscription
of
reputation of the
Peroznals.
Kerala.
who
K. L.
poem
is
Darpana-,
gee Sivaprasa la
319
ff.
is
Pisharoti, I.H.Q.,
faith
thinks that he belonged

ff.,
651, 724
ff.
1931,
7,
to
197.
Bhattacarya,
Hultzsch holds that the

the
first
of the
Vainnava
check Buddhism and Jainiscn in
to
the middle of
8th century,
the
and 731, places him
while
in the llth or the 12th
Srirangam,
with 3 aSvasas (chapters), consisting
The Kadhararoana
ively.
commentary
it with some
of
Press, Murshidabad,
Krgnad&s Kaviraja.
De maintains
Dr.
justice that the original text
shorter
commentary by Caitanyadasa
edition
of,
(Ann. Bh.
consisted only of
(see
De,
with Bengali metrical exposition,
107, 110
Bengal, published
other two chapters had been interpolated later on.
An
it
see Ganapati in TSS, 11, p. 4, and A. S. Ramnabha Iyer, in J.B.A.S., 1925, 272.
The SrivanlviUs Press publishes an edition of it with the commentary of Papayallaya
century
Suri,
the Sdhitya
due to the fact that the author
K. G. S. Iyer, in I.H.Q., 7,644

2
in
actively patronised the Vaisnava
Pisharoti
from
verse
Pagan, 13th century; see Hultzsch, Epigraphia Indica,7
Muhunda-mala has been quoted

I.H.Q., 1925, 350;
Srinivasa-Iyengar, Bangalore, 1907.
English
is found
the
first
and 112 verses respectit
in
1916,
with the
Inst., 16, 1935, 173
as v as a and
Krsnadaaa Kaviraja
utilised
ff.)
that the
another
1786 and I.H.Q., 10, 1934, p. 315).

Calcutta 1913, is mentioned by Barnett,
I.e.,
etc.,
Cat., 548.
3
Some
of the commentaries
are
Karnananda-Pralca&im,
Sarahga-rahgadd, Krsna-
vallabM by Gopala, by Papayailaya Suri, by Vrndavana Dasa. by Krflnadasa Kaviraja,

by Sankara. The work should be distinguished from the Krsna'karnamrta-maharnava by
Madhvacarya.
EDITOR'S NOTES
663
other works are the Krsna-bala-caritra, the Krsnahnika-kaumudi,

the Govinda-stotra, the Bala-krsna-krida, the Bilvamahgala-stotra.
The poetess
It is difficult to ascertain the date of Bilva-maiigala.
14th century in her Madhurl-vijaya (I, 12)

Ganga-devi
praises the Krsnamrta-kavi immediately after Dandin and Bbavain the
bhuti (Wariyar, I.H.Q., 1931, 334
who
that Llla-uka,
refers to
Padmapada and must have
a contemporary of
It
of the writer
Purusakara
tary
has been
at the
suggested
of one of Sarikara's works,
In that case he could be
as his teacher.
Padmacarya
century A.D.
was the name
commentator
is
has been
It
ff.).
in
lived
others
that
suggested
by
who wrote
the grammatical
end of the 12th or the 13th
the
9th
Lila-suka
commen1
century.
has also been suggested that the author of the Krma-karnamrta also wrote the
and
stotras, Abhinava-kaustubha-mala
It
Daksina-murti-staca.
The Kashmiri
wrote
century,
verses.
dhara,
Another Kashmiri
published
consisting of 38
Dlna-krandana-stotra
hymns
Siksastaka
and hymns
verses
of
Ratna-
century a Stuti-kusumafljali
in praise of Siva.
of
13th
54 vasanta-tilaka
in
Jagaddhara, son
poet
14th
the
in
and the
12th
Lostaka of the
poet
attributed
is
Caitanya himself were
to
Sri
Caitanya
written
by Sarvabhauma
5
converted.
had
Bhattacarya,
Caitanya
wrote
the Duta-kavyas to which reference has
Gosvami
Rupa
Sixty hymns to Krsna are included in his
already been made.
to
whom
Staoa-malU
1
Rupa
Sec S, Parainesvara Iyer, as quoted by Wariyar.
in TSS.,
2
1550 A.D.
about
1,
Introduction, p. 2
Edited in TSS, 1907.
date, has been
published in
Gosvami,
J.c., p.
331,
The Laghu-stuti,
TSS, 1917.
hymn
to the
goddess BharatI of uncertain
Kavyamata, Part VI,
Edited with the commentary of
See 8. K. De's Fadydvali,
Edited with the commentary of Jivadeva in Kavyamala, 1903.
p.
21
ff.
p.
Ea janaka-ratnaka^tha
213
collection also contains
ff.
and
the
published in the Kavyamala, Part 11,1886 157
Rupa
as the
author of the
and Ganapati Sastri
ff.
Jiva Gosvami.
brother of
commentary,
I. C., 1,
in the
1934, 21
Kavyamala
texts, 1891.
ff.
Jivadeva
is
probably
M ukunda-muktavali of an anonymous writer,

ff,
The India
Office
Cat.,
1469,
refers
to
664
Sanatana and
Mukunda, was
son
Vallabha,
of
Kumara
and grandson
He wrote no
a prolific writer in Sanskrit.
than 32 works among which there are many stotras.

In the middle of the 16th century Madhusudana
wrote the
the celebrated Vedantist,

tion
hymn
to Krsna.
less
SarasvatI,
adora-
Ananda-mandakinl,
Madhusudana SarasvatI wrote
of
other
also
hymns, dramas, kavyas, commentaries and philosophical works.

He was a pupil of Visvesvara SarasvatI and Srldhara SarasvatI
He
and a teacher of Purusottama SarasvatI.
is
supposed to have
been a native of Eastern
Bengal.
16th century,
In the middle of the
Surya-deva wrote his

Ramakrsna-kavya which can be read straight forwards and backwards, yielding two different meanings, one relating to llama
and the other relating
A Kerala
to Krgna.
It consists of
38
Narayaniya, a
Narayana, which
a kavya dealing with the
is also
stotra
in
adoration
of
subject-matter
Bhdgavata-purana.*
Gangd-staka,
Uddhava-duta,
Utkalika-vaUari,
Ujjvala-nilamani,
punjikd,
writer Narayana-bhatta completed towards the end
of the 16th century the
of the
verses.
Govinda-viruddvall,
Upadetdmrta,
Gaurdhga-sura-kalpataru,
Kdrpanya-
Caitanyd-sâka,
Chando-stddataka, D'ana-keli-kaumudi, Ndtaka-candrikd, Padyd-vali, Paramdrtha-sandarbha,

Bhakti-rasdmrta-sindhu, Mathura-malnma, MuknndaYamund-staka, Rasamrta Lahta-mddhava-ndtaka, Vidagdha*
P'riti-sandarbha, Premendu-sdgara,
muktd-ratndvali-stotra-tikd,
mddhava-ndtaka
mrta,
(1549),
Vildpa-kusumdnjali,
Stava-mdld,
Sddhana-paddhati,
Harek^na-mahdmantrdrtha-nirupana.
9
Edited in the Pandit, N. S., 1, 493
3
The
ndtaka,
Hamsaduta-kdvya,
ff.
following books are attributed to
Atma-bodha-tlkd, Ananda-manddkini,
Prasthdna-bheda,
Bhagavad-bhakti-rasdyana,
prathama-sloka-vydkhyd,
Vraja-vildsastava,
Sikxd-dataka, Sar^kêpd-
Harindrnd-mrta-vydkarana.
and Kavyamala, Part
him
II, 1886,
Rgveda-ja^ddya-â-vikrli-vivararâ,
Bhakti-sdrndnya-nirupana,
stotra-tikd,
Vedanta-kalpa-latikd, Sdnjtlya-sutra-tikd,
fit.
Rdjfldrp
Kf$na-kutuhala
Bhagavadgitd-gughdrtha-dipikd
Bhdgavata-pufdnddyaSlokatraya-vydkhyd,
Mahimnah
188
Advaita-siddhi t Advaita-ratna*rak$ana,
Bhdgavata-purana
pratibodhah,
Vedu-stutiîk&
Sdstra-tiddhdnta'le&a'tikd, Saqik*epa-driraka-
sdra-samgraha, Sarvavidyd-siddhdnta-varnana, Siddhdnta-tattva-vindu, Hari-UldvydkhyH.

<
Edited in Haeberlin, 463 ff, and Kavyamala, Part II, 1895, 147 ff.
6
Edited with the commentary of Ganapati Sastrl in T8S, 1912. On bis life and
He ia very famous
I. H. Q,, 1933, 22 ff.
the Kerala country and
works see Pisbaroti, in
there bis stotras are daily read like the
Bhdgavata by pious persons,
EDITOR'S NOTES
065
Tn the 17th century, Ramabhadra Dlk?ita wrote various

hymns in kavya style in which he sang the glory of Rama's
arrows in the Rama-capa-stava, the Rama-vana-stava and also a
Varnamala-stotra which was a simple hymn in the alphabetical
1
same century
Jagannatha Pandita wrote his

Laksmi-laharl* Gahga-laharl also called the Piyiisa-lahari 8 and
order.
In
the
he also wrote the Sudhd-lahart.*
Nilakantba Diksita, a teacher of Ramabhadra, wrote a

called the /Luanda- sagara-stava.
Laksmanacarya wrote a
hymn
in
hymn
50
verses
the
called
contains 83 verses/'
it
Candl-kuca-pancasika, though
actually
Another semi-religious and semi-erotic poem
was written by
Sivadasa called the Bhiksatana-kavya.

It describes the feelings
and actions of the female devotees of Siva when they go about
as religious mendicants.
8
the
The
author
the
Among
anthologies.
most famous
is
erotico-religious
book has not only been famous in India
The Kftvyamala,
He is
also a dramatist.
of
many
lyrics,
the
the Glta-govinda by. Jayadeva, the court-poet of

and son of Bhoja-deva of Kendubilva. The
is
Laksmanasena
in
quoted
1894,
1897,1903.
for its
Ramabhadra was a
melody but
pupil of Nilakantba and
it
was
supposed to have written a commentary on the Paribhasa-vrtti of
Siradeva.
2
Edited in Kavyamala, 1896, 104
JagannStha
said
is
to
ff.
have married a
Mabammadan woman and was
outcasted.
At one time, sitting with his wife on the high bank of the Ganges, he was composing the
With the composition of each verse the Ganges was rising
verses of the Gahgd-laharl.
up and with the composition of the 52nd and the last verse the Ganges rose higher and higher
it reached him and his wife and washed away their sins. They were drowned and
until at last
were never seen again.
The Gahgd-lahan
is,
however, famous
Hymns
Introduction to his edition of the Bhaminl-vilasa.
The
Valmiki, Kalidasa and Sankara.

mali, Part
I,
the misery of
p. 99
ff
human
Edited in the Kavyamala, Part
Kavyamala, Part XI, 1895, 76

Edited in the
in
it
1,
Eggeling, India Office Oaf
.,
1893, p. 80
12.
p.
ff.
ff.
KavyamaU, Part IX,
Z.D.M. G., 27,
16
1448
ff.
hymn
Klvyamala,
existence.
Aufrecht, in
Amrta-laliari
the Karuna-lahan edited
ff.
over India. See Vaidya's

Gaiiga are also ascribed to
all
to
to the
Jamuna,- Kavya-
Part II, p. 55
ff,
sings of
666
has also attained great celebrity amongst the European writers.

There are many legends regarding Jayadeva. Some of these
recorded
are
Bhakta-mala.
the
in
is
Jayadeva
said
to have
and married, later on, Padmavatl.

The Glta-govinda describes in melodious verses, which can be
Here and there benesung, the amours of Krsna and Eadha.
been an ascetic in young
dictions
are
life
inserted
also
song the name of the poet is

8
less than 30 commentaries.
Editions
recognovit
and in the concluding verse of each

The Glta-govinda has no
given.
:
Textum
Glta-gorinda, Jayadevae poetae Indict drama lyricum.
interpreialionem latinam adjecit, C. Lassen, Bonnao ad Kb. 1836.
The
Qita-govinda
Jayadeva with the commentaries Rasika-priya of King Kumbha and
of
MM.
Sankara Mis>a
Ed. by M. R. Telang and W. L. S. Pans'ikar, 3rd
Rasa-mafijari
Ed. Bombay, 1910, NSP. An English translation by W. Jones already appeared in the
of
ff.
The last-named gave rise to the German
Dalberg (Erfurt, 1802), F. Majer (in Asiat. Magazin, II, 294 ff.)
Kjemenschneider (Halle, 1818). A German version by F. Riickcrt (first made
year 1807 in the
Asiatic Researches, 3, 184
rendering by F. H.
W.
and A.
v.
print in 1829,
after a Calcutta
in the Zeitschrift fur
notes,
grammatical
p.
and then remodelled according
Kunde des Morgenlandes,
die
296
ff. ),
also in
1,
to
Lassen's edition) appeared
Gottingen 1837, p. 128 ff. (with

in H. V. Glasenapp,
I, 346 ff.
Rilckert-Nachlese,
Indische Liebeslyrik, pp. 114-175, also in Inselbucheri, No.
Translated into English
303.
by Edwin Arnold, London, 1875, into French, by H. Foucher, Paris, 1850, and by
G. Conrtillicr (avec une preface de S. Levi> Paris, 1901), into Dutch by B. Faddegou,
Santpoort 1932. On the numerous commentaries on the Gita-govinda, Ind. Off. Cat., VII,
p.
1454
HSL,
2
et
MM.
ff.,
190
ff
S.
Haraprasada, Cat., VII, Nos. 5159-5170. See Pischel, HL,

K. De, Treatment of Love in Sanskrit Literature, p. 56 ff.
See Wilson's works,
1,
65
ff.
M. Oarcin de Tassy, Histoire de
The Sikh Religion,
la
19
ff
Keith,
Litteratur Hindone
SBayA, 1879, I, 6 ft;

Oxford, 1909, V,4ff; M. Chakravarty in JASB, N. S. 2,
Hindoutanie, 2nd Edition, Paris,
Macauliffe,
69
p.
1870,
II,
ff;
Trunipp
in
(Legend from the Sanskrit Bhakta-mala by CandradattaX

Riickert and Edwin Arnold arbitrarily omitted the religious Accessories and thus gave
The Indian editions and the French translation by
a wrong perspective of the poems.
19(06,
163
ff.
Courtillier give the proper idea of the

3
These commentaries are by
(Rasika-priya),
Udayanacarya
(Artha-ratnavali),
poem.
Karnalakara (Ratnamala), Kumbhakarna-mahendra
'Bhava-vibhavini),
Narayana-bhatta
by Krsna-datta, Krsna-dasa, Gopala
(Pada-dyotini),
Caitanya-daaa,
Narayana-dasa
Pitambara,
Bhagavad-daia (Rasa-kadamba-kallolini), Bhava-carya,

Mananka, BSraa-tarana (Madhuri), Eamadat'a, Rupa'ieva, (Sananda-govinda], Lakstnana(Sarvahga-sundari),
bhatta,
Laksmana
Suri
(Sruti*ranjim),
Banamall Bhatta, Vitthala-diksita (GUa-govinda'
prathamatfapadi-vivrti), Vi6ve^vara-bhatta
Sali-natha,
(Sruti-rafljini)
flankara-mis'ra
{Rasa-maftjan),
Sesaratnakara (Sdhitya-ratnakara), Srlkanta-mi^ra (Pada-bhavartha-candnkd),
Srlharsa, Hrdayabharana
(GHa-yovinda-tilakottarna), Balq-bodhini
and Vacana-malikq.
EDITOR'S NOTES
The poem has been designated

and Schroeder and sometimes
divided
poet
kdvija.
067
drama by Lassen
But since the
yatra.
as a lyrical
as a refined
into cantos he intended
it
The Gita-govinda
temples of Visnu by
dancing. Though the
is
in
sung
actually
be treated as a
to
it
the
of
many
temple girls in accompaniment with

poem has an erotic form particularly to lay
readers, to the devotees of Hari they do not excite any sex passion
or idea but fill their minds with the splendour of the divine amour
the
between Radha and Krsna.

of the longing
God symbolised
the
the
of
in
delineation
human
13
much an
not so
soul
amours
transcendental
expression
Radha and
in
symbolised
but to a real Vaisuava
Krsna,
the
of
It
appears as
it
of
Radha and
Krsna into which the devotee enters through religious sympathy

Goethe admired the poem even through the
and devotion.
Goethe had even expressed the
imperfect translation of Jones.
Winternitz makes
intention to translate the poem himself.
1
the following remark about the Glta-govinda
Indian Literature, Vol. Ill

as
in the love lyric of
if,
songs
of
other
nations,
It is true that
else.
it is
"At
the
the
first
Indians
in
his
it
glance
contrast
in
History
of
might seem
to
the
love
element outweighed all

very prominent in Indian love songs,
the
sensual
Western taste beautiful

prominent for the
women are crushed by the weight of their breasts, their
hips resembled elephants'- trunks, lovers tear garments from
often
the
all
too
bodies
of
their
beloved
often
mentioned biting
and
both
men and women,
also
die for love.
It is
in
their
Western
than
taste
Schiller
Goethe*
lovers,
much importance
and that very frequently
And
Jubilauniaausgabc, Vol. 37, p.
II, pp. 303, 309-
is
it
yet not infrequently
210
form
more
\\e find true
Nature
ft'.
to
nothing
erotic as well
Moreover, a deep feeling for
Werlce,
und Goethe,
these
is
with
deep sentiment and inward feeling in the
there
pine away
longing and
also true that the Indian lyric being a branch
a witty sport.
religious lyric.
but
scratching,
of the ornate court poetry attaches too
for
and
passion,
is
and
as in the
geniune
Brief-wechsel zwischen
HISTORY
668
and
unaffected
in
.OF
SANSKRIT LITERATURE
Indian lyric as
the
Indian
in
in
poetry
Thus, Goldstiicker also said: "Deepest feeling for

general."
Nature has at all times been a characteristic trait of the Indian
mind." 1
The Indian
stotra
literature is indeed
large and
very
it
is
impossible to give any complete idea of its extent and the hold
Most religious
that it had upon the religious life of the Hindus.
persons of education would probably compose a stotra for himself
and would recite other well-known stotras in the morning, after
bath and while taking bath, and at the time of religious prayers
in the morning, mid-day and evening. It forms a daily routine
of
the religiously-minded
Libraries in
India contain
Hindus.
The
various
Manuscript
The
of stotras.
many manuscripts
Tanjore Manuscript Library alone contains 204 stotra works and

some thousands of them would be available in the various Manuscript Libraries of India.
AMARUSATAKA
The
poet
Amaru, the author
exact of verses of which
and Amaruka.
The
is
of
this
collection,
indeed uncertain,
collection has got a
is
number
also called
number
of
the
Amaru
commentaries
such as, Amaru-darpana,
Rasika-sanjivam by Arjunavarman,
Bhdva-cintdmani by Caturbhuja Misra and also by Kokasambhava,
Nandalala, Eavicandra, Eamarudra, Vemabhupala, Sarikaracarya,
The last
Hariharabhatta, and by Jfianananda Kaladharasena.
commentator explains the poems in a double sense, viz., from the

side of love and of quietism.
Arjunavarman's commentary has
been published in the Kavyamala series, which was probably
written between 1215 and 1218 A.U.
The reputation of Amaruwell evident from the traditional saying that each verse
of Amaru is equal in value to ]00 good works ekam-eva-maroh
ataka
tilokah
1
is
sat-prabandha-sataya
ca.
Allfjemeine Betrachtungen iiber das indische Naturgefuhl
Kosmos,
II.
115
If.
io
Alex.
V,
Huinboldt,
EDITOR'S NOTES
Though Anandavardbana
first
669
Amaru-fataka about
refers to
850 A.D. and Vamana refers to Amaru's slokas, none of

them mention his name, and as the work varies largely from
recension to recension,
as
De
Dr.
it is
very difficult to locate Amaru's
has pointed out in the body of the
text
date,
and
there
no wonder that slokas written by other persons had entered

We know nothing of his life. There is
into the collection,
is
a traditional
when Sankara,
that
story
defeated in debate for his absence
entered the dead body of king
of
the
knowledge in
Amaru and
was
philosopher,
he
erotics,
in that body he
learnt
everything about erotics and wrote the verses which pass by the
name of Amaru-fataka.
Kavicandra, author of the Karmida commentary, thought

that it had a double meaning, an erotic and a religious one.
It
be
should
noted that
we
wherever
find
Satakas
like
tfrhgara-sataka Amaru-sataka and the like the number may be

"
hundred" being used in the sense
100, less or more, the word
,
of 'many'.
Friedrich
has
Kiickert
lb
j
translated
verses
of
Amaru.
Schroeder has also translated some selected poems of Amaru in

Amaru-Mangobliitcn, p. 77 if. and Hertel in IndischcGedichtetmA
Hans Lindach under the pseudonym Hermann

der
Nymphden
has given a picture of
The
atmosphere created by
Spriichen, seems also to smell of Amaru.
1908.
beautiful description of
1913, 158
Weller, iulm Landc
amorous
Amaru's verses
from Amaru,
Bobtlingk, in Indischen
life
Schroeder has given a

in
Reden and Aufsdtze,
ff.
Assuming that the verses referred to by Anandavardhana

are genuine verses of Amaru, we may suppose that Amaru bad
attained celebrity by the 8th century A.D.
BHARTRHARI
If
as
assume that the text
we can
in
published
Bhartphari
it
the
would
of
Kavya-samgraha
not
be
the
&rhgara-ataka
series
injudicious
belongs
to
to
think
670
that the
Vairagya-ataka might in all probability also

belong
At least there need not be any objection on
to Bhartrhari;
the
of
of
tfrngara-sataka
"
writing on
person
on
write
to
expected
the
that
score
In the 99th
Vairdgya as well.
the
could not be
Srhgam
Kavya-samgraha
verse
Bhartrhari
series
When
the ignorance produced by the movement of the

says:
darkness of sex-desire prevailed, the whole world was full of
women
Now
me.
for
that with the effective
collyrium of
crimination our eyes have attained their proper sight,

whole world full of Brahman." In verses 19 and ,20
dis-
I find the
thinks that there are two alternatives for the male, either
he
also
be an
to
Himalayas or to be given to the charms of women

which shows that his mind sometimes oscillated between
ascetic in the
a fact
In verse 44 again, the poet
the two poles.
cloyment of amorous indulgence.

to the
two
alternatives, either
and refers
feels
to the
Again, in 46, the poet refers
enjoyment or taking
to
an ascetic's
(yauvanam va vanarn va). He finds again, in 47, that women

are extremely attractive and charming to him, yet they are the
life
In verses 73-92 he expressly manifests his

In verses 94 et seq., he abuses
disinclination towards women.
cause of
those
all
sorrow.
women who
already
made up
are
his
trying
mind
attract
to
an
to turn
him though he
ascetic.
Moreover,
had
verse
Vairagya-sataka reminds one of verse 78 of the

In verse 42 ct. seq., even
inspite of his
Srhgara-iataka.
15 of
the
disinclination
considered by
It
seems
to worldly
him
amours with
as having a value
however
work
joys,
doubtful
worthy
whether
women
are
still
of this life.
the
Nlti-sataka
is
of Bhartrhari, the author of the
Srngara and the

The tone seems to be entirely different and the
Vairagya-sataka.
There are a few verses also in the edition
style is also different.
actually the
published in the Kavya-samgraha series which

But the name Bhartrhari
the Panca-lantra.
may
is
be traced
to
not associated
with any of the 3atakas in the verses. It is only in conclusion of

the verses that the name of Bhartrhari occurs and not in the
body of the book.
EDITOR'S NOTES
We
know
671
the
grammarian Bhartrhari wrote a commentary on Patafijali's Mahabhasya and also a philosophy of

grammar called the Vakya-padlya. The Chinese pilgrim I-Tsing
refers to a learned Bhartrhari who was a true supporter of
Buddhism and was well-known throughout India and died forty
that
I-Tsing came. I-Tsing wrote in 691, so this

Bhartrhari must have died in 651. I-Tsing does not say anything
about the identity of the grammarian and writer of the Vakyabefore
years
But he
us a remarkable story about him; he says that

this Bhartrhari seven times became an ascetic and seven times
padiya.
became
tells
I-Tsing also refers to a verse in which

Bhartrhari says that he is unable to cut asunder the bonds of
the world.
Max Miiller has on this ground identified the
a householder.
But certainly we cannot

grammarian and the poet.
such a conclusion from the statement of I-Tsing.
surprising that though we have the
know nothing of the Bhartrhari of
made by I-Tsing.
but
Bhartrhari
but
it
as being
sense.
requires a long stretch of
having turned
whom
Buddhist.
is
We
this
name
recognise
of the Saiva
saint
to
imagination
been
not a Buddhist
type
regard him
as
grammarian had written a

which he analysed the sutras
the
grammatical work called Ctlrni in

of Panini and illustrated the vrtti clearing up many
that the
also
I-Tsing says that Patanjali
know
name
is
has
reference
It is possible to
a poet then a
first
It
at
name Bhartrhari we should
Bhartrhari of the $at(ihas
a Saiva in the Vedantist
arrive
of the
Mahabhasya
that Induraja quotes the
is
difficulties.
Curm and
Mahabhasya
in his
it is
by
commen-
tary on Udbhatdlamkara. Then I-Tsing speaks of the BhartrhariHe says that in this
sastra as the commentary on the Cnrni.
work Bhartrhari deals with the principles of human life and

the grammatical science and also relates the reasons of the rise
and decline
J
was
of
many
K. B. Patbak in J.B.R.A.S
in all probability a
different from the
Buddhist.
grammarian.
The
families.
1893,
341
ff
author was
thinks that
the
intimately
grammarian Bhartrhari
In such a case of course the writer of the Satqkas will be
672
acquainted with the doctrine of sole knowledge (Vidyamatra) and

had skilfully discussed about the Jietu and udaharana. This
was famous throughout the

excellence was known everywhere.
scholar
five
He
of India
parts
and
believed deeply
his
in the
three jewels and diligently meditated on the two-fold nothingness
atman and dharma). Having desired to embrace the

excellent law, he became a homeless priest,
but overcome by
he
desires
returned
to
the laity.
He became seven
worldly
(that of
times a priest and seven times returned to the laity.

the truth
believes in
of cause
and effect one
Bhartrhari
strenuously.
is
reproach to the following

the world
again I
with
said to have written
effect
"
:
cannot act
a verse of
self-
enticement
the
Through
Unless one
of
being free from secular pleasures,

How do these two impulses play
"It is forty years
1-Tsing further says
return to the lady,
wear the priestly cloak.
me
as a child !"
since his death (A.D. (551-652)."

is
Bhartrhari
According to I-Tsing,
supposed to have
It is supposed
written another work called the Vakya-padiya.
Bhartrhari
the
on
inference supported by the
to be a book by
authority of the sacred teaching and on
Now,
if
we
inductive argument.
are to believe in the testimony of I-Tsing,
which
extremely definite with regird to Bhartrhari the author of the

Vakya-padlya and if we accept the story he relates about Bhartr-
is
hari,
it is
not unlikely that the Bhartrhari of the Srngara and the
Vairagya~$atakas
are
extremely
women and
writer of the
bhasya
present
reveals in
opposite
to
him two master
each
other,
passions,
viz.,
which
passion
for
being a recluse, is identical with the

Vakya-padlya. Bhartrhari's work on the Maha-
passion for
now
moment
is
I-Tsing's remark
mony
who
of I-Tsing
lost
to
to
say
us.
We
are
therefore
unable at
the
anything about the truth or error of

work. But if we ignore the testi-
about this
we should be most unwilling
Bhartrhari of the Satakas
is
identical with the
to believe that the
Bhartrhari of the
Vakya-padlya. Not only the tiatakas do not seem to contain any

so far as style, language or manner
similarity with Vahya-padlya
EDITOR'S NOTES
673
of speech are concerned, but there is not the slightest sign in the
Satakas which
in
to
may lead us to think that the writer was an expert

grammar. The monism of the Vdkya-padlya does not seem
be in any way a Siiva doctrine.
Par less could we trace any-
thing of Buddhism either in the writer of the 6atakas or
to be believed then
Buddhism.
we have
the
They on the other hand seem to be
writer of the Vakya-padlya.

quite antagonistic to
in
the testimony of I-Tsing is

to assume that Bhartrhari lived in
If
the middle of the 7th century and though I-Tsing does

was a poet, it would not be very far
that Bhartrhari
suppose that the Bhartrhari of the satakas
not
say
wrong
to
identical with the
is
Bhartrhari of the Vakya-padlya,
GNOMIC POETRY
Some moral
numbers
are found
stanzas
in
RV. and
in fairly large
the Upanisads and the

the
and
Gita
are also full of such
Dhammapada
That rich store-house of stories, the Pancatantra,
the Aitareya Brahmana,
in
Mahabharata.
maxims.
may
also be regarded
as
great
store-house
of wise
maxims.
There are many collections of such wise sayings, particularly

those which were useful for a successful career and individual
well-being, such as, Raja-nUi-samuccaya,Canakya-niti, Canakya-
Vrddha-Canakya and Laghu-Canakya. See also, in this

connection, 0. Kressler, Stimmen indischer Lebensklugheit,13W
There are Tibetan and Arabic versions of these also (SBA, 1895,
182 ff; for Galanos f
p. 275 and Zachariae WZKM, xxviii,
rajaniti,
see
source,
know
the source
Canakya.
for
the
JAOS,
Boiling,
the
of
As Keith
conduct of
49
collections
says, its
life
xli,
for
We
ff.).
do not exactly
that go by the
contents deal with

intercourse
name
of
general rules
among men,
general
reflections on richness and poverty, on fate and human effort and

on a variety of religious and ethical topics; as also, as we find
in the Subhasitas and
animal
stories of the
Hitopadeta, on the
674
relation
master and
between
his
ministers, different kinds of difficult
women
and
the
There
like.
servants,
king and his
the
situations 1 the
are
also
character of
antithetic
many
expressions.
We
have
Ntti-6ataka
the
also
Under
Bhartrhari.
of
Sankara-varman (883-902) of Kashmir,, we have the BhallataWe have also another work
kavi and his Bhallata-$ataka.
by Silhana, the Kashmirian poet, who was an admirer of

Bhartrhari and also borrows from the Nagananda of Har$a.
As the Sadukti-karnamrta of 1205 quotes from him, he must
have been anterior to it. Pischel thinks that Silhana is a
mistake for Bilhana.
Silhana's book has been edited by K.
Schonfeld, Leipzig, 1910
have discussed
ff.).
JR\S, 1911,
see Keith,
(also
We
lived
series,
Harsa
6ataka
who
Bilhana separately. Sambhu,

Kashmir (1089-1101), wrote a work
Anyokti-mukta-lata-ataka published in the Kavyamala
in 108 verses.
His Rajendra-karnapura, in praise of
Harsa
under
called
of
is
of
Vallabha-deva.
by
cited
Kusuma-deva,
We
have the
unknown
of
date,
The
the Kavya-samgraba series by Jivananda.
In each verse we have
consists of 100 verses.
in the first line
of
and simile in the second
Nagaraja and the
Upade6a-ataka
the
first
half
of
the 12th century
Somapala was the king

on good conduct and
the
Kashmir
contains 65
of
is
instruction
The Bhava-ataka
line.
of
Drstanta-
published in
Drstanta-fataka
Gumani,
The Mugdhopadefa
referring to in this connection.

of
257
p.
are
of
worth
Jalhana
another excellent work.
at his time.
verses.
We
It is a
work
must
also
mention Sudarana-$ataka by SrI-kuru-narayana-kavi (published

in the Kavyamala series), Subhasitanivi by the celebrated Venkatacarya of the
Kavyamala series),
son of Padmanabha,
and
12 chapters (published in the

Anyopadea-6ataka by Madhusudana-kavi,
14th century,
in
Santi-vilasa
of
the
by NTlakantha-Dlkijita son
brother
grandson
Narayana
(Kavyamala series),
Darpa-dalana
619
verses,
chapters,
by
of
of
Appaya-Dikita
Kêmendra
in
NOTES
'The
Sabha-tafijana-fataka
is
575
work
another
description, of 105 verses, by Nilakantha
of
the same
Dlksita; Sevya-sevak-
opadega by Ksemendra; so also Caru-carya of Ksemendra, of 100
Caturvarga-samgraha by Ksemendra, in 4 chapters, of

111 verses. Kali-vidambana is an excellent work by Nilakantha
verses
which he describes the weakness and wickedness in
Dlksita, in
various professions of
extremely amusing that SrhgaraSomaprabhacarya, in 46 verses, can be

It is
life.
vairagya-tarahgini by
interpreted both on the side of love
and on the side
lahariby Jagannatha-pandita; Kala-vilasa of

in
10 chapters, in which
renun-
of
We have the Sahrdaya-lila of Rajanaka Ruyyaka
ciation.
Ksemendra
Sudha-
is a
work
he deals with dambha, lobha, kama,
courtesans, the kayastha, pride, songsters, goldsmith and various

kinds of swindlers through stories and also in the 10th chapter
We
have again Prandbharana by Jagannatha, containing 53 verses and Amrta-lahari

also by the same author.
Appaya Dlksita also wrote a Vairagyainstructs
us
about
proper
behaviour.
6ataka.
Among
the
didactic
works we must mention Santi-deva's
We
have
Bodhi-caryavatara, as also the $iksa-samuccaya.
It contains 101
the $ata-lokl attributed to Saiikara.
also
Sragdhard verses.
Keith
refers to
the
$rhgara-jMna-nirnaya
M. Grandjean, AMG. X, 477
which gives a
ff.)
by
contest between the claims of love and of knowledge, the claims of
love being espoused by Rambha and those of philosophy by Suka.
J.
(edited
We
tion
are reminded of a similar struggle between love and renunciain
Bhartrhari's
Vairagya-Sataka.
We
have a work on
pornography called the Kuttani-ma ta by Damodara-gupta, minister

of Jaya-plda of Kashmir (778-813).
Damodara-gupta is referred
to by Kalhana as a poet and Mammata and Ruyyaka quote
from
verses
Cf.
him.
Sjhg&raâtaka, 19
The
work
has
been
with
published
inatearyam-uts&rya vic&rya karyam aryah samaryadam-idaî vadantn

nitamvA frt'tnw bhftdharayam ta smara-smera-vilasinwarii
II
6t6

by the Guzerati
called Rasa-dlpika
commentary
Printing Press,
The poet vividly describes

procuress by name "Vikarala, the various
1924.
It is also called tfawibhall-mata.
through the mouth of a

cunning arts, wiles and
courtesans to
youngmen
which are resorted to by

decoy and lead guileless, simple and weak-minded
He
to ruin.
wrote
Malati,
to
who
herself
in
lived
the
seeks
The
rogues and procuresses.

lovers
as he says in the last
the work,
people from being cheated by wicked women,
verse, to help
named
devices,
is
story
that
a dancing girl
being unable to attract

of an old procuress called
Benares,
advice
Vikarala succeeds in attracting the son of a king's

high official, called Cintamani. This she does by narrating the
She also advises Malati to
story of Haralata to Cintaraani.
Vikarala.
behave
like
Manjari for ensnaring the youngmen and she relates
the story of Malati.
Another work worthy of reference is the Nlti-mafijarl of

Dya Dviveda (1494) which illustrates about 200 verses of maxims
The
by tales culled from Sayana's commentary on the Rg-veda.
1
Subhdsita-ratna-sandoha written about 994, and Dhanna-parlka,

written about twenty years later, by Amitagati, brother of
K$emendra, deal with the various aspects
of Jaina ethics.
HISTORICAL KAVYAS
Among
Bana
kdvyas we have the prose romance of

the Prakrt kavya Gauda-vaha by Vakpati-
the historical
(7th century),
raja, the court-poet of

Both the works are
King Yaôvarman
but
historical material and are
We
have
fragmentary.
of
Kanauj (750 A.D.).
They
full of descriptions of
then
contain
little
natural scenes, the
the
Nava-sahasahka-carita by
seasons,
Padmagupta or Parimala, which deals in reality with a fairy-tale
etc.
LIX
See Keith, J.R.A.S, 1900, p, 127
ff.
and 796
f.
Edited in KSvyamala series with translation by Schimdt and Heitel, Z.D.M.G ,

and LXI; C/., also W.Z K.M., XVII 105 ff. ; se also N. Mironow's Die
Dharmaparika des Amitagati, 1903
677
EDITOR* s NOTES
theme but mentions many

of
glorification
historical
names.
It
was written in
patron-king Sindhuraja Nava-sahasanka.
his
There was indeed some historical truth in the narrative of the

fairy-tale
and
was written about 1005 A.D.
it
We
have then
Vikramahkadeva-carita by Bilhana. It deals with the

history of Some^vara I, Somesvara II, and specially Vikramaditya VI and the Calukya princes reigning between 1076 and
the
In the historical information given here as regards the

war between the Calukyas and the Colas we hear that the Colas
1127.
were completely annihilated every time just as in the present

war-news we hear that the Germans are completely annihilated
and yet the city is occupied by them. The poet gets the better of
the historian and he does not take any interest in giving us any
information regarding the interval of time between two events.
In the 18th and
last
chapter he gives
We
his
autobiography.
have then the Raja-taranginl by Kalhana of the 12th century.
Kalhana's great work was continued in the 15th and 16th centuries
Thus, Jona-raja, who died in 1459,

Kashmiri princes down to the reign of
by chroniclers.
continued the history of
His pupil Srivara wrote the Jaina-rajaThe

tarahgirn dealing with the period between 1459 and 1486.
Rajavali-pataka was begun by Prajya-bhatta and completed by
Sultan Zainu-l-'abidin.
his pupil
Suka
annexation of Kashmir by
a few years after the
Akbar (1586).
Then
life
again, Jalhana in his
of king
Somapala
of
poem Somapala-vilasa describes the

Rajapurl near Kashmir against whom
war was made by the Kashmiri king Sussala. We have also the
historical
poem Prthvlraja-vijaya by Jonaraja describing the
of
the Cauhan king Prthvlraja of Ajmere and Delhi
victories
who fell in 1193. The work was probably written between 1178
and 1200 A.D.
1
The work has been
edited by Biihler in B.S.S.,
reliable for the description of c\ents
history, it is almost mythical.
and things
of
etc.
The Raja-tarahgini
but?
as
is
quite
for
It is also a valuable source for the history of culture.
a mine of rich informations regarding the religious

popular beliefs, snake-cult,
1875.
Kalhana's oron time,
The
poetic
charm
conditions,
of the
book
the
is also
sects,
the
past
It is
Kashmiri
indeed very great
678
HISTORY 0$ SANSKRIT LITERATURE
The
kavya
learned Jaina
monk Hemacandra wrote
his
Dvyasrayaand Prakrt with the twofold object of teaching
in Sanskrit
grammar and relating the story

The Sanskrit part is in 20. cantos
Calukyas of Anhilvad.
dealing with the Calukya rulers
of
the
from Mularaja to Kama, the father of Jayasimha, the reign

Jayasimha and of the martial and pious deeds of Kumarapala.
of
It
same time the rules of Sanskrit grammar

by Hemacandra. The second part is a Prakrt poem arid
deals in 8 cantos the life and deeds of Kumarapala.
The
work could not have been written before 1163, for Kumarapala
illustrates
was
at
still
written.
the
living
at
height of his fame
the
when
the
poem was
The Klrti-kaumudi
is
the biography of Vastupala, minister of
the
Vaghela princes, Lavana-prasada and Vira-dhavala, by

SomeSvara-deva who lived in Guzerat between 1179 and 1262. It
deals with the history of the Vaghela dynasty of

a work of poetical value and contributes to the
Guzerat.
history of
It is
the
SorneSvara-deva also wrote a romantic epic called

Calukyas.
the Surathotsava with a fairy-tale theme which has probably
some historical background, and in the last canto the poet gives
his family history.
The
life of
Vastupala
is
subject-matter of a work
Jina-harsa.
The king Vastupala
also the
called the Vastupala-carita
by
was himself a poet who wrote a work
called
Nara-narayanananda
dealing with the story of the friendship of Arjuna and Krna and
the abduction of Subhadra by Arjuna (written between 1220 to
1230 A.D.).
later work
The same minister Vastupala was
the
hero of a
Sukrta-sahkirtana by Arisimha. It is
4
In
important from the point of view of the history of Guzerat.
the
called
The Prakrt Dvyasraya-kavya with
published in B.S.S., 1900,
the commentary of Purgakalasagani, has been

and the Sanskrit Dvyatraya-kdvya in the same series in 1915 and
again in 1021, with the commentary of Abbaya-tilaka-gani.

2
Edited in B.S. 8., 1888.
8
Edited, G.O.S., 1916.
Edited in the Srijaina Atmananda Sabhi Series, 1916.
679
EDITOR'S NOTES
we have
connection
this
to
mention Balacandra Suri's Vasanta-
vilasa-mahakavya.
We have also the
extolled
in
life and good deeds of a merchant Jagadu

Sarvananda's Jagadu-carita written in the 14th
century.
In the 14th century the poetess Gangadevi wrote an historical

poem called the Mathura-vijaya or Virakamparaya-carita, in
which she describes the heroic deeds of her husband who led
King Campa of Kafici and against

Madura (Madhura rajya). 2 The heroic
victorious expeditions against
Mahomedan
the
chief of
Hammira, who distinguished himself in the war with

the Moslems is described in the Hammira-kavya by the Jaina
deeds of
Nayacandra in the 15th century. Rudrakavi wrote a historical

poem in 20 cantos called the Rdstraudha-vama-kavya dealing
with the history of the Bagulas of Mayuragiri from the founder
of the dynasty
8
century.
Rastraudha down
About the middle of
Narayana Sha in the 16th

the 16th century, Madhava, a son
to
Abhayacanira, a court official of the Vaghelaraja Vlrabhanu,

wrote the Vlra-bhanudaya-kavya in 12 cantos, which contained
of
Rewa
in the Moghul period.

Nyayaand
Vigvanatha
son
Tarkapancanana
vacaspati Rudra,
of Vidyanivasa wrote a panegyrical poem on king Bhavasimha,
4
Bhavasimha was a contemporary of
called Bhava-vilasa
dates for the history of
brother of
Akbar.
wrote a work of 18
Again, Raghunatha in the 16th century
cantos called Rasika-marana in which the life and work of the
Vaisnava teacher Durvasas

carita
was written
Edited in G.O.S., 1917.

Edited in Trivendrum, 1916.
the fcatyo
Raghunathdbhyudaya
is
The Ksittta-vamSavali-
related.
in the middle of the
called the
is
Another lady,
18th century relating the
Ramabhadramba
edited by the University
Baghuoatha-nftyaka who
ruled in
of
wrote
Madras, 1934.
Tanjore in the
first
quarter
of
century.
Edited in G.O.S., 1917.

*
Edited in Kavyamala,
Part
II, 1886.
This Budra w*s
the kavya
The hero
the author of the
the
of
16th
680
history of the
ancestors of king Kj-sna-candra
Navadvlpa in
of
Bengal and their battles against the Moslems, and the destinies of
the individual rulers as well as
and even
all
The work
fairy tales.
kinds of court
written
is
anecdotes
tales,
in
very
simple
prose.
There had been indeed many more historical kavyas in

Sanskrit and many also are the chronicles in Hindi, Rajastham,
entirely
But
Tamil and Simhalese.
Bengali,
because
disappeared
the
prince or
many
general
them have
of
interest of the people
hero was
any particular
only of a temporary
character and could not be compared with the perennial interest
and emotion that they could derive by harping on the legends
for
Ramayana, the Mahabharata and the Puranas. The

motive of dharma as interlaced with pleasant emotion is not only
of
the
the cause
written
which
as
or
why
so
preserved,
these
determination
otherwise,
to
historical
of
or the
the
actual
relating
ministration or the actual

like,
poems had been

but it also explains the manner in
The mere
chronicles were written.
few
would have but
in general would not
deeds
the
place in a
interested
of
nature
narration of
little
be
of
of the historical
in
kings,
or
of their political ad-
their
work
martial
relations
of
and the
kavya and people
such recitals.
Even
in
dealing with the chronicles of history, the main attention of the

poet was directed to two points, one, the creation of aesthetic
emotion by lovely descriptions, scenes of love, natural scenes,

and the beauty of nature, and two, the creation of ideals. The
poet would thus even at the sacrifice of exactitude and sometimes by mythical accounts, try to portray a great deal. He
would not mind so much about the inaccuracy of details,
even
if
the
story
had not
sufficient evidence to
well-founded, provided the legend or
be regarded as
the tradition was in con-
of the character that a
man
sonance with the
spirit
was contingent and unimportant but what
mere
fact as fact
possessed.
important is a total effect, the transfiguration of the character

The discussions on the nature of
as conceived in the poet's mind,
is
EDITOR'S NOTES
681
truth and falsity as found in the various parts of the Mahabharata

and elsewhere reveal to us the fact that mere verbal correctness
and objective agreement of words was not really truth.

Truth
was that which was beneficial and good for humanity. Thus the.
Mahabharata is very positive that there are occasions in which
truth
is
and
false
false is truth.
The fundamental
determines the truth-value of truth
principle that
not the agreement of words
is
with facts but with human good.

Truth is not good for itself,
but so far only as it leads to human good.
With such an idea of
truth the poet may well be expected to give a greater emphasis
and
to
indulge
sentiment of
in
his.
imagination for
This sentiment
in the exaggerations of facts through
particular
portraying a
is again well-demonstrated
imagery in order to give
to a particular fact.
poetic
expression
damsel may be slender but
poet
The waist
like
of a beautiful
in order to
Sriharsa
emphasise the point of slenderness would describe the waist as

anu-madhya (i.e., waist like an atom) or sad-asat-sam$ayagocarodan (i.e., the waist so slender that there is doubt whether
exists
it
or not)
The
well that
from the point
but
Indian
the
ludicrous
and
as
view of
well as other persons

fact the
description
know
is
it
false,
reader will not be shocked at such a description
until he is told by
is
of
poet
his
false,
European masters that the description

that the technique of
for he knows
exaggeration is never intended to be taken in its literal character

but only as intimating to us the poet's emphasis on slenderness.
Bhamaha,
Abhinava-gupta
and
others,
proclaim that
alahkaras or poetic
all
atiayokti or exaggeration is the soul Of all

adornments. This aesthetic doctrine follows directly from the
view that expressions should be carriers more of the sentiments
and impressions than agreement with actual facts. Mere agreement of words with facts has but little importance. What
matters really, is the^consequential effect on others.
1
bhavet satyarp na vaktavyaqi vaJctavyam-anrtain bhavet /

yatranjtam bhavet satyarp, satyarn vdpyanftani bhavet / /
Mahabharata, Santiparva, 109.

.
861343 B
5,
682
Thus, for example, Kalhana in his Raja-taranginl describes

the sense of justice that king Candrapida had (Book IV) as
also the relation in which the meanest of subjects stood to the
" Once
His description goes as follows
when he wanted
king.
:
who
to build a temple, a leather-tanner
belongs to the despised

classes in Kashmir refused to give up his hut for the building site.
When this was reported to the king, he blamed the officials for
not having first asked the tanner's permission.
They should
either not build, or else erect the temple elsewhere, he says
'
would sully a pious work by taking away the land
:
Who
from another ?
perform
to
If
who are to see

who would tread the
we,
illegal actions,
justice is done,
'
right path ?
As the tanner desires audience of the king, this is granted

him. The king asks him why he is hindering the pious work,
as he could get a
better
'
is like
two
The body
of
man, who
is
replies
nails
"I"
and "mine."
who
this residence
that
your Majesty,
a pot, to me.
From my
is
is
as
compensation
held together only by the
The same
feeling of
are resplendent in ornaments
necklaces, lives also in us
What
money
to him
born in the cycle of existences,
a weak suit of armour, which
lives in you,
my
hut or claim
The tanner
for his present hut.
of
that
of
"I"
which
bracelets
and
poor people.
with the gleaming white palaces is to

this hut, whose window is the neck of
birth this hut has been, like a mother, the witness
joys and sorrows and so 1 cannot bear
down to-day.
The pain which men
feel,
whose home
see
to
is
it
pulled
taken forcibly
away from them, can be
described only by a God who has fallen

out of his celestial chariot, or by a king who has lost his realm.
Nevertheless, I would
to
come
into
my
give
it
up,
house and request
me
your Majesty were

to do so, in accordance
if
with propriety.'
Thereupon the king goes into the pariah's bouse, buys the
hut from him, and is praised by him as a virtuous
king."
tJDlTOR's NOTES
683
This story brings out two important points, viz., that the
king's sense of justice was so universal as even to include a tanner,
We
It
know
that
in
India,
was a greater dharma
legal
dharma
erect a temple.
Even
the
erection
of
a
would
be
by
temple
based upon the violation of the rights of the
if it is
On
man.
of
part of the tanner did

liberty
he
should
to be acquired
meaningless
meanest
or
political
philosophy
of
pure spirit or
the
self
the other hand, the sense of right on the

not spring from any sense of political
a
of
rights
universal
the tanner
citizen
but from a supreme
men
equality of all
felt
himself
and position with the king.
He
to his property as the

king
to
not
dharma.
for a king that he should not violate the
right of the tanner than that
the
also called
is
justice
had
as spirits.
be equal
to
had therefore as
his
own
in
much
property.
It
As
rank
right
was
important for the poet to enquire as to the proofs of the
authenticity of the
conditions that
story
prevailed
provided it represented the cultural

among the people at the time and the
If
bright sense of justice with which the king was credited.
the story has been able to impress upon us this fact, it has
done
its
relevance.
man
in
It
that
not of
Its truth or falsehood as fact is
purpose.
is
the
aspect
inner
that
essence of
man and
was important
to
much
his relations to
the
poet and not
actually the exactitude of the physical happenings.
THE PRIK?T
The Prakrt
in part artificial.
is
the
name given
to a literary language
which
is
It however at bottom represents a real language
which has been conventionalised. It is distinguished on the one

hand from Sanskrit and on the other from ApabhramSa. Dancjin
speaks of works written in Sanskrit, Prakrt and Apabhram&i.
This
is also
the classification implied by Vararuci
in his Prakrta-
prakata though he does not refer to Apabhrams& as being a form

of Prakrt.
Nevertheless, the difference between ApabhramSa and
684
Prakyt
as a
is
form
The modern grammarians regard Apabhramsa

Prakpt as one may note in Hemacandra and in
very thin.
of
We
sometimes find Apabhramsa coupled

Markarujeya-kavlndra.
with Prakrt as Saurasena Apabhramsa, Mahara?tra ApabhramSa
and Magadhl ApabhramSa side by side with Saurasem, Maharastri
and Magadhl Prakrts.
candra
From
the examples
given
by Hema-
appears that this ApabhramSa very nearly approached

The Prakrts were probably a compromise
the spoken dialect.
between the spoken dialect and the Sanskrit, or rather between
it
ApabhramSa and Sanskrit. For this reason, the grammarians

sometimes speak of Prakrt being the foundation of Sanskrit a
doctrine which is certainly false from the point of view of
the
linguistics.
principle in
other.
But it has some justification when judged from the

which Prakrt and Sanskrit were adapted to each
Apabhramâ has often been regarded
as
a local dialect.
This is the view of Vagbhatalahkara (apabhrarrisas-tu yac-chudIt was in this deAabhasd that
dhairi tat-tadde$esu bhasitam).
Gunadhya wrote his work. But in writing in this ApabhramSa

it became a literary language and came under the domination ot
grammar. It was probably in this way that ApabbramSa came
to be
regarded as a type of Prakrt, having definite rules.

ApabhramSa then came to be distinguished from defabhasd or
gramyabhaa. It would not be right to hold that the ApabhramSa
and the Prakrt associated with particular local names such as

Maharatra, Surasena, Magadha, etc., were actually spoken by
the people of those localities any more than the people of Gauda,
Vidarbha or Paricala who wrote in those
styles of Sanskrit
pass by the names of Gau<Ji, Vaidarbhi or Paflcali.

think that they were based on certain local dialects
much
modified and they
came
to be used
in
We
which
can only
which were
literature.
It is
on
account of voluntary alterations that even the most ancient

inscriptions have been written in a specially ordered court
language which had no real currency but was conventionalised.

These Prakrts are comparable to Classical Sanskrit but not to
the Sanskrit of the Brahmaijas.
EDITOR'S NOTES
The Pateaci Prakrt
it
but
literary
works the Paisaci dialect
The Prakrt grammars indeed
seldom used.
of
one of the most ancient varieties of
is
In the existing
Prakft.
685
we do
not
find
it
The Tibetans however say
actually
note
many
is
varieties
employed in other works.
that the doctrine of Sarvastivadins hold
that in ancient times the sthaviras of one of the four schools wrote
their books in the Paisaci dialect
though the Sammitlyas did it in

ApabhramSa, the Mahasanghikas in Prakrt and the Sarvastivadins
in Sanskrit.
If
we may
believe the statement
it
proves that
the
Paisaci existed as the written language.
name came from Vimtadeva.

to the language because
This tradition
may
it
at least
Taranatha says that the

The name Paisaci has been given
was an
mean
inferior
and barbarous
that the Paisaci
dialect.
was used by
But we cannot be positive about it.

S&nart suggests that Apabhramga was sometimes called the
certain sects of
probable that Apabhramsa being similar to the

was identified with it and this may be the reason why
It
Buddhism.
is
Vararuci does not speak of Apabhramsa.
Celebrated Writers of the Past Little
Known Now
There bad been quite a number of writers in the past whose

works are not now available, but who were very celebrated in
their time.
Thus, Vyjidi was a great writer, who wrote a
Sarfigraha on Panini and probably other works.
He
is
referred
We have
p. 55).
Eaja-êkhara (Kavya-mlmdmsa,
Saumilla and Kaviputra mentioned by Kalidasa in the 1st century
B.C. along with Bhasa. Eupa and Suri are also mentioned by
to
by
we have also Mentha, Bhartr-mentha or Menthaand also by Baja-sekhara. Medhavlraja mentioned by Bana
We hear the name of
rudra has been mentioned by Bhamaha.
Raja-6ekhara. So
the
Ramabhyudaya mentioned by Ananda-vardhana,
Dhanika
and Vigvanatha, attributed to YaSovarman, the patron of Bhavahear also of Sivasvamin who lived in
bhufi and Vakpati.
We
the middle of the 9th century and was a contemporary of the.ppet
686
He
Batnakara.
is
said to have written
many
ndtikas
natakas,
and prakaranas but excepting a few verses in the anthologies we

practically know nothing of him.
,
Again, Matra-raja, known to Ananda-vardhana and Abhinavagupta wrote his play Tapasa-vatsaraja-carita mentioned in Hall's
ZDMG, XXXIX,
Catalogue (Pischel,
224
NGGW,
315, Hultzsch,
and numerous quotations from it are available

186, p.
in the Natya-darpana Mid elsewhere.
But Mayu-raja's Udattaif.)
raghava is known only by name. He was probably a king of the

Kalacuri dynasty (see Bhattanatha Svamin, Indian Antiquary,
XLI, 139 f; Bhandarkar's Report, 1897, p. 11, p. 18; also
Peterson's Report, II, 59).
bana.
work
of
Bana but now
Dhanika's commen-
it is
attributed
to
at
one time
Vamana
Bhatta-
The Mallika-maruta was at one time thought to be a

Dandin but now it is known to be the work of Dddandin,
Bhnttara Haricandra, so
Bana,
cited in
is
The Parvatl-parinaya was
tary on the Datia-rupaka.

attributed to
He
is
now merely
a name.
Many
the
of
much
eulogised by
works that
have
been mentioned and passages from which have been quoted by

the Ndtya-darpana or the Bhava-praka&ka of the 12th century,
are practically
vatl-natika,
vasakumara,
unknown now.
the
Some
are, the
Anahgasena-harinandi-prakarana
the Abhinava-raghava
of these
by
AnahgaSukti-
by Kslra-svamin, pupil
of
a maha-kavya by Ananda
Bhattendu-raja, the Arjuna-carita
vardhana, the Indu-lekha, both a ndtika and a vltlnl; the Krtya
,
ravana, a ndtaka 9
the Kausalika, a natikd by Bhatta Bhavanuta-
cuîa, Citrotpa1-avalambitaka-prakarana\)y
nataka, Jamadagnya-jaya (vyayogd),
Devi-candragupta
(a
Sankuka, Chalita-rama-
Tarahga-datta (prakarana),
nataka by Vigakha-deva),
Payodhi-mathana,
na$aka by Trilocana), PwpaPanâv-ananda, Partha-vijaya

du$itaka (a prakarana) Pratima+'niruddha (anataka by Vasunaga,
(a
son
of
Prayog-abhyudaya, Balika-vaftcitaka
Bhlma-deva),
nataka) , ManoramA-vatsaraja by
M&yfcpuspaka (nataka)
abhyudaya
(nataka),
(a
Bhlmata, Mallika-makaranda>
Yadav-abhyudaya, Raghu-vilasa, Raghav-
Radha-vipralambha
by Bhejjala, RohiyX*
EDITOR'S NOTES
mrganka
(prakarana),
Vanamala(natika), Vidhi-vilasita (nataka),
Sudha-kalaa,
Vilaksa-duryodhana,
687
Hayagriva-vadha
(a
maha-
kavya by Bhartr-mentha).
Again, Sarada-tanaya mentions a number of writers.
are
Abdhi-mathana,
poem
Vagbhata's Alahkara-tilaka,
in
Apabhramâ
Amrta-manthana
Udatta-kunjara (an uparupaka) ,
Ihamrga
it is
also called
Kali-keli,
These
in
quoted also
(a
samavakara) ,
Kusuma-ekhara (an
Kusuma-ekhara-vijaya and
the Sahitya-darpana), Keli-raivata (a hallUa, quoted
quoted in
also in the
is
GaudaGahga-tarahgika (an uparupaka)

vijaya, Tarak-oddharana (a dima), Tripura-daha a kavya by
Eavi-sunu. There are also two other kavyas of the name,
Sahitya-darpana),
or
Tripura-daha
Narayana-bhatta and
also a (Lima of that name.
We have also
by
Tripura-dahana
Vasudeva and there
is
Tripura-mardana (an uparupaka), Devl-parinaya (a drama in

9 Acts), Devl-mahadeva (an uparupaka), Nala-vikrama (a drama
of
8 Acts), Nandi-mdli
parinaya
(a
prakarana),
(a
bhana), Nrsimha-vijaya, Padmavatl

(an
Manikya-vallika
Marlca-vaficita,
Menaka-nahusa
(a trotaka in
vlthl (a
Vrtr-oddharana
(a
vithl),
prahasana),
Sugrlva-kelana
(an
dima),
uparupaka),
9 Acts), Vakula-
Sagara-kaumudi
uparupaka),
prahasana), Stambhita-rambhaka (a io(a/t of 7 Acts).

many others are the dramas that are lost to us.
It
seems that the land of the dramatic
literature of
of forgetfulness.
(a
Such and
beginning probably as early as the 5th or the 6th century

to the llth and the 12th century, is almost a continent
merged within the briny ocean
(a
Sairandhrika
India
B.C.
sub-
It is, therefere,
quite injudicious for us to think that we can form a real estimate

of the extent and worth of the Sanskrit dramatic literature from
the few specimens that are yet
left to us,
In Gunadhya we have an author whose work the Brhatkatha

was given a place parallel to the Ramayana and the Mah<i-
688
Thus, Govardhana says in the Sapta-6ati published
bhdrata.
in
the
compares
We
the
salute
'
'
Gunadhya
is
of
also referred to in the
the
to
UjjayinI says
Bana
world.
that
they are
the
of
poets
and he
the eloquence of the three writers to the flow
who had returned

people
"
Mahabharata and the Brhatkatha
the
Ramayana,
rivers.
series
Kavyamala
three
of
same work as Vyasa
speaking of the
attached to the Mahaalso
Ramayana, the Puranas and the Brhatkatha. The

Dafariipa refers to the Brhatkatha as a great mine of stories
which are utilised by other dramatists.
Dhanapala in his
bharata, the
to
Tilaka-manjari has rendered homage
Valmiki and Vyasa and the author of the Setu-bandha and
immediately afterwards to the author of the Brhatkatha because
Introduction
to
other kathds in
the
Sanskrit
were derived from
In Kashmir,
it.
Ksemendra wrote 3 manjaris, the Bharata-manjari, RamayanaThe Nepalamfihatmya written

manjarl and Brhatkatha-maftjarl.
on Nepal compares Gunadhya with Valmiki.
The existence of the Brhatkatha was doubted
for a long
time by European scholars such as Wilson and Lassen, but when

Hall printed out his edition of the Vasava-datta of Subandhu
(1859)
and referred
to the testimony of the
practically proved that
the
work existed
till
Kavyadara,
the
7th
it
was
century.
1871 Biihler discovered the Brhatkatha-manjarl. The impossibility of holding that Ksemendra had abridged Somadeva's
In
Katha-sarit-sagara
supposition
and other relevant
"facts
strengthened
must have been an original from which

M. S. L6vi referred to a loka in a Cambodian
there
that
both had drawn.
inscription in the last quarter of the 9th century
an
the
irrefutable allusion to
Gunadhya and
l
his
where there
work
in
is
Prftkrt.
same inscription which

referred to Gunadhya.
Thus, the reality of Gunadhya can no
Further, a review of the external and internal
longer be denied.
Earth referred to another 6loka
in the
p&radal i athira-kaly&no gunaijhyah prdkrta.priyah

anift'ryyo vifalaktah sftro nyakkrtabhimakah U
t
689
EDITOR'S NOTES
proofs of the existence of Gunacjhya can be referred to inLacote's
Essai sur Gunadhya et
The
la
Kashmirian
Brhatkatha.
and
the
Nepalese
legends regarding
Gunadhya have been referred to by Dr. De in brief in the body

of the text.
Ksemendra says that Gunadhya was born in the
Somadeva called the city
Deccan on the river Godavarl.
Supratisthita instead
of Pratistbana.
This Pratisthana was the
Andhra-Bhrtyas who were the descendants of the

Satavahana kings. In the Mahabharata Pratisthana is the place
capital
of the
of pilgrimage near the confluence of the
The Brhatkatha does not

a
Southerner.
that
On
the
other
he lived in Ujjayini or in
scholars
who
Ganges and the Jamuna.

Gunadhya was
give any indication that
hand, there are reasons to believe
Kauambi.
But there
are
many
are disposed to identify Pratisthana as a city on the
Godavari.
The importance of Gunadhya and the high esteem in which

he was held and the reverence that was shown to him will appear
from the remark of Jagaddhara, a commentator of the Vasava"
datta, when he says:
Gunadhyah ......... tena kila bhagavato
Bhavanlpateh mukha-karnalat upasrutya Brhatkatha nibaddheti
We have no doubt that the Katha-sarit-sagara of Somadeva

and the Brhatkatha-manjari of Ksemendra had drawn upon the
Brhatkatha itself or any other work based on the Brhatkatha.
A
critical
that
much
analysis of the Katha-sarit-sagara of

of its defects is due to the defects
Brhatkatha on which
it
was based.
imitated was probably absolutely
original
the
The model
incoherent.
another version than the Katha-sarit-sagara

difficult to
of
Somadeva shows
it
Kashmirian
that
If
Somadeva
we had not
would have been
Somadeva reproduced the plan of his

But at the same time it would not be
not.
say whether
exactly
or
impossible to judge that the Kashmirian Brhatkatha was not

Ksemendra's Brhatkatha-mafljan
the Brhatkatha of Gunadhya.
adapts the tale in a new form and as such it

that some of the stories are missing here.
not surprising
It does not prove
is
690
that they did not exist in
Kashmirian Brhatkatha but the
the
Ksemendra had neglected them as he also

supplemented the original with descriptions of his own.
The Brhatkatha-maHjari of Ksemendra, however, seems to
probability
is
that
reproduce exactly the composition of the Kashmirian Brhatkatha

with all its defects. When Ksemendra tries to hide the incoherence of the model, he does
tries to correct
the
it
plan.
by
It
artifices of
is
evident
form while Somadeva

the
that
Kashmirian
Brhatkatha was not a work which had any logical unity in

but which is merely a collection denuded of any literary unity.
The Kashmirian Brhatkatha appears

not
as
an original
author.
work.
The Kashmirians,
We
of
course,
as
do not
know
believe
it
compilation and
the name of its
that
the author
had probably suffered many editions and it is

probable that the last compiler had made considerable improve-
was Gunadhya.
ments.
It
The Katha-sarit-sayara
says that
it
has
followed the
original loyally.
quotation given below would show that though he was

loyal to the original, he had made considerable changes and
Somadeva thus corrected the plan
tried to make a kavya of it.
The
Brhatkatha and expressed the whole thing

Ksemendra's
in a concise and easily comprehensible manner.
of
the Kashmirian
undoubtedly inferior to that of Somadeva. He is verbose

and full of mannerisms and has a tendency particularly to
dilate upon erotic pictures.
Nevertheless, sometimes he seems
taste is
supplement Somadeva. He seems to conserve some of the

details not found in Somadeva and it may be possible by laborious
to
yatha
mulam
tathaivaitan na manaâpyatikramah
grantha-vistara-sarpksepa-matraip bha?a ca bhidyate
aucityi-nvaya-rakRa ca yatha-Sakti vidhlyate
katha-rasa-vigbatena kavyaipgasya ca yojana
II
vaidagdhya-khyfiti-lobhaya
mama naivayamudyamab
kimtu Dana katha-jala-smrbi-saukarya-siddhaye
II
II
Katha-earit-sagara, 1, 10-12.
In
all probability
ibe edition of Brhat-katlia used

by
from that used by Somadeva,
Kfemendra *as
entirely
different
EDITOR'S NOTES
analysis
two works
the
of
In
Kashmirian Brhatkatha.
details of the
some
surmise
to
of the important
brief,
it
has been
suggested that Ksemendra was more loyal with regard to the

1
order and Somadeva with regard to the materials.
It is,
hovever, certain that
we cannot
regard the Kashmirian
Brhatkatha as being the work of Gunadhya. We cannot impute

to Gunadhya such incoherence as prevails in the Kashmirian
nor the patternity of a good part of the material
of Brhatkatha.
Moreover, it does not seem also probable that
Brhatkatha,
Gunadhya should have such an accurate knowledge of Kashmirian

The Kashmirian
as is revealed in Somadeva' s work.
geography
is
Brhatkatha, therefore,
to be regarded as a local
work.
that the source of the Katha*

p. 66) holds with Lac6te
and the Brhatkatha -man] art was based not on Gufladhya but on a later work
A.D.Keith m his History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 275, and
the 7th
StenKonow (LA., XLIII,
sarit-sarjara
compiled in
century
Biihler (LA.,
Winternitz in Vol. Ill of his History of Indian Literature, hold the same view.
Prakrt
the
remodelled
Speyer
original.
Ksemendra
Vol. T,
319) holds that Somadeva and
p.
in
bis
Pandit KrsnamStudies about the Katha-sarit-sagara, p. 27, agrees with Lacote.

(V.\. Press, Srirangam) as well as Dr. A. Venkat*
in his Preface to
Priyadartika
of Durgasimba (Indian Culture, Vol. J, Part II,
Suhbiyah, in his articles on the Pancatantra
not agree.
Now, the order of the lambhakas in the two does
p. 214) holds a different view.
acarya
order
The general surmise has been that either Ksemendra or Somadeva had changed the
Lacdte
aus
dem
Pancatantra),
der
Mankowski
auszug
Prakrt.
in
(Einteitung
the
of
original
the Terminal Essay, Vol. IX,
(Essai, p. 91 ff.) and Penzer in his Ocean of Stories and
p. 115,
hold that Somadeva has
thought that Ksemendra

faithfully.
The
made
the change of the order of the
had changed the order while
basis of the view that
lambhakas, while Speyer
Somadeva followed the
Somadeva made the changes,
is
original order
the verse beginning
the phrase
S. Bangacar (IHQ, 1938) argues that
etc., already quoted.
fact that he was loyal to the order
the
to
refers
tathaivaitat
(as
already quoted)
yathamulaw
The only point in which Somadeva deviated from the
of the lambhakas of the original.
from its division into gucchakas and
original, is its division into taraiigas as distinguished
verses occur :
the
lambhakas of the original. But in
Brhatkatha-mafljari also the following
with yathamulam,
soyam bara-mukhod-girna katba-nugraha-karinl

paUaca-v&cfpatit& sanjata vighnadayiot
atab sukba-nisevya-sau krta samskrtaya gir&
II
samam
their
Now,
own
own
arrangement they followed the order

different in their
II
statements it appears that they professed to be loyal to

think that in tbeif
If this assumption is correct, wes hould be led to
therefore, from their

original.
bhuvamiva-nlba ganga Svabhra-valambinl
of their
own
structure* being two recensions
originals.
But
their
owo
of the original Brhatkatha,.
originals
were
692
It
Brhatkathd.
two
to
difficult
is
limits.
determine the date of the Kashmirian
But it is possible to some

The work was regarded
extent to
determine the
as very old in the time of
Ksemendra, and one may infer that it was written at least one
or two centuries before Ksemendra' s time.
On the one hand it
Somadeva
could not have been very old.
in his Prasasti declared
written to please the grandmother of Harsa

and the mother of king Kalasa. The Kathd-sarit-sdgara must
These
therefore have been written between 1063 and 1082 A.D.
that the
poem was
dates are also corroborated by the statement of the Rdja-tarahginl.
Kemendra was
and
a contemporary of Ananta, the father
his Bhdrata-mafijarl
was written
1037
in
of
Kalasa
His Da&i-
A.D.
was written in'1066 in the second year of the reign

But
the exact date of the Brhatkathd-manjan cannot
of Kalasa.
be ascertained.
Assuming that it was written more or less at
the same time as the Bharata-manjan, we may say that it was
vatdra*carita
25 to
written
30 years before the Kathd-sarit-sdgara of Soma-
deva.
We
have the other
work
the
called
$loka-sar{igraha
of
Buddha-svainin or Budha-svamin, which is a summary of the

Brhatkathd and which has again a Nepalese and a Kashmirian
The
version.
style
is
simple,
sometimes long compounds
the
vocabulary
also occur.
is
rich,
and
It is probable that the
author lived in the 9th or the 10th century.
The
3loka-sarfigraha of
to
faithful
of
the
to
be
pretty
the Kashmirian Brhatkathd, though at times he also
seems to introduce
We
Budha-svamin seems
new
must now turn
different
details of adventure.
to
the
adaptations
of
Brhatkathd.
the
By
a comparison
Brhatkathd of Gunadhya,
Lacote says that Buddhism had adopted some of the personages

treated by Guna<Jhya and has given them a high place in the
We have no place
gallery of kings contemporary to Buddha.
here to discuss
how
far
Gunadhya was
faithful to
the
legends
floating and about those which were availed of

by the Buddhist writers and this cannot be done without any
which he found
EDITOR'S NOTES
693
and comparative examination of the stories, which our

limitations of space would not permit us to do.
Some of the
detailed
stories are
found in the Vedas and the Brahmanas as well.
central personage seems to be
The
Udayana rather than Nara-vahana-
maintained by many. The ideal of Naravahana-datta was probably taken by Buddha himself.
If we
could transpose the history of Buddha in the world of adventures,
datta
as
is
often
we could very
king
like
well
imagine the formation of a Chakravartin

The whole treatment of his
Nara-vahana-datta.
being a curious mixture of lyricism and

realism so characteristic of the manner of Gunadhya.
He chose
character
consisted
in
Vidyadharas who were demi-gods and masters

The Vidyadharas who seemed to be
the science of magic.
for his heroes the

of
the creation of popular imagination constituted the traits of old

Gandharvas, Yogins and the Apsarasas. The Ramayana and the
Mahdbhdrata knew the Vidyadharas.
They
are associated with
the Gandharvas, Yaksas, Siddhas, the Caranas and the Kinnaras.
But they
are also, on the other hand, closely allied to the Daityas,
Danavas,
this
Bhutan,
suggested
in
strangled on all
dissociated from
Pisacas
We
and the Kaksasas.
the
Introduction
that
sides
the
of
by
reality and
rules
the
had before
Hindu
Smrti,
was
society,
largely
looking forward to following the

customs of a past and forgotten age, the poets had to choose their
This is very clearly
stories from divine and semi-divine circles.
testified
by the manner in which Gunadhya chose his heroes from
amongst the Vidyadharas. It is interesting to notice that the

choice was remarkably good and the characters are dramatic and
human. Udayana was a Hindu Don Juan who served as the
model of many other dramatists. Hemacandra in his KavydnuSasana regards Udayana as being of a light vein, tender,
and dancing and devoid
passionate, amorous, devoted to the arts
of
all
kinds of
barbarity.
This type
has
been copied in the
RatnavaU and the PriyadartiM. The other type of character

was that of Nara-vahana-datta who showed in himself a living
character and he was made up
personality. He was not a popular
694
HISTORY OF SANSKftlT LlTBRAtURE
sometimes passionate, violent and

wilful.
He has sometimes brusque explosions of unjust anger
and sometimes uses cruel words of ingratitude and yet at other
of
sterner
He
qualities.
is
quite tender and amiable.

If Gunadhya was not the iirst to compose the
times
is
no doubt that he was indeed
into a romance, there seems to be
the
construct
first to
of
vast collection
stories into the type of katha.
work
probable that the Brhatkatha
that
like
are
of
Gunadhya
It
by Da^dinr.
some verses but the
contained
fragments cited by Hemacandra
literature or
floating
properly responds to the class of katha referred to

is
floating tales
in
and
prose
it
is
not
improbable that the original work was written in prose and verse.
Dandin tells us that the katha should be in prose and refers to
the Brhatkatha in illustrating his
stances
seems better
it
Under such circum-
opinion.
accept his testimony
to
that
the
Brhat-
katha was written in prose.

Subandhu, Bana and Trivikrama
all refer to
Trivikraraa regards Bana as an
the Brhatkatha.
the source of
Dhanapala says that the Brhatkatha is

Somadeva in a list which is not
other kathas.
imitator of Gunadhya.
names Gunadhya between Kantha and Vya?a.

The story of Naravahanadatta has been adopted by the Jaina
chronological,
story-book Katha-kosa and various other works where no strict

borrowing is traceable. There are undubi table reflections of its
characterisations.
panca-vimSati.
Bosch shows that
Subandhu
finds in
s'as'vadbanadvitlyena namad-akara-dharina
dhanusy-eva gun ad by en a niêgo
rafljito
Nala-campu
2
See
F.
J. Charpentier,
the Sanskrit Literature,
khyayikd,!. 41
Essai
Lac6te's
JA, XVI, 1910,
f.
p.
sur
600
if.
contained
the
Vetala-
the Brhatkatha
the
history
it
janah
II
of Trivikrama-bhatta, I,
Stanza 14.
Gunajhya et la Brhatkatha, Paris, 1908;

F.D.K. Bosch, The Legend of Jimuta-vahana
Ley den, 1914; see also
M Slang es LM, p.
253
ff.
Hertel's
see
in
Tanfrfi-
also Paflcatantra.
Hertel thinks that
in
the
Tantrakhyayikd
there
is
the
recension
No.
2 of
the
Paflcatantra and that Somadeva represents most exactly the ancient state of the Paflcatantra.
If this were the case, then the original of the Pancatantra would
Gunadhya.
But
this is doubtful,
be in the
Bfhatkath&
of'
EDITOR'S NOTES
695
Dhananjaya quotes from the Ramayana, the

Mahdbhdrata and also from the Brhatkathd. In the heroine of
of
Vikramaditya.
the Svapna-vasavadatta of
Bhasa we probably
a reflection
find
the heroine married to Sanjaya while Kalidasa in the
of
Meghaduta
Avanti as the city of Udayana. Vallabha, the oldest

commentator, finds here a reference to the Brhatkathd. A legend
of Udayana appears in the Attha-katha of Dhammapada and in
1.30, refers to
Divydvaddna, and the same appears in the Chinese

and Tibetan versions of the Vinaya of the school of the MulaIn the Cambodian inscription Gunadhya is
sarvastivadins.
the
spoken of as a friend of the Prakrt language.

We have now to say a few words about the Paisaci dialect of
the Brhatkathd.
reference to the Paisaci
dialect
is
found in
Hemacandra, IV, 303-324. Pischel has collected in his

De Grammatisis Pracritisis, quotations given by Hemacandra of
the Paisaci Prakrt. These quotations, when taken together, show
that they were probably taken from the Brhatkathd of
as they tally with
some passages
Pischel believes that the, Paisaci dialect

to the dialect of Teufel
North-West.
the
or
dialect
of
is
the
related
somehow
Daradas
of the
It is believed that there
written at the time of
6th century A.D.

i
Gunadhya
in the Kathd-sarit-sdgara*
was a recension which was probably
King Durvinlta
We
of the Gaiiga dynasty in the
have, of course, two other recensions of
Vasava-dattd (Hall's edition),
p. 110.
L6vi, J.A., 1885.

3
See F. Lacdte's Essai,
IV, 310, 816,

hitapake
is
etc.,
etc., p.
run as follows
202
kiip
hrdayake and cimtayamdni
pudhumataifisane
et tcq.
u
:
savvassa
is
yyeva
pi
Some
of
the passages as in Hemacandra,
kiin pi hiiapake
atthary, cirntayamani.
Here,
cintayarndnd.
sammanam ktrateHete
pudhumatarrisane
it
prathamadarsane.
Again, torn tatthuna cirptitaw
huveyya,
raflila
ka esd huveyya.
Here tafthuna
is
drftva
and
is bliavet.
See Pischel's Gratnmatik der Prakrit-Sprachen; Grierson, Indian Antiquary 80, 1901,
556; Z.D.M.G., 66, 1912; Anders Konow, Z.D.M.G., 61, 1910, 95 ff. ; see also J. 8. Spejer.
s
See R. Narasirnhacftra, Indian Antiquary, 42, 1932, 204 and J.B.A.8., 1913, 389ff ;
4
p.
see also Fleet, Indian
Antiquary, 30. 1901, 222; Kielhorn, Epigraphica Indica, VII,

21
VIII, "Appendix II, p. 4 note; Krishnasw&mi Aiyengar in J,R.A.S., 1906,
Appendix, p.
696
Ksemendra's BYhatkatha-mafljari and Somadeva's Katha-sarit-sagara, to which references have already been
Brhatkatha
the
made, and a Nepalese recension by Buddha-svamin or Budha*
The Nepalese
svarnin.
version of
1
of Brhatkatha-Sloka-sanigraha.
of
date
Budha-svamin bears the
We are
not
certain
title
about the
Lacote places him in the 8th or the 9th

While Budha-svamin' s book was written in verse and
Budba-svamin.
century.
divided in sargas
like
the
Epics^
Gunadhya's Brhatkatha was
written in prose and in lambhakas.
Winternitz, in Vol. Ill of his History of Indian Literature,
Gunadhya in the 1st century A.D. But

than
Keith, while holding that Gunadhya cannot be later
500 A.D., holds that to place him in the 1st century A.D. would
would
to place
like
be quite conjectural, though no other later date can
more assured.
We
be regarded
in our turn are troubled
with the question

as to whether Bhasa drew upon Gunadhya's work, or whether he
as
got the plot of the dramas of the Svapna-vasavadatta, etc., from

Gunadhya's work or directly from the floating stories from which
Gunadhya himself got his materials. Since in our opinion

Bhasa flourished near about the 3rd century B.C., in the former
supposition that Bhasa had utilised Gunadhya's book, Gunadhya
has to be placed earlier than Bhasa. But if the latter supposition be true, then indeed we cannot argue anything from the
êxistence of the story found both in
Gunadhya and
in
Bhasa.
PASfCA-TANTRA
We may
assume that
current from very
early
stories, didactic
times.
It
is
and otherwise, were
difficult,
of
course, to
Ancient India, London, 1911, p. 328 and 337, refers to the Tftmil
or Perungadai as being a translation of the Brhatkatha made in the
Kadai
;*ork Udayanan
2nd century A.D. Lacdte refers to the Tamil and Persian versions of the Brhatkatha in his
689
ff.
and
Bisai, p. 197
1
in
ff .
See Haraprasada Sastri, J.A.S.B., 62, 1893, 245
ff.;
LeM,
in
Comptes Rendus de
I'Academiedes inscriptions et belles lettres, 1899, pp. 78, 84; Hertel, Sildliches Paflcatantra
Speyer, Studies about the Katha-sarit'Sagara, p. 56 ff Lac&te, J.A., 1906 and Etiai, 146.
Sloka-samgraha consists of 28 sargas and has been trqnslftted by L*c6;t6, Paris, 1908,
EDITOR'S NOTES
697
discover tales of the type of the Panca-tantra in the Vedas.

But
in Rgveda VII, 103, we have a passage in which Brahmins are
There are indeed many stories

croaking frogs.
with the life of the gods and we hear Dadhyancas
holding the head of a horse and divulging a secret after which
his own head was returned to him.
In
Rgveda VIII and
compared
to
associated
IX we
hear of the king of the rats rejoiced at heart for having

eaten up through his subject rats all the corns and oblations of
Saubhari,
son
of
and there
Kanva,
an allusion there to
is
womb.
Saubhari's being begotten in an animal's
In the
Upanisads also we 'bear of the satire of the white dogs seeking
two geese and the instruction of Satyathen by a goose and an aquatic bird.
a leader and the talk of
kama
by a bull,
have
instances of instruction of
we
Here
first
Mahabharata
the
we
also
We
throughout the work.
find
also
man
by
In
about
scattered
fables
many
know that
animals.
the doctrine of rebirth
had destroyed the ordinary barrier between men and animals.

Such an atmosphere was suitable for the development of the
animal fables. The Jdtaka stories also abound with episodes
of
men and animals and we
the animals
many
of his
are
past
animals and in
lives
had
strong
intelligible
the
and through
greatness
among
which
Buddha.
as
In
various
with other animals we

the
animals.
It
was
from very early times that the animals

speech and in Varahamihira's work we have a
belief
Virutadhyaya in which an interpretation

various
of
was born
his dealing
reflected
in
representations
Bodhisattva
the
men
many
to
susceptible
have the character of

also a
find
animals.
The
references
in
is
the
given of the cries of
Maha-bhasya
to
such
expressions as Kaka-tallya or aja-krpanlya (II. 1.3.) indicate that

animal fables were current at that time. But the Panca-tantra
such a manner that they illustrate in a concrete way the precepts of Nlti-tastra and Artha-$astra
The laukika nyayas, some of which have been collected in such
literature develops these stories in
D. 242.
Chandogyal, 12; IV.
1, 5, 7.
Also see Keith's History of Sanskrit Literature,
698
work
trate
Laukika-nyaya-samgraha have also little stories to illuspopular maxims which are freely used even in philosophical
as
literature.
While
deals with
Artha-ti&stra
Niti-Qstra deals with practical
polity, the
scientific
common-sense.
In the structure of the Pafica-tantra we have
tales
profusely
interspersed with the instructive common-sense wisdom in easy

Thus the popular tales were turned into the fables of the
verse.
The Panca-tantra
Paftca-tantra.
is
definite
Indian creation
from the ^Bsop's Fables,

is distinguished from akhyayika
distinction is apparent from the fact
entirely different in structure
In Alamkara literature, katha

but the thinness of this
that while the Panca-tantra tales are often called
version
which
calls
it
katha there
an akhyayika and the work
is
is
called
Tantrakhyayika.
The
to
us
in
originals of the various works
name
the
its
and Arabic version
now
lost.
But we can
The Pehlvi translation was made in

substance can be made out from an old Syriac
of the same.
Then we have the substance of
get to the substance of
570 A.D. but
which have come down
of Pafica-tantra, are
it.
the tale in the Brhat-katha as preserved for us in the Brhat-kathamanjarl of Ksernendra and the Katha-sarit-sayara of Somadeva.
PAflCA-TANTRA TEXTS
The
Pafica-tantra texts are
(1)
The Tantrakhyayika t
in older and the later recension in
Kashmirian and two Jain recensions from a similar work, but not
the Tantrakhyayika, well
known
by Buhler and Kielhorn and

(2)
The
text that
This Pehlvi text
is
in the 'textus simplicior* edited
in Purnabhadra's Panca-tantra.
was translated into Pehlvi.

not really available to us
but
its
Syriac
and Arabic translations exist and these have flown into European
languages and from these we can infer about the Pehlvi transla*
tion and their original.
EDITOR* S NOTES
An
(3)
extract
Kashtnirian
,
from the Pancatantra
Brhat-katha and in two
Ksernendra's
Brhat-k&tha-mafljari
is
metrical
dealt
with in the
compilations
in
and Somadeva's Katha-sarit-
Ksemendra had written the
sagara.
699
story
of the Pancatantra
without any break and probably Somadeva also got it from the
recension of the Brhat-katha used by him.
It is clear that the
In the Katha-sarit-sdgara
story in the Brhat-katha was the source.
and the Brhat-katha-manjarl many parts seem to have been

interpolated and the Nepalese version which is least charged with
accretion, does
that
not
contain
any Pancatantra. Hertel thought

the matter of the Pancatantra formed any part, it might
if
be in
the
10th sarga,
which he believes
to be the 10th
book
Somadeva, and in the colophon there calls it kathasamlapanam. But the dimension of this sarga, although considerable,
As a matter
could not contain the whole of the Pancatantra.
of
of fact the 10th sarga, no
more than the other, contained various
has to be noted that the 3loka-samgraha does

Prom this it would be right to
not contain any Pancatantra.
argue that the Pancatantra existed absolutely independent of the
Brhat-katha. In 1906 after the first edition of the Pancatantra,
It also
stories.
Hertel
to the
received
Durbar
at
the Pancatantra.
samgraha.
from Nepal a copy of a manuscript belonging

Katmandu, which he thought, must contain
This
But the book
was in
the
Brhat-katha-tloka-
of Saktiyasas of the
Kashmirian Brhat-
reality
The
katha contains a really original version of the Pancatantra.
result is that the Pancatantra resembles that of Somadeva's oldest
recensions.
Ksemendra had reduced the matter
to
small
section which may be regarded as dealing with the Pancatantra

materials.
Somadeva, however, mixed up the fables of the
Hertel thinks that
might be in the
Taritrakhyayika, that Somadeva found represented most exactly
Pancatantra
the
all
through.
ancient state of the Pancatantra.
It
it
cannot be doubted that
Pancatantra was retouched variously by various compilers.

It is hardly necessary to add that the Kashmirian Brhat-katha
the
must
serve as a basis of any theory regarding the antiquity of the
700

forms of stories of the Pancatantra.
available
observations regarding the relative
Speyer's
destroys
practically
This argument
chronology of the Pancatantra and the Brhat-katha.
in
Winternitz says that the story in the Brhat-katha appears

twisted form though the original may not seem to have
We
have the same kind of teaching with animal

in the instruction given by Gomukha to Naravahanadatta.
been forgotton.
stories
The same
a
value
not attached to
is
the
based upon
it is
North- Western edition
of this text lies in the
near to the Tantrakhyayika.
is
again
As Hertel points
Southern edition of the Pancatantra.
The importance
There
stories.
of the 7th
that
fact
century.
stands
it
out,
very
of
Nepalese recension
Pancatantra and
Southern
the
the popular Hitopadesa drawn from some earlier version

8
very nearly to the text of the North- Western edition.
stands
The Tantrakhyayika is a work in the

The prose is the artistic one and as such
style.
Kavya
Sanskrit
consists of small
compounds and verses containing Mesas and double meanings

and other alamkaras. The prose is widely different from the
romance
ornate language in
the
what
the Jdtaka-mala*
found
is
in
and knows the Kavya
.taste
See Brhat-katha-maftjari
XVI,
p.
Subandhu and Bana and
of
Yet the editor

very
style
255
ff;
well.
It
Kathd-sarit*sdgara
man
is
be held
may
60-64
of
Man'kowski,
Der Autzug aus dem Pancatantra in Ksemendra's Brhat-Uatha-manjari, Eiuleitung, Text,

Uber-setzung und Anmerkuogen, Leipzig, 1892; see also Speyer, Studies about the Kathdsarit-sdgara, p. 36
sion is given
Hertel's
8
also Hertel's
Das Pancatantra,
p.
30
ff.
See M. Haberlandt in 8. W.A., 107, 1884, pp. 897-176; a criticism of another recen-
by Hertel, Das
Das Pancatantra,
See Hertel*s Das
Pancatantra
p. 37
ff.
sildliche
p.
33
Pancatantra,
XXIV, A.S.W.,
Leipzig, 1906
see
also
ff.
siidliche
Pancatantra; also Z.D.M.G., 1910,
Hertel has indeed been unable to prove that
all
p.
58
ff.
these were
and Das
drawn from
one defective original.

*
which
Jacobi,
is
the
campu with
G.G.A., 1905,
p.
377
and Hertel's Tantrakhyayika (Translation, 1.22)

But this belongs to another class it is a sort of
same as the Jataka-mdld.
prose and verse written in Kavjra style.
The Tantrakhyayika
is
not a campft
rather the verses have here a sort of twist and are also composed in a different manner.
EDITORS NOTES
701
that originally these tales were of folk-origin but
with which
form.
was
refinement
the
on
worked up altogether changed its

The Pancatantra contains five books. Of these the 4th
it
later
and the 5th only are devoted to universal teachings of life. The
first book deals with some lessons in Politics.
Though the
book deals with
first
The whole work may be regarded
life.
There
is
between
great
relation
integral
as a
as
text-book.
political
regards
instruction
its
Kautilya's Artha-sdstra and the Nlti-sara*
it,
When
the
Paficatantra
history of
the
Nlti-astra
be
will
discovered
there.
does not belong to the time of Canakya in

as the Paficatantra does not belong to king
who had
(531-579 A.D.)
the year 570
will
be
properly
atmosphere of the Tantrdkhyayikd and the oldest
the
analysed,
with lessons of good
politics, it also deals
it
had
form more or
it
Khosru-Anoshirwan
translated in Pehlevi and
a Syriac translation
The Tantrdkhyayikd
300 B.C. as much
later
from the Pehlevi.
on in
These
teaching of polity.
Though it
deals with polity and teachings about successful life, yet as
Dr. De points out in the body of the text, it is an extremely
less
universal
pleasant animal story book
as
Winternitz thinks that
well.
work can be placed between 300-500 A.D. or
the
doubtedly
should be regarded as belonging to the early type
it
work belonging
to the
Kavya
life
taught in
style.
of
The Tantrdkhyayikd must

The way
older version of the Pancatantra.
have been based on an

of
at least un-
undoubtedly Brahminic
mythology is quite aware of the
the Tantrdkhyayikd
with a Vi?nuite tinge.
Its
is
1
In the Introductory portion of the Tantrakhydyikd and so also in other versions of the
Paftcalantra, Viîjuârma appears as the speaker. This is so also in the works of Purâbhadra
and
Benfey (I. p. 29 ff.) has already shown that Yinuarma is probably a
Narayana.
changed form of Vi^nugupta the other name of Canakya. Hertel in his Tantrakhydyikd
has discussed all these points. It seems unlikely t,hat Visnusarma was the real writer of
of children.
See Winternitz, W.Z.K.M.,
Tantrakhydyika, I. 23 and Z.D M.GK, 1906, p. 787 ff. and
Thomas, J.K.A.S., 1910, p. 974 ff.
See A. Hillebrandt, Uber das KaufrHyafastra und Verwandtes. Breslau, 1908,
the work or that

1911,
F.
p.
W.
2
p. 9
ff.
52
it
ff.;
was written
also
for the edification
Hertel's
Hertel's Tantrdkhydyikd, Ubersetzung
I, p.
141
ff.
und Ausgabe,
p. 169
ff.

world
a
of
as taught in the
gods
Brahmin and Brahminic supremacy
standpoint of
Buddhism.
The minister is
The ethical
manifest.
Epic Puranas.
is
Tantrakhyayika is different from that of

Hertel translates the word tantra in the Pancatantra
the
or the Tantrakhyayika as klugheitsfell or a case
am
of
good sense.
But
word
in Sanskrit.
The meaning seems to ba applicable here is iti-kartavyata or way
Thus we have the Trikanda-esa giving the
of procedure.
I
tantra has no such sense
afraid the
of
meaning
sadhakah.
the
It
word
may
as
iti-kartaoyata
mean
also
a body of
tantram upayaSca dvi-
conclusions,
the
in
as
Amara-kosa, tantram pradhane siddhante.

There is another edition of the Pancatantra published under
the name Textus Simplicior by Kielhorn and Biihler, B.S.S., I,
III,
known
and translated by Fritze, Leipzig, 1884, which was
as the genuine Pancatantra Text, before the discovery of
the Tantrakhyayika.
The
best
new work based upon
It is a
older grounds.
and good language and in brighter

the Tantrakhyayika. Of the 4th and 5th books only
stories are given in clear
ways than in
a few stories have been touched upon in the Tantrakhyayika. The
text of the Textus Simplicior was probably based upon the Northwhich the Pehlevi translation and the
west Indian texts upon
South Indian texts are based. It was probably originally written

the North- West Indian language after which it was
in
2
The text was probably drawn

written.
newly
up by an unknown Jaina between the 9th and the llth century
3
A.D. but it does not reveal any particular Jaina tendency.
probably
Regarding the Buddhistic frame
history, see Hertel, J.A., 1908, p. 399
of the
Pancatantra, the Nlti history and
Dharma
Regarding the Buddhistic origin of the Pancatantra

see the discussion by A, Barth (Mttusine IV, 1888-89,'p. 553 ff.) and Biihler (Verhandlungen
ff.
der 42. Versammlung deutscher Philologen und Schulmdnner in Wien, 1893, p. 504>.
See also
Ed. Huber (B.B F.E.O. IV, pp. 707 and 755) and Hertel, W.Z.K.M. 20, 1906, p. 113
Benfey, however, holds the view of the Buddhistic origin of the Pancatantra and he tried
demonstrate
it
in various
ways.
be found in the Jdtaka works.
It is true that
But
much
this is probably
Pancatantra.
originated from an older frame of the
See Jacobi, G.G.A., 1905,

3
p.
377
of
due
the history of the

to the fact that
See Hertel,
ff.,
to
Pancatantra can
many" of the Jatakas
W.Z K.M,
16> p.
269
ff.
See Hertel, B.9.G. W., 1902, p 62
ff.
also Jacobi, G.G.A., 1905, p. 380
ff.
ff.
703
EDITOR'S NOTES
There
is
a peculiar story here about
Visnu based on the materials
weaver impersonating as
of the Textus Simplicior with the
a
additions taken from the later recensions of the Tantrakhyayika.

have the Paftcakhyanaka or the Paftcatantra written by
We
the Jaina
formed one
and
monk Purnabhadra
The
1199.
in
of the earliest redactions of
the
Tantrakhyayika
Pancatantra stories
from about 200 B.C.
this recension dates probably
Kash-
mirian manuscript of it was got by Biihler written in the Sarada

character and Hertel had the good fortune to get a copy of this
work in the Deccan College Library at Poona. In the many
Indian recensions of this work the most important is that which
has been commonly called by Western scholars the Textus Ornatior
and
tioned.
its
author
An
is
Purnabhadra
Paul Elmer More.
Mr.
Simplicior and his
published a critical
we have just menwork has been made by
Suri as
English translation of this
Kosegarten's
edition
the
of
Textus
specimen were both uncritical and Hertel

edition of it in the Harvard Oriental Series,
1903, though originally the venture was launched by Schmidt.

Purnabhadra says in the colophon that by his time the Panca-
become extremely corrupted and the manuscripts

were such that the letters were worn out, and correction was made
with reference to every letter, word, sentence, episode and Sloka.
tantra text had
It
probable, as judged from
is
Purnabhadra had
peculiarities, that
some other Prakrt work or
utilised
written in popular dialect.
grammatical
works
was made in the year 1659-1660 by

the Jaina monk Meghavijaya which was called the Pancakhyanoddhara* It contains some new stories. The chief source for
Meghavijaya was a metrical Sanskrit work based upon Pafica-
Another abridged
text
pratipadani prativakyatri pratilcathain
Mpurnabhadrasurirvitodhayamasa astramidam
See the excellent critical Introduction by Hertel in the Harvard
I!
Vols. XI-XII, 1908 and 1912.

1
See Hertel, H.O.S., XII, p. 29
See Hertel, Z.D.M.G., 1903,
p.
ff.
689
ff
and Z.V.V., 1906,
p.
249
ff .
Oriental
Series,
704
khyana-caupal, written in old Guzerati

Vaecharaja in the year 1591-92.
Another
text
removed
far
pretty
text appears as a Southern Pancatantra.

stories probably derived
There
is
another
Le Pantchatantra on
les
from
monk
Jaina
Purnabhadra's
many new
It contains
from Tamil sources.

text
one
by
published by Abbe
A. Dubois,
J.
cinq ruses.
In Nepal we have another text called the Tantrakhyana*

This edition has slight tinges of Jainism and Buddhism.
The
compilation)
was probably made
date of the manuscript
is
The most important
not probably later

of
all
14th century.
than 1484.
at least in the
new works
the
The
based on the Panca-
It seems to
probably the Bengali work, Hitopadca.
Its chief source seems to be the Northbe wholly a new work.
tantra
is
Western version of the Pancatantra on which the Southern and
The author
Nepalese versions are based.
the
his
gives
name
and that of his patron Dhavalacandra in the colophon.

The Pancatantra has played an important part in the whole
world literature.
Benfey in the Introduction to his translation of the Paiicatantra, shows how the older books of literature of the three
On another Southern
text of the Pancatantra , see
Z.D.M.GK, 1906,
p.
769
ff.
and also Hertcl, Z.D.M.O., 1910, p. 68 ff.

3
We have critical forewords by Schlegel and Lassen (Bonn a.Eh., 1829-lbSl) and by
P. Peterson, B.S.S., 1887 also Introduction given by Hertel over the text and the author of
See also Hertel's article over a MS. of the
the Hitopadeta, 1897, and Pancatantra, p. 38 ff.
See C. Bendall, J.R.A.S., 1388, p. 465
ff
Hitopadeia, Z.D.M.G., 1901, p. 487 ff. and Zachariae, Z.D.M.G.,61, p. 342 ff.
An old Nepalese manuscript dated 1373 exists. Hultzsch has quoted from Magha's Si6upata-vadha a verse in the Hitopade$a. See Hertel's Tantrakhydyika (translated) I. p. 145 ff.
Winternitz points out that in the Httopadea Bhattdrakavara has been used for Sunday,
but this reference to *#dra' of the week does not occur in Indian inscriptions before 500 A.D.
t
and
it
became universal
after
900 A.D.
There are many translations
see
Fleet, J.B.A.S., 1912, p. 1045
of the Hitopadesa, such as by
Max
ff.
Miiller, 1844,
Schoen-
berg, 1884, Fritze, 1888, Hertel, 1895. The West European translation is the English translation by Charles Wilkins, 1787, and the French translation by Lang lea, 1790.
Translations from the
Malay alam.
i,
Pancatantra exist in Hindi, Guzerati, Canarese,
Translations of the Pancatantra exist also in

Maratjji anfl
Bengali,
Tamil and
in the Brajabbasa, in
EDITOR'S NOTES
continents
have been invaded for
705
centuries by the stories
many
of the Paiicatantra.
In the Kathamukha of the Tantrakhyayika an adoration is

paid to Manu, Vacaspati, Sukra and ParaSara, Vyasa and
Canakya. Visnusarman here says that he has written the book by

examining all works on polity. It is possible that the Pancatantra
l
had
utilised the Artha-sastra
of Kautilya
for the
composition of
an old Nlti work attributed to Canakya,
but the exact relation between Canakya and the Pancatantra
the work.
There
is
also
cannot be determined.
Nothing
details or the time of the
justice that the
is
known regarding any
author and
name Visnusarman
Visnusarman was probably
it
personal
has been held with some
pseudonym and that

But this can only be a
is
Visnugupta.
possible conjecture.
Even before the Pancatantra was rendered into Pehlevi in

570 A.D., it was a very well-known work. The translation was
probably made from a North- Western recension into which many
interpolations
had crept
Tantrakhyayika
Pancatantra.
is
the
in.
Hertel
earliest
to
tries
prove that
recension
of
available
the
the
Hertel holds that the oldest Kashmir version of the
Tantrakhyayika existed as enrly as 200 B.C. This Kashmir

version through one or two transmissions was utilised by the
pseudo-Gunadhya in the Kashmirian Brhat-kathd. From these

we have Ksemendra's Brhat-katha-tftoka-manjarl about 1040 and
Somadeva's Kathd-sarit-sdgara about 1063 to 1082. From the
Kashmirian version from another line there came the NorthWest Indian version from which the Pehlevi version was made in
570 A.D. and from this Syriac and Arabic versions were made
which passed on to Asia, North Africa and Europe and after the
5th century from the same North-East Indian recension we have
From the
the Southern Pancatantra and its Tamil version.
1
manave vdcaspataye tuhrdya paradaraya sasutdya
c&nakydya ca mahate namo'stu nrpatdstrakarttjbhyali

sakaldrthaSastrasdram jagati samdlokya visnutarmd'pi
tantraih paftcabhiretaiScaktira sumanohararp Sastrcw,
39
1343B
II
II
706
North-East
in Bengali
There also
850 A.D.
Indian version
sprang up the
Hitopade$a
by the 14th century and also the Nepalese version.
sprang up another North-East Indian version after
again
which has been
Based upon the
text
of the
collected in
Textus
the Textus Simplicior.
Simplicior
(North- West
Indian recension) and the Kashmir manuscript written in Sarada

1040 and probably
character before
from certain Prakrt
materials
Purnabhadra's
made
was
compilation
in
Guzerat
in 1199.
Holding the date of Canakya from Kautilya's Artha-sastra

as being 300 B.C., the Tantrakhyayika must have been written
between this limit and 570 A.D., when the work was translated
From many
into Pehlevi.
considerations
we
regard the date of
the original Kashmirian Tantrakhyayika to be 200 B.C.
The Tantrdkhyaijika is but the other name for Paficatantra.

It is supposed to be a summary account of the tales that have
l
The Southern Paftcatantra I. 151
floated through tradition.
contains a verse which is identical with Kumara-sambhava II.
55, from which we can infer that it was written after Kalidasa.
The
Nepalese recension is quite undecided. The

Hitopadeta of Narayana has a manuscript which is dated 493
date of the
Nepalese era, i.e., 1373 A.D.

and it may be assumed that
It
it
quotes
Kamandaka and Maglia
was written sometime between
800-1373 A.D.
The
popularity of the Pancatantra
excluding Hertel's works
it
is
evident from the fact that
has at least six
German
translations
Boltz, in 1868, Schoenberg, 1884, Fritze,
by Brockhaus, 1844, by
1888 and another in 1853.
;
It
has been translated into English
by Charles Wilkins, Sir William Jones, Johnson, Max Miiller,

Sir Edwin Arnold and by Hale-Wortham and by Manickchand
granthavistarabhirunam balanam alpacetasam

bodhdya paficatantrakhyam idam samksipya kathyate
I
anyadiyo'pi likhitah 6loko yah prakramagatah
granthavistaradosastena na jayatf
*
II
EDITOR'S NOTES
707
French translation was made by Langles, 17SO, and

It was translated in Bengali by LakmlLancerean, 1882.
Jain.
Its
narayana Nyayalankara and also into Brajabhasa

and also in
Hindi, Hindustani, Marathi, Newari, Persian and Telegu.
Hertel had concluded that all the sources of the Pancatantra
;
and the Tantrakhyayika had been derived from a defective original

which he designated by the letter T. But notwithstanding what
has been said above, this has not been
He thought that
proved.
the sources of the Brhat-katha-mafijarl,
Katha-sarit-sagara and
and Pancatantra
Tantrakhyayika
were
derivable
from
two
sources, the original of the Tantrakhyayika and the source of the
other
three groups and
in
part of the
version
of the
Tantra-
khyayika itself which he calls K. This also has not been proved
and it seems in part implausible also because this would mean
that the occurrence of any story in any two of the four versions
should be a strong ground for assigning it to the original text.
But according to Hertel' s own view, such a significance would be
only the story occurred in both the Tantrakhyayika

and one of the K versions. Hertel further assumes apparently
without much ground that there was another intermediate
plausible,
"
archetype,
N-W.' which
!
the
is
ancestor of the Pehlevi
direct
translation, the Southern Pancatantra group and the Siinplicitor

of Biihler and Eielhorn.
Further, it can also be argued with
ground that the Tantrakhyayika recension was
sufficient
Its
to others.
sign
of
its
omission of stories
loyalty
to
the
may
ultimate
not
prior
necessarily be the
The recension
source.
containing fuller stories need not necessarily be the later one.

The word tantra in the Pancatantra probably means 3astra or
siddhdnta.
of siddhanta
used
in
3astras
Thus
and
Amara-kosa we have tantra in the sense

the Anekartha-samgraha the word tantra is
in the
in
tha sense of sastra.

or
Five Siddhantas.
Pancatantra thus
From
the
name
it
means Five
seems that the
Tantrakhyayika represented the main story of the Pancatantra.

This explains why the Tantrakhyayika should contain less
stories than the Pancatantra.
708
BHASA
Bhasa was probably a Brahmin and a devotee of Visnu,
Our knowledge of Bhasa was first acquired merely from the
reference to him along with the other poets Saumilla and
dramatists of great distinction
Kaviputra as
But
Malavihagnimitra.
and
It
The
poet
Saumilla
to
difficult
as Winternitz suggests.
of
in the
say -whether
the frame of his dramas
is,
however,
Kaviputra.
Kalidasa had used Bhasa as the model of
Baaa
his
in
introductory
Bhasa with high compli-
verse 16, of his Harsa-carita, refers to

3
by Kalidasa
we know nothing
as yet
mentions
Bliasa
his
in
Vakpati
In
the
9th
to
commentaries
from
12th
800.
verse
century a
ments.
Gaitdavaho
in
drama Svapna-ndtaka
But Rajasekhara refers
muktdvali to
or
an anthology called SuldiBhasa's Svapna-vasavadattd and Bhasa is generally

in a verse in
This was
referred to in most anthologies.
about Bhasa
often quoted.
is
Svapna-vdsavadattd
till
Travancore ten
all
that
was known
1910 when Ganapati Sastri discovered in

of Bhasa in palm-leaf MSS. all.
dramas
South
one
in
bundle and this was regarded as a good ground for recognising in

them the lost dramas of Bhasa. Later, however, two other
5
dramas were found.
There
an
is
initial
difference between the
1
prathitayasasdm bhdsa-saumilla-kaviputrddindm prabandhdnatihramya vartarndnakaveh kdliddsasya kriydydm katharn bahumdnah.
Geschichte der indischen Litteratur,
siitradhdrahftdrambhair ndtakairbahubhumikaih
p. 184.
sapatdkairya6o lebhe bhdso devakulairiva
II
Harsa-carita,
*
bhdsammi jalanamitte kantldeve a jassa rahudre

sobandhave a bandhammi hdriyande a dnando 800
For discussions on Bhasa,
81. 16.
II
Introduction
his edition of
to
Monatsschrift,
G.G.A. 1883, p. 183-2 ff

Svapnavdsavadattd and Pratimd-ndâka
VII, 1913,
p.
see Pischel,
G53ff
A.
Macdoneli, J.R.A.S.,
Slstrl's
Gaîapafci
Jacobi,
1913, p. 186
Internal.
ff;
V. A.
Smith, Indian Antiquary, 1911, p. 87 ff; Suali in G.S.A.L, 25, 1912, p. 5 ff Hertel, Jinakirtti's Geschichte von Pdla und Gopdla, p. 152 ff; Max Lindenau, Bhdsa-Studien, ein
;
Beitrag zur Qeschichte des altindischen Dramas (Leipzig, 1918).

The verses of Bhasa in the anthologies have been collected together and translated
Aufrecht in Ind. Stud.

muktdvalif
p.
80
ff
17,
J.R.A
168
ff
Z.D.M.G.
S., 1891, p.
331
ff.
27, 65; 86,
also pp, 105
370
ff
and 159.
and
Peterson,
by
Subhdfita-
NOTES
709
ordinary classical drama and the dramas of Bhasa.
we
dramas
nary classical
find
that
In the ordi-
the
after
sutradham
nandl
the
in (nandyante siitradhdrah)
But in the
steps
found
dramas
the
sutradhara
in
after
the
newly
steps
nandl and begins sometimes with an introductory adoration to
Visnu as in the Avimaraka and the Dnta-ghatot-
kaca
and
at other
times starts
with
introducing in
the
usual
manner by suggestion the names of the important personages. In

the ordinary classical dramas again we find a little praise of the
drama and the name of the author, but it is not so in the newly
The
found dramas.
plays are generally short and
The dramas
one Act.
generally begin with one adoration
But
and end also with one.

there
is
in the
dramas
hymn
Bhasa generally
of
same type of the Bharata-vdkya called generally sthawhich a benediction is referred to the king, as in the
the
in
pand
sometimes of
Svapnanataka, the Pratijiia-nataka and the Pancariitra-nataka.

The king is often called Rajasimha. We cannot ascertain that
this
Rajasimha
The
is
a Pallava king.
natakas of
PratijM-nataka,
Avimaraka,
are
as
follows
Cdrudatta,
Pancaratra,
Svapna-ndtaka,
Duta-ghatotkaca,
Karna-bhara,
Madhyama-vyiiyoga,
Pratima-nataka.
These were
Abhiseka-ndtaka,
Balacurita,
Uru-bhahga,
all in
Bhasa
old Kerala characters.
That these dramas were written by one and the same person
appears to be certain on account of the identity of style and the
fact that some of the verses are repeated from drama to drama
and the same ways
1
of speech occur in several
evam aryamiSran vijflapayami

aye, kim nu khalu mayi vtjtlapanaoyayre sabda
dramas.
ahga
iva sriiyate
patyami.
This passage occurs in

Pratitnd and Karna-bhdra.
all
dramas
the
excepting
Pratijila,
Carudatta
Ag*in, the passage
imam
sdyaraparyantam- himavad-vindliya-kundaldm
mahtmekatapatrahkam rdjasimliah pratdstu nah
II
occurs in Svapqa and Bdla-canta.
Again,
paracakram praiamyatu
imdmapi mahiw krtsndrn rdjasimhah pradstu nah
bhacantvarajaso gavah
II
Avimaraka,
710
HISTORY OF SANSKUlt LITERATURE
The Svapna-nataha has been referred to as Svapna-vasavadatta by Abhinavagupta and the name of Bhasa has been referred
to by Kalidasa
and Bana. The Svapna-nataka appears in
another
MS.
evidence that
it
This raised a
dramas.
these
scholars,
of
Svapna-vasavadattd. It is from this scanty

has been suggested that Bhasa was the author of
as
both
new
the
scholars
dramas
Jacobi
like
Konow
pp. 299-304),
(Festschrift
p.
Dr.
Morgenstierne,
Kuhn,
51;
of
the
(Giornale della soc. As. Italiana,

delta soc. As. Italiana),
Lacote,
the
amongst
publication
Ganapati
SastrT,
Svapna-vasavadatta)
10G
49,
et
seq.
233
1920,
Kuhn,
(Festschrift
pp.
Ant.,
Svapna-vasavadatta),
XXV,
Lesny, Dr.
M.
the
of
Ind.
(translation
T.
Winternitz
1916),
Das Indischen drama,
M. Baston
by
discussion
Since
MM.
(translation
(Nachrichten,
Jolly
storm of
Indian and European.
and
ff.),
Suali
p. 95), Pavolini (Giornale
Lindenau (Bhasa
Dr.
Studieri),
Dr.
Printz,
Barnett,
(B.8.O.S., L, 3, 1920, p. 35 ff.), Dr. Thomas (J.R.A.S., 1922,

79 ff.), Pisharoti, Dr. Sukthankar (J.A.O.S., 40, 1920. 243 ff;
J.B.R.A.S., 1925, p. 126), Bamavatara

Pandeya, Bhattanathasvami (Ind. Ant., 45, 1916, 189 ff.).
Kane
and Stein, A. Banerjee-Sastri
Rangacarya, Ruddy,
41,
1921,
ff.
(J.R.A.S., 1921, p. 367) and many others have continued a

controversy since the publication of the Bhasa dramas by MM.
Ganapati Sastrl in 1912.

this controversy
it
may
If
one has
well-nigh
fill
to
give
a full
a volume and
yefc
account of
the contro-
versy cannot yet be regarded as having reached a conclusive

It cannot be expected of us to enter into any elaborate
stage.
detail about this controversy, but
state
some
it
may
be regarded desirable to
of the salient features regarding the' controversy.
occurs in Pratijfla, Avimiiraka and Abhifeka and the 2nd
line occurs
Again, the passage

limpativa tamo'ngani varxativdfljanam nabhaty
asatpurusaseveva
occurs in C&rudatta
and Bala-carita.
dîr viphatatam
gat&
II
also
in Paflcar&tra.
EDITOR'S NOTES
MM. Ganapati Sastri came across

of natakas in the
Manalikkara
711
a bundle of palm-leaf
MSS.
Matham
near Padmanabhapuram,
These MSS. proved to be
written in old Malayalam character.
10 rupakas and subsequently an eleventh riipaka was found

and later on he found from one Govinda Pisharodi two
natakas of a
similar
named Abhiseka-nataka
character
and
Pratima-nataka.
Subsequently to this he found that the

Palace Library of Travancore contained a MS. of each of
these two books.
So altogether these 13 rupakas were discovered
which were never seen or heard of before. In this connection it
is
well worth noting that there
is
the practice in
the
Malayalam
country from very ancient times of having Sanskrit natakas

staged in the temples by the priests in which often kings participated.
In the ordinary natakas generally a nandl verse is given

and then the stage-direction (nandyante sutradharah) but in
the
newly
found
(nandyante tatah
dramas we have
first
the
stage-direction
and then we have a
pravi6ati sutradharah)
Again, instead of the word prastdvand these

mahgala-Sloka
natakas use the sthapana. There is, again, no mention of the
name of the author and of the work in the sthapana as is usual to
.
find in the prastauana of other
In these dramas again
dramas.
drama a sentence announcing the fact

that such and such a drama (giving the name) is finished. In the
"
dramas of Bhasa we have always a prayer to the effect
May our
there
is at
the end of the
greatest of kings or
Now,
may
our king rule the land."
since the author's
name
is
not given
in
any of the
dramas, two questions naturally arise (1) who are the authors
of the dramas, (2) are they all from the one hand, or they
Further questions arise as
are written by different men ?
:
follows
Bhasa
is
Assuming,
the
for reasons
presently
author of one or two or
there one Bhasa, or an earlier and a later
to
be
all
these dramas,
Bhasa
adduced,
that
was
and about some
of these dramas a further question may be raised as to whether

there was more than one drama of the same name written by
712
different
earlier
or
authors,
and a
The
by two authors
same name, an
the
of
later.
earliest
mention
of
Bhasa
made by Kalidasa
is
and Kaviputra.
Saumilla
Malavikagnimitra along with
in
We
and Kaviputra. MM.

practically nothing
Ganapati Sastrl has urged that these newly found dramas are
His view has been
the dramas of this pre-Kalidasa Bhasa.
know
Saumilla
of
by most European scholars excepting Dr. Barnett.

Dr. Ottoztein seems to be unable to pronounce any judgment
while
Dr. Barnett, Pisharoti and Ramavatara Pandeya and
endorsed
some other scholars hold that these dramas cannot be
of
any
pre-Kalidasa Bhasa, but that they were probably written sometime in the 7th century A.D.
Regarding the supposition

written by the
same author,
tlie
The
sentence kirn vaksyatiti
in
MM.
the Gth Act
all
these
Ganapati
limpatwa occurs both
that
verse
that
in
points -out
and Bala-carita.
Sastrl
Cdmdatta
hrdayam parisamkitam me occurs
Svapna-nataka and the 4th Act
of the
Abhiseka and a few such
were
dramas
other
points
of
of
the
similarity can be
detected in the plays.
On
the point that Bhasa was the author of the Svapna-vasavadatta, he refers to the verse of Rajasekhara in the- Kavi-vimara
quoted in the Sukti-muktavali and Bhasa has been spoken of as

1
He also refers to
being the author of the Svapna-vasavadatta.
Kalidasa's allusion
MM.
Bhasa
to
as
well
as
Bana's.
From
this
argues that the word sutradharakrtarambhaih

means a reference to the stage-direction found in these dramas
G.
Sastrl
and therefore here Bana's reference proves that these dramas

were written by Bhasa and we have the 6loka of Rajasekhara
;
that Svapna-vasavadatta belonged to the group of

1
bhdsaniHakacakre'pi cchekaih kyipte parlksitum
svapnavasavadattasya ddhako'bhunna pavakah

2
II
sutradhdrakftaiambhair nfyakairbahubhv.mikaih
s a pat ak airy a to lebhe bhdso devakulairiva
II
Har$a-cafita t Sloka 16,
Bhasa dramas.
713
EDITOR'S NOTES
Now,
this
appear to be conclusive.
Kavi-vimarta in the same con-
argument does not
Pisljaroti refers to the verses of the
text and shows that

Rajasekhara there attributes Priyadartika
and Ratnaoall to Bhasa.
Rajasekhara further in the same
context says that Sriharsa made Bhasa a sabhd-kavi.
Doubts
have also been raised by other scholars as to whether the Kavi1
vimar$a
this
in
is at all a work of
In any case, if
Rajasekhara or not.
Bhasa was the writer of the Svapna-vdsavadattd he flourished
Sriharsa's time and cannot
be the pre-KSlidasa Bhasa.
dramas are
begun by the sutradhdra. In the

ordinary dramas he is already on the stage, recites the ndnditiloka and then begins the drama.
In the newly found dramas,
Again,
all
really
suggested, that some one else or the sutradhdra himself

recites the ndndl without entering the stage and after the ndndlloka has been recited probably from behind the
stage the
sutradhdra enters and recites a verse in which he introduces
it
is
the principal personages and in the course of that also offers a

benediction.
Under the circumstances, it is difficult to suppose
that
Bana's reference sntradhdrakrtdrambhaih
refers
special feature of the introductory stage-direction of the
Moreover Bana seems

krtdrarnbhaih
as
to have introduced
well
as
the
to
the
dramas.
word sutradhdra-
bahubhumikaih and
sapatdkaih
for
maintaining his imagery through a double meaning. Had this

not been so and had the verse any intention of referring to the
would have applied to the
terms bahubhumikaih and sapatdkaih and such new features
would ha -e been discoverable in the newly published dramas.
special
It
features of Bhasa' s
may
drama
this
be worth while to consider a
few other references.
13th or 14th century,

Sarvananda, who
wrote a commentary on the Amara-kosa called Amarakosa-tikdsarvasva. In this work there is a reference to the Svapna-vdsavadattd and MM. Sastri holds that there is a reference to the
the
probably lived in
adau bhdsena
racitd ndftkd priyadarfikd
tasya ratnaoali mlnam ratnamalcva rdjate

See Pisharoti's article on Bhasa Problem, Indian Historical Quarterly, 1925, p. 103,
II
90-1343B
714
1
marriage of Udayana with Padmavati and Vasavadatta here.
But owing
to considerations discussed in the
well be doubted whether there
MM.
any reference here
is
it
foot-note,
to the
jnay
Svapna-
Again, Abhinavagupta also menand

tions Svapna-vasavadattd
Daridra-carudatta. Here also we have
vdsavadattd of
no reason
G.
to suppose
Sastri.
that the Daridra-cdrudatta
our Cdrudatta-ndtaka and
all
we can know from
the
is
here
same
as
that there
is
were these two natakas, Svapna-vdsavadatta and Daridra-caru-
and we know
nothing of their authorship. Again,

Vamana in the 3rd adhydya of the 4th adhikarana of his Kdvydlahkdra-siitravrtti quotes a passage without naming the book or
datta t
really
author and this passage is found in the

There are
Svapna-vdsavadattd in the 4th Act.
the
printed text of
quotations from Vamana which may be traced

Act of the Pratijnd'ijaugandhardyana and the
the Gdrudatta-ndtaka.
The passage
in the
The
two other
also,
in
the
4th
Act of
1st
verse limpatlva tamo'hgani found
Amara-tlkd-sarvasva
as follows
is
dharmdrthakdmabhinnah tatrddyo yathd nandayantydni brdhmanabhojanam dvitiyah svadetam dtmasdt kartum udayanasya padmdvatipannayah arthatfhgdraThe passage has been otherwise
strtiyah svapnavdsavadatte tasyaiva vdsavadattdpannayah.
trividhah fyhgdrah
put by
MM.
G. Sastri in his Introduction to the Svapna-vdsavadattd
svadeSamdtmasdt
kartum udayanasya padmdvatipannayah arthafrrhgdrah svapnavdsavadatte tftiyastasyaivavdsavadattdparinayah kdmatirhgdrah. It will be seen that by translating the word svapna
vdsavadatte before trtiya the meaning has been absolutely changed. If the former is the
as I suppose it is, then b lie work Svapna-vdsavadat La referred to here, would
right reading
describe Vdsavadattd-parinayah and not Padmavati-parinayah as
is
found in the printed text
Svapna-vdsavadatta published by MM. G. Sastri. Granting that MM. G. Sastrl's

reading is correct, we have only the evidence here of a Svapna-vdsavadattd in which two
of the
But
marriages are described of Padmavati and Vasavadatta.
marriage
is
described and even then, as a story
out that there
work
of
is
the printed text only one
in
taken from an older source,
may have been two Svapna-vdsavadattds and
it
it
does not rule
does not prove that
Bbasa.
See Pisharoti's article on Bbasa Problem, Indian Historical Quarterly! 1925.

2
6aracclia$dhkagaurena vdtdviddhena bhdmini
1
kdapupalavenedam
sdtirupdtam.
mukham.
mama
II
Vamana, IV.
Cf. 4th
3.
Act of the Svapna-vdsavadatta.
yo bhartt^pinjasya kjte na yudhyet
Vamana, V.
2,
Cf. 4th Act, Pratijna-yaugandharayana,
it is
EDITOR'S NOTES
in
the
Dandin occurs
But so far as
of
Kavyadara
and the Garudatta.

these
prove practically
dramas or
715
also in
these
the
concerned,
nothing regarding the authorship of the

works of the same hand. Again, in
as belonging to the Svapna-vasavadatta,

in
are
Balacarita
their being the
3rd uddyota of the Dhvanyaloka-locana a
the
the
text..
printed
This 31oka
MM.
the Svapna-vasavadatta but
is
G.
but
passage is quoted
it does not occur
only to be found in
Sastri himself admits that
not
we cannot imagine any situation in the Svapna-vasavadatta in

which such a passage could have occurred. It is rather curious
that an authority like
Abhinavagupta
should
make any
error of
Again, in the explanation of the 85th kdrika of the

6th chapter of the Sahitya-darpana a sloka is referred to as
having been quoted from the Bala-carita but this is not available
this type.
in the printed text nor can a proper situation be

in
it.
But Bharnaha gives
for
imagined
it,
a description of events in his chapter
on Nydya-virodha which tallies with similar descriptions in the

Pratijtta-nataka and a passage from it is found repeated in Prakrt
in the
But Bhamaha does not mention anything

the ndtaka or its author.
Again, the same
same ndtaka.
about the
name
of
reference
that
is
found in Sarvananda's Tika-sarvasva,
in the Ndtaka-laksana-ratna-kosa.
we
In the
is
found
Kaumudl-mahotsava
Avimaraka the hero and Kurang! the heroine

not probably a reference to the printed drama Avi-
find reference to
but this
is
maraka.
14th century commentary on the tfakuntald says

that the siitradhdra of the play Garudatta uses Prakrt and this
is testified
in the printed
text
of
the
Garudatta.
The
ATafya-
darpana again mentions a drama called the Daridra-cdrudatta

but the verse quoted in the Natya-darpana from the Svapnathough we may imagine a situation
for it in Svapna-vasavadatta IV. Again, in the Nataka-laksanaratna-kosa a verse is quoted from the Carudatta, the contents of
vasavadatta
is
not found in
Again, yas&YQ, balirbhavati,
it
etc.
Vamana, V.
1.
C/. 1st Act of the Carudatta-nataka.
716
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT UTERATUlUi
which
traceable to the Mrcchakatika but not to the Carudatta-
is
But we have nowhere
nataka.
in these passages
any reference
to Bhasa.
Again, Saradatanaya has a quotation in his BhavaIt is not available in
prakatiana from the Svapna-vasavadatta
the printed text but a situation corresponding to it can be imagined in the 5th Act of the
MM.
Ganapati
Sastri
Svapna-vasavadatta.
refers
In an
article
passage from the Srhgavallth century wherein the plot of
to
prakata of Bhojadeva of the

the 5th Act of the printed text of the Svapna-vasavadatta is
delineated, but unfortunately there is no mention here of Bhasa
as the author
however,
of the Svapna-vasavadatta.
The Natya-darpana,
mentions Daridra-camdatta but not the author, but he
Svapna-vasavadatta as being a work of Bhasa and

2
gives a quotation from it, as we have already said.
Now let us sum up the position. There is undoubtedly an
refers
to the
old pre-Kalidasa Bhasa.
whether
Bhasa
is
known
to
Bana-Bhatta,
Bhasa was the pre-Kalidasa Bhasa or
this
if
we
but
believe
the testimony of the Kavi-vimarsaoi Kajaêkhara, a contemporary

of himself, we do not know. Practically none of the verses quoted
in different books as belonging to the Svapna-vasavadatta or other
found in the printed text. Of all the dramas only

the Svapna-vasavadatta has been mentioned as being the work
texts, are
Bhasa
of
in
the
Natya-darpana,
but the
quotation does
not
with the text of the printed be ok. The quotation from the
Nataka-laksana-ratna-kosa also shows that there existed a version
tally
the Svapna-vasavadatta with at least a different sthapana and

there were at least some scenes in it which were not found in
of
These and other evidences, when put together,

the printed text.
lead us to conclude that we are prepared to agree that Bhasa
had written the Svapna-vasavadatta. But that the present text
1
The Stngara-pra'ka&a (llth century) describes the

padmavatlm asvastharn drafturp,
svapnavasavadatte
plot
of
raja
the 5th
Act as follows
samudragjhakarp gal ah
vasavadattdrp ca svapnavad
padmavatirahitarp, ca tadavalokya tasyd eva dayane susvapa
svapnasabdena ceha
svapnayamanaca vdsavadattdm ababha$e
asvapne dadara
svdpo va svapnadardanarii vd svapnayitar(i va vivakfitam
I
Natyadarpana, pp. 53 and 84.
'S
should be
identically the
NOTES
same work
is
more than
what
we
can say. It is strange that there should be no reference to

the works of Bhasa that are now attributed to him in the
printed texts of the T. S. Series.
It is also strange that the
few
quotations that have referred to the Svapna-vasavadatta should

not be available in the printed text and that other references
to other
like
texts,
should not
the
be traceable
Bala-carita or
to
the
the printed text.
Daridracarudatta
may be that
when other MSS. are available such quotations may be traceable.
In any case, until such MSS. are
But I doubt it very much.
available
It
we cannot
vdsavadatta
is
say that the printed text of the Svapnathe Svapna-vasavadatta of pre-Kalidasa Bhasa.
Judging the evidences as a whole it seems to be probable

that these works probably are texts adapted from the work of an
old
Bhasa by castigation and
insertion to suit the
convenience of
the theatrical audience at the temples in Travancore.

this reason that
end, the
name
It is
for
though the name
of the drama is given in the

not given, for the editor who
could not pass it off as a work of Bhasa
of the author
is
pruned the text of Bhasa

before an audience which
Neither could he advertise
for the editing
for the
was made
improvement
knew what Bhasa's works were.

his own name as an editor of Bhasa,
for the convenience
of the text.
It
may
in
of
staging and not
this
connection be
pointed out that the so-called Svapna-vasavadatta of the T. S.

Series is actually called the Soapna-nataliam and not the Svapnavasavadatta.
The shortening was unnecessary
if
it
was not
from the Svapna-vasavadatta. The

fact that the Vru-bhahga is not a tragedy in one Act but a
detached intermediate Act of some drama is also quite obvious.
intended
to distinguish
it
seems to me, however, that probably all thess dramas, to

whosoever their authorship may be due, were edited either by the
It
by the same circle of editors.

Much has been made by the different scholars 'regarding the
difference between nandijante sutradharah and nandyante pravi-
same
editor or
ati sutradharah.
It should be observed in this
connection that
718
there
be three classes of nandl
may
ttoka, written
by the author
of the
drama, as
Vikramorvatl. There
3akuntala and in the
nandl which
performance
custom and practice.
As
drama
of
was
is left off as
position
The
been finished.
as
this
another class of
is
out
left
consideration
of
It
nandyante,
not form
did
is
this
for
reason
the nandl
after
i.e.,
any part
and was
that
has
drama does not bother himself

to what may be the nature of this nandl.
The third class
nandl was an auspicious verse which was recited by a
writer of the
siitradhara,
pariparSvika
3akuntala,
we have
which
of
this
within stage-directions.
included
is
the
to local
this
be a mahgalafound both in the
may
an auspicious ceremony to be performed for the

drama, which varied differently according
is
of
of the actual
a nandl
intended
is
played.
Then
the poet
is
when
was
first
sthapaka.
In
the
auspicious
verse
drama
like the
ya srstih
etc.
poet for the auspicious ending

no part of the actual drama that is
came the nandl, about the nature of which
is
The sutradhdra was
silent.
present on the stage
When
the nandl ceremony was performed.

started his speech in order to
over, he
the
by
This
work.
the
or
the
ceremony
introduce the drama.
Bhasa plays the sutradhdra is not supposed to

I fancy
be present when the nandl ceremony was being done.
that this may be due to the fact that some articles of the
In the
so-called
auspicious
rights
was made and

finished
most
the
When
there.
present
this
nandl
he entered the stage
cases the sort
nandl
temple wherein the play was staged,

sutradhdra being of a lower caste was not
the
of
tallies
of
verse
as
and
of
auspicious
recited his
prescribed
with the sutradhara's nandl
rights
own
nandl.
was
In
for the sutradhara' s
of
the
so-called
does not tally with the nandl of Kalidasa, for

a nandl should be either of 12 or 8 syllables ; which condition -
Bhasa plays
was not
but
it
satisfied in a
sragdhard or a
ardula-vikridita metre.
Regarding the date of Bhasa, the argument of MM.

Ganapati Sastri based on the priority of Bhamaha to Kalidasa
and Bhamaha' s possible reference to the story contained
in
EDITOR'S NOTES
719
seems to be extremely improbable. His statement that Bhamaha was prior to Gunadhya is also wholly
Bhasa's dramas,
Our reasons
unbelievable.
consulted in our
for
this
contention
Bhamaha's
treatment of
may
be
well
date in the Chapter
on Alanikdra
and our note on Gunadhya. But it cannot be

gainsaid that Bhasa was already a celebrated and old writer
in the time of Kalidasa, for Kalidasa refers to
ya&dh
(of
(nava)
We
well-spread
writer,
as
prathita-
and contrasts himself as a new

work is regarded as old (purana).
celebrity)
while Bhasa' s
can, therefore,
him
him
place
safely
There
centuries before Kalidasa.
is
at
two
least
no reference
to
three
to
Bhasa
in
any
This
documents.
Bhasa
thus
be
pre-Kalidasa
pre-Kalidasa
may
believed to have lived in the 3rd century B.C.
In the Pratimandtaka (5th Act) a reference is made to a Mdnavlya-Dharrnasdstra,
a Bdrhaspatya-ArthaSdstra, a Nydyasdstra
Avimaraka
Medhatithi and a
But nothing can be made out
Prdcetasa-$rdddhakalpa.
The Yogaastra and
of
of
it.
the ArLhasdstra have been referred to in the
But nothing
Pratijfid-yaugandhardyana.
important can be made out of this for the Yoga$dstra, the Arthasdstra
and the
and the Mdnavlya-Dharmadstra are certainly older than
We
Bhasa.
do
know
not
of
any Nydyasdstra by Medhatithi.

In language, the style of Bhasa seems to stand between Kalidasa
and A^vaghosa. The Prakrt also is older than that used in
the
pLice
Bhasa
century A.D.
Most
On
dramas.
classical
in
the
3rd
this
century
evidence,
or
the
Winternitz
half
first
would
of the 4th
of
the
Krsna and Rama
stories
legends
are
drawn from the
Mahdbharata.
also play their part in the Bdla-carita
and the dramas Pratimd-ndtaka and Abhiseka-ndtaka.
The
story
and Pratijm-yaugandhardyana are drawn

from Gunadhya's Brhat-kathd and probably also that of
Avimaraka and Daridra-carudatta.
of
the Svapna-ndtaka
who
See Lesny, Z.D.M.G., 1917,
believes
Bhaaa
to
have lived
Between 100 and 200 A.D.
affeer
p.
203
ff.,
200 A.D.
sec also Lindeuau,
Bhasa Studien,
p.
14
ff.,
ASvaghosa and Bharata probably lived
720
The
of
plays
different people.
Bhasa have been
We
may
classified
differently
thus divide them as follows
(i)
or
(ii) Fiction
Udayana plays Svapna and Pratijna
Avimdraka
and Cdrwdatta; (Hi) the Mahdbharata
plays
original
plays
the
Urubhahga, Madhyama-vydyoga; (iv)
Pratimd and Abhiseka altogether 13 plays.
Some
South Indian plays,
of the
e.g
the
etc.
Kali) ana-sang andhika,
peculiarity.
But the plays
of
Rdmdyana
Matta-vilasa,
and the southern
Tapatl-samvarana,
3aknntala and the Nagananda,
manuscripts of the
structural
plays
Duta-ghatotkaca, Duta-vdkya, Karnabhdra, Panca-
Bdlacarita,
rtitra,
by
the
display
some
Bhasa show
some
(i) they begin with the same stage-.

sutradhdra
recites only one mahgala-sloka
direction.
(ii) The
and in some of the dramas the dramatic persons are introduced
special structural peculiarity
in the
mahgala-sloka.*
Karnabhara we have
Excepting
(Hi)
The name of the book is

(v)
given in the conclusion but the author's name 'is absent,
Excepting some of the dramas, they all begin in the sthdpand
with the same kind of phraseology /' (in) The epilogues are
sthdpand instead of prastdvand.
nearly identical.
(iv)
The dramas
of
Bhasa not only ignored the
Ndtya-dstra in introducing death and

stage,
but they also used
the
violent
of address
1
p.
from a wife
to
her
husband.
Winternitz, O.Z. IX, followed by Devadhara, Plays,
16; Jahagirdar,
LA
1931, pp.
4244; Svarupa,
as
the
a term of
generally the term

The dramatic devices
is
etc.
Lindenau, Bhasa Studien,
Vision. Introduction, p. 10.
See Bhasa .4 Study, Pasalker, 1940. They

khalu mayi vijfldpanavyagro abda iva ruyate.
3
action on
word drya-putra
address from a servant, whereas arya-putra
rules of the
all
begin with the
lines
aye kinnu
nandyante tatah pravitati siitradharah.

Pratijfla, Paficardtra and Pratima.
Svapna,
evam aryamtirdn vijftapayami. aye kinnu khalu mayi vijnapanavyagre &abda iva
ahga pafyami. The Pratt; na t Cdrudatta Avimdraka and Pratimd use a different
t
Sruyate.
form.
6
They use
the verse
imarn sdgaraparyantdm himavad-vindhya-kundaldm
mahtmekdtaâtrdhkdyn rdjasimhah pratastu nah

(Jarndatta and Duta-ghatotkaca have no epilogues.
EDITOR'S NOTES
are
similar
also
most
in
of
the plays
721
such
as, the
constant
becourse to
akafabhasitam, description of battles, duels, etc.

The entrance of persons of high ranks preceded by the words
communication
who
a chamberlain,
by
is
The
ussaraha.
ussaraha,
events
of
the
intervening
addresses the female door-keeper
somewhat the same phraseology. The door-keeper is often

addressed
with the same phraseology, such as nivedyatam,
nivedyatam. The dramatic characters often kno# what is
in
of
(ii)
ideas,
such
Narada
the
(i)
as,
(iv)
(v)
best
made
Arjuna's exploits
same terms
also
often
weapon
notice the
in
same kind
of a hero is his
described as inciting quarrels.
is
described as having been

gods,
We
passing in others' minds.
hand
(Hi) Dhrtarastra
is
blind through the jealousy of the

with the Kirata is described in the
Dfda-vakya,
Duta-ghatotkaca and
Um-bhdhga
Inference of the existence of cities from the watering of trees.
The idea that kings live in their sacrifices.

The dramatic device of patakasthana is used
(vi)
Act
II,
Abhiseka
Pratima, Act
Again,
(Prati.,
V, Avimaraka, Act
II,
in Pratijna,
Pancaratra, Act
I,
I.
forms of irony and dramatic situations

107) and Abhiseka, II. 18 (p. 27), in Bala.
similar
V. 20
(p.
The same
(p. 61) and Panca. (p. 87) are sometimes introduced.
The use of
expressions are sometimes used in different dramas.
common imagery
similar dramatic
of
peculiar
scenes
and
character,
even the
the introduction of
use of
similar
unique
and vocabulary and the recurrence of the same verses
and long prose passages, grammatical solecisms and Prakrt
archaisms all go to prove that whatever may have been the
expressions
original
hand.
of
these
plays,
they
all
were the products of the same
But howsoever Professor Pusalker and others may try to

explain the absence of the verses quoted from Bhasa by other
writers in the printed T. S. texts by inventing situations
1
See Bhasa t Pusalker, p.
See Bhasa bv Pusalker for details.
8.
where
722
might have occurred and by attributing everything to

error, the facts remain that these are not found in the'
their verses
clerical
T. S. texts^ so even though we are

texts originally belonged to the
they suffered
much
alteration
willing to believe that the
author,
it
cannot be denied that
and nothing
is
settled
about the
point that they were written by a pre-Kalidasa Bhasa.
Bana
to
refers
Bhasa and
it
Now
reference to a pre-Kalidasa Bhasa.
possible that this
is
is
pataka means ahka and
and bhumika means composition and change of dress.

Bhasa attained fame
Thus the verse may be translated thus
banner
by his introduction of dramas with the stage manager (carpenter)

and with many actors and its division in many acts like the
houses of gods which are
commenced with
the carpenter's line
and have many floors and banners. In my opinion this suggests

that Bhasa was the first to start the classical drama as starting
with a Sutradhara and & compound of many players in diverse
This would make Bhasa a very old
dress and also of many acts.
writer who according to Bana gave the structure and form to the
But yet
such great fame.
Bhasa was the writer of the
But we are prepared to agree
they now stand.
drama and therefore

we have no evidence that
classical
T. S. S. plays, as
that though there
changes,
Bhasa.
attained
this
may have been
castigations,
modifications and
on the whole they reveal the composition of the old

Since we have placed Kalidasa in the 1st century B.C.
and since we
that
find
there
no A6okan influence of the
is
we also find the great prevalence

the time, and for sundry other reasons as
prohibition of sacrifices and since

of
image-worship
at
sutradharakftftrambhair naâkairbahubltumikaih
sapatakairyato lebhe bhdso devakulairiva
II
Harsa-carita.
pataka vaijayantyarp ca saubhagye'nke dhvaje'pi ca

Vitva
bhtimikaracanaydm syad vetantaraparigrahe

Medtni
Kulam janapade grhe
feDITOR'S
NOTES
7 23
k
the style and the like, our conjecture is that he was probably a
writer of the Mauryya times.
It seems also probable that he
lived at a time
up
when
the Mahabharata tales had not been worked
The
in the present form.
characterisation of
Duryyodhana and
back to the Pandavas half the kingdom are

such radical changes of the story of Mahabharata that no writer
could have introduced those tales without giving a rude shock
his consent in giving
to
public
at a
feelings
time
when the Mahabharata had been
His tendency to write different

present form.
types of dramas also supports the view that he was writing at a
time when these various forms^f drama were gradually evolving
codified
in
the
out.
In the Duta-kavya a scene from the Udyoga-parva
Bhlsma was being appointed
When
as the general.
is
with a message of conciliation and peace, Duryyodhana
him by looking
pulling of Draupadf s
tries
to
at a picture
portraying the scene of the

hair and clothes and has a wordy converAfter this he tries to arrest him but Krsna
insult
sation with him.
shows his cosmic form and Duryyodhana

weapons, Sudarsana,
away.
depicted.
Krsna comes
Dhrtarastra
away. Krsna's
appear but finding Krsna pacified, go
The
at his feet and mollifies him.
etc.,
falls
flies
and the appearance of Krsna's weapons are new

In the Mahd,modifications on the story of the Mahabharata.
portrait scene
bharata, Dhrfcarastra
is
the
Emperor but
here
Duryyodhana
is
the
real Emperor
mighty warrior, whereas in the MahaIt is either a vyayoga or a
bharata he is only a wicked man.
as well as a
vithi.
KARNA-BHIRA
Kama
to
was appointed general after Drona.

drive the chariot where Arjuna was fighting.
for a
moment by
Pandavas and
the
memory
of
his
He
He
asked Salya
is held back
relationship
with
the
Salya the story of how he received new

Paraûrama. In the meanwhile, Indra in the
tells
weapons from
form of a Brahmin asked
for his natural
arraour
which he gives
724
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT IlTERATOkE
away
to
him
Vimala, a
in
Sakti,
the
of
spite
warning
of
Kama
asks
Kama.
to
Indra sends
Salya.
Salja
to drag the
chariot to the battle-field.
In the Epic, the story of the giving away of the natural

armour happens earlier, while the Pandavas were in the forest.
The
introduction of the episode in the midst of the work makes

Kama appear nobler. Salya is more sympathetic to Kama than
in the Epic.
It is a vydijoga
and
also
an instance of utsrstihdhha.
DUTA-GHATOTKACA
In this play Ghatotkaca is represented as going to Dhrtarastra on the death of Abhimanyu, to tell him that this foul
deed will be avenged.

Dhrtarastra himself was quite angry with
his sons and Jayadratha for the commission of the act and had
assured them that nothing would save them from the arrows of
The embassy of Ghatotkaca is a new introduction,
the Pandavas.
which does not occur
in the Epic.
URU-BHANGA
Whereas
Epic the family of Duryyodhana is far away

from the battle-field, in this drama after the club-fight between
in the
Bhima and Duryyodhana, when Duryyodhana was
struck in
the
thigh against the rules of fight, the poet utilises the opportunity
of demonstrating Duryyodhana's softer sentiments towards his
father, wife
and
child.
shows great patience

dissuade Balarama and Agvatthama
also
Duryyodhana
and forbearance in trying to

from avenging his death by
confesses that he has done
killing
more
to
ill
the
the
Pandavas.
He
also
Pandavas than they
had done to him.

It is
an utsrstikahka.
MADHYAMA-VYIYOGA
It is a
meeting
of
story
which
is
wholly invented.
Bhima and Ghatotkaca
It
depicts
the
the latter was out for secur-
725
EDITOR* S NOTES
ing a victim lor his mother and the three sons of a Brahmin were
all vying with one another for being made a victim.
The middle
one was chosen but
Ghatotkaca was calling for him as
as
madhyama, madhyama, Bhima appeared on
the scene.
Bhima
Ghatotkaca was able to take him by

Bhima then accompanied Ghatotkaca
offers himself as a victim if
force, in
to
which he
fails.
Hidimba who recognised him.
this play
Iii
Duryyodhana performed
a sacrifice
with
Drona
Drona requests
Duryyodhana to settle with the Pandavas by giving them half the
Empire and Duryyodhana agrees if any news of the Pandavas
as the priest
and as the daksina
of
the
sacrifice
would be got within five days. This being fulfilled, Duryyodhana

agrees to part with half the kingdom in favour of the Pandavas.
We
have nowhere in the Epic the performance of the sacrifice,

agreement with Drona and the final parting of half the kingdom
to the Pandavas, which would have made the Kuruksetra battle
impossible.
It is a
samavakara.
ABHITCKA
The scene opens
in Kiskindhyfi
and the agreement between
Sugrlva and Rama to help each other.

Sugiiva challenges Bali
to fight but when he is worsted in the fight, Rama kills him with
After the death of
an arrow.
There
is
much
deviation
here
anointed king.
description in the
Sugrlva
Bali,
from
the
is
Ramayana.
\
BlLA-CARITA
It
deals with
elements in
we
it
the
early
which does not
life
tally
of Krsna.
There are some
with the description of Krsna
the
Though
dancing of the Gopinis is"
of
the
find
amorous scenes described in
do
not
any
mentioned, we
The girl that is killed
the Bhagavata or the Brahma-vaivartta.
as
find elsewhere.
726
HISTORY
SANSKRIT LITERATURE
Ol?
by Kamsa has been given birth

killed
Kamsa, the
old king
After Krsna had
Devakl.
to by
Ugrasena was released from prison
and was crowned.
AVIMIRAKA
The
Avimaraka seems to have been taken either

from the Brhat-katha or from some floating stories of the time
which were taken up by the Brhat-katha
yet the story, as it
story of the
is
appears,
slightly
sarit-sagara.
Kurangi,
It
is
different
long
daughter of a
from that found in the KathaIt
story.
king,
refers to
with Avirnaraka,
a prince in disguise in clandestine

nataka.
ways.
It
is
the
union of
who was
a
also
full-fledged
PRATIMA
The Pratima which

story of the
is
a full-fledged nataka,
Ramaydna, with many
plot and as regards the depicting
deviations,
is
based on the
both as
regards
of characters.
PRATIJNA-YAUGANDIIARAYANA
It is a story
from the Brhat-kathd with deviations.
In this
play king Pradyota, willing to give his daughter Vasavadatta in

marriage to Vatsiraja, took him by a ruse and carried him off to
his country.
a cunning
There Vatsaraja
device
fell
in love with Vasavadatta.
By
of the minister
Yaugandharayana, Vatsaraja
succeeded in eloping with Vasavadatta.
It has been regarded by
some as a prakarana and by others as a natika and by others as
an ihamrga.
SVAPNA-VA S A VAD ATTA
Udayana Vatsaraja lost a part of his kingdom by the

invasion of Aruni.
The minister Yaugandharayana conceived of
the plan of
making Udayana marry the daughter
of the
king of
EDITOR'S NOTES
727
Magadha in order to make an ally of him for restoring the

kingdom conquered by Aruni. Udayana's wife Vasavadatta, agrees
with the plan fixed by Yaugandharayaria and arrives at Rajagrha
in an arama, posing herself as a sister of
Yaugandharayana.
Padinavati, the daughter of the Magadha king, comes there and
meets Vasavadatta in disguise.

PadmavatI agrees to the request
of Yaugandharayana to keep with her Vasavadatta.
A rumour
is
afloat that there is a great
Lavanaka
at
fire
which both
in
Vasavadatta desYaugandharayana and Vasavadatta perished

A betrothal of
cribes to PadmavatI the beauty of Udayana.
.
PadmavatI with Udayana is arranged. The marriage of Udayana

takes place.
But the king Udayana, though he had heard of the
of
death
Vasavadatta in the Lavanaka fire and though he had
married Padraavati, was still in very much grief for her. In
one scene Udayana was asleep on bed and Vasavadatta, mistaking
him to be PadmavatI sleeps beside him. But the king, in his
dream
leaves
that
forces
Vasavadatta and recognises Vasavadatta.

Udayana then with the combined
hastily.
for
kingdom.
had sent him a
PadmavatI recognises
in
the
disguise
of
him and
to
belonged
his
regains
vatI A
out
calls
But she
the
of
Magadha,
His mother-in-law the Queen ArigaraVasavadatta.
picture of Udayana and
in
the
portrait
with
Vasavadatta
king
Avantika,
At
her.
who
was
this
time
Brahmin, who was Yaugandharayana in disguise,

announced and Vasavadatta is brought in and when her veil
removed, she is recognised and Padmavati pays her homage
is
is
to
Vasavadatta.
CiRUDATTA
No
of
the
precise
story.
Mrcchakatika.
For materials
reference
may
information
It
is
very
is
available regarding the
closely
allied
to
the
story
source
of
the
It is a
prakarana.
Bhasa and a masterly treatment

A Study, by A. D. Pusalker.
io the study of
be made to
Bhasa
of the subject in detail
728
KlLIDASA
Much
date of Kalidasa.
a Brahmin,
of
West about
has been written in the East and the

1
There
is
but early
the
a story that Kalidasa was the son

in life he was a cowherd boy.
He,
however, succeeded in marrying a princess and being shamed by

her, he adored the goddess Kali through whose grace he became
2
a great scholar and poet.
Hence his name was Kalidasa.
Another Ceylonese tradition makes him a contemporary of the

3
Hoernle says that
poet Kumaradasa of the 6th century A.D.
Kalidasa was like a hook to which
many
stories
hanged, although
they have no historical validity.

All that we may learn from Kalidasa's
own works
is
that
he was probably devoted to Siva.

He also adores Visnu as the
incarnation of Brahman and he praises Brahman as the original
cause of the
world.
He
seems to have been quite familiar
See G. Huth, Die Zeit des Kdlidasa, Diss
Berlin,
1890 and B. Liebich, Indo-
germanisclie Forschungen, 1912-18, p. 198 ff.

2
See TaranStha's Geschichte des Buddhismus, translated by A. Schiefner,
R. Vasudeva TulKi, Indian Antiquary^ 1878, p.
115
ff;
p.
76
ff;
M.T. Narasirnhiengar, Indian
Antiquary, 1910, p. 236.

3
See T. W. Rhys Davids and C. Beiidall, J.H.A.S., 1888,
W.
to
p.
148
ff.,
and
p.
440;
und Sprache der Singhalesen (Grundriss 1, 10), p. 3 ff. H. M. Vidyfina,

J.A.S.B., 1893, p. 212 ff J. B. Seueviratne, The Life of Kalidas, Colombo, 1901.
bbu?
The life of Kalidasa baa been dramatised in Ceylon. The life of Kalidaaa is found in later
Geiger, Literatur
works
he
is
Bhoja-prabandha and
like the
is
current in the oral tradition of the pundits, wherein
said to have been at first a very foolish
which he was
who would
sitting.
princess had
made
man who was
cutting the branch of the tree on
the wager that
she would marry the scholar
some of them,
Many
wanting to take their revenge, put forth Kalidasa as their teacher who was so wise thit he
remained silent. By a clever ruse they convinced tha princess of the scholarship of the
She kicked him
speechless man. The laty discovered her mistake in her bridal night.
The
He
then adored Saras vati and became a great poet and went to see the prinasti ka$cid vag-viJejah.
princess asked him what he wanted. He replied
out of her bed.

cess.
To immortalise his
(Kumar a-sambhava],
*
scholars were defeated by her and
defeat her in discussion.
first
speech with the princess he wrote three works beginning with asti
kafoit (Megha-duta)
Grierson and Hoernle, J.A.R.S
and vak (Raghu-vamta).

also see Die Anekdoten
ff, and 699 ff
1906, p. 692
uber Kaiiddsa in Ballala's Bhoja-prabandha by Th. Pa vie, J. A. 1854, pp. 386-431 S. M.

Natesa Sastri, Ind Ant., 18, p. 40 ff. ; see also Oeschichten wie sie die Pandits von Ujjain
noch Jieute erztihlen by Jackson, J.A.O.S., 1901, p. 831 ff.
;
EDITOR'S NOTES
the
doctrine
have
the
of
geography
over
seems
to
and was well-acquainted with
India
and
India
of
He
1
Samkhya and Yoga.
Vedanta,
much
travelled
729*
outside
He
India.
shows
his.
with the geography of India in his Megha-duta

seems that he had carefully observed the actual progress
of the monsoon in India.
He was a well-known scholar and
acquaintance
and
it
often loved to depict the old
He
dharma.
living
the
varnarama-
not only acquainted with the science of poetry

dramaturgy but has sufficient knowledge of the pictorial art
and
is
He was
as well.
well-versed in
all
nomy and Grammar, as well as

frequently in
and refers
to
many
and uses many
sabddlahkara called yamaka

alankdras in it. 8 He had also, as is
been
sufficient
From
singing and dancing.
has
the sciences including Astro2

Erotics and Polity.
He
in
places uses the
evident from the Vikramorvati,
it
of
picture
his
that his
suggested
of
knowledge
special
music,
partiality to Ujjayini
home was probably
in Ujjayini.
Vikramorvai has an allusion,, it has

been suggested,
Vikramaditya, in whose court he might
4
Tradition says that he was one of the nine jewels
have lived,
The
title of
the
drama,
to
of VikramaditycT/s court, the others being Vararuci, Dhanvantari,
Ksapanaka, Amarasimha, Sariku, Vetala-bhatta, Ghatakarpara

But this traditional account seems to
and Varaha-mihira.
See Harris, A n Investigat ion into some of Kaltdasa'a Views, Evanbville, Indiana,
1884 ;M.T. Narasimhi Ivengar, Kdlidasa's Religion and Philosophy Indian Antiquary,
1
1910, p. 236
2
ff
also Krisiiamacharya, p. 78
See Harapiasada Sastrf, J.B.O.R
ff .
S.,
1916. p.
180.
In his comparisons we find
grammatical terms Hillebrandt, Kalidasa, p. 143 see also p. 20 ff. J

N. G. Mazumdar's article in Indian Antiquary, 1918, p. 95; Tucci, R.S.O., 1923, p. 9 ff.,
A. H. Shah, Kautilya and Kahdasa, in O.J.M.S., Vol. X No. 4 and Vol XI, 1-3.
p. 22 ff
allusions to technical
p,
35
See Hillebrandt, Kaliddsa,
See
Bhau Daji
p.
107
ff.
Intioduction
in Nandargikar's
to his edition
of the
Raghu-vamta,
ff.
Haraprasad Sastrl,
that KSUdasa's
home was
in
1, 1915, p. 197 ff., thought that it could be proved

Pandit Lachaldbar in his article, The Birth-Place
J.B.O.R.S
in Malva.
of Ktlidasa (Delhi University publication
No.
I,
1926) says that his
home waa
in
Kashmir.
the Vaidarbhl
It is also supposed by many that he was born in Vidarbha because he wrote in
J.R
G.
A.S-, 1926,
F.
Peterson,
264;
BtylejN. G. Mazumder, Indian Antiquary, 1918, p.
p. 725.
92
Even Bengal has been

1343B
olai-ned by
some
to have been the birth-place of the poet.
730
have
little
historical value.
Further,
the astronomer Varaha-
mihira lived probably in the first half of the 6th century. No

king at his time had the title of Vikramaditya. The style of
Kalidasa as well as his astronomical views are older than those of
Varaha-mihira.
So
also Dhanvantari,
medical
the author of a
Amarasimha, and be has in his glossary

utilised Kalidasa.
Ksapanaka was a lexicographer. He wrote
a work called the Anekartha-kosa, which is quoted in the Guna-
glossary, is older than

8
ratna-mahodadhi.
karpara-kavya.
It
Ghatakarpara wrote a kavya called the Ghatahas commentaries, such as^ those by Valdya-
natha, Yindhye^varlprasada, Taracandra, Govardhana, Kuâlakavi and Abhinavagupta, the last-named one being called the
Vararuci is known as a grammarian.
Ghatakarpara-kulaka-vrtti.
About 22 books are ascribed to him of which 13 are works on

grammar, one on lexicon, the Prakrt Grammar, Prakrlaprakafa, one on medicine, one on raja-niti and two kavyas called
the Rakasa-kavya and Vararuci-vakya-kavya and other works.
But
doubtful whether
it is
all
It
called
has been sometimes erroneously asserted that Kalidasa had written an astrological
which was probally written in the 16th century A.D.
see A. Weber,
Z.D.M.G., 1868,
p.
708
ff.
reference to the nava-ratna is found as early as 948 A.D. in an Inscription in
The
Inscription is
Wilmot and
it is
who wrote
Sankuka,
text Jyotirvidabharana
Gaya.
We know
these were written by him;
know one
nothing of Sanku, but we
known.
however
a translation of
it
lost
and
it is
by Charles Wilkins (Asiatic Researches, 1806,
Winternitz says that
Buddha-
only on the evidence of a doubtful copy
Wilmot was a victim
p.
to erroneous belief.
284
ff.)
of
that
See also A.
Holtzmann, Ober den griechischen Ursprung des indischenTierkreises, Karlsruhe, 1841,18 ft".,
See also Zachariae, Die indischen Worterbttcher, p. 18 f Fleet, Indian Antiquary,
p. 27 ff.
;
1901, p. 3
f.
Jacobi, Z.
Zachariae, Beitrdge zur indischen
D. M. G., 1876,
p.
304
ff.
Lexibographie, Berlin, 1B83, p. 37. Dhanvantari

wrote a Nighanfa called the Dhanvantarinighanta.
Other works ascribed to him are
:
Ou$adha-prayoga, Kala-jflana, Cikitsa-tattva-vijmna,
Cikitsa-dtpika,
Cikitsa-sara
Bala-
cikitsa, Yoga-cintamani, Yoga-dipika,

Vidya-prakaSa-cikitsa* Varha-mihira in his Paflcosiddhantika takes 506 A. D. as the epoch year of his calculations.
Many works of astronomy
are attributed to him, such
as, B?hat-sainhita, Arutha-jataka, Kalu-cahra, Kriydkairavacandrikd, Jdtaka-kaldnidhi, Jdtaka-sara or Laghu-jataka, Daivajna-vallabha, Paflca-siddh&n*
tika,
Pratna-candrika,
Vâ-kalika,
Brhat-jdtaka,
Mayura-citrQka,
MfuhMa-grantha,
EDITOR'S NOTES
and
work
731
on
alamkara and also a

on
Bharata's
We know nothing of
commentary
Natya-sastra.
Vetalabhatta. Amarasimha was
undoubtedly the celebrated
Bhuvanabhyudaya
Amara-kosa or Namalihganutasana.
than 37 commentaries, some of which have been
writer of the lexicon called

It
had no
less
published and the others are

also reputed to be a
tioned
in
how many
but many
KaKdasa
available in
grammarian and
as
Bopadeva's Kavikalpadruma.
It
the
present
lived in the court of
day
of
believe
say
Vikramaditya,
that
at
least
who
Vikramaditya of UjjayinI,
supposed to have started the Vikrama era

over the Sakas in the year 58 B. C.
is
men-
difficult to
is
of the nine jewels lived in the court
scholars of
He
manuscripts.
such he has been
is
his victory
to signalise
There has been a great
Some have
2nd century B.C. 2
Kalidasa.
or
controversy regarding
tried to prove that

If it could be
the
date of
he belonged to the 1st
proved that Asvaghoa in
Saundardnanda or the Buddha-carita borrowed from Kalidasa,

3
the contention could be proved.
But on this point, no infallible
his
judgment can be made, though there are evident

between the writings of the two authors.
similarities
Skandagupta assumed the title of

Vikramaditya as evidenced by numismatic proofs. Chandragupta
Chandragupta II and
See Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, p 532 ff, 571, 581 (E. J. Rapson) Kielhorn,
Indian Antiquary, 1890, p. 316, had for the first time demonstrated that tha Vikraina era
waa identical with the Ma lava era.
1
-article
K. G. Sankara, and K. M. Shembavnekar and Dblrendranath Mukerji in the latter 's

(Daulatpur College Magazine, 1934), fried to prove in an uncon-
on the Gupta era
manner
vincing
that the
Gupta
era
was
that Kalidasa lived in the 1st century
Allahabad
is
identical with
B. C.
a scene of a hermitage and
it
belongs to the
that the beautiful scene is that of the hermitage
says that
it
Jdtakas.
Sec. J.
XXIX,
to prove
3
81
resembles the
R. A.
S. t
reliefs
of
Vikrama
terracotta
of the
era and
thereby to prove
medallion found in
Sunga
Bhita
near
been suggested
But Sir John Marshall
period. It has
Sakuntala.
Sanchi and probably represents a
scene from
the
Cambridge History, Vol. I, p. 643, Plate No.

Chatterjee's article, The Date of Kalidasa, when he tries
1911, p. 138;
also K$etresh Cli.

an earlier date of Kalidasa.
;
Opinions are available on both
ASvaghosa was the borrower,

holds the opposite view.
MM.
sides.
While Kgetresh Ch. Chattcrjee holds that
Haraprasada
Sastri,
in J, B. 0. R. S.,
1916, p.
186,
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURES

II had his capital in
Ujjayini.
Winternitz, following Bloch,
thinks that the Raghuvanita contains
allusions to Chandra-
many
gupta
II.
The
present writer does not think that there
that Kalidasa lived
Raghuvamta
in
any evidence
is
Ujjayinl
long time or
contains any allusion to Chandragupta II.
for
the
that
The
poet
Kalidasa, of course, is very reverential to Valmiki, but he does
not say of him as a mythical seer of
antiquity as living in another
yuga, as Winternitz says.
Jacobi
supposed to have demons-
is
trated that
certain astrological data in Kalidasa's epics reveal an

acquaintance with Greek astrology and that the stage of Greek
as
astrology
which
works
the
in
represented
correspond to that
Indian
of
evidenced by
about the middle of the 4th century A. D. 2
is
shown
has
Biihler
Sun temple
that the author of an inscription in the
astrologers
Pirmicus Meternus
Mandasor,
one called Vatsabhatti, had not only imitated the style of Kalidasa
but he actually borrowed some of Kalidasa's poems as the model
of his
own
verses.
If this is correct,
Kalidasa
and attained fame before the year 473 A. D.

writer
is
must have
But
as
lived
the present
unable to weigh the astronomical
is
evidence of Jacobi, he
of Kalidasa's date to 350 A. D.
unable to place the other limit
But the argument

if
at
we can
for his date
believe that
he
being 375 A. D. gains in strength

in
lived
the
court
of
Yikramaditya
was
Vikramaditya
Chandragupta II. On this
Our conclusion therefore
point we have no conclusive evidence.
and that
is
this
Kalidasa Jived pretty
that
century A.D.
I
now wish
hope,
principle
to
adduce
may throw some

of
inheritance
Thomas has
*
long before the middle of the 6th
was, we are unable to decide.

an altogether new point, which
it
light
in
T. Bloch, Z. D. M. G., 1908,
on the date of Kalidasa.
The
Kautilya's Arthafastra differs in a
p.
G71
ff.
In
J.
R. A.
8.,
1909,
p.
740
ff
F.
W.
ff.
and
tried to contradict this idea.
Monatsberichte der Berliner Akademie der Wissenschaften 1873,

p. 802 ff.
p,
654
M. G.1876,
Z. D.
p,
But how long
251
Die indischen Inschrilten,

ff.
p.
18
ff.
and 24
f.
also Kielhorn,
N. G. G. W,, 1890,
EDITORS NOTES
33
very significant
manner from those
and others.
Kautilya's Arthadstra, in the chapter on

the sons share the father's property.
In those
In
Daya-vibhaga,
cases
go
that are found in Yajiiavalkya
which any of the sons may be dead,
in
to his direct descendants
man
has no
up
to the
his share
4th generation
would
but when
the property would go to the brothers, provided they are living together, as also the daughters.
Under
certain conditions the nephews also may share, but there is
no provision
for the
the
relations,
sons of
of
property
inheritors
brothers and
none
son,
person
limited
being
brothers.
In
going
to
distant
to
sons,
daughters,
the case of those who have
these, the property should go to the king after providing

for the maintenance of the wife and the funeral ceremony of
of
the deceased excepting in the case of

in
Manu
the
or
Vedic Brahmin.
Yajiiavalkya smrtis, there
is
Now
no such law and
the property of a person may go to his wife and other relations.

In the Yajiiavalkya, in the absence of the son or sons the
property
the wife
1
would go
is
first
not living.
to
the
Nowhere
wife and then to daughters, if

in the Hindu legal literature
addyakaqt raja haret strl-vrtti-preta-kdryavaryam,
traividyebhyah prayacchet.
8
anyatra srotriya-dravydt,
Artha-tdstra, 111.5.
patni-duhttarascaiva pitarou bhrdtarastathd
tatsuta gotrajd bandhu-sisya-sabrahmacdrinah
esdmabhdve purva*ya dhanabhdguttarottarah
II
svarydtasya hyaputiasya sarvavarneovayam vidhth

Ydjfiavalkya, II.
Mitdk$ara
in.
supporting this view quotes
II
8. 135, 136.
Vfddhamanu
aputrd tiayanaw bhartuh pdlayanti vrate sthitd

patnyeva dadydt tatpindairikrtsnatnamsarî labhetaca
I
II
Vjrddhavifgu aaya
aputradhanaî patnyabhiydmi.
Katyayana says
patni patyurdhanahari.
Bfhaspati also aays

asutasya pramitasya patni tadbhdgaharini.
Manu
says
anapatyasya putrasya mdtd ddyamavdpnuydt
mdtaryapt ca vrttaydip piturmatd hareddhanam
Maim
further says
pitd haredaputrasya riktharp bhrdtara eva vd
II
(IX,
tat
734
do we find that there

to
is
for the property of a
any provision
the
to
person
go
king except in those extreme cases where
not only no relatives are available but not even a
disciple or a
class-fellow
of
the
and
person
(tisya
sabrahmacariri) is
available.
From
a study
of
the
older
legal
treatises
it
appears
that
quite against the spirit of Hindu law that property should be

allowed to go to the king. It is only when no relations of
desit is
any
and class-fellows, are available that
the king.
In Kautilya's Arthasastra only
cription, not even disciples
property should go to
do we find that in the absence of a dayada, property should
go
to the king but the number of ddyadas or inheritors is
extremely
limited, as
we have shown above.
This was
probably due to
the fact that the Mauryas were
greedy and needed wealth and
therefore changed the older Hindu laws in their own interest,
so
number
that by restricting the
for
transmission
to
inheritors, the state
and by providing
king in the absence of such limited
could acquire enormous wealth from rich
of inheritors
the
merchants and others.

of
in
That the Mauryas had the monopoly

making images for being sold, shows that they were often
want of money and took to such means as selling images
for
money which
is
quite
undignified for a state.
It is quite
with such a behaviour of the Mauryas with regard

to collection of money by any means whatsoever that they should
consistent
revise
the old
secure as
number
much
Hindu law
in
their
favour
so
that they could
property of the people as possible by restricting the

and by debarring the wife from inheriting the
of inheritors
property
of the husband.
Now
in the 6th Act of the $akuntala,
the minister sends a letter in which
named Dhanavrddhi had
died
it is
stated that a
merchant
in an accident on the sea leaving
Thus Maou (IX, 189) says :-
See Panini's rule Jivikarthe capanye and the Bhasya on
itaresarp tu varqandrn, sarvabhave harennrpah
it
apanye ityucyate tatredam na siddhali ifivah skandah visdkhah iti. him karanam.
mauryaih hirony&rlhibhih arccah prakalpitah. bhavettasu na sydt yastu* etah sarpprati
su bhaviyati
II
EDITOR'S NOTES
no child and he had millions
of gold
735
and suggesting
also that
under the circumstances this gold should go to the state. The

king, Dusyanta, says that enquiry should be made if he had
any among his wives who was pregnant. The Pratihan replies
that
one of his whes
is
in a state of
pregnancy and the king
orders that the gold of the merchant should
womb.
who was in
own days,
the
This would lead

all
to
go
the
child
in
to the supposition that Kalidasa
probability referring to a law prevalent in his

at a time when the Maurya laws of inheritance
lived
were in force even with Hindu kings.

so obvious that
we
Kalidasa
later
at
think that
This conclusion seems
we may
it
He may
of the Surigas.
period
on
rely
and place
have been
came shortly after him.

there are any facts which can be
either a contemporary of Agnimitra or
We
have
now
to
see
if
We find from the Gupta

adduced against such a conclusion.
inscriptions that in the time of Candragupta II or Skandagupta,
Brahrainic laws were in force.
We
had performed an Avamedha
know
sacrifice
also
that
Pusyamitra
and
probably thereby
sought to establish his claim as an orthodox Hindu king and
it
is
reasonable to imagine that he had made considerable or
wholesale changes in the Maurya

Hindu laws. Consequently, it
law and established the old

reasonable
to
imagine that
Kalidasa lived sometime after Pusyamitra an'd Agnimitra, when
the Brahminic renaissance had started and when the inheritance
is
law of Yajnavalkya or other Dharma-astras had

re-introduced
by the repeal
of
the
Maurya
not
laws.
yet been
Had
he lived
Candragupta II, he would have

be based entirely on old Hindu laws and
in later days, say in the time of
found the state laws to
Rajd-(vacayati) viditamastu devapaddnwy dhanavrddhirndma vanik vdripathopanauvyasanena vipannah. sa cdnapatyah. tasya cdnekakoîsankhyarii vasu, tadiddnim
fivt
rdjasvatdmdpadyate.
Vetravati
iti
rutvd devah pramdnamiti.bavisddam) katfarfi khalvanapatyatd
mahddhanatayd
bahupatnikendnena bhavitavyatri tadanvisyatdry, yadi
>
kdcid-
apannasattvdsya bhdryd sydt.

Pratihan ddnirp jjeva sakeda urassa se^hino duhida nivcutta-purfisavand tassa ja-d
suniadi.
Ftajasa khalu garbhah pitryamjkthanârhati gatvaivamamdtyam
brulri
736
had no occasion to refer to a law prevalent during the Maurya

time as codified in Kautilya's Arthatiastra.
NoWj we know by a reference to the 4th canto of the Raghuvam&a that Kalidasa was aware of the Yavanas, the Huns and the
Persians.
Our contacts with the Persians and the Greeks are of
very early date and in the 2nd century B.C. the Greeks had
invaded the city of Saketa.
In the Bhitari inscriptions we have
a passage.
Prof.
Raychaudhuri in his Political History of

Ancient India in commenting on this passage says that the
enemies mentioned in this
Bhitari
e.g., the Pusyamitras and the
of
their
Atilla,
leader,
The Huns
Huns.
gradually
were outsiders,
inscription
after the
death
overcame the resistance of
when king Feroze was killed in 484 A.D. Swarms of

these White Huns also assailed the Kusan kingdom of Kabul and
thence poured into India. They at first came in a comparatively
Persia
and were repelled by Skandagupta in 455 &.!). as is

About ten years after
evident from the Bhitari inscription.
small body
they came in a
of
Gandhara
much
greater force and overwhelmed the kingdom

and Peshawar and penetrated into the heart of the
The
and overthrew the Gupta Empire.
leader of this invasion was Toramana, who established himself
Thus if
as a ruler of Malwa in Central India in A.D. 500.
Gangetic provinces
Kalidasa had made reference
must have written
But
his
after seeing the
Raghuvama sometime
in the inscription of Vatsabhatti he
as a great poet in
Kalidasa's
date
4th century.
refers
to
the
473 A.D. and

in
We
this
that case would
in
the
is
in India, he
after
455 A.D.
already well-established
would be unaccountable and

not be the
first
half of the
assume that when Kalidasa
have, therefore, to
Huns
Huns
68th verse of the 4th Book of the
North beyond Kashmir on the banks of the

Indus, he probably refers to some small settlements of Huns who
Raghuvama,
pitari
in the
divamupete
bhujabalavijitarir
viplutary,
yah pratitfhapya bhuyah

sdsranetrdm
jitamiti paritofdnmatararp
hatanpurita krsno devakirn dbhyupetah
II
737
EDITOR'S NOTES
had already migrated up
They were undoubtedly
to that region.
White Huns because Kalidasa describes that their cheeks

became ruddy through fear of Raghu's prowess. As regards our
contact with China, we must first note that the author of the
the
Periplus
us of Thinae a
tells
land
of
where the
situated
silk,
whence we may gather that the Chryse

was conceived by him as an island lying not only to
the east of the Ganges but also to the southward of the Chinese
Empire. The great Western State of China, Ts'in, and the
This ')
city called Thinae (meant probably as the genitive of
was its capital, situated not far above the confluence of the
sea-coast ends externally,
of Pliny
'
Wei
with
river
the
Hoang-ho
The
power.
river.
The
Ts'in
of
state
greatest of the Ts'in monarchs

from 221-209 B.C., and he was
the parson who began the Great Wall and who pushed the Chinese
frontier across the Gobi desert making Harai under the Tien-shan
gradually grew in
was Ts'in Chi Hwangti,
who
ruled
out-post and" thus preparing the way for direct

communication with Bactria. Regular caravan travel between
Mountains
his
China and Bactria
said to have
is
see that Chinese silk very well finds
2nd century B.C. or even
the
route
its
in
place
We
183 B.C.
in
India
thus
early
in
But there was another
earlier.
the importation of silk from China by
of
also
begun
way
of the
Brahmaputra Valley, Assam and Eastern Bengal early in the

Christian era.
We^have thus reasons to believe that if Kalidasa
in
2nd
lived
the
century B.C. he would not be unacquainted
with
Chinese
mouth
the
exchanged
silk.
of
for
the
part of the Chinese trade was localised at
Indus.
frankincense
the
Generally
Chinese
which Was much valued
silk
in
was
China.
yarn passed on to Arabia and Syria and

Through
A part of the trade
thence found its way to the Roman market.
also passed through Persia, and Aristotle gives an excellent
India the silk
account of
silk
and how
it
was produced.
There are some scholars who believe that Kalidasa lived

towards the close of the 5th century and was a contemporary of
1
See Schoff
93-1843B
Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, pp. 261-270,
738
1
In such a case Kalidasa would
Kumaragiipta and Skandagupta.
have lived from about 390 to 460 A. D. There are others again
who
D. 2
believe that Kalidasa lived in the 6th century A.
But
except for the slight difficulty regarding the possibility of

Kalidasa 's knowledge of the Hun settlement in the North, 1 am
convinced that there is no other difficulty in holding that
Kalidasa lived in the 2nd century B. C. and was probably a
contemporary of Patanjali, the writer of the Maliabhasya. If

Kalidasa had a real knowledge of the Huns he would not have
them on the banks
located
Huns, Kaghu passed on

part of Afghanistan.
of the Indus.
the
After conquering
Kamboja, which was the north-eastern

In the Girnar and Dhauli inscriptions of
to
4
If Raghu met the
Asoka, Kamboja is mentioned as Kambocha.
Huns on the banks of the Indus and then passed on to Kamboja
and
if
Indus
the
that part of
M. Chakravarli, J.K.A.S
J.K.A.S. 1909,
p. 731
ff.
such
be
1903, p.
163
as
to
J904, p.
41.,
produce
158
the description of Raghu's conquering expedition in the 4th canto of the

in
Die indischen
his
Inschnften,
p. 82,
had warned
B. C.
ff.,
B. Liebich, Indogennan. Forfchungen, 31,
p.
saffron,
Mazumdar,
200, relies mainly on
Raghuvamta;
Biihler,
us against
conclusions; see also K. B. Pathak, Indian Antiquary, 1912, p.
making such sweeping

265 ff.
A. Gawronski in the
;
Raglm and some connected problems (Roznik OryentaHstyczny,

PolmscJtes Archiv fur Orientalistik, Krakau, 1914-1915) sought also to prove on the same
grounds that Kalidasa came to the court in the reign of Kunuaragupta and became the famous
work The Digvijaya
poet under
court
of
Konow
Sten
Skandagupta.
in
Festschrift
Wackernagel, 1923,
p.
4,
regards the Kum&ra-sambhava as being written in celebration of the birth of the Gupta
Emperor Kumaragupta or of his successor Skandagupta. See also E. Windiach, Geschichle
der Sanskritphilologie .Grundriss
2
I,
IB), p. 175, Note
A. F. B. Hoernle, Indian Antiquary, 1912,
defeated or helped to defeat the
Huns
is
2.
p.
150, says
that Yafodharrnnn
the legendary Vikrarnadilya, though
who
Yaôdharman
is
Vikramaditya. Such a view is held by D K.

Bhandarkar, (Ann. Bh. Inst., 8, 192Gr27, p. '200 If. and Asutosli Memorial Volume, p. 72 ff.
not
known
to
have ever borne the
title of
MM.
Haraprasada Sa^trl
(J.
B.
O.K.
S.,
2,
191G,
p.
Mazurndcr, Ibid, p 388 ff.) believed that Kalidasa belonged

between 4U4 and 583 A. D.
'
The
verse runs aa follows
31
ff.,
to the
p. -391 ff.)
as also B. C.
second half of the period
vinitddhvajramaatasya sindhutiravicetfanaih
dudhuvurvajinah skandhdn lagnakuhkumakefaran
I
tatra
hunavarodhanarp bhartfsu vyaktavikramam

kapolapataladeti babhuva raghucesîtam
II
II
Raghuvaiya lV>
9
67-8
See N, L. De's The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India.
EDITOR'S NOTES
739
he must have passed through the Gandhara country on the border

of Kashmir, gone westwards and then southwards to Karaboja.
At the time of return he is saiti to have mounted up on the Hima-
and then come down.
laya
It is not described that he crossed thn
Himalayas for reaching the land of the Huns.

that Kashmir is the only country that produces
Now, we
know
It
seems,
saffron.
some parts of the Kasmlra-Gandhara country was

him
as being the home of the Huns.
Now, this
regarded by
would be impossible, for the Huns lived in the Oxus Valley and
when they invaded India they over-ran the whole country
therefore, that
and
in
such a case there would be no
in supposing the
meaning
Gandhara-Kasmira country on the banks of the Indus to be the

home of the Huns. It may, therefore, be reasonably supposed that
Kalidasa had no direct knowledge of the
He
Huns.
knew
only
probably by hearsay that the Huns lived in the north and located
them on the banks of the Indus quite erroneously. It is not
impossible for a cultured
man
living in the
have heard the name of the White
The
in the north.
reference to the
that he lived at the time of the

definite
of the
Huns
knowledge
and that they lived somewhere
Just as there
is
Kalidasa so there
Kalidasa
basis
who had
by the
first
the great poet

as a
1
is
famous
may have had
all
in the
north.
controversy
regarding
It
ft',
the date
of
complete unanimity regarding

fame on the most firm
He
Bana and
mentioned by
is
also in an inscription of
the
634,
year
poet.
are freely mentioned in the
Hamayana and
such passages were interpolated after the
small settlements in the
any
White
were
excepting that they
he had
invasion or that
5th century A.
mountains
Northern
Mahabhdrata and
the
yet
and Kielhorn, Eptgraphica Indica,
seems also evident from the researches
Pratasti inscriptions
of
6. p,
of
the 6th century and even
1-12;
tilso
it
cannot
The Huns
unearthed by historical
floated into India n3 meieenarics seeking
Refer to the inscription of the Megati temple, Aihole; see
187 J, p 237
p. 190.
yet
Hun
already established his
researches and they may have

2
not
century B. 0. to
The Huns
be argued that
a great
2nd
Huns who lived somewhere

Huns therefore does not imply
employment.
Fleet, Indian
Antiquary,
Indian Antiquary 20, 18U1,
the above scholar that the authors of the

of
the inscriptions of
beginning of the 7th century were familiar with Kalidasa's Raghu-vanisa.
Cambodia
of the
740

works that pass
Aufrecht has enumerated the names of the
The
under the name of Kalidasa.
verses of
the anthologies have been collected by
Some
later poets also called
kalidasa.
Kalidasa
Aufrecht
in
quoted
and Thomas.
themselves Nava-kalidasa or Abhinava-
were three Kalidasas
It is said thit there
one under
Vikramaditya, one under Bhoja and one under the Ernperor

4
In the anthology Harihardvali an Akbarlya Kalidasa
Akbar.
is
quoted.
But
it
seems certain that Kalidasa was the author of
drama
Abhijnana-8akuntala, a dram.i called the Vikramorvasl

and a drama called the Malavikagnimitra, an epic prera called the
called the
lyric
poem
poem called the Kwnara-sambhava o

the Megha-duta and another lyrical piece called
a semi-epic
Raghuvamsa,
called
the Rtu-samhara.
regarded as one of the greatest poets

of India not only on the testimony of Indian authors but also
that of European authors.
Kalidasa wrote two epics, Kumara-
Kalidasa has been
sambhava
sambhava
1
and
Raglm-vamâ,
which
of
Kumara-
probably
is earlier.
Sec Indian Antiquary, 1872, 340
Z D.M.G.,
1885, 300
ff.
Aufrecht, C.C.,I, 21, 280.
Weber, Z.D.M.G.,
ff
and 0.
C., I. 99.
Kavindra-vacana-samuccaya, 30
22, 713; 27, 175
ff.
and 182; Peterson, Subhasita, 18
ft.
Other works attributed to him are $rhgdra-sataka Srhgdra-tilaka Nahdaya, a poem

of 4 cantos, and Dvafairpsatputtalika. A number of other woiks are attributed to Kalidasa
t
in Aufrecht
's
Ambdstava,
CatalogoTum;
Catalogus
Candikddan<],aka8totra,
Kaljstotra,
Navaratna-mdld,
Durghata-kdvya,
Kdvyandt>ikdlahkara t
Rdkasa-
Puspabdna-vildsa,
Rdma-setu,
Layhu-stava, Vidvadvinodakdvya, Vrnddvana-kdvya, Sihgdra-sdra^

Sydmald-dandaka, Sruta-bodha. I have already spoken of three Kalidasas. But there are
kdvya,
In additon to Akbarlyu Kalidasa, we have Kalidasa the writer

Kalidasa the writer of Jyotirviddbharana
Kalidasa
Gangdstava and Mahgaldstaka
the writer of Satnt-pardjayathe writer of a lexicon Raina kosa
Kalidasa-Ganoka,
at least 7 or 8 Kalidasas.
of
scara-ydstra-sdra',
author
of
Kalidasa, the author of
Kunda-pravandha
Tripurasundari'Stuti-kdvya.
MisTa grandfather
6
Kdliddsa
Thus
et
see
of
MuralUliara.
Hari1idrdvali
Most
of these
MSS.
Sarhga-dhara-paddkati
Vart Poelique, Paris, 1917, p
A. Hillebrandt Kaliddsa,
Suddhi-candrikd', Kalidaaa, son of Balabhadra,
Kalidasa, son of Bamagovinda of the 18th century, the author of

There is also a Kalidasa Nandin, who was a poet and a Kalidasa
Breslau, 1921.
119
ff.
also
are
(the
available.
testimony
A Literary Estimate
of
Kr^nabhaâ).
of Kdliddsa
Keith, History of Sanskrit Literature.
by
EDITOR'S NOTES
The Kumara-sambhava
741
with the story that the gods
deals
being terrorised by Tarakasura first approached Brahma and

then being advised that only a son of Siva could defeat him, tried
through the help of Indra

beauty
of Parvati but failed.
to fascinate Siva
with the grace and
Parvati, however, resorted to tapas
and thereby attracted Siva and they were then married. This
forms the story of the first eight cantos over which the most
celebrated commentator, Mallinatha, has written a
The
other nine cantos deal with the birth of
ship
of
the
army and
gods'
his
leader-
the final destruction of Tarakasura.
has been often doubted with
It
commentary.
Kumara,
justice
whether
the
later
nine
cantos were written by Kalidasa or not.

No definite opinion can
be pronounced on the nutter.
A com?ncntary.on those later nine
The
7 cantos of
first
Kumarasambliava were edited and translated
ibto Latin by A. F.
London, 1838. The first 8 cantos with Mallmatha's commentary, edited with
English and Bengali translation by Srlsh Oh. CakravartI, Dacca, 1901. Cantos 1-5,
with English translation by M. R. Kab and S. R
Dharamdhara, Bombay, 1907; with
commentary of Mallinatha on sargas I-VI1I and of Sitarami on VIII-XVII, ed. by V. L. 8.
Stenzler,
Bansikar,
S.P., 4th ed., 1908
1923 (Haridas Sanskrit
series,
sargas i-VItt with two commentaries by Ganapati Sastrl in
With commentaries
T.S.S. Nos. 27, 32, 36, 1013-14.
No.
14).
Cantos
ed.
by Kanakalata Thakkitra, Benares,

a Sanskrit commentary (Bala*
I-V with
bodhini) by S. D. Gajendragadkar, Introl, translation, etc.

1923. English translation of the
first
seven cantos by R. T,
H.
by
R. D. Karmakar,
Griffith
Bombay,
(The Birth of the War-
God, a Poem by Kalidasa, 2nd Ed., London 1879. German translation of cantos I- VIII in
Walter, Munchen-Li-ipzig, 1913. Cantos IIE-V translated into German by
prose by
Hannah Neckel in Be'trage zur SpracJiund VJke-kunde, Festschrift HWebrandt. Halle,

A French translation by H. Fanche (Kaliddsa, Oeuvres completes, I860). Cantos
1913.
VIII-XVII were
128
ff.,
141
f.
III,
Indian scholars
3,
217
ff.,
241
women and
in
first
on
ff.
published in
88) the
this
The
see
Pandit,
Vol I,
1806.
question of the authenticity oi
In
the
same
these cantos
journal
(I,
656,
was discussed by
Weber
story of the
in
Z.D.M.G., 27, 174 ff., and Indische Streijen,
Ktimdrasambhava was acted in 18 tableaux by Indian
children according to the translation by Griffith at the Court Theatre in .London
March, 1912 (As. Quart. Rev., N. S., 1, 1913, p 327).

Many commentaries were written on the Kumarasambhava. such as Padartha dipikd,
Anvaya-lapiM by Krsnapati Sarman; also commentaries by Krnatnitracarya,, Gopalananda

by Caritravardhana (Sisuhitaisini), by
(SardvaU), by Govindaram* (Dhirailjanika),
Jinabha-lra Suri (Bdlabodhini), by Narahari, Narayana, Prabhakara, Brhaspati, Bharatasena
<Subodha)
Bbisniarms"ra
Maithila,
Muni-Matiratna
Eaghupati (Vydkhydsudhd). Vatsa, Inandadevayani
(Avacfiri).
Mallinatha
Dasa (Dev
pras&da (Kathambhulika), Vyasavatsa (Situhitaisini) and Haricarana
^Moat
of these
MSS.
are available.
(Saftjivani),
Vallabha, Vallabhadeva, VindbyeSvarl-
742
KavMvara has been printed by the Nirnaya1893.

The first canto deals with the description
cantos by Sitaraina
sagara Press in
of
of
Himalayas which fails to impress upon us the sublimity

the great mountain as well as the childhood of ParvatL
The
the
second
canto deals
with
the
Brahma on Samkhya
to
advent of
the
effort of
and the
Siva
of
disturbance.
of
Kama's wife
so
much
ments due
with
deals
hermitage of Siva, the

by the anger
from the scene
disappearance of Siva
fourth canto deals with
final
The
which does not
Rati,
the
sufferer
the
to
canto
third
the
of adoration
to captivate Siva, his destruction
of
for
The
lines.
untimely spring in
Madana
hymn
philosophical
as
The
rouses
the
reminiscences of
timorous
pressed in weeping.
it
rouse
sorrowing
our
sympathy
amorous sentithe
wife
as ex-
shows the determination
canto
fifth
the
and immortal grace through tapas

whereby she attracts Siva who comes to her as a brahmacarl
and we have an excellent dialogue between Siva arid Parvati
of
Parvati
as
also
attain
to
the
holy
Parvatl's
of
description
tapas.
The
6th, 7th and
8th refer to the arrangement and final execution of the marriage.

The 5th canto as well as portions of the 3rd canto are of real
poetic value.
The
tion
of
authenticity of the 8th canto has bi-en objected to on the ground that the descrip-
the amorous pleasure of
Pa/rvati
and Siva
such pleasures on the part of one's parents.

6,
p. 137, holds thai
VIII
of the
Mammata
KumarasambJiava.
tion of the love-scenes of Siva
Thus
8. 03.
in
(4.
and Parvati.
larity
Vamana's time
T. S. 8., 37,
between
Preface)
in his
in his
the 8th canto
The
also
KdvyaprakaJa, VII
Vamana
The passage,
3 33).
Dhvanydlvka, III,
cite*
criticises the descrip-
examples from
referred to by Varuana, is
was
in existence.
this canto
in
two
Kumarasambhava,
Mallinatha however wrote
commentator Arunagirinatha (Ganapati

commented on thd first 8 sargas. There is a great simi-
a commentary only on cautos I-VI11.

Sastrl,
as unsuitable as the description of
depends upon the talent of the poet and he himself refrrd to the canto
it
passages of his Poetics
is
But Ananda\ardhana
be Sivarahasya of the
earlier
Sahkarasamhita
of the
Skandaputana and Kumara-
This can be explained on the assumption that the author of the Sivarahasya had
the first 8 cantos of the Kumdrasarnbhava and the latter part of it may have been the
sambhava.
utilised
KumdrasambhavaBQu Weber,
original of the spurious cantos of the
190
ff.
and Pandit, Vol.
another epic called the

also
Ill, 19
fl
85
ff.
Kumdrasambhava
composed a Kumdrasambliava, verses from which are quoted
Thus we had three Kumdrasambhavas.
in Z. D.
M. G.,
27, 179,
In the 14th century the Jainj, Jayasekhara wrote

(Peterboa 111, Kep., Extra, 261 ff.)
Udbhafa
in his
EDITOR'S NOTES
743
Mainly on the ground that Mallinatha's commentary is not

IX-XVII, it has been held by many that these
cantos did not belong to Kalidasa.
But the style and the manner
>f
these
in
cantos
do
not
seem
to reveal an alien hand.
expression
All that was objectionable was the 8th canto but since that canto
available for cantos
was in existence in the time of Vamana,

evidence that these cantos
is
practically no
Kalidasa.
On
other
is
no internal
did
external
the
there
not belong to Kalidasa.

There
evidence that they did not belong to
hand the existence of the contents
of all these cantos in the Siva-rahasya
these
that
cantos of
may be regarded as a proof

Kalidasa were known to the author of the
There seems to be no point in the argument

that only the first 8 cantos were utilised by the author of the Sivarahasya and that the other portion of the Sica-rahasya was the
Siva-rahasya.
which these cantos
original from
been spuriously put forth
Kumara-sambhava have
A reference
by some unknown author.
of the
to the contents of the Siva-rahasya
there
does
not
agree
so
closely
shows that the story given

either
in
the
first
or in the
second part, as could convince us that the author of the Sivarahasya had based his plot of the first part on Kfilidasa's first
8 cantos of the Kumara-sambhava, or that the so-called spurious

part of the Kumura-sambhaca was based on the other part of the
story in the Siva-rahasyi though there are occasional similarities
of
There arc some
description.
This compels us
to
think
that
essential
very
divergences.
both Kalidasa and the author
had based their story on some other version

which was available to both Kalidasa and the author of the
of the Sioa-rahasya
of
it
The argument, therefore, that this spurious

KumarasamWiava was based on the Siva-rahasya, falls
Siva-rahasya.
part of the
to the ground.
The other
the
and deeds of
1
written
by
Kalidasa
is
Raghu-camsa or
the
which
poet takes up the life
Raghu's line,
some of Rama's ancestors and descendants. 1
story on
epic
in
Text with Latin translation, edited by A. F. Stenzler, London, 1832. Among the
Indian editions, that by Shanker P. Pandit in BSfl, 1869-1874, with Mallinatha's commen.
744
what may have been the
It is indeed difficult to ascertain
original source from
the line of
which the materials regarding the kings of

Eaghu were drawn upon. It was certainly not the
Ramayana, for the Ramayana deals mainly with the story of Rama
and partly with that of Dagaratha. As for the story of Dilipa,
Eaghu, Aja and others, we are unable to locate the exact sources.
seems to us that Kalidasa had some purpose before his mind
which stimulated him to paint in glorious colours the character,
It
the exploits and the adventures of the old kings of the glorious
Though the Raghudays of the supremacy of the Hindu kings.
vamSa paints
before us in golden colours the character of Dillpa,
Eaghu and his descendants and as such may be regarded as a work

devoid of unity, yet we can never
as
Kalidasa
passes
break in
the
pattern of
life
from one king
from
feel it.
one
treatment of
to
new
It
never strikes us that
another,
there
personalities.
through most of these personalities.

to another,
we
feel
as
if
the
is
There
any
real
is
one
As we pass
same character
is
being displayed from aspect to aspect, from one side to another.

It appears that most of these characters could be combined and
rolled
up
as
if
they delineated the same hero in different circums-
tances and perspectives.
Thus, in the
first
two cantos we have the description
of
king DilTpa anxious for his progeny for fear of suspension of

He goes to the
libations and offerings of food to the ancestors.
hermitage of the priest Va&istha and
is
told of
his
transgression
tary, and that by G. II. Nandargikar (3rd Ed., Bombay, 1897) with Mallinatha's commentary,
numerous explanatory rotes and a complete English translation in proie, are to be recommended. English trnnalation by P. <\e Lacy Jobnstone, London, 1902. Book I of the
in *erse oy J. Murray Mitchell in J.B.B.A.8., No. VI. Oct, 1848,
Extracts translated by Ralph T. H. Gr.ffiih, from the Sanskrit, Allahabad, 1912.
There is a beautiful, though a very free and abridged, translation in German verse by
Ad. Fr. Graf von Schack, Orient und Occident, J7/, Stuttgart, 1890. There is a poetical
Raghu-vamta translated
p.
308
ff.
German
translation of tbe first 31 verses by E. Leuuiann in Festschrift Windisch>

a
apd complete German prose translation by 0. Walter, Munchen-Leipzig, 1914.
p.
43
'
ff.,
EDITOR'S NOTES
and
74.5
advised expiation by tending the divine cow of his hermiThe cow tests the king by creating a phantom lion ready
the cow.
By her magic she arrests the king's hands.
is
tage.
to kill
The king cannot
strike the lion but offers his
The cow
cow.
lieu of the life of the
the benediction that a child

traits of the pattern
will
is
be
king of the golden
body to the lion in

pleased and the king has
born
to
age
are
Here two
him.
shown.
(1)
king should marry for the sake of the progeny who can offer food
and water to the ancestors. ( 2) A Ksattriya should offer his own
4
life
in
protecting
one
who
seeks his
protection.
The scene
His wife Sulaksana becomes pregnant in the 3rd canto

and Raghu is born and the king is relieved from his debt to his
changes.
Raghu grows and
ancestors.
Avamedha
performs the
is
made
the crown-prince.
charge of the horse and fights

defeated, he secures the boon from Indra that
have the merit of the

prastha and
Avamcdha
in the 4th canto king
career (digvijaya).
Dilipa
and Raghu is appointed in

with Indra and though he is
sacrifice
sacrifice.
Raghu
father should
his
Dilipa
starts
his
takes
vana-
conquering
of Vara-
In the 5th canto Kautsa, a disciple
Raghu, when he had just finished the sacrifice

which he had given away his all, for the payment of his fees
the teacher and Raghu draws the money for him from Kuvera.
tantu, approaches
in
to
Raghu has
a son called Aja.
sent to the svayamvara of
The son grows,

Indumati,
sister
is
of
educated and
Bhoja.
is
In the
nth canto we have the description of the svayamvara of Indumati,

in which Aja succeeds in being chosen by Indumati among a
In the 7th canto he marries Indumati
large number of kings.
and
ous.
is
attacked by her unsuccessful suitors and comes out victori-.

In the 8th canto Aja becomes king but by the accident of a
heavenly garland falling upon Indumati, she dies and we have the
In the 9th, Aja's son DaSaratha
pathetic grief of Aja for her.
becomes king and we have the hunting scene of Daâratha. la
the 10th, we have the sons born to Daferatha and from the llth
Kalidasa had the good sense not to
begins the career of Rama.
he passed off the
attempt rivalling the great master Valmlki and
94
1343B
746
general episodes of
manner.
brief
He
Rama's
story described in the R&mayana in a

tried to show his skill in new descriptions
He
and episodes which Valmiki had not emphasised.

banishes Sita though he knew that she was sinless and in
of events
character of Sita
who
we have
the character of an
is prepared to bear
her husband
Sambuka
is
Hindu
ideal
the
wife
on her by
Execution of
suffering that is imposed
any
with sweetness
and
good
grace.
described with approbation and in the 15th canto
we
have the tragedy of Laksmana's renouncing his life in the Sarayu

and Rama also proceeds northwards and ultimately becomes
merged in his own divine form. In the 16th canto KuSa,

Rama's son, ascends the throne and he rebuilds the city of
Ayodhya, which was deserted by the citizens of Ayodhya when
Rama
There is also here charming desdeparted for Heaven.

criptions of amorous love scenes and KuSa is married to KumudIn the 17th canto Kusa begets
Kusa dies fighting the demons as an ally to
daughter of the Naga king.
vati,
a son called Atithi.
Indra and Kumudvati also

Atithi the king and
ceremony.
a dutiful
we have
dies
with
the
him.
Ministers
description of
the
make
ascension
We have here
the description of the manner in which

Atithi also performs an
king conducted his affairs.
ceremony. He had married the daughter of the king

of the Nisada and after him his son Nala becomes the king.
Avamedha
He
had a son called Pundarika and thus we have a series of other
He was a debauchee
Agnivarna.
and spent his time with women and ultimately died having no
son and suffering from diseases. At his death the ministers
kings
until
we come
and the people made the
to
chief queen
description in the 19th canto the
work
the
Regent and with
this
closes.
we review the characters of the different kings that

have been emphasised we find that in each of them various royal
The race of the king degenerated by
traits have been described.
If
marrying princesses of Non-Aryan tribes like the Nisadas and

the Nagas and we have the tragic end of the race with the king
Agnivarna who spends his time in debauchery.
EDITOR'S NOTES
747
KILIDISA (RAGHUVAMSA)
been remarked that in drawing Agnivarna's characKalidasa was displaying and illustrating his
knowledge of the
It has
ter,
Kama-$astra, but
first
place,
it
does not seem to us to be correct
mere delineation
of sensuality
not
is
for,
from the Kama-tastra, and in the second place, Kalidasa
known
to us to
Introduction to
is
so tragic.
purely
R.
amorous
never
Schmidt
in
of Agnivarna,
life
his
though his
work on the Love and
Marriage in Ancient and Modern India,

refers to
is
demonstrate any pedantry. J. J. Meyer in the

his edition of Dasa-kumara-carita appreciates
the joyous and
end
in the
an illustration
Berlin,
1904
also
it.
volume
Winternitz in the third
of
his
History of Indian
Dhara there existed copies of

Raghu-vamsa containing 26 cantos, and S. P. Pandit in 1874,
Literature
assures
us
that
in
in the Preface to his edition of
Raghu-vamsa^ says that a person

in Ujjayim had a manuscript of Ilaghu-vama up to the 25th
canto.
But the commentators do not know anything more than
the 19th canto.
Kalidasa's Abhijnana-sakuntala
Sanskrit dramas.
ture
one of the
was known early
that
translated
It is
it
in
is
first
the most
works
Europe.
famous of
all
of Sanskrit litera-
Sir
William
Jones
in 1789, thirty-two years after the Battle of Plassey
was translated by George Forster into German.

Herder and Goethe were struck with wonder on reading this
and in 1791
drama
it
Goethe expressed his appreciation of

Sakuntala in a poem in 1791 and many years later he wrote to
Chezy, the French publisher of Sanskrit texts, of Sakuntala in
1830 in the most appreciative manner.
There is a story both in the Mahabharata and in the
in
translation.
with the story of the

Sakuntala of Kalidasa but the kernel of the story has been
worked by Kalidasa in an entirely different and masterly manner.
Kalidasa's story, however, is more akin to the Padma-purana
Padma-purana which corresponds
in general
748
than to the Mahabharata.

Sakuntala
4th Act
is
is
There
the best product of

the
best.
many commentaries
drama
in
native
Kalidasa
that
saying
and therein also the
Abhijnana-akuntalam had
The work
the
is
The simple
past.
story
of
the
Dusyanta had on his hunting tour visited

the hermitage of Kanva, where he met Sakuntala and her two
friends Priyamvada and
Anasuya. He fell in love with
that
is
king
when Kanva was away and
spending sonic time

with her, returned to the city promising to send for her shortly.
In the mean while, while Sakuntala was plunged in a state of
Sakuntala
after
through the separation, she failed to hear the call of the

angry sage Durvasa asking hospitality and was cursed by him.
grief
On
account of the curse Dusyanta forgot all about Sakuntala.

Kanva on his return found his adopted child Sakuntala (daughter
of
Visvamitra and the
heavenly
nymph Menaka)
in a
state of
pregnancy and sent her to Dusyanta' s court. The latter failed

She was taken by her
to recognise her and sent her away.
mother up in Heaven. Sakuntala had dropped the ring that the
given her in water. This ring was later found and
the king at once remembered the whole thing and was smitten
with grief. Dusyanta later on had to go to Heaven in order to
There he met
help Indra in his fight with the demons.
king had
Sakuntala and his son and they were again united.

1
Winternitz bad written in 1897 that Kalidasa had followed the version of Padmu-
the Southern recension of

Indian
thp Sakuntalopakhyana
But Beharilal Sircar in his Bengali book Sakuntala-rahasya had
already expressed the view in 1896. But the point in quettion is as to whether Kalidasa
borrowed from the Padmapurana or the writer of the Padmapurann borrowed fiom
purana
as
available
in
Aniiquary 1898, p. 136.

t
Kalidasa.
It is also
an unfortunate matter that we have no
reliable edition of the
Padma*
Parana from which we may make a proper judgment. A careful comparison has been irnde
between the Mahabhdrata episode and the story of Sakuntala by Berthold Miiller in his
article K&ltdasa's Sakuntala and Its Source in 1874.
2
kdlid&sasya sarvasvam abhijndnasakuntalam

tatrapi ca caturtho'hko yatra*yati saUuntala
Quoted by G. E. Naudargikar
3
Commentary by Abhirama
Bhatfca,
II
in the Introduction in
Kajayavema
his Raghuvatpsa.
(Kumaragirirajiya)
Paficanana, Candra&khara, Damaruvallabha, Narayana Bhatta
KrsnaDatliu
iPrdkfta-vivrti),
Bba$ta (Artha-dyotanika), Bamabhadra, Sankara (Rasa-candrikd) aod by
rfniv*9a
Rlghavu
Bbaâ,
740
KDITOK'S NOTES
The character
was very sweet so far as in

her tenderness and sympathy she had made herself one as it were
with the trees and animals of the hermitage but she was more
Sakuntala
of
and gave Dusyanta some hot words when she

was repulsed. Dusyanta was a type of the old Hindu kings who
indulged in Gandharva marriage and whose behaviour was quite
spirited than Slta
in
consonance
with Vedic customs.
It has
been suggested that
Gandharva marriage was at this time going out of practice

and that Kalidasa's opinion was that such passionate marriages
We do not find any Gandharva marriage
proved often disastrous.
the
among the kings of the Kaghu line.

The VikramorvaSl is a drama of 5
The story is as follows
is one of 7 Acts.
When
Acts,
while
Sakuntala
heavenly nymph, was returning from

Kuveni, she was attacked by the demon Kesi. The king Pururava
on hearing her cries saved her from the demon and they became
a
IJrvasI,
Urvasi then approached

mutually attracted towards each other.
the king and left a note of love to him.
But she had to hurry
Urvasi again
away for a dramatic performance in Heaven.
returned to
mountain
a
the
for
The king then went
king.
enjoyment.
Vidyadhara
called
girl
in straying about entered
to
the
Kailasa
There finding Pururava attached to

Udakavati, Urvasi became jealous and
prohibited garden where she

creeper and the love-sick king went about
into
was changed into a

from place to place searching her. The maddened king began
to sing songs and dance.
Urva6i, however, came to life with
They again returned to the kingdom. In

mean while the jewel was carried away by a bird. The jewel,
however, fell down from^ the sky with an arrow attached to it
the touch of a jewel.

the
containing the name of Ay u f the son of Pururava and Urvasi.

At that time an ascetic woman came with a boy, who was the
son
of
Urvasi and
Urvasi then
sees the
face
him
told
of
that
her son,
for that reason she
At
Pururava.
she
she
this
had
should
time Urvasi entered.

curse
return
that
to
when she
Heaven and
had sent away the son for training without
750
at
looking
his face
and now she has
arranged for anointing his son.
him
told
his
The king then
to return.
Narada came
at
this
time and
Indra had "allowed UrvaSi to stay with him
that
all
life.
The
story of the Vihramorvasl
is
based upon the brief
story
given in the Matsya-purana, Chapter 24.
The title Vikramorvasl means vikramena hrta urvasi, i.e.,

Urva6I who was taken from the hands of a demon by bravery.
In the commentary of
drama
of
Katayavema the
Vikrama and UrvaSJ.
The Malavikagnirnitra
is
title is
explained as the
drama
in
Acts,
relating
the
between king 'Agnimitra and Malavika. It is probable

that Malavikaynimitra was the first drama written by Kalidasa.
The second probably was VikramorvaM, and the third
love story
Abhijnana-tiakuntalam
Pusyamitra,
185 A.D.
king of
The Megha-duta
from his wife,
1
In
many
The hero Agnimitra was the son

the Sunga
who lived
dynasty,
is
of the
of
Kalidasa
supposed
MSS.
the
to
wherein
address
the
drama has been described
of
in
Yaksa, separated
to bear his
cloud
as nataka t in other as trotaka.
Vikramorvasl by R. Lenz (Berl n, 1813) and a German translation were published by Bollcnson in 1846 and Sarikara P. Pandit also published an edition in
1789 in Bombay. Tta Southern recension was published by R. Pischel (Monatsberichte
critical edition of the
der akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berhn, 1875).
Sankara P. Pandit iu the Introduction to Lis edition and so also T. H. Bloch in his
work on Vararuci and Hemacandra, 1893, expressed a doubt regarding the authenticity of
H. Jacobi also in his Bhavisattakhd of
the Prakrt slokas in apabhramsa in the 5th Act.
Dhanapala says that the
liberty in
apabhramsa found here
is
probably due to pantomimic
conditions of dancing. Piscbel in his MateriaUen zur kenntnis des apabhrainsa t Berlin, 1920,
and Konow (G, G. A. 1894, 476 ff.) hold the verses to be genuine.
K. G. A. Hoefer, Berlin, 1837, B, Eirgei, 1888, Lobedanz, 1861 and Fntze had transGerman. Wilson, of course, had translated it in his Hindu Theatrt
lated Vikramorvafa into
but the work had also been translated in French, Swedish, Italian, Spanish and Czech.
A. Hillebrandt and Muir also wrote on the subject of Vikramorvasl
3
It was published by Sankara P. Pandit, in B.S.A. Series in 1869.

0. F. Tullberg
A critical introduction to it
published in Bonn, 1840, an uncritical edition of the work
wts written by C. Cappeller, Observat tones ad Kdlidasae Malavikagnimitram, Dbs.,
Regimonti, 1868 F. Haag, Zur text Kritik und Erklarund von Kalidasa Malavikagnimitra,
;
Franenfcld, 1872; see also Bokensen,
261
ff.
Z.D.M.G., 1869, 480
flf.
A.
Weber, Z.D.M.G., 1800,
EDITOR'S NOTES
message to his wife,
ture.
It
Yaksa
is
is
divided
is
the best
into
known
two
751
lyric
parts.
In
in
Sanskrit litera-
the
supposed to describe the route that

should take from Ramagiri to Alakfi and we
of
description
natural
scenes of
first
his
part
the
messenger
have
here
the various countries through
which the cloud passed. The second part, called the Uttara1
megha, deals with the description of Alaka and the message.
Megha-duta has been not only widely appreciated

through centuries but also by many Western scholars and
Kalidasa's
in India
Thus, Goethe speaking of Megha-duta said, "The ftrst

acquaintance with this work made an epoch in our life."
The Megha-duta had many commentaries. 2 The Mcyha-
poets.
duta
had
many
One
imitations.
written by the poet Dhoyi, in which a

the
wind as her messenger

in
goswaml
the
IGth
these
of
Pavana-dfita ,
is
Gandharva maiden sends

8
king Laksmanasena.
his Hamsa-duta,
wrote
century
to
Rupawhere
waa published by Gildemeister in Bonn, and the critical Introduction and Glossary
The commentiry of Mallinatha with the text was pubThe best edition is that
lished by N. B. Godabole and K. K. Paraba, Bombay, 188G.
It was trandlated into
of E. Hultzeh with the old commentary of Vallabhadeva, 1911.
1
It
by A. F. Stenzler, Breslau, 1874.
English verse by H. H. Wilson in 1813 together with parallel passages from classical and
English poetry.
We
have another edition with prose translation by C.
1859. Maxmiiller published a metrical translation (Konigsberg, 1847).
rendering of
it
1870) in which
translation
appeared
his Classical Poetry of India, Til, 90 ft., another by L. Fritze (Chemnitz,

he had utilised the manuscript prose translation by Stenzler. A French
in
was made by A. Guerinot,
in
Schutz, Bielepeld
E. Muir gave another
Pandit, Vol.
II.
English
Paris, 1902.
prose
An anonymous
translation
English
translation
was made by Jacob, Pathak and
Nandargikar.
2
Some
of
these commentaries are
Avacuri,
Kathambhuti, Meghalata, Mdlatl by
Manoramd by Kavicaidra, Rasadipikd by Jagaddhara,

Bhagiratha Mis>a, Sanjivani by Mallinatha, Mukt avail by Kamanatlia,
Kalyanarnalla,
Tattva-dipikd by
Sisya-hitaiffyi by
Likaminivasa,, Durbodha-pada-bhafijikd by VUvanatha, Megha-dutartha-muktdvali by

ViSvanatha Mis*ra, Tdtparya-dipikd by Saoatana darma, Meghadutd vaziiri by Sumativijaya;
commentaries by Haridasa, Sa^vata, Vailabha, Vacaspatigovinda, lUma UpSdhyaya,

MahimasiiTihagani, Bharaiasena, Divakara, Janendra, Janardana, Cintamani, Kflernasijphaalso
gani, Krsrâdasa, Uddyotakara
and
others.
There waa another Jainn Megha-duta written by Merutunga of the 14th century who
wrote Prabandha-cintdmani in 1306 and a medical work called Kahkdld-dhydya-vdrtttka.
3
It was published by N. Chakravarty in J.A.S.B., 1905 see Pischel, also and Aufrecht,
2.D.M.G , 1900, 616 ff. There is also another Pavana-duta by Vadicandra Suri,
;
752
made the messenger of Eadha to Krsna.

duta by Krnabhatta
Sarvabhauma (1723 A.D.),
swan
the
Padahka-
is
blind
Megha-duta called the tfuka-sandetia by Laksmitwo

dasa and
works bearing the title of Uddhava-duta by one
unknown author and by the poet Madhava of the 17th century.
of
imitation
The
Visnudasa
poet
wrote
Mano-duta.
the
Another work
same name was written by Vrajanatha
the
duta was again

took
place
into
translated
there.
was
It
century and
Megha-
and imitations
Singhalese
translated
also
in 1758.
of
also
Tibetan about
into
This
Tangyur
2
version was translated into German by Beckh in 1906.
Rtu-samhara is a work which describes the six seasons in
3
The work Srhgara-tilaka is also ascribed to
beautiful p>ems.
13th
the
Kalidasa.
it
exists in the
collection.
The work
called
Ghata-karpara
is
a small
work written in 22
which a young woman sends in the rainy season

5
greetings to her husband through the cloud.
her
verses, in
Suka-sandesa has been published by Maharaja Raimvarman of Travancore (J.R.A

The work is well-known in the Mila'iar (J.K.A S, 1910, p. 638).
if.).
S.
1894, p. 401
2
Rce also th*article by Bath and Bjfk in
zur Textkritik von Kdliddsas Meghaduta

3
J.
The genuineness
Nobel
of
(Z.D.M.G., 1912,
the Rtu-samhara
275
ff.,
SBA
1893, 2f>S
f.
and 2S1
ff.
(Bin Beitray
Berlin, 190).
1919. 191
has baen doubted

f.,
in
J.R.A. S., 1913, 401
many
quarters.
See
wherein he attempts
ff.)
prove that the Rtu samhara is a genuine work of Kalidasa. He 13 supported in it by

It is universally believed that it is a genuine
B. Keith (J.R A.8., 1912, 1066 ff);
work of Kalidasa. Yet in tha Mandiaor inscription of 472 A.D. verses from Rtu-samhara
to
A.
are
also found
imitated.
Tt is
curious however that verses Irom the Rtu-samhdra should
not be found quoted either in the works of authority of Sanskrit verse*
240
or in
work?
of
the
ViSv^vara, however, in his 8ad-rtu varnana

written in the 18th century imitated verses from t'e Rlu-samhara.
4
The Meglia duta and the Smgara-lilaka were edited by GHJemeister, Bonn, 1811.
See Harichand'a Kdlidasa, p
poetics.
There
is
also a
work
Smgara-Sataka, which is attributed

Another work called Sydmald-dandalta,
called
a sort of compilation.
It consists of
Kalidasa.
translated into Tibetan
J.B.A.S
6
ff.
1903, p. 785
by Che*zy
Oedichte, Vol. II, p.

IBggeling's
prose,
is
Tt
u, however,
also attributed to
to the goddess Durga, interspersed with prose and has been

as the Sarasvatistotra and Mahgalatfaka
(see F. W. Thomas,
hymns
The Mangaldstaka exists also in Sanskrit M3,).

M. Dursch, Berlin, 1828 Haeberlin, 120 ff French
German translation by Hoefer (Indische
(J. A., 1823, IT, p. 8U ff)
129 ff., and Bohlen, Das aUe Indien, Kdnigsberg, 1880, 880 ff. see alsc
ff.
Published with translation by G.
translation
to Kalidasa.
in
India Office Catalogue, VII, p. 1427
f,
EDITOR'S NOTES
753
I have already pointed out that there
is
really
no
justification
in thinking that Kalidasa belonged to the court of

Vikraroaditya.
But, be that as it may, it appears that Prof. Shemvanekar's
article as published in the
I,
seems
232-246,
pp.
Journal of the University of Bombay,

son of
definitely to prove that the
Mahendraditya assumed the

century B.C. This would fit
of
Vikramaditya in the 1st

with the Vikramaditya tradition
title
in
of Kalidasa as well.
Asvaghosa is generally placed in the 1st

Cowell had argued that Kalidasa is indebted to
century A.D.
Since then scholars have been
Asvaghosa.
dubious as to
exact relation between Asvaghosa and Kalidasa.

however, that the arguments put forward by
No.
(Allahabad University Studies,
Roy (Sakuntala,
Kalidasa
Introduction,
be
to
the
model
pp.
and
seems to
It
19-28)
fountain
the
us,
Prof. Chatterjee
80-114)
2, pp.
and
prove
definitely
of
Prof.
inspiration
of
We have already shown that the Huns were known

Asvaghosa.
Indians from pretty early times, and on this subject one
to the
may
U. B.,
245; Allahabad University

The
Studies, pp. 120-33 J. I. H., Madras, No. 15, pp. 93-102,
researches of other scholars, such as Dasaratha Sarman on
consult
also
J.
I,
p.
Kaumudl-mahotsava, I. H. Q., X, 1763-66; XI, pp. 147-48;

Proceedings and Transactions of the All-India Oriental Conferences,
Vol.
Summaries,
VIII;
Bhandarkar's Oriental
Research
pp.
25-26;
Institute^
Poona,
155-57; and Introduction to Pa dma-cndamani.

to the
same
direction
century
B.C.
political
and
On
social
that Kalidasa
probably
this subject, particularly as
environment
All
lived
Annals
of
XVI,
pp.
these
in
point
the 1st
regards religious,
and astronomical knowledge of
the period, one
may consult further, Boy's iSaliiintala, Introduc1-19

and
tion, pp.
28-30, Vaidya's Loka&ksana, VII, pp. 9-17,
K. Roy, Evolution of Glta, pp. 201-22, Dhruva, Thakkar Lectures, pp. 207-13.
We
Apte,
Kane and Paranjpe
also
have a Ghata-karpara as one of the nine jewels in the court
impossible* to say whether this
could be attributed to Kalidasa,
95
1348$
was
actually
written
incline
more
of Vikramaditya.
It
by that Gha$akarpara or whether
is
it
754
same view.
the
or less
to
adduced
sufficient evidence
Shemvanekar has
Further, Prof.
to prove
(loc. cit.)
that the Guptas
were Vaisnavas and that Chandragupta II was not the first

Vikramaditya. For all these reasons I should be inclined to
think that Kalidasa lived in the 1st century B.C.
It
may
also
be incidentally mentioned that, judging from internal evidence,

one may point out that Kalidasa had no knowledge of the Samkhya
as
schemed out by
Igvarakrsna in
Karikas, which
his
were
the 3rd century

A.D. It may also be
probably written
mentioned with force that he had no knowledge of the Samkhya
in
that
is
Arada as reported in
preached by
Buddha-carita, or the Samkhya of the Carakahave been
said to
Asvaghosa's
samhita. The knowledge of
Canto II of the
vamfa
is
Samkhya displayed by Kalidasa in

Kumara-sambhava and in Canto X of the Raglui-
a positively monistic doctrine as found in the Upanisads,
or rather the
Samkhya philosophy
Indian Philosophy, Vol. IT, p. 461
in the
ei
my
Glta (see
History of
scq.).
SUBANDHU
the older prose romances (gadya
Among
kumara-carita
Kadambarl,
Harsa-carita,
the
kavya),
Vasaradatta,
DasaTilaka-
manjarl, Gadya-cintamani and Vlra-narayana-carita are available,
whereas the
and
prose
work
Trailohya-sundari,
of
Bhatlara-haricandra,
referred
though
to
Tarahgavati
by Bana,
are not
easily accessible.
For a
fuller discussion of
Subandhu's date see Introduction
to Vasavadatta published from Srirangam,
datta
of
Subandhu belongs
1906.
The Vasava-
the Katha literature.
to
Patanjali
Vasavadatta as an akhyayikd in IV. 2.60 (and not

We do not know if Sana's
in IV. 3. 87 as Winternitz says).
mentions
reference
Cartellieri
1
to
Vasavadatta
(W Z
Published in
M,
1,
is
to
1887,
1859, Bibliotheca Indica
this
115
series,
older
ff.),
Vasavadatta,
Thomas
Caicuta,
York,
GUIS, Vo}.
VIII, 1913.
(W Z K M,
with the commentary
Sivarama Tripalbi; English Translation by L. H. Gray from a text
New
but
in
of
Telugu character.
See also Weber, Indische Streifen I,
369 ff.
p.
EDITOR'S NOTES
12, 1898, 21
hold
(W Z K M,
and Man'kowski
if.)
755
that the reference to Vdsavadatta in
Vasavadatta.
1901,
15,
Bana
246
f .)
Subandhu's
is to
B&NA
Many works
Candi-sataka,
are
attributed
Bana, such as Kadambari,
to
Parvatl-parinaya-riipaka
Mukuta-taditaka-nataka
commentary on Damayanti-kavya,
Ksemendra quotes verses of
Sarvacarita-niitaka, Harsa-carita.
Bana in his Aucitya-vicara-carca and we have verses from Bana
his
quoted by Candapala in
in Sukti-mnktavali
The
be
well
and Subhfisitavall*
Buna's Harsa-carita cannot very
Keith says: "Historically we may
historical elements in
utilised.
Thus,
say that the work is of minimal value,
though in our paucity

have this.
But chrono-
of actual records
it is something even to
weak
and
logy
confused, it is extremely difficult to make out
a
the identity of the king of Malava, and even the Gaucla king
is only indirectly indicated as Sasarika, whose name is given by
is
Bana has not attempted
lliuen
Tsang.
the course of events which rendered

to
king
come
Malava and
a
at
it is difficult
different sects
the
of
pictures
What
he
army,
of
and their relations
The Vdsavadatla has a number
does
the
to the
writing
what was long past
supply to history
life
Gauda
in or near
not to suppose that he desired,
distance of time, to leave
vague position.
vivid
intelligible
the
for
possible
into hostile contact with Rajyavardhana
considerable
in a
it
make
to
the
of
court,
is
the
of the
Buddhists and the avoca-
commentaries
Tattvadlpani by Jagaddhara,
Curnika by Prabbakara, Tattvakaumudl
Sivarama and also comby Ran.adeva, Vydkhydyikd by Vikramarddhi, Kdflcana-darpana by
mentariea by Srogaragupta and Sarvacandra.
1
commentary by Narasimhasena, by
His
Bombay,
1897;
see
Leiden, III,
was published with
Hars.a-carita
BSS
1909,
also
2,
ff.
See Smith,
For a defence
the
commentary
J. B.
Daji in
B.
EHI,
of
R. A.
S.,
X, 1871, 38
by A A. Fiihrer,
W. Thomas, London,
of Saiikara
translated into English by B. B. Cowell and F.
Bh&u
199
of
Narayana,
ff.
also Fuhrer,
W.
p.
Frazer, Literary History of India, p. 255

350 ff. R. Mookerjee, Har-?a, p 50 (I.
fif.
him, see Majumdar, Early History of Bengal,
p.
16
ff.
O. C. t VI,
756
tions
Brahmin and
of
birth of his hero king
his friends."
Harsa
Even the time
not also probably correct.

His other important work is Kadambarl* It has a
commentaries.
of
of the
is
number
SUDKAKA
We
katika.
have only one work of Suclraka called the MrcchaThe work has attracted much notice in the West. 5
The
discovery
of
probably the original of his Mrcchakatika,
was
which
Cdrudatta by Bliasa,
the
upper limit
of Sudraka, the author of the Mrcchakatika, but we cannot
decide whether he was prior to Kalidasa or not.
Vamana
recognises
etc.,
him
which
is
fixes the
4; Dandin cites the verse limpativa,

found in the Mrcchakatika but it is now known
in
III. 2.
to be a citation on the part of
the
author of the
Mrcchakatika
from Bbasa.
1
Keith's History of Sanscrit Literature, pp. 318-19.
also
4,
See Winternitz,
Gescliichte,
Vol.
Ill;
Fleet,
Vikramahkadevacarita, Introduction, p 4
and Eapson, J R A S, 1898, 448 ff.
Biihler's
208
ff.,
Indian Antiquary, 1901, 12f

ff.
Epigraphica Indica, 1, 67
see
ff.,
C.
Edited by Peterson, Bombay, 1883, ESS; Translated with occasional omissions by

M. Kidding, London, 1896; see also Weber, Indisehe Striefen, 1, 852 ff. and Lacote in
Melanges L<tei,259ff.
4
These commentaries are by Balukrsna, by Mahadeva, Vtsamapadavrlti by Vaidyanatha

Payagunde, by Sivarama, by Siddhacandragani and by Sukbakara.
5
A critical edition of the Mjcchakaîka was published from Bonn in 1847 by A. F.
It
Stenzler.
was published
also with
two commentaries by N. B. Godbole, B.S.S., 1896, and
M. Sanna Sastn and K. P. Parab, in N.S.P. 3rd Edition, Bombay, 1909, with a
commentary. German Translation by O. Bohtlingk, St. Petersburg, 1877, L. Fritze, 1879
and H. C. Kellner, 1894; English Translation by H. H. Wilson (Select Specimens, Vol. I.)
and by A. W. Ryder, in H.O S., Vol. IX. See also continuation in J.A.O.S., 1906, 418 ff.
by P.
French Translation by P. Begnaud, Paris, 1876; there are translations, in Dutch, Swedish,
Danish, Italian and Russian. See also an Introduction by Cappellcr in Festgruss an
Bdhtlingk $. 20 ff. and A. Gawronski in Kuhns Zeitschrift fiir vergl. Sprach, 44, 1911, 224 ff.
t
The drama has been played
often on the
European
ted
it
in
German
in 1892, Stuttgart,
stage.
In France,
was translated by
it
new work by V. Barrucand Etnil Pohl

and called it Vasantasena, for the German stage.
Me'ry and Gerard de Nerval, in 1850, and in a
transla-
free
German translation was also made under the title Vasantascna by Haberlandt, Leipzig, 1893.
A new adaptation for the stage was made by Lion Feuchtwanger, Muncheu, 1916. The editor
had the opportunity of witnessing a performance of the drama under tbo name of Vasantasend
in 1929
on the chief stage of Vienna.
EDITOR'S NOTES
The
Sudraka
play represents Sudraka,
described as a king
is
in
757
king
Kalhana's Rdja-tarahgim> III.
The Skanda-purana makes him the
343.
Andhrabhrtyas and the

gives his capital as
he
barl
the
is
Vetala-pancavimati
Vardhamana
located
in
the author
king, as
king of the
first
him and
In the Kadam-
refers
Sobhavati.
or
to
The Harsa-carita
Vidisa.
also refers to
by which he relieved himself of his enemy Candraketu, king of Cakora, and the Daa-kumara-carita of Dandin
artifice
refers to his adventures in different lives.
wrote a Katha on
and Somila
him,
The
fact that
indicates
Kami la
that he
was
character of
that
time.
Eajasekhara mentions
Sudraka along with Satavahana. 2 From all these divergent
references Keith considers him to be merely a legendary person.
Prof. Konow, however, regards him as a historical person and
legendary
recognises in
sena
is
him the Abhira prince Sivadatta whoê son Xsvara-
regarded by Fleet
to
have overthrown the
last
king of
Andhra dynasty and to have founded the Cedi era (248-49). a

This inference is drawn by Konow on the ground that in
the
the Mrcchakatika,
the king of Ujjayim, is defeated by

Aryyaka, son of a herdsman Gopala, and the Ablriras are essen-
But Keith thinks
herdsmen.
tially
Palaka,
that
these names, Palaka
and Gopala, are merely of a legendary character and that it is

wrong that they should be taken as proper names along with
But Bhasa
Aryyaka.
in the
Pratijna-yangandharayana speaks of
Rajasekbara tells us that Ratuila and Somila composed a work .called Sudraka-katlia
and he also refers to Saumilla along with Bbasa. Kalidasa himself in his Mdlavikagnimitra
speaks of Kavi-putra and Saumilla. The Sarhgadhara-paddhati quotes a verse from
and Somila, (see Keith, Sanskrit Drama, pp. 127-128).
1
Vasudevaâtavahanaûdraka-sahasaiikadln
anukuryyat
Z.D.M.G., XXVIII,
3
ddna-mandbhyain
"Keith says that he
bharana,
sakalan sabhapatin
Ramila
p. 378)
K.F.,
p.
p.
is
later 'the
117) and of a
Keith'a, Sanskrit
107
also Keith's Sanskrit
ff;
BajaSekhara's Kavya-mlmaipsa, p. 65.

hero of a parikatha, Sudraka-vadha (Rayamukufca,
drama
Drama,
p.
called
129
Vtbhrdnta-tudraka
also Bbandarkar's Ancient Hist, of India, p. 64
Drama,
p. 129.
(Sarasvatl-kantha-
n.
f.
C.H.I.,
I.
811;
'58
Gopala and Palaka as being sons of Pradyota of Ujja.yini, and it is

probable that the Brhatkatha contained the story of Gopala as
surrendering the kingdom on Pradyota's death to Palaka and Palaka
had to make room for Aryyaka, his brother's son. 1 But Keith
brushes
it
aside and regards Sudraka as being merely a legendary
person/ We are ourselves unable to believe either Prof. Konow or

Prof. Keith.
The universal tradition of the existence of a poet
Sudraka cannot be regarded as purely mythical or legendary.

All that we can say is that he probably flourished after Bhasa.
called
The
reference to Sakara and Vita as in a comparatively respectable

position, in which the ganika Vasanta-sena is also placed, clearly
an atmosphere of social existence depicted in the KamaOur

sutra, which was probably written in the 2nd century B.C.
conjecture is that Sudraka probably lived between the 1st century
refers to
B.C. and the 1st century A. D. It is peculiar that when Carudatta is asked in the court scene why he, a respectable person,
should associate with a ganika, he fearlessly replied that it was
a fault of youth and not of character.
number of commentaries by
Ganapati, Prthvldhara, Kamamaya Sarma and Lalla Dlksita.
The Mrcchakatika
has
HARSA THE DRAMATIST

Three dramas, Ndg&nanda, Ralndvall and Priyadarsika,' are
attributed to Srlharsa, the patron of Banabhatta, of the 7th
Nagoji Bhatta in his commentary to the Kavyapradlpa
said that an author called Dhavaka wrote the RatndvaH under
century.
the
But
name
this
of king
late
Har?a
version
in return for
of
the
money
him.
received from
story cannot be relied upon.
In
mentioned, which probably

means that Bana received money from the king Harsa not in
most manuscripts the name Buna
is
allowing king Harsa to enjoy the reputation of authorship

of a new work written by Bana, but for his own poetical talents.
lieu of
Nageâ's version of the story

1
is
also
Ibid, p. 130.
found in
Mammata,
but as
EDITOR'S NOTES
759
has been
pointed out, this is a wrong reading of

(see Biihler, Indische Studien, 14, 407).
Bana
Dhavaka
for
Over the three dramas, see F. Cimmino in O.C., XIII,

and Jackson in J./l.O.S., 1900,
Hamburg, 1902, p. 31 ff.
;
88
f.
The Ratndvall was published by C.
Cappeller in
0. Boht-
Sanskrit Chrestomathie, III, 1909, p. 32G ff. also N. B.

Godbole and K. P. Parab, 2nd Edition, N.S.P., Bombay, 1890
and with the commentary of Narayana Sarrna by Krsna Rao
lingk.'s
Joglekar,
Bombay, 1913, N.S.P.
Fritz, 1878
another
German
English Translation by Wilson.
commentary
by Bhimasena.
by V. D. Gadre, Bombay,
Translation by G. Strehly, Paris, 1880.
published
translation
by L.
The Ratnavall has
The Priyadarsikd was

1884,
Ar .S.P., French
The drama Priyadarsikd has been modelled on
the Mdlarikd-
gnimitra, but the story was utilised by Bhasa and also by Matraraja or Anaiigaharsa in his drama called the Tdpasa-vatsardja-carita.
The Ndtya-darpana quotes profusely from this work. See also

E. Hultzsch in N. G. G. W., 1886, 224 ff.
Abhinavagupta also
The work must have, therefore, been written
cites from it.
9th
before
the
of the
Brhatkatha
1919, 508
century.
of
Probably
Gunadhya.
Matraraja utilised the story

See also C. Lacote, J./l.,
f.
The Nagdnanda has been published by G. B. Brahme and

D. M. Paranjape, Poona, 1893 and by Ganapati Sastrl, in^ the
Trivendrum Series, with the commentary of 8ivarama. Translated into English by Palmer Boyd, London, 1872 and into
French by Bergaigne, Paris, 1879 and into
Italian
by Cimmino,
1903.
The
Nagdnanda is drawn from the KathdThe story is

saritsdgara and Ksemendra's Brhatkathd-manjari.
avaddna
literature.
unknown in the older
I-Tsing, however,
story
of
the
king giladitya's story of Bodhisattva Jimutavahana and

that this story was shown on the stage of his time.
The Nagarefers to
has a commentary by Atmarama.
760
Vll&KHADATTA
work MudraBSS.
raksasa.
It was published by K. T. Telang,
Bombay,
also
of
and
with the commentary
by
Phundhi-raja
1884,
Vigakhadatta
the author of the celebrated
is
ZDMG., 1885,
and tTber das KautiliyaTranslated
into
1908.
Hillebrandt, Breslau, 1912. See also Hillebrandt,

p. 107
ff.
also in
und
i&stra
NGGW,
Verwandtes,
L. Fritze
German by
1905, 429
Breslau,
in
H. H. Wilson;
English by
1888
French by V. Henry, Paris,

Milan, 1874.
In many
ff.
in
however,
manuscripts,
in
Italian by A. -Marazzi,
name
the
given
is
not
Visakhadatta but ViSakhadeva.
There
is
a discussion
the time of Oandra-gupta
whether Visakhadatta lived
as to
On
II.
this
subject,
see
in
Jayasvval,
Indian Antiquary, 1913, p. 265 ff., wherein he gives the date as

410 A.D. See also Konow, Indian Antiquary, 1914, p. 64 ff.
V. A. Smith, Early History of India, 120 n Hillebrandt, Uber
;
ZDMG, 1915, 363. Hillebrandt

Kautillya-iastra, 25 If.
places Visakhadatta in the 4th century A.I), and so does also
Tawney (JRAS, 1908, p. 910). In some manuscripts, in the
das
bharata-vahya, Avanti-vanna is mentioned

See the discussions of Jacobi,
gupta.
instead of Candra-
WZKM,
Dhruva,
WZKM,
1888, 212
IT.
Telang his own Introduction to

Keith, J.R.A.S., 1909, 148 ff. Rapson, ERE, IV,
We know thus with certainty that he cannot be later
his Edition
1891, 25
ff
p. 886.
than the 10th century A.D. as
he
is
cited
in
the
commentary
of the Dafa-rupaka.
MURARJ
Murari
Uttarncarita,
Uttaracarita
pf
the
is
later
as
than Bhavabhuti, as he cites from the

31 and 32 of the 6th Act of the
the verses
are cited in the 6th and 7th Slokas of
Anargharaghava.
the
1st
Ratnakara (9th century A.D,) in
Act
his
EDITOR'S NOTES
Haravijaya refers
to Murari.
Ratnakara referred
to
was
Konow
does
not believe
that
Murari but he believes that Mankha's
Srikantha-carita (A.D.
that Murari
761
earlier
Konow
1135) refers to Murari.
than Rajagekhara.
thinks
The Daa-rupaka
Keith
also refers to the
Anargha-raghava
further
Jayadeva imitated the Prasanna-rdghava

11.34 with the
Prasanna-raghava, VII. 83).
thinks
Jayadeva,
(cf.
But no
21) in his II. 1.
(III.
that
definiteness can be arrived at regarding Murari.
CATURBHANI
vararuciri&varadattah
tyamilakah
udrakaca catvdrah
bhdndn vabhanuh kd saktih kdliddsasya
cte
The above
II
which says that bhdna could only be

Vararuci, Isvaradatta, Syamilaka and Sudraka,
written
verse
by
and that Kalidasa was incapable of writing any bhdna
at the end of the Padma-prabhrtaka.
It
is difficult
to say
which Vararuci
Mahdbhdsya we hear
the
of
is
here
occurs
referred to.
Vararuci (vdrarucdh
In
lokdh).
the Kathdsaritsdgara, Varariuu was a co-pupil with

According
Panini.
Vyadi is said to have introduced him to his preceptor
to
According to the Avantisundarikathasdra, Vararuci

somewhere on the banks of the Godavarl.
Upavarsa.
is said to have lived
He
wrote on grammar, astrology and dharma-$dstra and two

Kdvyas called Kanthdbharana and Cdrumatl. A verse from the
Gdrumati
in his
is
in the
quoted
Siibhdsit avail
8rhgdra-prakda quotes a
and Bhoja-deva also
verse.
After Vararuci we have Sudraka, the author

katika and the
Vatsardja-carita.
Brahmin attached
of Ujjayini.
to the court of SvatI,
When
still
Indian Drama, p. 83,
Mrccha-
Sudraka was a
an Andhra-bhrtya king
young, he quarrelled with the king and
Bhatta-n&tba Svamin, in Indian

Theatre, Vol. I, p. 277, contradicts it.
1
It is said that
of the
Antiquary, XLT, 141, and L6vi in big
762
his friends.
His intimate friend Vandhudatta saved him from
difficulties
when
and he had
also later in life given
him a good
turn,
was prevented from his murderThe adventures of Sudraka as

ous attempt on him bySudraka.
have been described in the Avantisundarl-katha by Dandin, have
much resemblance with the heroes and the plot of the bhana
a Bhiksu called Sanghilaka
ascribed to Sudraka.
The adventures
of
Sudraka are
also
found
$udraka-katha of Rarnila and Somila, the Vikrantaûdraka

and the 8udraka~carita by Paiica&kha.
in the
In
"tfipula
Bana
bhana we have Devadatta as the heroine, her

and the friend Sa6a. These characters are referred
this
sister
to
by
Kamadatta, a work referred to in this

bhana, was probably a prakarana written by Sudraka himself.
in his
Kadambarl.
ISvara-datta, author of the other bhana, leaves nothing behind
him by which we can

cleva in his
&rhgara-prakasa and
find a verse in the Subhasitavall
and
it is
He is
infer his date.

also
mentioned by Bhoja-
by Hema-candra.
We
also
under the name of I^vara-sena
not improbable that Isvara-datta and I^vara-sena are the
same persons.
Syamilaka was probably a native of Kashmir. He has been
referred to by Ksemen3ra inliis Aucitya-vicaranjid. Abhinava-gnpta
quotes from the Pada-taditaka.
may have
The
lived
It
is
not
improbable that
he
between 800 A.D. and 900 A.D.
above
four poets,
Sudraka, Igvara-datta,
and Syamilaka, wrote respectively the four bhanas,
viz.,
Vararuci
Padma-
prabhrtaka, Dhurtta-vita-samvada, Ubhayabhisarika and PadaAll the four bhanas consist of poems and prose.
taditaka.
BHATTA-NARIYANA
His work, Benl-samhara
is
quoted
by Vamana, Ananda-
vardhana, Euyyaka. Nami, Ksemendra, the Kavya-praka$a and

It was published by J. Grill,
the Data-rupaka.
Leipzig, 1871,
and with the commentary of Jagaddhara, by K. P. Parab and

K, K. Modgavkar, Bombay, 1898, 2pd Edition, 1905, NSP,
EDITOR'S NOTES
free translation of
it
has been
made by
763
S.
M. Tagore,
Calcutta,
1880.
BHAVABHUTI
Bbavabhuti's three dramas, the Mahavlra-carita, the Uttaracarita and the Malatl-madhava, are famous in Sanskrit literature.
The
two are based on the legend of Rama. The Mahavlracarita was published by P. H. Trithen, London, 1848, with the
commentary of Vlra-raghava, by T. R. Ratnam Aiyar, S. Rangafirst
K. P. Parab, 2nd Edition, Bombay, 1901, NSP.

See also the English Translation by Wilson also, English Translation by Pickford, 1871.
cariar and
The
has been published with the commentary

of Vlra-raghava by T. R. Ratnarn Aiyer and V. L. Sh. Panasikar,
4th Edition, Bombay, 1911, iNSP. English" Translation by
Uttara-carita
Wilson, Vol. 1, p. 275 1!. and C. H. Tawney, 2nd Edition,

French Translation by F. Neve, Brussels and
Calcutta, 1874.
1880; Senart, JA, 1881, XVII, 562 ff. A scene of the

The
4th Act has been translated by Oldenberg, LAI, p. 278 1!.
with
the
Malatl-madhava was published by R. G.Bhandarkar
Paris,
commentary of Jagaddhara, BSS, Bombay, 1876, 2nd Edition,

1905 arid also with the commentary of Tripurari and Jagaddhara by M. R. Telang and W. Sh. Panasikar, Bombay, 1905,
^SP; also English Translation by M. R. Kale, 1913;
;
German
Translation
by Fritze* 1844
French Translation by
G. Strehly with a preface by Bcrgaigne.

Klein in his History of Dramas ^ Vol. Ill,
Bhavabhuti
p.
51,
describes
as the Indian Shakespeare.
KUMARADASA
For general information regarding
1870
Zachariae,
Sprachen,
JBRAS.,
5,
17,
Beitrdge
1880,
1889,
p.
57
zur Kunde
poems, see J. d'Alwis,

der
indogermanischen
GGA, 1887, p. 95 Peterson.
and Subhasita-mulctavall, 24 ff.
52 and
tf.
his
764
E. Leumann,
1901, 253 ff.
WZKM,
;
7,
1893, 226
A. B. Keith, Ibid, 578
1891; Cantos I-X,

BSOS, IV, 285 ff.
Raja-sekhara mentions him
of
ff
Ceylon,
though blind, in the sentence
ijd
pratibhdsayati sd pratibhd
paroksa
iva
W. Thomas, JKAS,
Janahlharana, edition
Bombay, 1907; Canto XVI,
as
ff.
an
example
of
genius,
sabda-grdmam artha-sdrtham
alahkdra-tantra-yukti-mdrgam anyadapi
yam
P.
tathdvidham adhihrda-
apratibhasya paddrtha-sdrthah
pratibhdvatah punarapasyato'pi pratyaksa iva
yato
medhdvirudrakumdraddsddayo jdtyandhdh kavayah sruyanle

This proves that he must have flourished long before Raja-sekhara.
Keith thinks that he knew the Kdsikd Vrtti (A.I). 650) and that
\\
Vamana
(about A.D. 800) also refers to Kumaradasa, when he

Keith further thinks
censures the use of khalu as the first word.
that
he
was
stimmungen
earlier than
in
Magha. See also 0. Walter, UbereinGcdanken Verglcichcn und Wendungen bci
indischcn Kunstdichtern, Leipzig, 1905, p. 18
ff.
NlLAKANTHA DlKSlTA
He was
not only the
author of liva-li,larnava but also of
Kali-vidambana, Sabha-ranjana-sataka,Anyopadesa-sataka, $aniiHis major

vildsa, Vairdgya-ataka and Ananda-sagara-stava.
works are, besides tfiva-llldrnava, Gahgdvatarana, iVaia-can'fm-
He lived
ndtaka, Kaiyyata-vyakhydna and $iva-tativa-rahasya.
of
16th
near
middle
and
\\as a
in the
the
century
Conjeevaram
grandson of the brother of Appaya DIksita.
Appaya DIksita there was

as
(1)
Ratna-kheta who
number
wrote
Contemporaneous
to
of well-reputed poets, such
8iti-kantha-vijaya-kdvya
and
BMvand-piirusottama-ndtaka, (2) Bhattojl DIksita, (3) Govinda

DIksita.
Ananda-raya Makhin's father Nrsimha-raya wrote
Tripnra-vijaya-campu and* the nephew of Bhagavanta-raya was
the author of Mukunda-vildsa-kdvya and Rdghavdbhyudaya-
Ananda-raya Makhin wrote at least two dramas, VidyaGovinda Dikîta,

parinaya and Jitdnanda, in the 18th century.
ndtaka.
EDITOR'S NOTES
father of Venkate^vara
765
Makhin, who was the teacher
Nllakantha
of
Makhin, not only wrote a commentary on Kumarila's philosophy

but also a drama called Raghunatha-vildsa.
He also wrote
a
work
called Harivam$a-sara-carita, a
on which
Makhin's
mahd-kdvya
23 cantos,
Verikatevara
of
Appaya Diksita wrote a commentary.

teacher and elder brother Yajna-narayana Diksita
wrote at least 3 works,
Raghundtha-bhupa-vijaya, Raghundtha-
vildsa-nataka and Sdhitya-ratndkara.
The
great
scholars
who
were contemporaneous with Yajna-narayana Diksita, were Krsna-
Somanatha, Kumara-tatacaryya, author of the PdrijataCokkandtaka, Raja-cudamani Diksita and Bhaskara Diksita.
nfitha Makhin also was a contemporary of Nilakantha Diksita.
yajvan,
The
great
poet Venkatesvara
a mahd-kdvya
called
also lived at this time
who wrote
Nilakantha
Makhin's
Rdmacandrodaya.
younger brother Atiratra-yajvan wrote Kusa-kinnudvatl-nataha.

Sri-cakra-kavi of this time wrote Citra-ratnakara
Rukminl,
parinaya, Janakl-parinaya, Gatm-parinaya and Draupadl-parinaya.

Nilakantha's son Girvanendra wrote a bhdna called Srngara-kosa.
MAHENDRAVIKRAMA-VARMAN
Mahendravikrama-varman, the son
Simhavisnuvarman was a contemporary
of
the
Pallava
Harsa
king
was
Matta-vilasa
has
His
been
work
himself a king.
published in
The
scene
of
the
drama
Series.
is Kane!,
Trivendrum
the
where he ruled in the 7th century A.D. It is a prahasana and
of
and
comes from the South and shows the same technique as regards
The Maltathe prastdvand and sthapana as we find in Bhasa.
it
irilasa
is
probably
the earliest of the prahasanas that have
come
to us.
amusing and probably suggests a reflection
story
on the character of the degenerate Buddhists and the Kapalikas.
The
is
VENKATANITHA
of
Venkatanatha was primarily a writer on Ramanuja's system

The details of his philosophy and his works may
philosophy.
766
be found
in Vol. Ill of the History of Indian Philosophy
present editor.
But Venkatanatba was not only
by the
a philosopher but
a writer of good poetry as well, as may be seen from many of the

poems of the Yadavabhyudaya, a work on the life of Krsna. He
does not appear to be in any

is
way
a laborious writer but his diction
rather simple and
new forms
of
charming and in many places he indulges in

Thus for instance in Canto II of the
imagery.
Yadavabhyudaya there
is
the following verse
disastadanlmavanidharanam
sagairikaih pdradapankalepaih
cakasire candramaso mayukhaih
pancayudhasyeva
tiaraih pradlptaih
I!
UDAYASUNDARI-KATHI
(llth Century)
Soddhala,
native
of
He
Udayasundari-katha.
when
Guzerat,
wrote
Campu
belonged to the Kayastha caste.
called
He
mere boy and was brought up by his

maternal uncle Gangadhara. He went to Sthanaka, the capital of
lost
his
father
Kankana. There he
Cehitta-raja,
flourished in the court of three royal brothers
Nagarjuna and Mummani-raja.
He was
contem-
The Vdayasundarl-katha was written between

1026 A.D. and 1050 A.D. The author compares himself to Bana
The
and Valmiki and is quite proud of his achievement.
porary of Vatsa-raja.
Udayasundari-kalha
is
based
upon
an
original
story.
King
was a
Vatsa-raja, at whose suggestion the work was written,
king of the Laâ country (Southern Guzerat including Khandesh).
U D AYAV ARM A-CARIT A

(llth Century)
the
The Udayavarma-carita is a small work in verse describing

glory of king Udayavarma who was a Kerala king and lived
EDITOR'S NOTES
in
is
767
llth century. The author of the work

one called Madhavacaryya. This Madhavacaryya could not
the
latter half of the
be the same as
Vidyaranya or the author
of the
Sarva-dartana-
samgraha who lived in the 14th century. But there was a

Madhava Pandita who is reputed to have written a commentary
on the Samaveda, who was attached to king
Udayavarma.
His father Narayana was a contemporary of Skanda-svami, who
along with Narayana and Udgltha wrote a commentary on the
The work has been published in the T.S. series
Rgveda.
by K. Sambasiva
There are
Sastrl.
Udayavarman's date but
also other conjectures about
I prefer to accept
the
conclusion of the
learned editor.
KUMARAP5LA-T JUTJBODHA
3
(I 2th
Century)
The author Somaprabhacarya is a well-known Jaina

scholar who lived towards the end of the 12th century and wrote
his
work
in
the
1195 A.D., only 11 years after King Kumarapala

had died. He was thus a contemporary of King Kuraarapala
and his preceptor Hemicandra. He composed the work dwelling
Sripala,
in
residence of the poet Siddhapala, son of the poet-king Sii
who was one
Siddhapala was
of the best poets of Guzerat.
also a poet
Srlpala's son
and a friend of King Kumarapala.
Somaprabhacarya was the author also of Sumatinatha-caritra,

Suktimuktavall and $atartha-kdvya. The author's aim, as usual
with such other poets, was not writing a history, but to write
We find here
a kavya with special emphasis upon religion.
a picture of Hemacandra and his relation with Kumarapala
who was converted

pala
is
also
into Jainism.
available
Prabhavaka-caritra,
Information
about Kumara-
from the three works of Jayasimha Suri

Prabandha-cintamani, Kumarapala-caritra,
and Caritrasundara's Kumarapala-caritra
Kumurdpala-prabandha.
and
Jinamandana'g
HISTORY OF SAxVSKRIT LITERATURE
768
We
know
that
Kumarapala held
his court
at
Anhilwara and
he zealously preached the sanctity of animal life and had censors

dharma to the people. The
like ASoka's for the preaching of
Kumarapala-pratibodha is a sort of campu written in Prakrt
prose and verse and
contains
many
is full
of the principles of Jaina religion and
stories.
KUPAKA-SATKA
(12th Century)
We have a collection of six dramas by Vatsa-raja,

of Paramardi-deva,
and
the
whose reign extended from 1163
the reign of his son

first
Trailokya-deva extended
second half of the 12th century and the
first
to
1203 A.D.
the end of
till
lived
Vatsa-raja
the minister
between the
Paramardi-deva was the immediate successor of Madana-varma who
was defeated by Siddha-raja, king of Guzerat. Both Madana-varma

and Paramardi-deva lived a luxurious life according to the descripParamardi was so much given
tion of the Prabandha-cintamani.
to cruel pastimes that he killed a cook every
he served
him and people
day
at the
time when
him Kopakalanala.
Paramardi
was defeated by Prthvi-raja as recorded in a short inscription at
Madanapura in 1183 A.D. He was later on defeated also by
Kutubuddin Ibak in 1203 A.D. His son Trailokya-varma, howcalled
ever, recovered. the capital of Kalinjara.
poet as
But
we know by
actually
Paramardi was
his composition of a long
the composition
also
praasti to Siva.
was done by Vatsa-raja and an
found in the Karpura-carita. This Rupaka-satka

was edited by Mr. C. D. Dalai, Baroda, 1918. It contains a
vyayoga on the same subject as Bharavi's Kiratarjurilya, and
allusion to
it is
an ihamrga called Rukmim-harana, a dimu called Tripura-daha,

a
bhana called
a samavakara called Samudra-mathana and
Karpura-carita describing the revelry, gambling and love of a
gambler with a courtesan and Hasya-cudamani, a farce in one
Act ip which aji ac&rya of the Bhagavata sghoolis ridiculed,
EDITOR'S NOTES
verse from Vatsa-raja
The
muktavali.
is
is
style
found quoted
Jalhana's Sukti-
in
excellent and the plot well-executed.
PARTHA-PARAKRAMA
Mr. Dalai
in his
Introduction
that the entire Sanskrit
about 600
He
works.
to
Dramatic Literature
gives
us
states
Pdrtha-pardkrama
list
of India consists
contributions
of
of
from
Guzerat as given below, which is not out of interest

Ramacandra's
Bilhana's Karna-sundarl (already printed)
:
Raghu-vildsa,
Yadu-viltisa, Kaumudi-mitrdnanda
Vana(printed),
Nirbhayabhima-vydyoga, Satyahari$candra,
Nala-vildsa,
Then we have Devacandra's

mdlikd-ndtikd, Mallika-makaranda.
and
Candralekhdvikridana-natika
Mdna-mudrd-bhanjana
;
Yaâscandra's Mudrita-kumuda-candra
prabodha
RajimatlSubhata's
Prabuddha-rauhineya,
Prahladana's Partha-pardkrama.
Som-
Ramabhadra's
Dutahgada
e^vara's
(printed) and
(printed),
Ulldgha-raghava,
Narendra-prabha's
Kdkutstha-keli,
J$&\acanArz'$Karund-vajrdyudha (printed), Vijayapala'sDr?^padl-
Moha-pardjaya,
Megha-prabha's
\7 yasa-moksaditya's
BhimaDharmdbhyudayacchdyd-ndtaka,
Yaâhpala's
svayamvara,
Gangadht^ra's Gangaddsapratdpa-vilasa
parakrama,
Mithydjftdnakhandana.
We have also taken a more or
of other Gurjara
Ravidasa's
less detailed note of a
works in other sections
of
these
number
Editorial
Notes.
There were other dramas

vijaya
of
Kaiicanacarya,
of this type, such us
Nirbhaya-bhlma
Dhanaftjaya-
of
Ramacandra,
of
DharmaVatsa-raja, Narakdsura-injaya of
Pracandabhairava
of
Sadaîva, Saugandhikd-harana of
pandita,
Vi^vanatha and Vintidnandana of Govinda.
Kirdtdrjuniya
Our author was the son
of Yaôdhavala.
He was
He
by
described
a poet but a great warrior.

having attained his celebrity as a Lord of
presented
97
as
1343B
beirrg
great
is
not only
Sorne^vara as
Victory.
philanthropist
He
is
also
in Surathotsava of
770
He
founded a city
modern Palanpur, in Guzerat.
Some^vara.
called
Prahladanapura,
the
N ARANARiYAN&NAND A
(13th Century)
The poem Naranarayanananda

describing the friendship of
of
Subhadra
kdvya in 1C cantos
Arjuna and Krsna and the abduction
is
Vastupala
by Arjuna.
the
also
author,
called
Samvat, was the

Vasantapala, who wrote
of
and
Viradhavala
was
of
celebrated for
minister
Dholka,
king
the
work
in
1277
and cosmopolitanism. He even built a mosque for

His glories are not only sung in the Prabandhathe Mahomedans.
his tolerance
cintamani,
and
Kirti-kaumudl of
Nrsimha and
Gaturvimsati-prabandha but also 'in the

Somesvara and the Sukrta-sahkwtana by
the
also in the
maha-kdvya
Vasanta-vilasa
He was
candra and in Jinaharsa's Vastupala-caritra.
by
Bala-
a minister,
warrior, philanthropist, a builder of public places and temples,

He had established three
a patron of poets and himself a poet.
He
encouraged the writing of great works and

KatM-ratna-sagara of Bala-candra Suri and Alahkara-mahodadhi
He was
of Narendra-prabha were composed at his patronage.
great libraries.
very liberal in his gifts to the poets and patronised
such
writers
as Somesvara, Harihara,
Arisimha, Damodara, Kanaka, JayaKrsna-simha

and Sankara-svami. He
deva, Madana, Vikala,
was himself a great poet and his verses have been quoted in works
of anthology, such as Sukti-mukt avail and 8arhgadhara-paddhati.
The work Narandrayanananda
is
excellent
in
style
and poetic
fancy.
SRINIVASA-VILASA-CAMPU
(c.
14th Century)
Srinivasa-vilasa-campu is a campu in wtyKSh Bana's alliteration and Mesa or punning have been imitate^ N|ith a vengeance.
It
is,
however^ a pleasant 4ove-story of a SSu^rnkingSrinivasa,
EDITOR'S NOTES
771
was written by Yenkatadhvarin or Yenkatesa. It is written in

two parts, a Purva-bhdga with 5 ucchvdsas and the Uttara-bhaga
It
The
with 5 ucchvasas.
poet seems to
have been
Vedanta-desika of the 14th century and
Srinivasa,
disciple
of
Southern
Chief, was his patron.
NALXBHYUDAYA
(15th Century)
work by Yamana Bhattabana, who is the author of

and Vcmabhupdla-carita.
tfrhgura-bhusana,
Pdrvatl-parinaya
It is
He
was
ment
also called
of his
work
At the commence-
Abhinava Bhattabana.
Vemabhupdla-carita, the poet says that
it
has
long been said that none but Bana could write charming prose
Vamana now will wipe away that bad name (bdna-kavlndrddanye
kdndh khalu sarasa-gadya-saranisu

kulo
iti
jayati riidhamayaso vatsa-
vamano 'dhuna mdrsti).

Veraabhupala was the ruler
of the Triliriga country during

and
he was himself well-versed
the middle of the 15th century
in all arts and wrote a commentary on Amaru-sataka, called
tfrhgdra-dlpikd, and Sahglta-cintdmani.
The Naldbhyudaya
style is lucid
and
is
maha-kavya
As a matter
clear.
8 cantos and the
of fact, the style
seems
to
The work has been pub-
be approaching Kalidasa in sweetness.

lished in the
in
Trivendrum Sanskrit Series by
MM.
T. Ganapati
Sastrl.
KATHA-KAUTUKA
(15th Century)
The Kathd-kautuka
based on the story of Yusuf-Zuleikha

of the Persian poet Jarni, written by the Kashmir poet Srivara.
who lived in the 15th century. This is one of the few successful
is
The work is
adaptations of Persian tales into Sanskrit poetry.
written in easy Sanskrit poetry and divided into 15 chapters
called
kautukas.
The author seems
to
have been well-versed in
772
Persian
and
any
as
he
calls
himself
But he does not follow the
parahyama.
in
Arabic
faithful
yavana-sastra-
text of Yusuf-Zuleikha
manner.
RASTRAUDHA-VAMSA-MAHAKAVYA
t
(16th Century)
The Rastraudha-vamsa
a
historical
is
poem containing
maha-kavya
the
history
in '20 can toy.

of
the
it is
Bagulas
of
Mayuragiri, from the originator of the dynasty, Rastraudha, king
Kanauj, to the reign of Narayana Shah, ruler of Mayuragiri

and patron of the author (1596 A.D.). Rudra-kavi wrote another,
of
work
called Jahangir-shah-carita in prose, at the order of Prata-p
Shah,
district.
Narayana Shah. Mayuragiri is in the Nasik

The work is historically more faithful than other works
son
of
of this nature.
KAMALINI-KALAHAMSA
(16th Century)
Kamalini-halahamsa was written by Raja-cudamani, son of

Srlnivasa Diksita and Kamaksi Devi, towards the end of the 16th
century.
Raja-cudamani wrote a number
of
works
of
a philo-
But he also wrote $rhgara-sarvasva (a bhana),

sophical type.
a supplementary work on Bhoja-campu, the Bharata-campil,
8ahkarabhytidaya,
vadha,
Ratnahheta-vijaya,
Ruhminl-parinaya,
Manju-bhasini,
Anandarayhava-nataha
and
Kamsa-
many
other works.
ACYUTARAYABHYUDAYA
(By Sri Rajanatha)
(16th Century)
Acyuta-raya was the son of
Narasimha who succeeded
brother Krsna-raya to the throne in the
year
his
1527-30 and ruled
EDITOR *S NOTES
from 1530 io 1542, as the Emperor
There was once
King Acyuta-raya.
the geneological
history
king named Timma

Vijayanagara, who had
a
the Tuluva dynasty of kings in

wife called Devaki and their son Isvara
among
a
In the poem
of Vijayanagara.
Acyutarayabhyudaya the poet describes

of
773
had
wife called
Bukkamma.
Their eldest son Narasimha became the Emperor

and captured the Fort of Manavadurga, but when the Nizam of
the place submitted himself to him and begged his pardon he
returned the fort to him and then took Seringapatam.
He then
overcame the Marawas and took hold

Konetiraja and
made Vijayanagara
of
Madura and conquered

His three sons
his capital.
became kings one after another and Acyuta-raya was the youngest.
His queen was Varadambal. Being informed that the Cola king
had
from his kingdom and sought refuge with the king of

who had usurped the Pandya kingdom, Acyuta-raya
fled
Chera,
marched
to
Srirangam.
Chera king.
Kalahasti
and Visnukanci and
finally
/went
After this he sent one of his generals to punish
regular
took
fight
place
later
on between
to
the
the
Acyuta-raya became
The Chera king took refuge \\ith Prince Salaga-raja
victorious.
who gave the Pandya chief his former dominions. He then went
Travancore and
king
61
to the
Malaya mountain
the
first
Acyuta-raya
in the sea.
This story
narrated
is
in
six cantos of this kavya.
The work Acyutarayabhyudaya was published

vilasa Press, Srlrangam, in
1907 and bears with
it
in the Srivani-
commentary
by Srikrsna Suri.
ANANDAKANDA-CAMPU
(17th Century)
This work
is
Mitra-misra.
attributed to
He
is
the reputed
He
the Vlramilrodaya a work on Dharm-asastra.
also wrote a commentary on Yajfiavalkya Smrti and also a mathe-
author
of
But it
matical work, both of which were called Vlramitrodaya.
books/written by other
appears that Mitra-misra used to get many

which the name Viramitrodaya is given. Thus
commentary on âjfiavalkya Smrti it is said that the
scholars, to
in the
of
all
commentary was written by Sri Sadananda under the orders of

Mitra-mi^ra.
Bo also was the mathematical work
written by
Kama-daivajna and called Viramitrodaya. So Dharmayya Dlksita
wrote a commentary on Advaitacidya-tilaka under the suggestion
of Mitra-mi^ra.
Raja Virasimha-deva of Orchha,

reigned from 1605 to 1G27, and as Mr. Gopinath Kaviraja says,
was probably identical with Birsing Deo who is said to have killed
Mitra-misra's
patron,
The Anandakanda-campu treats of the birth of the

Divine Joy as Srlkrsna. The
Editor, Pandit Nanda Kisore
Abul Fazl.
Sarman, says that the work was composed
in
1632 A.D.
It
is
divided into 8 ullasas or chapters.
NlRAYANlYA
work
This
Niiniyana Bhatta
by
Bhaktapriya,
by Degamangala Varyya,
K. Sambasiva
Sastri in
the
with the
has been
Trivendrum Sanskrit
commentary
published by
Series.
Its
essence has been culled from the Bhagavata-purana by Narayana

It is one of the finest examples of the
stotra
Bhattapada.
literature
and consists
of
100 dasakas or
decades.
It
is
not
only a stotra but also im excellent kavya on account of its poetic

It is regarded in the Kerala country as reverentially
merit.
as
The author was

born in the
$rimad-bhagavad-gita.
on
the river Nila
Mepputtur Illam in the village of Perumanam
the
in
His fame as a poet grew very high

works was recognised by all and he
North Malabar.
his
excellence of
the entertained
wrote
the
meyodaya,
at
the
following
(3)
Dhatu-kavya,
of
court
works
king
(1)
Astami-campukavya,
(6)
Narayaniya,
(4)
Kailasa-$aila-varnana,
Ahalya-6apa-moksa,
(9)
Deva-narayana.
(7)
(12)
Kaunteyastaka,
(10)
was
He
Mana-
Prakriya-sarvasva,
Surpanakha-pralapa,
(11) Duta-vakya-prabandha,
(2)
and
(5)
(8)
Rama-katha,
Nalayani-carita, (13)
Nrga*
EDITOR'S NOTES
moksa-prabandha,
(14)
harana-prabandha,
(1C)
775
Rajasuya-prabandha, (15) SubhadraSvaha-sudhakara

(17)
Sangita-ketu,
trngara-lila-carita.
\
BHARATA-CARITA
Bharata-carita, a maha-kdvya of 12 cantos, \\as written in
different metres on the life of Bharata, son of Dusyanta, by
Krsnakavi.
Series by
It has
MM.
been published
the Trivendrum
in
T. Ganapati Sastri.
Nothing can
be
Sanskrit
made
out
regarding the identity or nativity of Krsnakavi, the author of this
poem.
CANDRAPRABHA-CARITA
This work has been
1902, Bombay, by
MM.
Pandit
the
in
Kavyamala
Series,
Durga Prasad and Mr.
K. P.
published
Parab. It was written by Vlranandi, a pupil of Abhayanandi,
again was
cantos and contains
a pupil
The
is
style
Guna-nandl.
of
The poem
scenes
many charming
consists
who
of
18
and descriptions.
lucid and clear,
KiVYA-RATNA
Tlie author of this
in the
published
Sastri.
kara and
It deals
it is
work
is
Arhaddasa
and
Trivendrum Sanskrit Series by

with the
life of
Muni
said to have been a teacher of Mallinatha.
whether this Mallinatha
been
has
Suvrata, a Jaina Tirthan-
also called Muni-suvrata-kavya.
is
it
K. Samvasiva
identical
Muni Suvrata
It is difficult
with
the
to
is
say
commentator
Mallinatha.
BSLA-MARTANDA-VIJAYA
.
This
is
drama
in
Acts by Devaraja-kavi, published in
gamba&va Sastri.
Deva-raja belonged to a Brahmin
the Trivendrum 'Sanskrit Series, edited by K.
According to tradition, the poet

from Pattamadai in the Tinnevelly
family that migrated
district
776
Asrama, a village near Sucbindram in South

Travancore. He was patronised by Prince Kama-varma, a
nephew of His Highness Martanda-varma and became the chief
and
settled at
His father Seâdri was a

Vedic scholar. King Martanda-varma ruled from 1729 to 1758.
The drama deals with the conquests of King Martanda-varma and
of the pandits attached to the
the dedication of his
Palace,
to the deity
Sripadmanabha, reserving to himself the position of Viceroy and servant of the deity
and governing the country in his name.
The dramatist tries to follow the style of Kalidasa and in
Empire
work one can sometimes trace expressions similar to those of

Kalidasa.
Sometimes he follows also the style of Vibakhadatta's
this
Mudrd-raksasa. Martanda-varma has figured largely in Malayalam

literature also.
INDEX
A,
A.
A.
A.
ABORT, 107*, 415*, 164*, 477*

Aboriginal, Ixxxvii, cxxin
Absolutism, xxvii
A. Fiihrer, 163*. 226*, 755

A. Macdonell, 708*. See Macdonell
A. Maria Sharpe, 225*

Banerji Saatri, Ixxiv, 494*
Abul Fazl, 774
Academies,
Acala, 8*
See Banerji-
Sasiri
A. Barth, 646, 702. See Barth

Abbe" J A. Dabois, 704
Abdallah ibn'l Muquffa, 89*
Abdbimathaoa, 687
A. Benkatasubbiah, 619*
A. Berâigne. S c Bergaigne
Abhandl. d. Berliner Akad, 71*
505
Acyuta.lilodaya
Acyutaray*
418, 438
Ab!iaya-t)laka-gani, 678"
5(>2
Ablndha-vrtii-malrka, 180*, 530*

Abhijilana-Sakunlala, xxx, x\\v,
133,
13136,
140-411,
53*.
162*,27()*,
58,
Oil,
747
113, 721
Abhimanyu, 112,
Abhinaya, 539
Abhinaya-darpana, 524*
Abbinanda, author of
sdra,
(<].
v.),
Kadambjrl-hatlu'i-
324, 618
author
cxxviii, 201, 324
Abhinaoda,
of
Rtimacanta
(cj.v.),
cxv, 54*, 66, 105*,

249, 271*, 299*, 300, 301, 302*, 323*,
369*, 401*. 427*, 523, 521, 525*, 527,
539*, 540-45, 548, 550, 55! , 552, 556,
882*, 583, 584, 587, 593, 5 )4, 596-99,
604, 606, 607, 608, 648, 661, 681, 686,
See Locana
780, 759, 762.
Ixxvii, ixxxv,lxxxvi,
715,
Abhinava-kaustubha mala, 386*, 663

Abbinava-narayanendra SurasvutT, 668
Abhinava-raghav'a, 302*, 464, 686
Abbirama, 140*
Abhisarikd. Ixiv, 271*
Abhisarikd-vaflcitaka, 271*, 302
AbK*eka-ndtaka
101, 109*, 114, 302*, 709,

720, 721
A. B. Keith, 1*, 2*, 556*, 612*. 621*, 648,
691, 752, 757, 758, 764. See Keith
710, 711,
338*
Vijayamgara>,
361,
371*,
D. Pusilkor, 102*
Advaitaratna-raksana 66 1
Advaitasiddhi, C64
Advaita Vedanta, 463
'
Advaitavidydtilaka, 774
Advaitins, 438, 772, 773
Adyr Library, 333*
Aesop's Fables, 698

A. Eateller, 506*. See Esteller
Aesthetic, xxi, xxxv, xl,
Abhinanda, Gauda, 324

Abhinava Bana. See Bana, Vamana Bhaita,
Abhinava-bhdiatl, 523, 524*, 535*, 548, 596
AbbinavHgnpta, xli, xlii, xliv, xlvi, Ixxvi,
171,
324,
535,
557,
602,
(of
Acyutardydbhyudaya, 361*, 773

Acyuta-Sarma, 566
Adbhuta-darpana, 464
Ad. Fr. Graf Von fichack, 741*
60,
AoalcSvara (deity), 466*

Acca Dlksita,334*
Accents, vi, cxxiii
Accoda lake, 235
Acintyararn Sarman, 321*
A. Conrady, 510*
Action, dramatic, 116, 117, 135, 141, 257,
258,259, 262, 264, 267, 271, 273, 275,
28 A 2S1, 286, 287, 288, 301, 303, 494, 501,
Abhayacandra, 67,9
Abhayadeva Sun, 395
Abhayanandi, 775
Abh /ur die kunde d ., 96 '
Abbidharma, 10, 7 J
AbhidhannakoFa, six, cxiv
Abhidha, 534*,' 545, 554, 500,
Ivii
xlvii,
xiix,
lii,
572, 575, 592,

666, 670, 681
xiii, xliii,
xliv,
xlvi,
25, 29, 309, 571,

603,
604, 608, 610,
Ixxvii,
602,
Afghanistan, 738
See Hoernle.
A. F. K. Hoernle, 738*.
A. F. Stenzler, 120*, 129*, 132*, 23'.)*, 741,
713,751, 756. See Stenzler.
Agashe, 208*, 209*, 210*, 211*, 215*, 503*.

See G. J. Agasbe
Agastya, 464, 631,
A. Gawron?ki, 69*, 124*, 738*, 756*,
Gawronski
Aghoragbanta, 283
Agni-puraqa, xiii, 66, 426*, 427*, 539, 553
Agnimitra, c, cviii, 137, 139,151, 735, 750
Agni-varn, Ixxxi, 131, 132*, 746, 747

A. Guerinot, 751*
Aguru,
Ivt
Ahalyd-sdpa-mokfia, 774
A, Hamilton, 90*
A. H. Tranche, 422*
See
778
A. Hillebrandt, 44*, 46*, 262*, 64 >, 647.

Hillebrandt.
A. Hoefer, 121*, 621*
A. Holtzmaun, 730*
A. H. Shah, 729*
A. I. D., 641*
Ajhole inscription, xix, 15, 124*, 178
Aitareya Brdhmana, 632, 673
Aja (king), \xx, 130, 131, 150*, 745
Ajaâ'pramdt^siddhi, 662
Ajanta, cxi
See
Allgemeine Betrachtungen ilber das

Alliteration, 15, 33, 169,
Alt.
668
202*, 236
382,
/mJien,646
Altindische Schelmeubiichcr, 617*
Alwar, ciii
Aniaracandra
Ari,&rajati,
Sun, Jaina
Amaracandra,
or Amarapandita, 331, 344,
429, 61H
Ainaracundra âuthor of Padmananda), 620
Amara-kosa, 7, 413, 539*, 611*, 621, 707
Amarakofa-tikdsarvasva, 713, 714, 721
Amaras" kti (king), 88
Amarasiinha or Amara, lvii,5*, 28'% 204*
729, 730
Ajatadatru, cvii
AjiravatI (river), 226
Ajita-senacarya, 506
Aiitapi<Ja, 121*, 302, 349
Ajmere, 360, 469, 625, 677
Akalajalada, 454
Akbar, 315, 359*, 402*, 408*, 677, 679, 710
Akbariya Kalidasa, 740
A. K. Pisbaroti, 102*
Alaka, 320, 623*
Alakadatta, 304
Amaru, Amaruka
or
Amaru,
2, 36, 155,
156-60, 161, 162, 164, 165, 166, 239, 306,
668
415,
864, 366,
Amarn-darpana, 668
Alakapuri, cxxvi, 133, 751

Alainkara (a .scholar called Lankaka), 322
Alawikdra or Alamkdras, xi, x\i, xvii, xviii,
xix, xxix, li, 614-20,526, 530, 532*, 534-38,
645, 518-50, 553, 557, 563. 564, 566-69,
57&75, 578, 579, 581. 582, 584-87, 5<)2,
593, 595, 605, 606, 608, 615, 622, 661, 681
685, 700, 719, 729, 731
Alarpkdra-cintdmani, 566
Alaiflkdra-cuddmani, 559
Alarfikdra-giantha, 566
Alartikdra-kaustubha, 506
Alarflkdra-mahodadhi, 770
Alaipkara, minister of Jayashpha, 628
Alarrikdrdnusdrini, 558
Alavpkdroddharana 629
Aniaru-Mangobliiten, 660
Amaru-4ataka, 155-62, 555*, 608, 609, 771
A. Marazzi, 760
Ambara-karandaka (.1 spît), 491^
Amba (mother of Cakrakavi), 33L
Ambalika, story of, 216
Ambdtfaka, O^'O
Ambditava 740
Amer. Journ. of Philology, 29^, 211 *
American Orient. Soc., 88% 421*
t
A.M.G.,675
Amir Shikar (Hammlia, 478
Amilagati, 404
AmiuaT icarya. See Varadacarya

Amorous, Ixxxiii, K\xiv, Ixxxv, Ixxxix,
28,
38, 137, 193, 250, 384, 491, 572, 5S1, 592,
594, 595, 596, 660, 070, 6 )3, 742, 746,
(
Alarpkdra-sarrigraha (of Udbhata), 533, 742*

Alarfikdra-sarjigraha (of Amrtananda-vocin),
566
Alavpkara-saftjlvam, 5*8*
Alarflkdra-sarvasva 322, 323*, 360*, 531
545, 552, 556, 557 \ 553, 562, 584*, 628
Alarpkdra>sarvasva-safijivam, 565
Alarflkar&'Sdra'&amgraha-laghu-vrtti, 545
J87,
395, 612
Almora, 870, 371, 403
Ajaya (river), 390

Ajayapala, 404, 463*
'
Allahabad University Studies, 124*, 753

Allegorical, 332, 874, 479, 481, 485, 487*, 613
747
Amrtabhanu, 319
Amrtalaharl of Jagannfttha,
38'J,
675
Amjtamanthana 687
t
Awrtanand.1, 73*
Amrtatianda Yogin, 500
Amrfodaya, 486
Amsterdam, 91, 510
!:
Amusement,
xxi, Ixxixi
2(),
iM, 351,
Alarfikdra-tdstra, Ixxv, 517, 520, 521. 522,

623, 615
Alaqikdra school, 502, 517, 519, 538, 57J 5SO,
Anacdote or Anecdotal, 83, 427, 428
581,604,628,638
Alaipkdra-ekhara 564
Anahgasertd-harinandi, 475, 086
M3,
627
Anatigabarsa Matraraja, 300, 759
Anangasena (courtesan), 497
Alamkdra-irobhuana
566
Alarpkdra-sutra*, 557
Alarnkdra-stitTarvrtti , 621
Alarpkdra-tilaka, 563, 687

Alarflkdra'Vimar&'m, 558*, 629
Album Kern, 614*

See Cl^zy
A. L. Chzy, 140*.
A V&ude de la Mwique Hmdite, 522*
Alexander, ciii
Alex V. Humbold*, 668
Alfred de Musset, liv
Allata or Al&ta, 555
Allahabad, 18, 102*, 497*, 586*, 731*, 744*
Anangavana, lix
Anangapida, 856
Ananta (author of the
Sdhityakalpa-vaUi),
556
437
Anantabhatta,
Anauta, com'i entator, 370*
Ai'antadasa, 564
Anantadeva, 468
Anantadevayani, 622*
Ananta, King. 96. 401,409, 553, 554, 692
Anantanarayana, 341
Armtanftrayana (god), 477*
INDEX
Anantapandita, 561
Anatacarya, Ixxvni
Anantfimmfi, 438
Arab, Arabia or Arabic,

698, 705, 737, 772
Arabian Sea, cviii
Anantaya, 526, 534, 536

Anargha rdghava, 449-5 *, 462,
Anatomical, Ixviii
Architectural, xc, xri, cxi

A rchive /tir A nth ropoloyie, 648
Ardhartdrisvara-stotra, 382
Arhaddasa, 620, 775
Arhats, 82
SIT J V.nel.
Ariel, 368*, 567', 568 '.
Arike&mn, 400, 435
Arisiniha, 331- 363, 67^, 770
!
Anekartha-sartigraha, 707
Anesaki. Ste M. Anesaki
Angada, 186, 502, 464
Anhilvad, 343, 351 428, 471, 472'' (Analnllapataka), 603, 618
Anhilwara, cxii, 768
Animal fable, 691
Annals of Orient, Kesearcb, 132
Annales de Musee Guimet, 81 83*
Annah of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research
Institute, 629% 753
Annamalainagar, 381
Anoamalai University Sanskrit Scries, 381*
Annavema, 627
Annayarya, 439
!
|:
Aristophanes,
Iv
Aristotle, 53*, 650, 737
Arjuna, 167, 178, 190, 275, 332, 616, 678,

721,723, 770
Arjunacarila, 686
472, 555*, 668
Arjunavarmadeva, 158 170
AikasvdQjin, 321
Army, 626, 741, 755
Arnava-varnana, 626
Arnnva vivarana, 326
A. li. Kamanatha A\var, 121*
Artha, lv\v, Ixxxi, Ixxxv, Ixxxvi, 415, 549,
559, 563, 764
497 s
121*, 122, 157, 158*, 160, 162, 165, 166,

367, 1C8, 170, 173, 177, 186, 197, 209*,
242, 256*, 270, 280*, 299*, 300*, 306, 320,
324,364,366,377,389,394, 401, 411-17,
435, 454, 461, 477, 611,621,665,686, 7(8,
770
Antichiis the Great, cin
Antigone, Ixviu
Antiquary, 659, 748

584, 593, 595, 596, 601
546, 552
A N. Upadhye,
343*
Annprasa, 526, 528*, 530, 53 J, 536, 537, 559,
563, 579, 584
Arthakrama, 522
Aiihapati (in the Kadambari), 225
Arthhapala, (story of), 212, 232
Arlha~$dstra, xiii, Ivin, Ix, xcvii, cxxiv, 15,
105, 522, 567, 643, 698, 701, 705,
706, 719,732,733, 734, 736
Arlha-slesa, 521
85, 86*,
Arthasrhgdra. 714
Arthdlamkdra, 539, 552, 556, 557, 559,
562, 566, 579, 585
Arihdntaranydsa, 5-26, 530, 534, 536
Arf/?opa??id,518, 519, 553
Art of war and weapons, 26
Anmagm, 126*, 129^
Arunagirinatha, 742
Asanga, cvi
Anus'asana-parvan (Mahabbarata), 195

Anustubh (metre), 2*, 14'
Anvaya, 537
Anvaya-ldpikd, 741*
Anyopadesa-$ataka of Madbusfidana, 403,
674 ; of Nllakantha Dlksifa 403, 764 and
of YiSveSvara, 403
Anyokti*muktdvaH 403
Asia, Central, cxi, 22,
139*, 194, 203, 314, 390',

394, 395, 427, 430*, 508, 510. 526, 537, 559
Apahftravarrnan, 211, 281*
Apahnuti, 526, 530, 536, 553
Appayya Diksita. 832*, 334, 40), 430^, Ob4,
565, 566, 630, 661, 074, 675, 764, 765
Apraslutapratanisa, 520, 526, 530, 534, 536,
viii,
683
Apsarases, 75*, 179, 190, 834, 693
Apte, 455*, 758. See V. S, Apte
560,
Arya, Aryan, or Aryans, v, xxi, Ixv, Ixvn,

Ixxi, Ixxii, Ixxxvu, cxxiv, 613*, 633
Asafd-viJdsa, 566
Anuratnamandana 566
Apabhramâ,
'
Anthology, Antholog-cal or Anthologist, xci\,

4,8, 9, 10*, 16, 17'', 40, 104, 119, 120,
Anumdna,
ix
Ardhauiagadhl,
Andhaka (demon), 319, 623

Andhra, c, ci, cvii, 212, 757
Andhrabhrtyas, CM, 241, 757, 761
Anquetil Duperrou, v
Anthologia Sanskritica
xxi, cxvi, 89, 673,
Archaism, 10, 15, 105, 343*, 721

Archipelago (Malayan), cxi
760, 761
Ancint India, 92*, 696*

Anders Kcmow, 695*
Anderson, 615
Anubhava, 539, 561,

Anugadara, 201*
779
43,
72,
77,
79*, 211,
705
Asiatic Quarterly Review, 523*, 741*
Asiatic Researches, 624*, 660*
Asiatic Society of Bengal, 354*, 413*
Asmakavamsa, 527
82,290, 355,
As"oka, viii, cix, ex, cxxiv, 73,
356, 613, 768
ASokadatta, 280*
A6okan
ASokan
edicts, 290, 642

inscription, ex, cxx, cxxiv
Afokftyadftoa, cvi, 81*, 82

1
A. S. Ramar.atha Ayyar, 338
Assam, 737
Afltak-ilika-LTla. 333
Asiavighnakathd, 614*
Panini
Atfddhydyi, 336, 611*. See
Astroloev, Astronomy or Astronomical, 26*,
499,T 553, 632, 652, 730, 732, 753
780
HISTORY OF 8ANSK1UT LlTERATUHK
A sura Ban a, 403
Dem CD
Asura or Asuras, Ixxi, cxxiii, 50. See

Asutosli Memorial Volume, 738*
A6vaghca,
ix, xvi, xviii, Ixxxviii, c, civ,cvi,
4,6. 9*, 10*, 13, 15, 18, 19*, 35, 43, 51,
69-79, 80, 101, 118, 123*, 124, 128*, 156,
164, 167, 200, 316, 845, 364, 378*, 479,
520, 613, 655.
ASvalalita (metre), 12, 181"
A6vamedbii, 735. 746
ASvaUbaman, 273, 275, 724
ASvavarman (king), cxi
A. T. D., 641*
A. Weber, 46*, 52*, 140*, 427*, 498*, 650*.

750*.
See Weber.
A. W. Eyder, 207, 239
Ayodbya, lxii, cviri, cxvii, 69, 131, 186, 292,
342*, 359,452,604, 746
Ayodhyaprasad, 561*
Abbira, cvii, 240*, 249*, 757
Acarya, 768.
Actkhyasau-upama, 532
Adhyaraja. cxv, 16, 17
Adiyrantha, 390*
idi-kavi, 460
Xdiuatha, temple of. 303 1
Adipurvan (Mahdblidrata] t 140
"=
AnMa, 736
Atiratra-yajvan, 705
Atisayokti, li, 518, 526, 330, 531,
582, 583. 587
Atharvaveda, xiii, h\v, 20, 031
Atithi (king), 746
530,
5JS,
cxv, 272
Aditya Ruri, 623"
,
'
Agamodaya
Siiniti Series
Atn, xxv
Ahavamalla, G51
Akhandalakn, lix
A, Tioyer, 660*
COS
Akbyaria,
435
dfffcafrflt/id,
180
Aucitya-vicara-carca, 19', li'O, in;*,

299*, 531*, 512, 518, f 04, 75;, 702
A ucitya-viciira-ciwtamani, 535*
7",8K9, 158*, 102*, 16(*,

320*, 413", 414, 500', 553, 551,
620*, 621*, 605*, 708*, 740, 751
Aupacebaudasika (metre), 14 , 120
Aufreebt,
',
170*,
<W,
15 \
181*
in
Maharashtri,
612*
AuSlnari (queen 139
Auszug ows dem Pancatantra, 80
Avacuri, 741*
14,
85,
7,
21 )2'-
.U<f/>a, 520, .530, 5:34

Alambana, 593, 597
530, 545, 553
An-naya 045
Anandadevayani Vallahba, 741
camiJii, 774
Xnadda-hota, 494
Ananda-lahari, 3SO, 000
Ananda-laiika. 504
Ananda-mandakini, 382, 004

277,* 5H5
Ananda-ragliava-ttataka, 772
Anandaraya Makhiii, 480, 704
'
!
71, 81-83, 321, 405, 013,
769
Anaodasarman,
561'-
Ananda-sagara-stava, ?83, 403*, 665

5nanda\ard! ana, 8*, 25, i>7*, 29% 120'
147,
,
158, 160. 100', 168*, 179*, 188, 221, 2 26 ,
271,276, 299,301,335*, 382, 39T', 401,
420^ 455, 519, 524, 538, 540-44, 640, 568,
571
578 -, 583, 584,587,592,000,
574
OOH, 009, 615, 050, 661, 009,0^5,080,
Avadanas, cvi, 655

Avadanasataka, cxv, 614, 651
Avalon, 380 *, 060*
^
Avaloka, 243
Avalokites\ara, 378, 112
Avantika^t/0,553
7 42,
SvapnaiaKava-datta), 727
Avantisundarl, 211*, 454
702
Arantisundari-katlia, 211
Avantisundari-kathasara, 211*, 701
Avantiki
43 1
Anandaram Barua.
literature,
3,
Skhyayika.xviii. 11,84, 88', 200-05, 911*,

80 f, 131 ', 133, 526, 530,
539 503
53;2*,
Akhyay ka and Katlifi in Classical Siinskrit,
Anandakanda
Aupajafigbarn, xxv
Aupakftyana 521
*
Ausgabe, 701
Ausgewahlte Emah'nnyen
A\adana
Vcdio,
Oil 4
'in
Avantivarmnn, Maukhari, 263; King of

Kashmir, cxvi, 263, 31 ), 320, 356, 530,
(
544, 760
Avanir, 110, 695

Avasthanukrti, 50,631, 037
Avalara, 391*, 324
Avatara, poet, 835-, 382
Avecune preface de s. ]eti, 660*
Avitatha (metre), 187*

A. V. Katbvate, 301*
A. Yon Stael-Hol8tein,71*
A, V, W. Jackson, 110*, Id*,
652 SeeJacksoo,
762
Ananâyjiine^yara, 555
Andltra-'antayana, 417
:!
Avimuraka, 101, 109*, 115-10, 141*,

709,710,715,719,720 721,726
Ananda-rrndavana-campil, 396*, 440
244*.
Apaddliarma, xvii
Apadeva, 468
Apasiarnha, xxv, 522
Arahhati (Vrlti) 63, 539
Aruni, 720, 727
Arudliajalaka, 730*
Arvars, exvni
Aryabbata ex
5 ry a deva, 81*
Aryaka,757, 758
Arya fiQra, xviii, r-vi, 8*, 15, 80, 014
Arya (metre), 12, 77*, 190*. 199, 204, 243*,
285*, 337,338*, 339, H70, 371, 400, 402,
404, 400, 061
255*,
256*,
Arya-sapia&ati of
Govardhana,
659; of ViiSvedvara, 871
370-71,
781
Anja-tard-sragdhara'Stotia, 378
Ksapha-vilasa, 364*
Asadhara, Jaina commentator, 539
Ascarya-cudamani, 102* 302
Asih, 626, 530, 563
ASrama
Bdla-gopala-stuti, 380^
Bala kanda (Hamaijana), 331
Balakrsna, 750 p
Balakfsna fJaganrulba's father), 169
Balamanoiama
(village), 77(5
A6raina, xxxii, 727

Atmabodha-tlka, 66
277
102*,
Bala-mdrtanda-vijaya, 179, 775

Ixxxv,
55',
Atrnaram Sasln Vetal,189

Atma-satka, 380
Bala-ramayana,
'
302*
280^',
150^.
454, 455-57, 460, 506*, 552, 612'

Bnla-sarasvatT, 472
Atinaraina, 759
Atreya Bhajla, 623
Atrpya Gotia, 136
Avanli, ix
Ay u,
Press,
43?*, 465*
Bala villnuki.
Baliiditya, ex in
ttahlti-vaucilalid, (580
lianabhalta or Bana, \i\,
71 J
(
c\in, cxiv, cxix, 5
x\J,
hi,
Iviii,
Ix,
10-J8, 92, 93, 101 1

104, 107, 120 ', 155, 158', 106-168, 169*.
170-172, 178, 191
200, 201, 203, 201, 205,
209 210,213, 21519, 22239, 241, 250 ',
r
r
2 )3 55, 2 >0', 2~>8
261, 271, 278-80, 298,
209,306,324, 335, 310, 31*, 319, 350",
352, 353, 357, 35<, 378, 381 -", 405, 419,
129-33,
135,
164:-, 553 576, 578%
130,
018,623', 059, 070. 685, 6*0, 688,691,
700. 70N, 710, 712, 713, 710 722, 739, 751,
755 75H, 75'.) 700, 770 771
Ban.i, Vainana Bhat.f.a, 299, 331, 133, 48'J,
CM,
'
A. Hirszbanl, 107
Bactria, 650, 737
Badauuatha, 34(H
1J.
Badu Candklasa,
>
3')!'
BahuSrutik'a, 10, 09
Biltal Pads':, 1>22*
Baka-dc-muii, 405
Baiabhad'-a, 710
Balabhadia (in DtituLumuHt-cdrild)

Baladeva, 193, M41
Baladcva Yidyabhusan.i, 5,56
027,771
Dane^vara Vidv-iiaiiikfita, 139
Bappa, 516
IHrhaspaUn Artbasf^tra, 720
Barhnr Sin pa, 85'
B. C. Majnmdar, IS3-, 21 S, 010
281'
''
Balarama, 7J4
Bali, 11, 036, 725
tiali-randhana, 6 to
Ballad", Ballad-play, 13', 631,017
Ballala, 429
Banamall Bhatta, 600
Bandha. 575. 576, 581
BandbumatT, 477'
See A.
Bunerjee-Sastn, Ixxiv,
Beast-fable,
Beatrice, 38
Beau,
BaneiW-
Saslri
Bangalore, 300%
Bankimadasa, 622*
A lam-
Bansikar, 711
B<inpabbatfi,
" 379
Ban. 73
Beitraye z\(f tnduchen Le.nkograpliie 730*

Beittuge znr hunde der indogcr", 7(K3
f
Beit rage znr xprach nnd volke*l*undc 741
Teslkntik ran KaUdasa's
Beit rage zur
t
!:
105106', 251% 550 :, 002, 7Jo.

See L. D. Bamett
109 , 71
201
271
Baroda, S" 66^- 120
299 '% 324*. 332*, 311'-, 36(H, 302
303 \
466% 473 478*,
414*, 431, 463*, 465
484*. 469*, 490*, 763
1
'
<
'',
Meg1iadu1a,W>
See l\ Bellunl
021
Belloni Filippi, 192
Fillippi
Belvalkar, 108', 24-2 f, 278', 279^, 280-' 288^ ,
1
52^
197, 198,326*,
civ, cxv.i, 19G
344*, 371*, 374 ', 435 '-, 439% 455^,
176-,486, 190*, 535*.
162% 165'<,473
8?e Varapasi
625, 530, 676, 741
;
Benares,
Barth, 688
Battle, xiii, xiv, Ixxxvn, xc, xcvn, 191, 320,
345, 461, 652, 680, 720, 721, 725, 747
Bauddha'Sctmgatyalamhara, 217
Baudbiyana,
Ivi
Beef-eat ing. xxiv

B. K F. E. O., 702
Beb.inlal Sircar, 748*
Beitraye, zur idtctfn Cicsehwltte dcs
karasiixtra, 520^, 529
Beitrage ?ur (iHin dnchfn, 53
Beitraye zur Indivchen Krotik t 045
:
festival, 50
BarncM,
155, 204, 205
(:
41 7
Batmrr
1,
xxv
xiii,
Bagula, 360, 679, 772

Bala-blidraia, 331, 314, 157, 517, 01*
B&la-bodlnni, 6'24< , 666"
Bftlacandra, author of Kamna-tbjrayudha,
769, 770
:
331'
Benares Sanskrit Series, 561

See C. Bendall
Bendal!, 189
!
701
Benfey, 80 ,701', 702%
Bengal, xxiv, xxxix, Ixiii cxvi, 272,326'%
333 339,359,371, 372*. 373% 874*. 377,
):
Bala-carita, 60, 101, 109*, 111, 115, 630",

640, 709, 710, 712, 715, 717, 719, 720
Bala-cikitsa, 730*
378, 387, 389-91, 392% 3 ,;7, 3U8, 413, 414,

415, 121, 139% 140, 450% 468, 470, 485,
199, 560, 631, 662, 729
394
Bengali, Ixii, xcii, cxxiii, 90, 308% 882,
718
533, 695, 704, 706, 707, 741*,
Bala-cittGnurafljam, 556
Bengal Veisnava. 333, 410
Balarandra, Acarya, 470
782
HISTORY 0V SANSKRIT L1TKRATUUH
Benisai\ihdra 9 cxv, 702.

Ben John on, 147
Bmkatasubbiah, 620
See
Venisanihdra
i:
Beokb/75-J
Berar, 278, 436*
Bergaignp, 371*, 759,
Bcrbampur, 397"', 468
10
16, 35, 155, 156, 159,
161-65, 166, 183, 194, 239, 263*, 306, 364,
366, 367*, 400, 401*, 402, 428, 479*, 616,
606, 615, 616, 644, 669-75
{:
Bbartrban, 8*,
Bhartrhari-nirveda, 161*, 479

Bhartrbari Sastra, 671
Bhartrhari, story of, 428
71.3
i:
Btrliu, 44*, 45*, 52*, 77*, 86*, 87', 89*, 90*,
Bhartrmcntha
120*, 121*. 124*, 127*, 133*, 136*. 138 *,

161*, 2<HH<, 218*, 300*, 367 , 469*, 520*.
612*. 613*, 621*, 633*, 645", 650*, 728**,
730*, 747*, 752*
Bern Heiiner, 533*
Berthold Muller, 748
685
Bhatti-bhavantacu<Ja, 686
Bhatja Bhima, Bliamna or Bliaunnka, cxv,
336, 616
(Bhavabhuti's grandfather),
Bbattagopala
278
Bhatta jayanta, 618
same as Kumaradaaa
Bhatta Kmnara,
(q. v.),185
Bbatta Lollata 593, 595-97, 600, 602
Bhatta Narayana, cxv, 166, 211*. 239, 270,
271-77, 441, 444, 453, 762, See Vent-
}:
Bescb,694
Besnagar, cii
Beyrouth, 89*
Bezz Beitr, 615, 621*

B. Faddegon,666*
B. G. Yogi, 489*
Bhadanla, 69, 165
Bhagadatta, 623*
Bhagadajjukiyo, 255*, 488, 4')4-95
Bhagacadbhakti-rasdyana, 664*
Bbagavadbbatfca, 561*
Bhagavaddasa, 666*
Bhagavadglta, xvii, xlix, 535 673, 751

Bhagavantaraya, 764
Bhagiratha,334
Bbagiratha fcommtntaton, 533 ^ 621 ''-24*
Bhagiratha Misra, 751*
BhaiinarthI, xviii, 11, 200
Bhairavananda, 458
Bhaktamal (Hindi), Bhakta-mala, 389
Bhaktdmara stotra, 172, 379
i:
Bbakti,
ciii, 70,
72, 375, 376, 379, 384. 385,
389, 397, 415, 468, 482, 483, 511*
Bhakti-duta, 374*
Bhaktipriyd (commentary) 774
Bhakti-rasamrta-sindhu, 664*
Bhakti'tataka, 378
Bhattata-kavi, 588*, 674
Bhallata-tataka, 401, 674
,
Bbandarkar,
7*, 278*, 279*, 553-, 617*, 619*,
620*, 686, 757*
Bhandarkar Comm. Vol., 240^, 520*, 631*

Bhandarkar Oriental Institute, 360*
Bhahgi, 583
Bharadvaja, xxv, xcvi, 484 (Oolra^
Bbarata,
xli, Ixxvi, Ixxviii, 14*, 15, 43, 50,

51*, 52, 63*, 54* 63*, 66, 103, 120*, 198,
250. 253*, 271*, 300*, 301*, 493, 506*
513, 518, 521-24, 526, 627, 630*, 531*,
550,655,556, 569, 574-76, 579, 592-94,
596, 630, 634, 642, 646, 658
Mentha, 5% 120,
or
3'2l, 460,
<
Samhara.
Bbattanatha Svamiu, 102*. 450*, 686, 710,
761*
Bbattanayaka, 523, 524, 550, 602, 607,608
Bhattatauta, 523, 544, 548, 600, 692
Bhattara, Haricandra, Ivii, cxv, 8*, 16-17,
20 J, 219,344, 686, 754
Bhattenduraja, 302*, 404, 535 ', 544, 686
!
Bhatii, ex, xvi, cxiv, cxx, 156,

17*7, 183-86, 239, 305, 315, 316,
336, 528, 529, 615, 616
Bltatttbodhtni, 616"
Bhattibhatta,616
Bhatticandnka, 616
Bbattidalaka,78*
Bhnttikdvya or Ravanavadlia
183-85,836, 337, 614-16
Bhattodbhata, 555
161%
32-2,
175,
331,
161',
27^,
Bhatiojl Dikîta, 341^, 514, 565, 764
Bhaumi-parinaya, 465*
Bhavabhuti. xxi, li, cxiv, cxvi, cxix, c\\viu,
9*, 37, 39, 60, 104, 153-56.
cxxix, 5*, 8
!:
s
270,
170, 219*, 236, 239, 244*. 245, 257
276*, 277-98, 299, 300, 303, 415, 429, HI,
443, 444, 447, 449-51,453, 455*, 456, 159,
460,464, 473, 474, 477*, 553, 663, 685,
760, 763
,
Bhavadatta, 334*, 345*, 397*, 403*, 4v)l,

480*, 468*, 623*, 624*
Bhavadeva Chalterji, 340*
Bhavanichaian Sarman, 48l*
Bhavatanucuda Bbaâ, 471, 636
Bhavdnyataka, 660
Bhavefia (Kj-snadatla's faiU-r), 392*
Bhavisatta-kaha, 240*, 524*. 750*
Bhavnagar, 813*, 362*, 363*, 374*,
471*,
Bharata, Bbaia, 61*

Bharata-carita t 630*, 775
Bharata, (Dagaratha's son), 113
Bharata, Du?yanta's son, 630*, 775
Bbarata-malhka, 183*, 326*
Bharataeena, 616*, 621*, 623*, 624*, 741*,
761*
Bhayanaka, 592
Bhdgavata, 341,
Bharalakd'dv&trini8ik&, 426
Bharata-v&kya, 104, 106, 262, 524* t 709
Bnagavatapuravadya-ttokatraya-vyakhya,
664*
475*, 476*, 503*

Bhayahara Stotra, 172
373*,
480, 664, 725, 774
385,
391, 437, 440,
Bh&gavata-campu of Cidainbara,
naiha and of Ramabhadra, 437
of
Raja-
783
INDEX
Bhag*vata
(school), Ixii, cii, 474, 492*, 768
Bhagurayaija,269, 459, 461

Bhftmaha, xv, li, 17, 26*, 110, 133*, 174*,
183*, 202, 203, '209*, 513, 516, 517, 519,
520, 525-29, 530*, 531-84, 537, 538, 539*,
514, 548, 555, 556, 567-69, 571-73, 575-77,
579, 581-84, 586, 587, 592, 615, 616, 6M,
685 715,718, 719
Bhdmaha-vivarana, 527
Bhdmini-vildsa, 371, 400, 565, 665*
Bhdna,
Ixxxvii,
23,
66,
156, 197, 213, 239, 242*. 244*, 248-55,
299, 465*, 474, 487-93, 496, 051*, 761,
762, 765, 768, 772
Ixxxii, Ixxxvi,
f/2,
Bhanika, 408
Bhd,iiubhatta,629
Bhannbhava-prak<Minii 561
Bbanncandra, 218, 229*
Bbanndatta, 306*, 561
BbanumatT, 479*
Bbavasirriba, 403, 679

Bhavasvainin, 486 *
Bhdva-vilusa, 402, 679
Bhavicarya, 06(5"
Bhavdrtha-cintamani, 556
Bhdvika, 52<% 528*,' 530, 534
Bhdvodaya, 557
Bhejjala, 686
Bbik8atana,333, 370, 665
762
Bhiksui69, 42'2
BJnksusutra, 5#3
B. Hii gel, 750
Bbita, 731^
Bbima, 271*,3;)1S 302
!
'
113, 178, 191, 273 75, 299,

337, 167/721, 725
Bl.Irnadeva, 301, 472 K 686
Bhlma (PapdavaV
Bblinagupta (king), 538

Bhiwapardkrama, 769
Bhmiasena, 330*, 556, 759
686
BhTniata, 301
BhTsma,167 189,193, 723
J
BharmmatJ (queen
of Duryodlianaj, 273
Bharata (Epic), 11. See 'Maltabharata

Bhdrata-campu, 437, 772
Bbarata-oanvlra, 658*
Bharata-manjari, 554, 617, 688, 692, 772

Bharaii (crffO, 63, 539
Bharavi, xix, Ivii. rx, 8*, 9*, 15, 23, 120*,
173-75, 177-82, 1K7-91, 209*,
223,239,305, 321, 325, 469, 473, 477*
578*, 621,622, 768
156, 167,
Ixm
Ixxxi, Ixxxviii, cii,

Bhasa,
cxih, cxvii, cxix, /xxv, 16, 101-17 (dramas ascribed to)nlft, 156, 218*, 219, 240,
ix, xxix, Ix,
241,242*, 254*, 255*. 272, 301 *', 496",

504, 529*, 530*, 611, 651'', 054*. 655^,
685, 695, 696, 708-10, 712, 713,717-22,
756, 757-59, 765
Bhdsa and Authorship of Hit Tnrandrum
Bhdsa-a Study,
cxxi
038->0.
553,556,573,574,
BJiojacampHt 772
660,
Bbojadeva (Jayadeva'a fatber), 889, 560,
761, 762
Bhojakatva. 602
Blioja-prabandha, 5\ 19, 189*,
553*, 728
Bbolunatha, 373*
Bhramara-duta, 374
Bhramara-vilasita (metre), 12
429,
Bbrgu, xxv
380
',
Bhiimml, 212
Bhnpaid.jalpitam, 650*
2-29, 231
232
BhusâBbaUa,
Bbnsana,207^
Bhiita bbasil See Bbasa

B. H. Wortbain, 161'
BMalsadbhnta, 592
563
325
BhftvadevT, 416, 761
m'
602
kq, 335*, 402, 674
428',
W)U
340 % Mz
485 -, sa!)',60'.624,
!
754
'
Ixxxv
U2,
9
fc
619
Orienta^clier
Drama,
*\-*S
Series
Bhavacintamani, 6^8
Bhavanapnrnwttama 486
Bhava praknta, 299, 491
490
523, 731
ftl;
Sanskrit
Bibliography of Hie
Bhfiii Daji, 729*, 755

Bhava, 524*, 538, 55:*, 561
506,
'
s
Bibl.Buddh 71
Bhava-prakatana, Ixv,
Bhava-prakatika, 686
Bhdvasama, 528*
Bhdva-sandhi, 557
{:
506/533, 551, 552,

617, 619'', 740, 745.
Bibblsfina. 502
Mahabhasya
BftauofcatPtf,
Bhuoanabhyudaya, 121", 321

Bbudeva Sukla, 48^
Bbaskara, 464, 556

BViaskarctdaHa, Maharaja, 262
Bbaskara DIkaita,705
Bhartkaraguptn, 20
loo
Bba?ya of'Modbatitbi on Mann,
Bhdsya on Nydyasutra, cxiv
Palafi;ali,
16M19^, 168,
241 ',
170*, 189*, 196, 201, 210', 211*,
332 ', 350,
o?i*, 299, 301*. 302*, 324,
417< 424, 428, 4J9, 430 ', 435^, 437, 438
Bbujangasekbara (in Af iifcMtidanandtf),

Bhuluya (in Noakhah), 499
Bhuvanakoxa, 455
Bbasa(Bhuta-),7,9t, 559
Bba?arnava, 563
of
Bbisipanii^ra, 741
Bho'a or Bhojarija, cxvii,
121
Bhiijafigaprayata (metre),
102*
Bhasa's Prakrit, 105*

Bhdsa's Works, 102*
Bhcisya
122
354, 357, 359,

769
47i, 553*, 657, 658,
JWJiana-canta, 657*
368
-feflf
ya.
>
,60,368,369,
784
Bilhana-pancatiat-pratyuttara, 659*
Bilvamaijgala, 387, (519. See Lliasuka
Brajaraja Diksita, 561*

B. R. Arte,457*
Bihamahgala-8totra 386*
Biography or Biographical,
93, 238, 333*
Brahmana
ixxxviii,
1*2,
83,
Biology or Biological, xxii, Ixvii, cxix, 291

Birbhiim ,390,500
Birsing Deo, 774
Birth of the War-God, a poem by Kalidasa,
741*
B. Jiilg, 422*
Black Yajurveda, '278
B. Lit'bich, 1'24 % 728,", 738*
Bloch.Th , 50% 732
See M. BloomBloomfield, 29-% 211*, 344*.
(literature), vi, xvii, 3, 20, 87,

112, 195, 69'J
Bresalau, 52*, 122M24*, 132*. 140^. 262*,
656*, 740, 760
Brhadratha Mauryya,c
Brhaduddyota, 556
Brhaspati, xxv, xcvi, 623*, 733*, 741*
Brhat-jataka, 730^
Bihatkatha, en, cvi, 15, 16,83,84,89,92100, 110, 155, 200, 205, 215, 218, 230, 231,
14 S 250*, -258, 265, 280,401, 421, 527,
612, 614, 687-92, 691 96, 698, 699, 700,
719. 726, 758, 759
'2
field
Brhatkathi-mafljari, 89 ', 95, 230 S 258*,

265 'S 325 f, 421,551, 688, 689, 690, 692,
090, 698, 699, 700, 705, 707, 759
Brlialkalha-shka-sanigraha, 96, 696
Brhat'tamhila, 730 *'
660^
Bfhatstotra-iatnakarn, 330
Brhat Mibhadraka, 494
Brief WecUsel ztcmchPn* 067"
Brimlaban, ItO^ S('e Vrodfnani
British, XPU, 315
Broach, 178
Brockhans. 706
Bruclistuclce
buddlmtivclier
Dianien, 77 "*,
612*, 613
Bjuchslilulfe
dec
des
Kal[xinaman<litik(i
Kumaralata, 72*
Bruchstiicke indischer Scnnsfnelc tl'9
Brussels, 763
Biuxolles, 277
B.S A., 750!
8'.)', 421", 4-21 ', 127
BSOS, 11^, 46 66* 102 '-, 105*, 185 '-, 202*.
241* 251^, 413% 167*, 613*, 656% 710*,
764
!
'
B. M, Barua,6l2
!:
Bodbayana, 225*, 491

Bodhayana, Vrttikar-i, 495
Bodhicaryavata r a. 81*, 675
Bodbisattva. 80, 81, 81, 259, 591
697
Bodhisattva-jataka-dharmaganrtl, 614
BodhisaUva Jlmiiiaviihana, 759
Bodh isa t cavada rut main S 1
Bodleian Catalogue, 506
Stv P. Von
Bohlen, 162% 369% 657-, 752%
>
*"
'
Bohlen
Bohtlmgk, 10*, 51% 258, 615 009.
S< e
O.
Bokensen, 750*
Bollensen,F, 130*,
Boiling, 673
Boltz, 706
17''
89*,
75()
lt
15
'
95%
9(r
119",
121% 122%
s-
138", 139*,
126*, 128' 12T% 132*. 130
183%
140*. 159*,161% 168% 169*, 178
189M95*, I!)/*, 200*. 201*. 207*. 221*,
277
',
22o*, 229*, 239*, 241*. 256*, 271^,
298*, 299*, 316 *-, 319*, 320*, 323*, 324^,
353*, 354*
325^, 33l*-37*, 310M5*,
362*, 368*-71*, 374 N 379-, 380", 383*,
K
428 \
38^*, 391 , 396*. 403*, 404*, 405
420*, 430N 435 ''-39*, 449^, 457*, 462 *,
461*, 467*-69*, 472*, 478*. 479*, 481 '-,
486*, 486*, 490S 496^, 502*, 506*, 533*,
550*, 612*, 621*, 622*. 624 *, 744*, 755*,
756*. 759, 760, 762-64, 775
Ski. Ser., 89*, 90*, 129*, 1<W, 138*,
Bombay
161 :k , 183*. 226*, 229*, 239 *, 262*, 277*,
279*, 349*. 350*, 361* 362", 413*, 414'',
62*, 561, 562
Bombay University Journal. 390*
Bonn. 102*, 127*. 132*, 110*, 158", 277*.
388*, 497*, 756*
,
viii
BSS,614,
678,743''-
Bstan-hayur, 71, 173*.
Buddha,
xvii.
cv,
cvi,
19,
81-83,162 167,173, 252,

325*, 345, 379, 384, 412,
649,69-2,693, 697
Buddhagaya, cviii, 730*
Buddhaghosa, 345
73-75, 77,
321, 322,
527, 613, 617,
70,
'258,
Buddhism, xi>,lxvi,
civ, cv, ex, cxi, cxii,

70, 71, 73, 85, 290, 321,355, 482
495,
662*. 671, 673, 685, 701
Buddhist, vii, xviii, xcvi, c, civ, cv, cvi,
(Stotras), cviii, ex, cxi, cxiii, cxvi, cxvii,
6,15,19, 50,52% 69, 72. 74, 75, 77, 79,
83, 119, 161, 165, 166, 172, 195, 214, 227,
252,254, 258, 260*, 281,
321,
326, 345
765
Buddhi, 613, 655
Buddhi-vinoda-kavya, 122*
Brahmacari, xxxii, 742

Brahmadatta, 521
valley, 737
Bra\masutra, xxvii
Brahmavaivarta Pwrana,39l,
Brahma, 521,741,742
Brahmaditya stava, 659
BrajabhasJ, 704, 707
'
(Stotras), 401,
405, 109, 412, 470, 497, 518, 526-28, 532*
533,612,647 (Ikhyanas), 655,671, 755,
Borneo, cxi
Bower manuscripts,
BSGW
(KavyB),346, 377, 378-79
Bopadcva, 731
Brahmaputra
18
Bohtlingk.
Bois-te-roi, 277
Bombay,
f:
Biidha
7t?5
raftjanl,
560
Bndhasvlmm, 96. 8-100, 421, 692, 696

Biihler. 5% 9*, 17*, 89, 92*. 96*. 320*, 322*,
323*, 349*, 360*. 389*, 536* 539% 553*.
558* 562*, 613% 618*, 628, 057*, 659%
INDEX
077*, 691*, 698*. 702*, 703*,
756*. 759*. See G. Bnhler
732*
7:)$*
,
1'
K'rolo
127
Campa, 211, 450 (in Gauda)

Camphor Land, 98
Bukka, 418
Bukkarnma, "773
Bulletin de
Academic Impenale, 013
Bulletin de
785
Campii, xcix, 306, 307, 326

331 , 333*, 311,
343'-, 362,371, 376,
417, 419, 420, 430,
431, 433-40, 508, 563, 647, 700, 766,
768,
f
i:
217*
Bimyaii, 181, 484

Burdwan, 430*, 658*
Burgess, 363
Burglary, 211% 213
Burnell, 396*, 486*
Burzoe, 88
BiKh, 752*
Canarese, 34o*, 662*

metre;, 13
Candabhirgava, 141*
Caficalakftl
Capdaka, lix
Candakauhka, 469-70
Candanadasa, 265, 267
l:
Candapala, 299, 435
::
Candapala (kmg>, 458, 755

Cajjdasena,
Caiman
or
Cahumana
or Cauhana,
3GO, 363
451,469,677
Caitanya, cxviii, 333, 372*, 391, 397
440 468, 185, 511*
Caitanya-candramrta, 3J7
Caitanya-candrodaya, 78, 485
Cailanya-dasa, 386*, 388*, 391*, 602*
Cattanyataka, 661
Cakkyar, 103,6 17
Cakora, 757
Cakoraksa, lix
Cakra-kavi, 331, 630
Cakrapani Diksita, 210
Cakravartins (Jaina), 314
398,
Candella, 481
Candior Candika, 167,170, 171, 172*
Candra, cxiii
Candradatta, 389
Candradasa, cxiii
Candradeva, cxvu
Candra-duta of Jambu, 373''
Tarkalaipkara, 374*
Candragomiu, Ivn,
!-,
Calcutta Kavya Saipgraha edition, 659*

Calcutta Oriental Journal or C. O. J.,
415*, 611*, 660*
Calcutta Oriental Series, 262*
Calcutta Sanskrit College, 529*
Calcutta University, x, 457*
Calicut, 298
74*,
126",
171*,
230 \
277*.
351",
378*,
424>,
469*.
506*,
611*,
11*,
cvii,
of
Krsncandra
'
ci\,
'
ex, cxiii,
evii, cv ii, 196, 262,

266, 268, 271
(Gupta) I and II, 18, 125,
262, 263, 272, 477 731, 754, 760
Candragupta (merchant's son), 407
CaDdraka or Caudaka, cxni, 119
Cambridge History of India, 731

Campa, king, 679
462, 560, 565
Candnka
(metre), 181*
Cape Comonn,
',
230, 234, 299*
Kadambari,
Candraplda
Candraplda, king, 682
Candra vail, 466
Candrikd (Commentary), 533*, 540
Cambodian
'
Candraprabha-cartta, 775
Candraêkhara, 506*, 563, 622*
Candiaditya (Kaiyata's (ather), 538
Candraditya, 477*, 532*
in
Calukya Somadr va, 341

Camatkara, xliv, 600
Camatkaia-candrika, 398
Cambodia, 93*, 739
Candrakald (natika), 564

Cacdraketu, 289, 757
Candralekha (queen), 351, 352, 368*
Cand'alekha-Sakti'Bilhana-kavya, 658*
Candralekha-vikridana-natika, 769
Candramauli Dlksita, 210
Candramitra, 321
Candrahka,
Callet, 429*
inscription, 93*. 688, 695

Cambridge, 47*. 52*, 82*, 89'', 110
'
Candraloka-dipika, 560
Candraloka-nigrulh&rtha-dipika 530
Candraloka-prakdfa, 560
Caliphs, xciv
1343B
99
evi,
Candragupta (Maurya
!
Campaka, 354
23fi
80^, 81*, 119, 650
52', 73
Calcutta 1'Vll, CXXlll 13<,17
83*, 96 ', 102*. 120 S 121 ', 122*.
132*, 136*, 140 S 158*, 169", 161 S
173*. 183*. 185*, 194*, 210*, 217 S
240*, 246*. 248*, 249*, 256*, 271*,
298*, 300*, 325*, 339 S 340*, ,'U3*,
3731, H75S
359*, 367*. 368*, 372
388*, 389*, 391*. 391*, 412*, 416*-,
428*, 429*, 439*, 440 S 449*, 455*.
470*, 481*, 485*, 489*, 498*, 5'Jl*.
529*. 533*, 539*, 550*. 552,560, 566,
61 3, 624*, 662*, 666*, 754, 763
239*. 424*, 457
170-71
Cakravakika, lix
Cakrayudha, cxvu
Caksiirapidhana (sport), 491*
Caland, 510. Sre W. Caland
,
233,
320, 384
Canrtlkuca-paflcdsikd, 384, 665

Candi-fataka, cxin, 168*. 169*
384*, 659, 755
(-
Iviii
Candasena (King's general), 477

Candala, cix, 115, 171
Candala Divakara, 171
209*,
cvi
Caraka, xciv
Caraka-famhita, xviii, 754
Caravan travel, 737
'
Carita-kavyav, Ixxxviii, xcix, 614

Cariya-pitaka, 80
Carlyle, Ixviii
Carnatik, 618
786
Carpata-panjarikd, 380
Cartellieri, 220*. 754
Cartesian Co-ordinates, xc
C. A. Inlands, 207*
Catalogus Catalogorum, 620*

Catalogue, 502* (Eggeling's) 658*, 660*-62*
(Haraprasada'sy
Catalogue of India Office Manuscripts, 473*
Catalogue of Manuscripts in Central Provinces, 480*
;
Catalogue
of
Manuscripts
in
the
Btihsh
Museum, 504*
Chanda*, 7
Chandawar, 626
Chandidaaa, 556
Chandonudasana, 563
Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in the

Tanjore Palace Library, 170*
Catuh-ataka, 81*
Ca1uh-ataka-stotra, 79
Caturanga-vihara (sport), 491*
Caturbhani, 209, 242*, 243-55, 487, 489, 492,
493, 761
Caturbhuja, 396, 668* (-MiSra)
CaturharavaU-citrastava, 835*
Caturvarga-cintdmani, 425
Caturvarga-samgraha, 406
Caturvirps'ati'jinastuti or Caturvimtiku of
Sobhana, 338, 379; of various poets, 379
Caturvimâti-jmananda-stuti of Meruvijayagani, 344*
Caturvirji&ati-jinendra-samksipta-caritani, 620
Caturvimfati-prabandha, 770
Caturtvipaiyaya-kathd, 613*
Cauda or Capotkaâ family, 363, 368*
Cauhan King Hammira, 478*
Cnulukya Kurnaraf ala, 467, 484
Caurapalli, 368*
V
Caura-pancdtikd, 367, 553*. 567*, 658 659
Cau-ri-surata-paflcas'ikdt 657
'
Calukya or Caulukya, 341, 351, 362, 363, 428,

485, 467, 471, 484, 502, 677, 678
Calukya Arikes*arin III, 435

Calukya Karunadeva, 471
Canakya, 162. 194, 195, 264*, 265*, 266-69,
288,678,701,705
Cdnakyakathd, 262*
Cdnakyantti, Cdnakyamti-darpana, Cdnakyaniti-^dstra, Cdnakyaniti-sataka, Cdnakyatataka, Canakya-thka, 196. See Laghucanakya and Vrddha-canakya
Cfindupandita, 325*, 326^, 624*
Cundart, ii
Caritrasundara, 345, 362*, 374*. 767
CSritravardhana, 126*, 132*. 325*, 619*,
622*, 624*
05rucarya,406, 675
Carudatta. 101, 107*, 108, 109, 240-42, 244*,
245*, 248, 252, 712
CarumatT, 11*. 200, 761
Camb&sinl (metre), 13
Carvaka, 272, 826, 482, 624

Carvaka (demon), 273
P. Bendall, 704*
C. Cappeller or Ofcppeller, 73*. 136*, 140*,
178*, 189*, 256*, 457*, 497M)9*, 535*,
622*, 756*, 759*
C. D. Dalai or Dalai, 332*, 360*, 363*, 431*,
466*, 478*, 489*. 493, 768, 769
Cedi, 189, 450, 470*, 481, 767
Cehittaraja, 766
Central Asia or Central Asian, cvi, 613, C55
Central India, cxii, cxiii, 94 *
Cetoduta, 374*
C. E. Vaughan, 141*
Ceylon or Ceyloneae, cviii,cxi, cxv, 132*,
169*, 185,186*, 378, 728
C, Formichi,73*
Cbandoratnavali, 331*
Chandovicitti, 530*
Chandrakumar Bbattacharya, 506*

Charles Wilkins, 706
Charpentier, 240*, 245*, 263*, 612,631*.
J. Chirpentier
Charudev Sastri, 188*
Chatterji (Kshetresh), 753
Chavillakara,355
Cliandogya Upam$ad, 518, 522, 697
Chayanataka,
48,
501, 503, 504,
See
507, 642.
See Shadow-play
Chekanuprasa, 534, 557

Chemnitz, 751*
Cbenab
(river), cviii
Chera, 778
Cb<5zy, 752*
Cbikago, 71*. 89*, 207*
China or Chinese, xxiu,
civ, cv, cvi, cxii, cxv,

cxvi, cxviii 13, 69*. 70-73. 79.82,255. 53),
626, 64P, 655, 737
Chinda, chinda-pras'asti, 32P*

Chintaharan Chakravarti, 131*, 3V2S
Chintamani ison of an official) H 7
Chittagong, cxxiii
Chittaraja (of Konkana), 432
Chosroes Anushirwan 88*
Cbowkbamba Skt. Ser., 13J^,371*
435*, 661*
Chownnghee, xxxix
ZT.i*
381
J
,
Christ, xiii, Ixxxviii, ci, 387

Christian, xviii, xxv, xlix, xxxiii.liv, Ixiii,
Ixxxviii, ciii, cv, cxi, 4, 5. 6, 78, 92, 387
520, 522, 523, 524'', 635, 737
Cbryse, 737
C.H. Tawney, 96 136*, 16T*, 277*. 427*.
See Tawney.
428*, 763.
!
Cidambara, 341 437, 620

Ctkitsa-dipikd, 730*
Cikitsa-sdra. 730*
Cikitsd-tattva-vijndna 730*
Ciminino, 759. See F, Cinomino
Cintamani Bbatta, 425, 751*
Cintamani in Ku\\animaia, 676
Cintamani (in Vdsavadattd), 220
Cintdmani-mantra, 626
Cippata Jayaplda, 319
rtfra, '521,557,' 563
Citrabandha, 179*, 191, 318, 320, 322, 335*
382, 530, 537, 554, 565, 678*
Citrabandha-r&mdyana. 335*
Citrabhanu (Pana's father) 225
Citrabharata, 465
Citra-compu t 439*
t
INDEX
Citra-kavya,335*. See Citrabaiidha.
Citral, 95
Citralekha (metre 13, 11*
Citra mimdnisd, 564, 565
CiUa-mimanisa-khantfana, 505
Citra-ratndkara 765
Citra yajfla 505
CitrSAgada, 521
C. J. Ogden, 107*, 256
C. Konban Baja, 102*, 132 *, 301'
C. Lac6te or Larote 756", 759.
Hoc Lacotc
C. Lassen, 277, 497*, 66C*
Classical Poetnj of India, 751*
Classical Sanskrit Literature,
\, 375
C. M. Ridding, 229*, 756*
t
Cock-fight, 21 212, 214, 41<J

Coins, evil, ex
C. Sank a ra, raja Sastri,302*

C. Sankararama Sastri, 207*,
277*, 437*,
465*
C. Schutz, 751*
C. S. Gulleri, 360*
GUIS,
754
Cukbald, 544
Cult, cm (giva and Vftaudcva), 166, 169 (of
cbe Run), 222, 377, 482 (Soma), 648 (Krsna
and Saiva), 661 (Sakti), 677* (Snake)

CiHJamani, 302
Curnika, 753
Cftrni, 671
C. W. Gurner, 69
661
C. Wilki iiB.90*
i:
>'
Cyavana, xxv
Czech, 750*
Cokkanatha Makhin, 765

Cola, 351, 352, 470*,
773
633,
677,
Colebrooke, v
Coleridge, 111*
Collected Works, 3tt8 --89*
See Mark Collins.
Collins, 207*.
Colombo, 133*, 169 S 185*
Colonel Jacob, 132% 526. 5ft? 537*. See Jacob
Columbia University, 550*
Columbia University Indo-'rauian Series,
;
168*
Columbia University Press, 217*. 25t*

Comedy, 39, 54,65, 155, 138, 197, 199, 244
245
(Greek),
(of
Errors\ 248, 253,
257,259,260,261, 273, 294, 446. 456"
(of
787'
Errors), 462-74, 492, 493, 602, 641
Comic, Ixxxvii, 39, 62, 65, 197, 198, 250, 252,

260, 281, 473, 492, 652*
xxi, 15, 34, 149, 169, 182,
202*, 206, 216, 221, 236, 238, 275,
285*. 445, 568, 574, 612, 692, 700
Compounds,
Ccmptes Rendus de V Academic
184,
28 J,
inscriptions,
696
Dacca, 33', 386', 16b* 741

Dacca Unuersitv
"
Orient., 337*. 373^, 415*.
498*
Dacca University Studies, 29% 386*
Dadbica, 225
f
Dadbyaficas, 697
Daivajna Surya, 342, t37
Daivajfta-vailabha, 730*
Daivasurain, 11
Dak?a, 505
Daksmabharati Series, 470 "
Dakinanifirti-stava, 386*, 603
Daksinapatha, 303, 321
Daksmavartanatha, 132*. 656
Dala'l/ 8eeC.D. Dalai
Damaruvallabba 'commentator), 748*
Damarnvallabba Sarman, 489*
Damayanti, 326-29,435, 624
Damayontl-katha or Xalacampu 435
Damayanti-kavya t V55
>:
Conjeeveram
(Kafici), 254, 438, 487
764
Connecticut, 421*
Dance
Cora or Caura, 368-', 369, 567, 568

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarvm, 17
Court, xni, xx, xxxix, Iv, Iviii, Ixi, ciii cix,
ex, 5, 53, 121*, 168, 171, 186, 228, 255',
820,334,341, 342*. 350, 353, 364*, 470,
498, 502, 558 ", 561, 563,612, 615,617,625,
627, 645, 657, 667, 679,680,64,731*,
738, 747 753, 754, 767, 768, 774
Court-epic, 41
5
Courtesan, xxxi, xxxviii, Ivi, Ivii, Ixi, Ixxi,

Ixxxiii.lxxxvi, 21,78,98, 138, 397, 198,
211,
214,
240,
410,49?, 492,
645, 768
Court-language,
750*
Dancing
Girl, hx, Ixxiii. 198, 390*. 491,
600,
654
Dancjaka
'forest), 151, 153, 293

Dandaka (metre), 285*
Dantfaniti, xcvii, 527
497,
498,
643,
xxviii, cxiv, 17, 21*, 28*,

92*, 94, 120*, 155, 174, 178*, 179*,
197, 200, 202, 203, 206-17, 222, 223,
241, 298, 321. 340*, 419, 429, 433,
130,257, 279,
443,
458,
475,476,477*521,527-31, 537,538, 545/
244S
494,
251,252,302,404,
495,
ci
Court-life, Ix, Ixi,
or Dancing, xviii, Ivi, Ivhj, lix, Ixxi,

Ixxiv, Ixxvi, Ixxvii, Ixxxiii, Ixxxiv, 20,
44, 45, 50, 56, 62, 67, 213, 390*, 491,
524*,, 631, 632, 634,635, 637, 642-45, 648,
649, 653, 654, 656,676, 693, 725, 729, 749,
461 r 462
Court-poet, 370, 676
Court-theatre, 741
Co*ell. See E. B. Covsell
C. R, Devadhar, 101*, 102*, 242*
O.K. Lannaan, 457*

C.R. Narasimha Sarma, 159*, 165*
Cromwell, Ixvii
Darwin, xx,
648, 563, 569, 572-78, 582,
587,
33*,
191,
237,
434,
590, 592,
593,613, 615, 616, 663, 683, 686, 694,

756, 757, 762
Danish, 756*
Dantivarman, 263
Danton, 213
Dantura (in Laâka-melaka), 437
Daradas, 695
Dardic diaicct, 94, 95
788
Darduka, 433
Df,
Daridra-carudatta, 714, 719

Dorpa.dalanot 407
Delhi, cxvii, 360, 402, 627

Deiuetrios, ciii
Legende van Jfmiitat?a?iana ,268*
Daadu$ta-karmamdrga 614*
Democrary,
Da&fcara, 649
Dafa'kum&racaritd, cxiv, 92*, 206-17,
Demon,
231, 232*, 281*, 476, 530, 531, 747,
754,
757
265*, 272, 274*, 299*. 300, ?01*,

369*, 449, 455*. 493, 506*, 634, 657,
688, 760-62
Data-slob* Stotra, 3bO
Datdvatdra-carita, 321*, 324, 617, 692

Das Daswupa ist tier, 550*
Das Datum des Candiagomin's und
dd*a'*,124*, 656*
Dasgupta, 533*
302,
086,
See Dinara
Denarius.
Der Auszug aus dem Paftcatantra 89*. 700*

Der Budhismus, 69*
Der griechisclie Einfluss im indischen Drama,
52*, 650*
Der Mimus, 650, 651 "

Der Textu* Ornatior der Sukasaptati, 425*
Der XXV Gesany des Snkan\liatariiam
5
627*
Detabhdsd, 684
Deâladevi, 469
Dc&nnaiigala Varyya, 774
Des Cat. Trivandrum Palace, 400*
Cat.
Madras Oovl.
Descriptive
X 439*
Library, 400* 414
,
Cat.
Descriptive
h'dh-
Das ind. Drama, 45*, 633*, 635*. 671, 7JO

Das Kathdkautukani des Srita'a verglichtn*
Orient.
of
MSS.
in
the
Jaina
Bhandar, 201*
Des demon a, xlviii
Desopadexa, 108-9
Devabhuti, c
,
629*
De\acandra 769
Devadatta (hetacra), 250, 7G 2
1
Leben des Buddha von Asvaghosa,
73*
Maliabharata, 632*
Paficatantra, 88*, 90*

Ramayana, 120*. 635*
$ariputra Prakarana
Atvaghofa, 76*, 613*
Daf<* of Kaliddsa, The, 731
Devagiri,;J42*
'
Devakmandan
ein
Drama
dev
Picsa, 440
Devaki, 7 26
Dovaki (Tnmna's wife), 773
Devakunidiaka, 416
Devapattana, 503
Devapala, 324*, 378
Dattaka-sarvafiray8,189
Dattila,525*
Daulatpur College Magazine, 731*
Dfthala, 350
Devaprabha
Suri, 332, 345
Devaraja, 47 J, 623*
Devaraja-kavi,775
Dcvasena, 250
(
Dakfinatya, ix
Deva-send (CommeDtary), 741 4
&amaka-prahasana,
Blmalipta, 212
Dtmodara, 770
(father
DevadfisI, Ixxv
De\adhara, 720*
Daftaka, 477*
Dattakalaai, 252
Bteodara
D&modara
171, 212,
DatakuSala.karmapatha-nirdesa, 014*
Das alle Indien, 752*
Das altindische Schattenspiel, 47*
Daapura, 18
Dadaratha, xxx, 60, 114, 132, 186, 451, 456,
477, 744. 745, 753
Dagaratha Sarma, 477*
Dasarupaka, 51, 66, 243*, 244*. 250*, 264*,
Da*
Das
Das
Da*
Da*
liv
11*, 65, 115, 139, 168, 170,

273, 820, 357, 473, 746, 748-50
<!'
4 (,;5
Devaauri, 476
Devavraya-gam, 338
De Vidugaka in het indischtounel, 46
Lilaûka), 387
(father of Sarngadbara) 414

B*inodaragnpta, 197-99, 251, 255, 404-6, 410,
675
Damodara Mito, 506, 621 H
Dana-keli-kaumudi, 468, 664*
,
Ddna-stuti, 3
D&ra Shikoh, v, 364*, 566
Dajabibhaga, 733
Dayada,734
D. B. Diskalkar, 17*
D. C. Bhattacharyya, 189*
D. C. Sarcar, 12*
De, xvii, xx, xlvi, 524, 527, 538, 562, 622.
See S. K. De
662*. f 69, 689.
Decran, 88, 210, 530, 617, 689
Deccan College Library, 703
DefecU, 5i7, 568-72, 574, 582. See Do-?a*
De Orammatisis Pracrilisis, 695
De Kahdasae Cakuntali recensionibus 140*
Delarama-kathagara, 629*
,
Devi-candragupta, 271* 302, 686

Devi cari trodaya 338"
Devi-mahddeva, 687
Dfivi-pannaya Ixxxv, 687
Devi sataka, 27*, 335*, 382*, 656*, 601
Devotional Poetry, 375
D. Galanos, 618*
Dhammapada, 678, 675
Dhanadadeva, 370
Dhanadeva, 476, 484
Dhanafijaya, Uxvi, 250, 550, 651, 619
Dhanaftjaya-ndma-mdld, 340*
Dhananjaya, drutakirti Traividya, 840
Dhanafljaya-vijaya t 467, 769 (of Kaficanat
carya)
~WK"
Dhanap^la (Diganibara), author
of
Bhabi-
satta.kaha, 430*
Dbanapala (Svetambara), author of Tt/flfeamafljari, 201, 229, 480, 431, 621, 689, 694
Dhanelvara, 497
Dhanika, 265*, 869* &50, 686
INDEX
Dbarani, cvi
Dhtraaena
I, II,
III and IV, 610
Dharma, xxv,
Ixxii, Ixxiii, Ixxiv, Ixxv, Ixxvi,

Ixxix, Ix, 290, 415, 644, 672, 680
687, 696, 702*, 729, 768
Ixxviii,
Dbaruiadasa Sun, 335*

Dharmakatha, 201*
Dharmaklrti, cxiv, 71, 165, 217, 218, 528, 532
Dhannanabba, J89
Dhannanatba, Saint, 17*
Dbarmau&lba, (story of), 311
Dharmanatbatlnbaukara, 623
Dharmapancjita, 769
Dharmapariksd, 676
Dharmavacaspati, 583*
Dhakki, ix
Dharmapala, cxvi,321
Dharmarama
Dialect,
93, 91, 95, 105" 444

44-7, 57, 243, 505, 509, 510,
viii, ix,
Dialog,
631,
632, 639. 640, 647, 651, 653, 658

Dialogue bymus, 43, 45. 85
Dice, lix, 250, 401
Didactic, xc, xcix, cvi, 2, 51, 191, 361,
372. 398, 399, 406, 407, 110,
411,
127, 479 483, 517, 614, f.75, 696
367,
425,
Uulda, 356
Q
Die altindischen Todten
633
Die altest e Kezenswn des Mahdnataha, 506
Die Anekdoien uber Kdliddsa*-, 728*
Die Anfanye, 4(i
Dte Dharmaixirlksd des Anutayati (70'
Die Grirtben in ludien, 52-"
Die lleimyt des Puppensp^ls, t? 652
Die Hofdtchier desa LaKsinanasena, 31C*
'
i:
Stbavira. 1^5'
xxvi, x\vn,i
KMH,
xcvii
Dharma-tastra, 86, 290, 553, 735, 761, 773

Dharma-sutra, xxv
Dharma-vijaya, 486, 621*
Dhannayya Dik?ita, 774

Dharmdbhyudaya, 503, 612
Dharmdbhyudaya-chdyd-ndiaka 769
Dhanna-sannabhyudaya, 17*, 311, 137, 02o
Dharmika-suhutu 614*
,
Dbauli (inscription), 738<
Dhavala candra,
Dbara, 747
Dhvanyaloha, cxiv, cxv, 29*, 158*, 168 \

188*, 221* 226, 271*, 299*, 391*, 539-42,
545, 565,742
Dhvanyaloka-locana, 715
Dharma-Samhita, xxv,
.xci'i,
789
90, 704
'
',
'Die in
biicliei
euigcteilie
Erzablungssainin-
lung', 88-
Die indarsabhd desamanai

649*
Die mdnchc BaUadendiMung, 632*
Die indi^chen Inschriften mid das Alttr der
,
5*, 17 *, 611*, 012'', 732-, 738*

Die indisclien Worterbucher, (517*, 619* 73')
Die Lehre des Udbhatu 543*

Dte Liiteratur des alien Indten, x, 20 *, 25
141*. 520*, 031*
Die Poetic und Aeslliclil dei Inder 520
Die Recensionen df akuntaid, 52*, 140*
Die Rezemtoncn der Cakuntala, 140*
Die Saubhihas e\n beitrag zur, 47*, 646
Die Sonnu endfesle in Attundu'n, 647
Die Strophen d Madhavanalakathd, 424*
Die Vajrasuci des AQvayhosa, 613*
Die Vermutung von Luders, 613'^
Die Zeit des Kaltdasa, 124*, 728
t
'-,
Dbaravarâ, 466
Dbara, 158*, 168*, 332' 340

31, 472
DbarinI (queen), 137, 139
,
319, 350, 128-
D;idw-fcdtjya,336, 617
Dhatu-palha, 336
Dhavaks, 255*, 758, 759
'
Dhirendranatb Mukberjee, 731*

Dhlrasdnta, Ixxxin
Dhirailjamkd, 741*
340, 379*, 404, 122^,

Digambara,
429. 430, 132, 135, 437, 476, 497, 619
Jaina,
H
Digambara Jaina Granthabbandar, 379
Digambara Jatasura, 497
Digambara Kmmidacandia, 476
DbireSvara, 497
Dhi?ana, 521
Dholka,332, 770
Dhoyi, 373*. 374*. 390
Dbrtaratra, 273, 275, 721, 723, 721
Dfc r t*,613, 655
Dhmvo, 753, 760. Sec H. H. Dbruva
DhruvadevI, 271*
Dhu^hiraja, 262*. 760
Dhurta-carita, 494
Dhurta-nartaka, 500
Dha'ta-samagama* 488^, 497
Dhurta-vita-sariivada, 248-50, 768
Dburtila, 525*
Dbvajamaba, 50
Digtijaya of Rayhu, The, 124*

65,
474,
687,
393,
629,
672,
Dima,
Ixxxii, Ixxxiv, Ixxxvii,

717, 724, 768
Dinakara, 622*
Dinara, 82. Sec Denarius.
*
Dinnaga, xix. cxiv, 124*, 464
Diplomat, 609
Dhakara, 751*
Divydvadana, 52*, 82, 611, 695
Dilipa, \xix, xxx, Ix, 130, 741
Dina-krandana-stotra, 663
Dipaka 530, 534, 536, 556, 569

t
/<t>am,517, 524S535, 539, 513, 515, 516,

551, 564, 565, 583-85, 592, 604, 605-19
Dbvsnikara, 616, 536, 556, 568, 569,

584, 606, 606
Dhvani-karika, 581*
Dhvomgcttha-panjika, 623*
Dhvanvantari, 6* 729, 730
a, 730*
ix,
581,
Dlpakarni, cii
Dipika commentary, 506*
Dirgha-samasa, 584
D. L. Z., 652*
D. M. Paranjape, 759
Doctrine, ix, 72-74, 81,
321,
754
Documents Sanscriiics, 614*
685,693
(of rebirth),
haka (metre), 12
790
Dogma,

liii,
25
Poiubika,302
Don A. de Silva Devarakkita Batuvantudavc,
169*
Don Juan, 693
jDo*o, 517, 532, 536, 539, 559-62, 564, 571-75,
578, 579, 585, 586, 604, 625, See Defects
Dosadbikarika, 521
Drama, xxxvi,
xxxviii, xlvi, xlvii, xlix, Ixiv,

Ixxiv, Ixxv, Ixxix, Ixxxi, Ixxxii. Ixxxvi,
Ixkxix, xcviii, xcix, cxxi, 2, 4, 11, 16, 22,
T6, 37. 38, 40, 41, 62-68 (origin and
(of As*va-ghosa),
characteristics), 76-78
(ascribed to Bhasa), 118,123,125,
Duskaracitra-prakatika, 553*
Dusyantu,
Duta takya. 101,109*, 112

Dutahgada, 465*, 471*. 501-4, 507
Dvaita forest, 178
Dvddasa-panjarika Stotra,
194,
Dvorak 3,, 396
Dvatrimsat-puitaUka, 740*
Dvi'Samdhana kavya, 340, 619
Sec
Dvyatiraya-kavya, 678.
254.55
(of
Mahendra-
Dramas and Dramatic Dances
of
15. 26*, 52, 62, 103,

169, 523
Draupadi, 273-75, 331* 337, 372, 457, 467, 504
Draupadi-parinaya, 765
Draupadl-svayambara, 467, 769
Dravidian or Dravi(Ja, viii, xxii, ciii, 94*, 95,
138*, 233, 450

R. Bhandarkar, 435*, 524*, (311*, 738
R, Bhandarkar Volume, 52*
R. lyengar, 487*
R. Mankad, 51*, 56*. 64*, 66*. 122*,
:
477*.
See Mankad.
Drona, 273, 723, 725

Dronasimha, 616
Drtfanta, 534
Dfslania-kalika.sataka, 402
Df $tdnta-ataka, 674
Drum plays, 107
DrutaviiambiU (metre), 12, 120*, 121*, 159*,

196*, 285*, 329*
E
Early History of Bengal, 755*
Early History of India, 760
9
39F,
Early History of Vai$nava Faith
398"
Eastern and Indian Studies in honour of F.
W. Thomas, 371*
Eastern Bengal, 664, 737
Eastern India, 656
E. B. Cowell,cv,69*. 73% 82*, 138*, 226*.
See Cowell
Edgerton, 5*, 86*-89% 421*, 421% See P.
Edgerton
Edict, 522, 613
Edwin Arnold, 368*, 606*
Een onb ekend Indish looneel stub, 510*
Eggeling, 210*, 338*, 396*, 439*, 473% 502,
504, 665*, 752*
E. H. Burliogame, 29*
E. H. Johnston. See Johnston
E. Hultzsch. See Hultzsch
,
Ein Beitrdg zur Geschichte des indischen

Dramas, 646
Ein Beit'tig zur Textkritik von KdHddsa's
Meghaduta, 133*, 752*
Einfluss, 242*
Dugald Stewart, v
E. J, Brill, 355*
E. J. Rapson, 54*, 646, 731*
Ekanatha (commentator), 621*
189*, 197*, 319*, 322*,

353, 359*, 370% 382*.
405*. 413*, 435*, 437*, 471*, 479*, 486*,
496*, 502*, 556*, 775
Durga, 213, 338*, 391*, 499, 623, 626, 752*
Durgaprasad,
96*.
324% 331*, 344*,
Durgapuji, 497, 649*

Durgasimha, 691*
Durga-stava, 381
Durghata-kavya, 335*, 740*
Duritftrnava, 499
Durlabhavardbana, 356
Durvftea, xxxvi, 144, 381, 464, 679, 748
Kumarap&la-
Dya Dviveda, 676

Dynastic History of Northern India, 618*
Dualism, xxvii
Durac&ra, 497
Durboda-pada-bhanjika, 751*
Durgadasa Oakravartin, 505
See
carita.
'
pean Races. 47*

Dramaturgy, xviii, Ixxvi,
380
Mohamudgara
126, 131-48 (of KalidasV, 150, 151, 160,

202, 213, 229, 23948 (of Sudraka), 248-53
(Caturbhani),
57, 292, 4^3,
Jx, xlii, Ixiii, Ixxxii,
620, 735, 748, 749, 775

Dutch, 225*. 666*, 756*
Diita-ghatotkaca, 709, 720, 721
Duia-kavyas, 372 75, 6 C 3
10M1
\ikrama), 255-62 (of Harsa), 262-71 (o f

277-98 icf Bha?aBhafta Naiayana:,
298-300 (of Yafovarman
and
bhuii),
other*), 346, 362, 376, 441-611 (Later
Decadent), 554, 569, 598, 599, 600 (related
to rasa), 613 (of ASvaghosa), 623 (of Nilakanfhi Dlksita), 630-35, 638, 641-43
(origin), 646-48 (European literature on
it), 654-56 (Buddhistic dramas;,
D.
D.
D.
D.
Durvimta, 92*, 695

Duryodbana, 113, 273, 372, 504, 723-25
549, 561, 565, 580

Ekottarika-stotra, 613*
EkavaR,
Elegy, 132
Elephant-lore, 110, 240
E. L-uman, 201*, 621*, 744*, 764
Elizabeth, 651
Elizabethan, 46, 55, 141*, 223

Elizabeth Kreyenborg, 627*
E. Lovarini, 427*
Ember Krisnamacharya, 360*, 414*, 431*

Emil Pohl, 756*
Emotion, xliii. xcii, 22, 568-70, 572, 581, 589,
590, 694-97, 601
of India Press, 380*
Emperor
INDEX
Empirical, 64, 174
Fairy Tale, Ixxiv, 100, 112, 205, 350, 427,

676-78, 680
B. Muir, 761*
Encyclop. of Religion and Ethics, 361*
England) xci, 50
Epic, Ixxv, lixxviii, Ixxxix, xcix, 1-4, 10'
-255*, 260, 474, 192*, 768

Farcical plays, 254, 487-500
Farce, 246, 254,

,
11,
12,20,35,41,45,50,51,52*,
53, 58, 72,

140, 156, 166,
85, 91, 100, 101, 112-16,

173*, 177, 178, 186, 190. 195,196,272
273, 275, 290, 295, 327, 328, 331, 340, 358,
381, 384, 386. 898, 402, 404, 437, 462, 505,
507, 618, 623, 626, 621), 630, 634, 646, 696,
702, 724, 725. 732, 740, 742*, 713
Epic Mythology, 647

Epigram, 329
Epigrammatic, 91, 407
Epigraphica Carnatica, 619*
Kpigraphical, 6, 195
Epi. Ind. or Epigraphica Indica or B, T.,
14*. 15*. 189*,
381*, 435*, 466*, 517 S
550*, 612*, 613*, 616, 618*, 630", 662*,
595*, 739*, 756*
Epilogue, 658, 720.
Episode, xxx, xxxvi, xxxviii, xlvii, hx, 1, Hi,
Ixxxiii, Ixxxvii, 11, 99, 111, 156, 178, 238,
244, 287, 299, 331, 337, 390,415, 437, 477,
485, 496, 638, 697, 703, 724, 716, 718*
E. B. B., 54*, 646
Erfurt, 666*
Ernest I>roux, 196*

E. Roer, 325*, 624
Erotic, Ixii, c, 9, 13, 15, 21, 22, 38, 40, 62-65,
67, 115, 156, 157, 159, 187, 190, 197, 198,
204, 206, 253, 265 r 310, 323, 333, 315,
364-67, 370-72, 384, 386, 396, 399, 401,
490-94, 652*, 658, 665, 667, 669, 690, 7-29
Erotic Poe'ry, Ixiv, 22,23, 156-66, 181, 193,
206, 213, 220, 234-35, 364-75
E. Schlagintweit, 647
Espionage, 418
Essai BUT Guna(}hya
791
et
la
Brhatkathn, 92*,
97*, 99*, 612*,689, 691*, 694*, 696"
Eta wah, 626
E. Teza, 196*
Ethical, 673, 702
Engine Monsenr, K6*
Eukratides t ciii
Eupheus, 223
Euphonic combination, 569, 570
Euripides, 141*
Europe, v, Ixx, cxxv, 89, 214, 651, 717

European, v, Ixx, Ixxi, 24, 315, 571, 609, 616,
650,651,665,661, 688, 698, 701*, 710,
712, 740, 756*
Evanavillc, 729
E. V. Vira Raghavacharya, 341*, 487*
E. Windisch,650, 738*
)(:
Excellence, 568, 569, 573, 574, 590. Sec

Expiation, xlviii, 715
Ounn
Fateh Shah ,486

F. Belloni Filippi, 121*
F. Beiiary, 121*
F. Bolleas<a, 136*.
See Bollensen
F. Citnmino, 523*, 759
K.
F. D.
Bosch. 258<',694
Feast, 649
F. Edgerion. See Edgerton
Feer, 82*
Felix Neve, 277*, 763
Ferenze, 192*
FeriDicus Maiernus, 732
Feroze, King, 730
Feiozepur, 649
'
Fertility rile, 45
Harmann Jacobi, 102*

Festgruss an Bohltingk, 756*
Festgabe
Festschrift Ernst Windi$ch
28\7-M*
Festscnft Ht'Jebrandt, 741*

Festscnft M. Wintefnitz, 391*
Festtcnft Wackernagel, 738*
F.G. Peterson, 729*
F. Haag, 136*, 750*
F. Hall, 92*', 171*, 201*, 217*49*, 522* 550*,
625*, 686, 695*
F. H. Trithen, 763
F. H. v. Dcilberg, 666*Fiction, 37, 214,
227,
228,
239, 254*,
316,
720
Verses en the Rules for serving a
teacher, 614
Figure of speech, 567-69, 573, 575, 578, 579,
585, 615
Fifty
Fine
art,
645
Fire-ordeal, 292, 302, 303, 463

F. Kielhorn, 454*, 469*, 61i*
See Kielhorn
F. Lacote, 92*, 96*, 107*, 612*, 694*, 695,*
See Lac6fe
Flanders, xci
Fleet, 5, 17, 92, 656*, 695*', 704
-,
730*, 739-%
756*, 757
F. MHJer, 666*
Folk-dance, 618
Folk-dialed, 651
Folk-literature, 4, 156, 157
Folk-lore, 49
Folk-tale. 8, 4, 11*, 42, 53, 81, 115, 138, 155,
201,205, 206, 211, 217, 232, 235, 282,
291,419,422
Fool, The, in Elizabethan drama, 46, 55
Foucher, 617*, 654*
Foundations of Indian Poetn/, 656'
Fourth Reports, 315*, 404*
France, Ixix
FranenfeKl,136*,l38*, 750
Fable, 28, 38, 42, 83-100, 195, 204, 205, 272,

427, 437, 697-99
See Popular Fable
Faery Queene, 234
Fa Hien,
cix
Frazer, x
French 81,136,207,239,210,371,389, 481.

660*, 666*. 704*, 707, 74F, 747*, 756*
763
Friedrich Ruckert or F. Ruckert, 666*
792
Fntze. See L. Fritze

P. Rosen, 64fc*
Funeral cereUJony, 733
Filnf Gesange des Bhaftikavya, 614
Fiihrer, 755*
F. Weiler, 73*
F. W. Thomas, 5*. 6*, 17*. 26*, 71*. 76*
79*, 80*. 95*. 104*. 124*, 218*, 226*,248*,
See Thomas
412*, 764.
Gadasirnha, 621*
564
Gadya, 529, 530, 539, 563,
754
Gadya-cintdmani, 432,
Gadya-kdvya, 754
or GOS, 8*, 54*,

66*. 78* 120*. 171*, 185*, 201*. 271*,
299* 324*. 332*, 344*, 360*, 362*, 363*,
4l4*,431*,4f.3*,465*. 466*, 478*. 478*,
484*. 489*. 490*, 523, 546, 620*, 649,
Gaekwad's Orient Series
678*, 679
G.A.Jacob, 520*. 533*
r
Gajagati met c),12
f
(sport), 491*
Gajapati Kimuna-Kanduka
511*
Narasimhadeva,
Gajapari
485
Gajapali Prataparndra,
Galanos, 673*. See D. Galanos.
485,491,
Gambling, 26*. 211, 213, 246, 474,
768
Gana-kdrikd, 218*
Commentator) 658 ", 002% 758
CW'T
Sastri
Ganapati
P
Gandharva, W*. liv, 179, 190, 234,439,
751
502, 660, 693, 749,
Gandharva-veda, 524*
foad,
71, 167. 878*. 813*.
623*
GaneSa (comraenUlor), 561*.
Ganela (deity\ 391*
GanesVara, 561
614*
Garu4a,115,259
Gauda,88, 169*. 171, 227, 228, 324,326*,
352, 409, 450, 472, 684, 755
324, 618, See Abhinanda
Gaudavalia, 219, 278*, 279, 314, 350*, 623,
676, 708
Gauda Abhinauda,
Gauda-vijaia, 687
535,537,
GaufcRiti, 218*, 526, 530, 532"
568, 684
GaudorvisVprasasti, 326*, 626
Gaurava-dipam, 621*
Gaurahga-lildmrta, 398
Gaurahgasurakalpataru, 664*
Gaurishankar, 320* t 321*
Gaurl, 258, 259, 381*
Gaurl-parinaya t 765
Gaurl, woman-poet, 416
Gautama, xiii, xxv
Qautami, ci. 145
Gawronski, 613*. See A. Gawronski
Gaga Bbatta, 560
4
Gandharva (marriage), xxxiv, xxxvi, xxxvii,

749
CJandbara, 94, ciii, cv, 736, 739
Gailga dynasty, 695
QargyT, xxv
Gargya Gotra, 311

Gargya (Grammarian). 518
vii, 82
Gatha-saptaSati, See Sattasal
G. B. Brahine, 256*
0. Biihler, 209*, 326*, 349*. 350*, 361*, 611
See Biihler
612*.
G. C O. Haas, 265 N 550*
Gatha,
G. Conrtillier, 389
G. de Blonay, 378*
(Jr. Deveze, 481*
Gahgaddsa-pratdpa-vilasa,
679
GangadevI, 361, 418, 663,
661* (kavi), 766, 769
479,
Gangadhara,
Gangadvara, 88
665
Gangd-laharl, 383,
Gangambika, 437
,666
Gangananda Maithila,
Jha, Sir, 535*
Ganianath
Gangar&ma, 561**
'
Gahgastava, 740*
687
Ganga-iarangini,
689.737
Ganikadbyak8 ? ,643*
Garblia-sandhi,
Hxxn
'
the Raghuvarpia and

Geographical Data of
the Daakumraacarita, The, 208*
A
729
Geography, 2()fi, 209, 21 8 , 263*, 455,
747
Former,
George,
Grif rson
George Griereon, viii, See G.
Gerard de Nerval, 756*
German, cxxvi, 73*, 89*, 119*, 120*, 122*,
188*, 178*, 189*. 197* 239*, 262*. 401*,
407* 469*, 481*, 558*. 614, 622, 627. 656.
677, 706, 741*. 744*.
752*, 756*, 759, 760, 763
GaAg,382*,39l*,629,691*
479*
Qangadasa Pratapadeva,
,479, 769
666*.
esc
747, 750*.
Geschichte der Chinesischen Litteratur, 648

Geschichte der Indischen Littqratur, x, 543*,
708*
Geschichte der Japanischen Litteratur, 648
Geschichte der Sanskrit Philologie und Indischen Altertumskunde, x, 738*
aus
Geschichte des Buddhismua in Indian
dem, 614*, 728*
Geschichte des dramas, 646, 651*, 652*
^
Geschicten wie sie die Pandits von Ujjain ,
728*
'
,*,
635*, 646, 651*, 652 *,

657* 700*. 702*, 708*, 750*, 763
Grierson or Grierson, 94*, 95*. 371*, 389*,
422*, 510*, 646, 659, 695*, 728*
INDEX
Ghanasyama, 277*
Ghanta-Magba, 198
G. Harihara Sastri, 178*. 209*
Ghatakarpara, 5*, 120, 156, 157, 335, 337,
338.364, 730, 752*, 753*
Ghatakarpara-kdvya, 730
Ghatotkaca, 724, 725
Ghatikas'ata Sudar&macarya, 487*
Ghost, Ixxxiv. Ixxxvii, 141*, 280*, 282
G. Huth, 124*, 533*, 728*. Pee Huth
G. 1 L., 86*, 99*, 102*, 140*, 201*, 240 "
Gjldemeister, 751*, 752*
Giornale de la Societa Asiatic ItaHana, 523*
Gimar,
CM, cx;i,
cxxi
Glrvanendra 765
Glta-digambara, 396
Gita-gahgddhara, 396'
::
Glia-gaurlpati, 396
Glta-gaurisa 562
GUa~girisa 396*
Gita-gopdla, 396*
Glta govinda, 157 314, 371, 376, 383-96, 509
510, 560, 561, 662, 665-67
s
Gitagovinda, Jayadeva poetae Indico* 666
Gltagovinda-prathamastapadi'Vivrti, 666*
N
Gitagovinda-lilakottama, 666
t
Glta-raghaca,3M*
Gitu.
See Bhagavadgltcl
Gitdvall, 396*, 397
G. J. Agashe, 207 *. S< e Agasho

G. K. Nariman, 256
G. K. Srigondekar, 465*
Glanneau, 650*
G. M. Dur*ch. 120*, 232*, 752*
G. M. Miller, 632*
N.,632*
Gnomic
poetry, 3, 11,
194-96, 402, 673
Gobi, desert, 737
3ft,
42, 87, 91, 121, 155,
515,
473,
Goperidra, commentator, 635*

Gopinath Kaviraj, 774
Gopi, 388, 372*, 373*, 384, 891, 490, 510
Goplnatha Cakravartm, 498-99
Goplnatba (Commentator), 564, 624*
Goplnatba, Maharajadbirdja, 210

Goraksanatba, 479
Gotra/225, 278, 341, 402, 438, 449, 462, 464,
469*, 486, 733*
Gottinginsche
gelehrte
Anzeigen, 183*,
444*, 470*, 520*, 524*
Gottingen, 336*, 340*, 371*, 380*, 520*,
522*, 550*. 666*
Gottinger nac^nchten, 189*
Govardhana, 659, 688, 730
Govardhana Acarya, 370-71, 390
Govinda, tbe writer, hx, 622*
Govinda, autbor of Vinatanandana, 769
Govindacandra of Kanauj, 496
Govindabhatta, 467*
Govindabiruddvali, 397, 664*
Govmdadov Sastri, 455 S 462^
Govinda Dlksita, 764
Govindalildmrla, 333, 396
Govinda Pisbarodi, 711

GovindaSankar Bapat, 183 *
Gomndastotra, 663
Govinda Thakkura, 556
Govindastaka, 380*
Govt, Oriental Library, 374*
Govt. Orient. MSS Library, 186*. 476*
G. P. Quackenbos, 121*, 168*. 169*, 170*.
See Quaekenbos
Grace Abounding, 481
Graeco-Buddhistic, 654
Graeco-Roman, Ciii, cv, 651
Grahavarman, 227, 263
Grabaditya,
Grammar
Gods, xxih, 11*, 20, 65, 82, 98, 111, 198,

166-69, 171, 178, 193, 214. 230 327, 328,
352, 438,
667, 697
793
534*, 630, 649, 658,
Godavari, ci, 93, 473*, 606, 689, 761

Goethe, 143, 147, 667, 747, 751
Goethe's Works, 667*
Gokula, poet, 838
Gokulaa&tha, 486
Goldsmith, lix, 675
Goldstiicker, 668
Gomml, tale of, 212
Gomuklia, 100, 700
Gomntrkd (type of Kdvya] 530
Gonanda, 355, 356
,
cm
GondepLarea,
Gopal Naiayan Co 331*, 3%*Gopala Acarya, 561*
Gopala Bhatta, 386*, 561*
Gopalacampd, 396*, 440
U
Gopala (Com rentator), 662, 666
,
Gopdla-kathd, 332*
Gopala-Kavi, 660*
Gopala keli'Candrika, 444, 467, 509-10
Gopala, King, 481
Gop&lalila, 617
Gopalananda, 741*
lix
Grammarian, vi, cix, cxxi, cxxii,

cxxiii.cxxiv, 7-9, 10,11' 12, 26*, 93, 95,
107*, 119, 161 170, 180, 183, 187, 192,
221, 242*, 278,310, 336, 337*, 350, 361*,
362, 387, 513, 515, 517-19, 521, 530*. 539,
545, 554, 560*, 585, 604, 611, 615-17, 656,
678,684, 685, 729, 730
Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen, 243*. 444*
or
696*
Gray Tbomas, 298

Gray. See L. H. Gray
Grdmya, 534, 684 (-bbasS)
Grauthamala, 340*, 371*. 468*, 469*, 496*
Grantbapradars*ani series, 585*
Granthika, 11, 49. 636-38, 644, 645
^
Great Epic of India, The, 635
Greece or Greek, xxii, Iv, Ixviii, cii, ciii, 5,
41, 43, 47, 49, 52, 53 6, 62, 86*, 91*. 227,
202, 242, 618, 650-53, 654*, 732 736
Greeks in Bactna and India, 52*
Greifswald, 336*
Gfhyasiitra, xxv
Grill.
See J. Grill
G. R. Nandargikar, 132*, 621*, 744*, 748*.

See Nandargikar
Groningen, 46*
Grundriss, 336*, 647, 728
G. S. A. L, 121*. 141*. 427*, 621*, 627, 708*
794
G. Strehly, 277*. 763

Gujarat or Guzerat, cvii, oxxiv, 331, 332, 845,
Haracarita.cintdmani, 823, 628, 629

Haradatta, author of Padamaftjari, 528
361-63, 432, 476, 478, 479, 484, 492, 510,

650, 658*, 706, 766-70
380*
Gujarat! New Press,
Girarati painting, 39^*
Gujrati Printing Press, 126*, 426*
Gumani, 40?, 674
Guna. 518, 526, 532*, 536, 546, 552, 554,
505.
See
574-79, 581, 584, 585, 604,
Excellence
436
Gunabhadracarya, 344, 433,
Gunacandra, 105*, 120*, 121*, 271*, 4G3
Gunadosa-bodha, 554
Haradatta Sarman, 413'*

Haradatta Suri 341,620
Haragovinda Das, 465*
Gunamati,
cxii
Gttnaratnamahodadhi, 730
Gunasagara, ?68*
Gunaupadamka, 521
Gunadhya, lii, Ixiv, Ixxix,
Ixxxvii, "Ixxxviii,
15, 84, 89, 92000,
218, 265, 280, 404, 421, 612,
654,*, 684. 686, 687, 689-96, 705, 719, 759
xe', cii,
cvi, cxv,
4,
155, 205
Gunananda, 775
GunibMta
vyaflga, 538, 554, 609
Gunibhuta-vyafljand, xvii
ex, cxi. cxii, cxvii, 5*, 17,
118, 124, 225. 249, 263, 271*, 731*, 735,
736, 738, 754
Gurjara, cxii, 492, 769
Gupta (dyanasty),
Gurkha, cxvi
Guruveyoor, 382
H
Haberlandt, 622*, 756*
Haeberlm, 120*. 121*,
194*'
161*. 169*,
196*, 335*, 338*, 342*, 367*. 372*, 373*.
880*, 381*, 388*. 401*, 568*, 657*, 660*,
662*. 664*, 752*
Haihaya, 504
Haihayendra>ca<rita t 629
Halayuddha, ?36, 617
Halayudha's Kavirahatya, 339*, 617

Hale Wartham, 256*, 706
Haliodorus, Greek ambassador, cii
Hall. See F. Hall
Halle, 47*. 83*, 424*, 652*, 666*, 741*
Hammira kdvya, 679
Hammlra (of Mewar), 363, 478*, 679,
(Amir Shikir), 478
Hammlra-mada mardana, 362*, 363*, 478
Hammtra-mahakdvya, 363*, 478
Harnfa-d&ta of Rupa Gosvamm, 372*, 373*,
664*, 751 ; of VenkatadeSika, 373*, 374*
Hamsaruta (metre), 12
Harpsa-samde&a, 332*. 373*, 375*
Hamsavijaya-eani, 403*
See K. K. Handiqui
Handiqui, 327*.
Hannah Ncckel, 741*
Hannes Skold, Dr., cxxiv, 424
Hannover 122*
Hansh Lindach, 669
Hanfimat, 303, 451
HanQmat as author 505, 506
Hanumat (Bhlma's half brother^ 46, 71
Hara, 396
Hara-keli, 469
Haramika, lix
Haraprasad Sastn, 50*. 74* 96*. 339*, 874*,
378*. 391*, 47'>* 612*, 618*. 647,660*,
661, 696*, 7-2'J*, 738*
Harasimha or Harisimha, 497
Hawijjaya, 167, 319-20, 382*, 450', 623,
761
Ha,ra-vtlasa t 455, 547
H.ir Bilas Sarda, 3GO*
*
Harekfsna-mahamantrdrthanirupatia, G64
f
Harekrishna Mukherjee, 388*'

Hari, also called Bbanubhatta, 415, 629
Hari (deity), 667
Haribhadra, 344
Haribhadra Suri, 363, 470
Han Bhaskira, 415
Haricandra (Jaina), 17*, 437, 623
Haricanclra, Bhattara. See Bhattara Hancaiidra
Hancarana Dasa, 741*
Hanchand Hirachand, 372*

Haiichaod Sastri, 122*, 126*, 133*. 140*
Haiichand, 520*, 528, 529*. 558*, 657*, 752*
Hari''as Das, 398*
Haridas Sanskiit Series. 741*
Haridas Sastri, 185*
Haridasa, 480*
Haridasa (coinmentalor), 751*
Hariduta, 504
Harigovinda, 390*
Harihara, 372*, 404, 429
Harihara (author of Bhartrhari-nirveda),
161*, 479
Haribarabhatta, 668
Hariharadeva of Mithila, 510*
Haribara Sastri, 418*
Ha.rihara-subha$ita, 372*, 404, 429
Harihardvali. 740
Hankantha, 622*
Hari Kavi, 415
Hankrsna Vyasa, 553*
Harindmamrta-Vydkarana, 664*
Harinatha, 533*
Harinipluta (metre), 12, 77*, 159*, 196* 285*,
329*
Hariragbunatba Bhagavata, 660*
Hariratna, 624*
Harigamkara,896*
Hari^candra, 469, 470
Hari6candra*nftya 510*
Harisena, cvii, ex, xix, 18
Harivaipâ, ci, 51, 62*, 101*, 440,
653
HarivaniBa Bhatta, 561*
Harivar&ta-sdra carita 765
Harivijaya, 761
Hari-vildsa, 332, 617
Harlot, 407
Ha rman Welle r, 669
Harries, 729*
t
466, 635,
795
fiarsa, cxiii, cxv, 173*, 354, 356, 358, 363402, 666, 674, 756, 765
Har?acarita t cii, cxiii. Ix, 16, 84, 92*, 93,
168*. 169, 173*, 201, 204, 218, 225-29,
271*, 272. 341,349, 350, 433, 456, 459,
471, 576, 627, 708, 712*, 722*. 754, 757
H. Fauche, 207*, 741*

H. Foucber, 666*. See Foncher
H. H. Dhruva, 523*, C49*. See Dhruva.
H. H. Wilson, 132*, 207* 646, 651*, 756*.
Harsacarita-vtirttilca, 558
Hillebrandt, 48*, 122 4

184*, 132*, 149*,
262*, 270*, 444*, 633, 635, 641, 642*.
701*, 729*. 760. See A Hillebrandt
Himalaya, 38, 133, 153, 179 190, 234, 332,
445, (70, 739, 742
Hindi, 371, 389, 467*, 621, 659, 680, 04*,
,
Harfahrdaya, 624*
Harsavardhana of Kanauj, 16, 17*. 18, 55*,
105,110,111, 138, 156, 162, 168, 169,
171-73, 189*. 198, 209,
249, 254-62, 270, 301*
226, 227, 237, ?39,
707
Harsa-vikramaditya, 525
8. or H. O. S.,
Harvard O.
178*,
80*, 89*. 140*,

239*, 277*, 424*, 457*. 622*, 703,
756*
Hastimalla, 467*
Hastings, 94*
Hastipaka, 120*
Hataera, 46, 491, 6-10
Hatha-yoga, 479
Hayagriva-vadha t 1'2(), 687
Hala or Hala Satavahana,
Hindu Theatre, 486*

Hirananda
Hiraial
331, 630
Haralata, 676
Haravarsa Yuvara;a, 324*
Harlta, xxv
Hdsya-cudamani, Ixxxvn, 474,492*, 494, 768
Hdtydrnava, 498
Hatbi-gumpba, 612
H. Bohatta, 648
H. Brokbaus, 96*, 481*
H. C. Kellner, 756*
H. C. Raychaudhury, Dr., 613", 618*
Hebrew, 629
Hecuba, 141*
Hpgel, 5SO
Heinrich Blatt, 89*. 90*
Heinrich Dhle, 421*
Helarija, 355, 639. 614
Heldengedicbfc, 129
Heledorus, cii
Hellenic, vi
Hemacandra.viii, 29*, 67*, 95*, 197,241*,

*
249, 265
336, 343 45. 361,429,455, 462*,
464*, 465, 469, 484, 485, 525*, 527, 542,
574, 584, 617, 620, 678, 681, 693-95, 750*,
762, 767
Hemavijaya-gani, 427
Hemadri, 425
Herder, 747
Herman Beckb. 133*
Hermann Reich, 650
Hermann Weller, 669
Hermitage, xxxvi, xxxix, Ixxx, 40, 128, 143,
742, 744, 745, 749
90, 263*, 421*, 424*.
676*, 694*, 696*, 699,
704*, 705, 707, 708*.
Sastri, 102*, 107*
Hansaraj,
343*,
345*, 36*2*, 424
427*
ix, c, en, 4, 5*,
93, 94, 155-57, 159, 201, 241, 371,
Hertford, 188*
ex, cxi,
Adoption, 240*
391*. 428, 659
Hettt, 5&8, 580, 538, 582, 672
xlix, Ix, Ixi, Ixiii, Ixxxix,

cxvi, cxvii, cxviii,
xxiii,
vii,
xc, xciii, cv,
Hindustani, 704*, 707
Hala Sapta$at~i, en
Halasya-mahatmya,
144, 232, 451, 731*.

Hertel, 87*, 88, 89*.
426*, 631, 632, 669,
700,701*, 702, 703,
See J. Hertel.
Hindu,
166. 364,377-79,400,437,631,660, 668,

693, 733-35, 744, 746, 749, 750*
Hindu Law of Partition Inheritance and
Hastamalaka, 380
15, 1G,
760
Hidimba, 725
225
Hiranyababu
Hiranyakehn Dharmasiitras, xxv
Historical Writings, xi, Ixxx, 38, 42, 228,
306, 345-64, 474.79,676-680, 755
Historic de la Litteratur, 666*
History of Dramas 763
History of Indian Literature or H, I. L.,
14Vi9* 71*. 74*. 79*, 82*, 124*, 172*,
(river Sona),
331*, 315*. 378*, 379*, 652*,
667, 691*.
696
History of Indian Literature by Weber, x
History of Indian Philosophy, 754, 766
History of Sanskrit Literature, or H. 8. L,,
x, 2*, 26*, 77*, 86*, 94*, 201*, 209*. 611*,
666*. 691*, 697, 740*
Hitopadesa, 90, 502*. 673. 700, 704, 706
Hitopadesa nach Nepalischen Handschrift,
90*
Hiuen-Tsang, cviii, 755
Hfnayana,
H.
vii
Jieobi, 2*,
530*. 750*,
120S 172*3
1*9,
343*. 379*.
76*, 77*.
501*, 613*,
See Jacobi.
H. Kern, 80*
H. Kreyenborg, 122*
H. L., 666*
H. Liiders, 47*, 72*,
See Lviders
H. M. Vidyabbusana, 728*
Hoangl o, 737
Hoefer, 752*
Hoernle, 218*, 539*, 728
646, 655.
3W
H. Ojba,
H. Uldenberg,
20*,
44*. 87*,
132*,
141*,
165*
Holf dichter des Laksmanasena, 371*, 388*

Holi Festival, 49,649*
Holland, xci
Holtzraann, 730
Homer, 127, 173*
Hopkins, 635*, 647
Horse-sacrifice, cii, 46, 241.
H. E. Bhagavat, 380*
See Atoamedha
796
Indian Literature, modern, reaction on Sans-
Hfdaya-darpana, 524, 656

Hrdaya-diita, 372*, 374*
Hidayahgama (commentnr>), 521, 533*
krit, 314-15, 538-9, 511.
Hrdayabharana,666*
H. R. Diwekar, 611*
Hrinhikesh Series. 391*
H. R. Kapadia, 620*
H. Sarma, 8*
Huber, 72 702*
Hugli, 440
Hultzsch, 132
133', 183*. 189*, 300% 381*,
,
Indian
Indian
Indian
Indian
Review, 417*
or Songs, The, 389*
studies in honour of Lanman, 209*
Song
Theatre, 761 ^
India Office Cat. 124^ 126*. 2UH, 335' 338
373*, 396*, 421*, 424*, 129*, 438*. 479*,
619*, 665*, 666*, 752*
India office Library. 525 ^
India office Ms. 210*. 502% 504*
India
what it can teach us, 171*, 539 612
Indiens Lttieratur und kultur, x
Indische Alterthnniskunde, 5*
Jndische Drama, 77* 106*. 240*, 262
272
Indische Essay*, 649*
Indische fledichte 660*, 66^, 752
Indische Le'beslyrik, 666*
Indtschen Sftruchen, 669
Ind. Litteratur gesch^chte 650
Indo-Aryan, 94 ^ 95
Indo-European, 4t
r
'
'
414*, 450*, 467*, 470*, 475*, 476*. 481*,

503*, 565, 613*. 616, 656", 661*, 662",
686.704*, 751*, 75<)
Humburg, 759
Humour, 197,198,
or
Huna,
215,
222, 233
244,
1:
cxiii,
c\v, cxviii,
227, 263*, 356, 736, 738, 739, 753
356
Huska,
Huth,125*. See G. Huth
H. V. Glassenapp, 666*
Hymnology, 167, 377
xxii, cxii,
or Indian
Antiquary, 5*, 9*, 12*, 71*,

79*. 92*, 102*, 161*, 212*, 262*, 263*,
286*, 340*. 363*, 450*, 465*, 470*, 181*,
520*, 524*, 529*, 5301, 533\ 517*, 550*,
562*, 611*, 612*, 615, 618* 622-, 646*,
650*, 656*, 686, 691*, 695*, 708', 710,
729*-3l*, 738* 40*, 748-", 756 ', 760, 761''
Iceland, 86*
I.D. 641*, 761 * (Indian Drama)
Idealistic or Idealism, Ixxx, cxxxvii, 57, 292*,
;
598
I.
H.Q., 12*, 54*, 56*, 102*, 122",
124*',
134*, 167*, 178*, 209*. 211*, 219*, 243S

263*. 372*, 373*, 402*, 437*, 458*, 477*,
501*, 507*, 508*, 611*, 612*. 616*, 661%
691*, 713, 714*, 753
550*
L. C., 651*
I. Ir. Series,
I.
Imagery, 152, 176, 192, 233, 369, 393, 492,

519, 721, 766
Image-worship, 722
1m Lande
der
Nymphaen, 669
Incarnation, 93, 326, 437. See Avatara.

Ind. Culture, 11*, 12*, 326*, 341*, 438%
470*, 691*
Tnd. Erzahler, 207*
India, v, vii, xxvii, xxxv, xl, Ixi, Jxvii, Ixx,
Ixxi, Ixxiv, Ixxviii, Ixxix, Ixxii, xcii, xciii,
cxviii. cxix, cxxv,
ciii-vii, ex, cxi,
cxxviii, 4-6, 9, 21 , 24, 25, 83, 40, 41 , 43-45,
c,
47-60, 62-56, 57, 59, 80, 86*, 90*.

122-25. 129,133, 139*, 141, 191, 193,
205, 211, 216, 228, 235, 252, 257*.
277, 281*. 290, 302, 332, 333, 343*,
361*, 860*, 369, 374*, 377, 387, 389,
410,415, 437, 438, 489, 507, 510,
529*. 547. 649, 650, 653, 664, 665,
672, 729, 736, 737, 789, 740, 751, 769
India in wort und BUd', 647
94,
194,
266,
347,
403,
520,
671,
Indo-Germaiiic, v
738
124' 728
Indo-Partlnan. ci, mi
Indrn, 43, 49, 50, 130,138,110,178,190,
331 571,631, 647, 723. 721, 744, 715,
748, 750
Indradliva;a, 647
Tnora-dhvaja piijd, 49
Indra III, 435, 570*
[ndrajii 566
Indoycrm Forschnngen,
Ik
!-
211,
253 270,295
Hun
'
IndrairutI, 745
Indrapiaatha. 190
Indrapura, 469
Indravajra (metre
Indranl, 43, 631
Tndrayudha, exvi
Ind.Streifen l'27*
12,
196
**,
243
209!-, 218*, 2:35*. 331

617*, 618*. 621*, 741*, 751*. 756*
Ind. Stredien, 52>', 166 , 172*, 192^,210%
421*, 708*, 759
t
|:
Induduia, 373*
Indu1ekha,471, 686
Indumati (princess), 130

Indurnati (Madhava Bhatta's mother), 467
Indumail (Princes), 130
Indura;'a, 671
Indus, Ixxi, cxvi, cxvii, 736-39
Ind. Worterbucner, 336*, 361*
Inselbucheri, 666*
Inscription, vii, viii, ix, xi, xvi, xviii, xxi, ci,

cii, cxi, cxxiv, 4, 6, 14, 15, 17, 18, 79,
93*. 118, 123, 173*, 178, 179*, 183, 189,
207, 254, 843*, 346, 352, 355, 390,400,
435, 469,481,553*, 612, 616, 619, 630,
654. 662, 684, 688, 704*, 732, 735, 736,
738, 739, 768-
Ionian, 54
Iran, v, Ixxii
Iranian, 169
Iranir, vi
IravatT queen, 137*
Irony, 145, 721

Islam, cxvi
Italian, 621, 656, 750* 756*, 759, 760
INDEX
Italic, vi
Italy, 651
Itihdsa, xiv, xvii, xcix, vlix, Ixxix, 1,
43*, 173*
I. Tsiog, cxi, 656, 671-73, 759, 760
IhaoDjrga, Uxxvn, 65, 473, 687, 726, 768
X&ana,
41,
797
Jaina Atmananda Granthamala, 374*. 471*

475, 476*, 503*
Jaioa Atmananda Sabha, 362*, 363*, 467*
Jaina Bbaskarodaya Press, 362*, 424*, 427
Jaina Dbarmapraâraka Sabha, 343*
Jaina Hancandra, 17*
Jama-JayasVkbara, 742*
Jaina Meghaduta, 751*
Jaina-Nayacandra, 679
Jaina Padmananda, 400
Jama Puppharyanta, 060*
Jaina Kaja-St-khara, 7, 325-26
i:
Iviii
L&nadeva, 249*. 623*

Tâoadeva (Lllas'uka's preceptor), 387
Isvara, 773
Ts"vttiadatta, 15b. '213, 249, 761, 762
Ta"varakrsna, cxiv
Ttvara-pTatyabhijfldsutra'Vimartini, 662
Hvara-Maka, 385*, 382
Tsvarasena,249*, 757,762
T.fvardbhisandhi, 626
Jaina-raja-taiahginl, 677
Jaina Tlrthankara, 775
Jaina Yaôvijaya Grantbamala, 476*
Jamism, 172,361, 482, 484, 485, 662*, 704,
767
Jaipur, 403
Jaitrasirnba, 363
Jaladbaramala 'metre). 181 *
Jalapa (Nagara:a's father), 402
Jaloddhatagati (metre), 181
Jdipa-kdlpn-hila, 566
Jambhaladatta, 421, 423
Jambu. 373
Jann, 629
Jammu cat, 229
Jamnagar, 313*. 362*, 424*
Jaiiiuna, cvn, 665*, 689
Jauaka, 288
Janardana ^commentator of Meghaduta), 751*
Janardana Gosvumin, 370
Janardana-sena, 337^
u
Janendra, 751
Jaugamas, 492*
Jantuketu (in Lataka-melaka) 497
JAOS, 2,)^, 46*, 55*, 86*, 89*
107*, 140*, 161*, 165*. 168*, 242*, 45
200"- 277*, 344*, 404 S 421*, 455*, 7*
179*. 481 *-, 502*, 651
673, 710, 728*
756*, 759
'
J. A., 69*, 70*, 72*. 79*. 81*, 93*, %",

102*, 107*, 194* 367*, 378*, 121*, 429*,
550*, 655*, 657*. 660*, 674"-96*, 702*,
728, 752*, 759, 763
Jacobi, 13, 120*, 127 , 190*, 192*, 240*,
263*, 319*, 322\ 424", 524-. 529
533",
536. 587*. 543, 548, 550*, 551, 658*, 612*,
622", 623*, 635, C50, 657*. 700*, 702*.
See H. Jacobi
708*, 73()*, 732, 760.
Jackson, 18% 55*. 173*, 256*, 651*, 728*,
759* See A. V. \V. Jackson
Jagaddhara, 217, 271*, 277*. 553*, 661, 6613,
689, 751 Y , 755*, 762. 763
J:
Jagaddhara Zadoo, 355*

Jagadabharana, 364* ,566
Jagadu, 679
Jagadu canta. 679
Jaganmohan Tarkalamkara, 169
Jagannatha, 469
Jagannatha PanVanana, 661
Jagannatha Pandita, 665, 675
Jagannatha, Tailanga, 364, 371, 372, 383
f-
665,
572,
'
Jagadls" vara, 198
400, 527, 555,
584,
604,
628,
075
i',
Japal, cvi
Japan, 648
Japanese, cviM
See Ariel
J. Ariel, 367
Jarjara-puja, 49, 50
.
Jagannatha, (temple of) 450*

Jagannaiha-vallabha, 396, 468, 511*
Jagati (metre), 2*, 12
Jaghana-capala (metre) 417
Jaghana-capala, womanpoet, 417
Jahagirdar, 720*
Jahlana or Jalhana. 7, 8*. 16, 185, 300, 360,
ABS, 728*
Jasahara carm, 436
410, 414, 417*, 478*, 542, 677, 769

Jaina, vii, ix, xcvii, cv, 7*, 17*, 50. 72. 89,
122*, 166, 168, 172, 189*. 195, 201*, 211,
214, 325, 326, 331, 338 340, 342-45 (Mahakavyas), 861-63 (Poems with Historical
(Duta-kavyas),
Themes), 364, 373-75
377,879 (Sfotras), 400, 404, 424,420-29,
430*. 431-33 (Prose kavyas), 462*, 472,
648
Java, cxi, 48, 86
Javanese, 48
Javanika or Jauaanika, 54*
Jay a, 439
(Ahgas), 676
539, 659 (Writers), 612
Ethics), 678, 679 'Authors), 694 (Storybook), 698 (Recension), 703, 742*, 751,
767 (Writers), 768 (Religion), 775 (Tir-
thankara)
JASB, 69S 80-, 268 S 373*, 381*, 389*,

390^ 413*, 524*, 612*, 618*, 647, 666*,
696', 728*, 751*
JataHiiYihanandl, 343
Jatavalfodhtni, 624"'
J
Jayacandra of Kauauj, Iviii, 326, 428

Juyadeva, author of Candraloka, 560
author of GUa-govinda (q. v.), 314,
Javadeva,
*
325*, 371, 373
388-90, 468.
509, 510*,
561,659. 662,665,666, 761

Jayadeva, author of Prasannaraghava, 369,
389*, 462-63
Jayadeva Paksadhara, 462

Jayadratha, 724
798
Jayadratha (author), 323, 28, 629

Jayamangala, 183*, 528*, 616*
Jayanta, xix
Jayanta \Bbat$a
J. Burgess,
555
J.
Jayanta Bhatta, author of Nyaiiamanjan,

381*
of
(commentator
Jayantabhatfa
Kavyaprakdfa), 655
Jayantacandra, 625
Jayanta-marigalam, 494*
Jayantapuri, 340
Jayanta Sirnha, 478
Jayanta-vijaya t 345
Jayantl-ksetra. 340*
Jayaratba, 323*, 360, 557, 558, 628, 629*
Jayarama, 555, 556
Jayaamkara, 278
Jayasena, lix
Jayasiipha of Gujarat, 345, 476
Jayasirnha of Kashmir, 19, 323, 351, 354,
553*, 628, 678
Jayasimba Suri, author of Hammira-madamardana, 362*, 478
Jayasimha Suri, author of Kumdra-pdlacantd, 362*, 863*, 767
Jayasimhdbhyudaya, 359*
Jayaswal, 263*. 402*, 477 *, 700. See K. P.
Jayaswal
Jayatilaka SOri, 335"
Jayatlrtha, cxviii
Jaya, 171
Jayanaka, 36U*
Kashmir,
cxvi, 197, 311),
536
or
d'Alwis,621*
44*, 86*, 89*, 90*, 133*. 207*,

404*, 426*, 427*, 657**. See Hertel
J. Hertel,
J.
Huiziuga, 46*
Jina, 172, 214, 344, 379
Jmabhadra Sun, 741*

Jiuadatta Suri, 331
Jinadasa, 657
Jinaharsa, 770
Jmakirti, 427
Jinakirti? Geschiclite von Pdla
Jinamandana, 36*2*, 767

Jina Par^vanatha, 172*
Jinapi-bbba Suri, 172\ 379, 476
Jinaraja 025*, 624^
Jina Rsabha, 172
Jinaseua, 132*. 874*
Jinatarahginij 629
Soc Muni J in avi Java
Jinavijaya, 428*.
Jinendrabuddhi, 189*, 528
Jivananda or Jivananda Vidyasacfar, 120*,

121*, Kil*, 169*. 194M96*, 217*, 298*,
325*, 333*, 342*, 368*, 369*, 373*, 380*,
381*. 421*, 429*, 469*, 489*, 506*. 560
Jambavati, 8
xviii,
7,611
Jaml, Persian Poet, 771
Janakt-harana, cxv, 127*, 185-88. 621, 761
JanaUi-parinaya, 331, 456*, 464, 030, 765
Jarigulika, 168*
Jangull, 475
Jataka, xviii. 4, 72, 80, 81, 83 5, 87, 133*,
141*, 258, 369*, 434, 697, 702*, 731*
Jataka-Ttalanidhi, 730*
Jataka-mald, cvii, 80-1. Gil, 655*, 700
Jataka-sdra, 730*
Jatukarna, xxv
Jatukarnl, 278
See Yatra
Jatra, 631,
J.B.A.R.8.,671*, 670*, 710
J. B. Chaudhuri, 373*, 375*. 116*, 417*
J. B. Modaka, 435*, 437*
J. B. 0. R. S
72*, 470*, 477*, 494*, 510*,
731*, 738*
J* B K. A. S., 60*. 102*. 105*. 108*, 121*,
161*, 166*, 189*, 218*. 278*, 320*, 326*,
340*. 531*, 642*, 562*, 611*, 612*. 615*,
,
619*-21*, 744*, 755*, 763.

J.
B, T. S.,378*
and Gopdla,
427*, 629*
Jintaguptal, cxii
Jdmadagnya-vijaya,
or Jambavati-vijaya,
694*.
Jena, 497*, 498*, 535*

J. E. Seneviratne, 728
J. F. FJeefc, 454*
See Vidusaka
Jester, 257. 260*.
Jewellery, 173
J. Gildemeister 132*, 158*
J. Grill, 271*. 272*, 762.
See Grill
J. Grosset, 522*
J. Haeberlin.
See Haeberlm
Jhalkikar, Ixiv.
464, 686
Jamb avati- jay a
263*,
Jmananda, 676
Jabali,230, 231
Jahangira-saha-carita, 360*, 772
Jaluka, 611*
Jdmadagnya-jaya
240*,
See Charpentier
(Abhinanda's father), 321,
Jayaplcja, Cippala of
650*
J. C. Ghosh, 470*, 660*

J. Charpentier,
107*,
Jimuta, lix
Jimutavabana, story of, Ixxxiv, 19, 60, 25860, 759
Jlva Go^vamm, 396*, 397, 110, 663*
Jlvamdhara, 344, 433, 437
Jwamdhafa-campn, 344, 437
Jivamdhara-carita, 344
Jivaraja, 561
Jwdnanda, 486, 764
J. J. Meyer, 157*, 207*, 617, 747
J. Jolly or Jollv, 210", 496*, 710
L. Kein, 646
M. Grandjean. 675
J. M. Kennedy, 161*
J. Murray Micbell, 744*
Jnananidhi, 278
J.
J.
Jnana^ri, 474
Jnanananda Kalddhara, 158*, 668

Jnanendra Bhiksu, 514
J.
Nobel, 122*, 173*, 202*,

See Nobel
752*.
J. N, Tarkaratna, 183*
Jodhpur, 373*
John Pickford, 277*
520*, 529*, 656*.
INDEX
Johnson, 706
Johnston, 9*, 13*, 14*, 69*, 70*-74*, 76*-78* f
See B. H. Johnston
122*.
Jonaraja, 322*, 354*,
627, 629
Jones, 393, 667
359,
360, 415,621*,
;;
322*,
417*,
531*,
016*,
648,
701*,
732*,
338*,
464*,
169*.
17.3'-,
I8b*,
189",
20UV201*, 218V24I)*,
360*,
371% 378
-,
401*. 413*,
490%
501, 520", 525*, 52G,

5,33, 537*, 539*, 540*, 550*, 552,
619*, 621*, 630*-32-S 635*, 647,
656*, 657-, 659*, 66-2*, 674,695*,
704*, 708*, 710, 7-28, 720*, 731*,
738*, 752*, 756*, 759, 7tH) T 761
Jrmbhaka (weapon), 53*

J.
S Hosing, 189*
J. S.
Speyer,
J.
8')*,
"
-biJaumsausgabe, 667
Julius Caesar, 33*
Junagad, cxu, 567
s1
675, 764
Kalyana.mandira, 172*, 379

KaJydna-saugandhika 467, 720
t
Kalyanavaiman, 477
Kaiualakara, author of Katnamdldtary;,
555, 55H, 666*

Kdiriulakara bhiksu, 218*
Kama] a vi'dsn, 551*
Kaniahni kalahamsa 472, 772
Kainpaiaya or \ Ira Kamj-ana, 418
Karpsa, 11, 49, 60, 115, 332, 336, 636-30,

640*, 644*
Kamsa-va-dha, xviii, 437*, 468, 610, 772
Kanabbaksa, 527
Kanaka- janakit 465*
Kaoakalata Tbakuia, 741*
Kanakaprabba (metre), 13
Kanauj, cxv-cxvii, 16, 326, 361, 496, 676, 772
JyeathakalasX 350
Jyotirisvara Kavi6ekhara, 497
Jyotirvidabharana, 5*. 730* 740*
K
Kabul, civ, 736
Kacchapesvara DTksita, 566
Kadamba family, 619
Kadphisea 1 and II, civ
Kafirstan.94
Kahlana or Kalhana, 11Q, 120*. 121*, 197,
198,241,279,293, 320, 321*. 322*, 349,
fi77, 6ft-2
wa Damnag, KaUld-wa Dimna,
527,530,532,533*, 5,%,
189*,' 525*,
538,
510*
562*, 581,
353-69, 360*. 382, 523, 536, 67o,

Kaikeyl, 113, 114, 287, 456
Kailasa, 322, 450, 452
Kaildsa-tailavarnana, 774
KaitikKvrtti), 539
Kaiyata, 638, 637-39, 644^, 656*
Kaiyyata-vyakhyana, 764
Kalakabtha, 298
Kalasa, king, cxvi, 96*, 553*, f>)2
KalatrapatriLa, 491
Kalapadipika, 616*
Kala-vilasa, 407-8, 675
Kali, 327, 410, 658*
Kalikala-Valmlki, 339
Ka\\Jtel\ 9 494, 687
(commen
666*
Kamalakara Bhatta,
Kane,
Juska, 356
Kalitag
tW
Kandarpa-keli, 494
Kaudarpaketu, Prince, 219-21
Kanduka-krida, 491*
Kandnkivatl Princess of Damalipta 212, 216
92 % 695*.
See Spider
See Takakusu
Takakusu, 256*.
J Tayloi, 481*
<J
ti)3* t
Kdlyan.inmlla, 751*
12-2M24M33*.
186",
Kahyuga.pankathB, 613*
Kalmuch, 422*
Kalpana-n anditika or Kalpandlainlrtikd, 72
Kalpataru Press, 380
Kulyana, 341, 351
Kaiyanj, an author, 396*
l
JORM,470*
185 4
Kaluga, cxxi, 212, 473, 563

Kalinga-sena (courtesan), 98
Kalinga-raya, 400*, 414
Kahvarjyas, xxiv
Kah>vidambana
Journal of Indian History 122*

Journal of Orient. Research or JOB, 102*,
119*, 271*, 300*, 302, o32*, 414*, 415*
Journal of the Annamalai Untv , 137*
Journal of the University of Bombay, 390*,
752*
Journal of Vehkatetvara Oriental Institute,
487*
JL'ASB, 50*
JKAS, 8*, 17*. 29
47*-9', 71
79*, 81<S8*, 89 <S 92% <)5*, 102*, 104*, l<)5*, 107*.
IPS*,
799
513*, 550*, 552% 556,

611*, 615, 616*, 628, 710, 753,
542,
See P. V. Kane
K. A. Nilkantha Sastri, 470*
Kaniska, civ, cv\ ex. 13, 14*, 18, 70, 73, 80,
81*, 350
Eankana 766
Kanka, 218*
Kahkdlddhydya-vdrttika, 751*
Kankall, 405
Kant, 580
Kantfidbharana, 761
Kaoticandra Mukhopadhyay, 566
Kanva, xxv, c, 40, 144, 145, 697, 747

Kapalakundala, 283
Kapi'duta.WS, 374*
Kapilurudra, 525*
Kap'lavastu, 75
Kap
fijala
family,
331
Kapi&a. cxvi
Kapplnoa, KHIL', 321

Kapnhtnabhytidaya, cxv, 320
Karahaia. 351
Karanja, 436*
Karafija
89*
Jama
Scries, 430*
Karalakeâ, lix
Kaikoia dynasty, 356
Karky'rt, 325*
k
Karlsruhe. 730Karraan, 60, 81
Karna, 112-13, 327, 275,678, 722
800
Kautilya and Kdlidisa, 729*

Kautsa, 745
Kautukti-ratndkara, 499
Kautuka-sarvasva, 498-99
Kavican-lra, 751*
Karna-bhdra t lOl 109*. 112, 709, 720

Karnabhuaria, 566
t
Karria, Cedi king, 350
Karnadeva Trailokyamaila, 35 >, 471

Karnaparva \Mahdbhdraia\ xiii
Kavi kanthabharana, 10*, 29*, 324*, 465*,

554*, 618*
Kavikdrnapura, Paramananda Sena, 7^, 396*
Kari}a-sundari, 350, 471-72, 709
Karnatak Press, 439*

Karndnanda Prakdsinl, 662
!<
Karr/ata, 343, 470*, 497,

KarÎputra Muladevd, 250, 407
Karpaji Gotra, 402

*
Karpatika, 120
Karpura-caniu, ixxxvii, 474, 489, 492*, 70S
KaTpura-manjan,
cv,
378,381,382, 40141,415,421, 422,423,

471, 525*, 535, 544, 553S 554, 618, 62729, 656*, 659*. 674-75, 677, 682,688-92
698-99, 700*, 705, 706, 729*, 736, 762,
771
Kashmir Report, 92*, 320*, 322*, 389*. 551*

Kashmir Series of Texts and Studies, 403*
Knthaka, 508*, 635, 63S
Kathambhfiti, commentary, 75 H
Katha, xvii, Ixxv, xcix, 81, 94, 200-5, 211*.
431,
653',
433-31
688,
532*, 539,
694, 6ii8-tW,
563,
754,
757
Katha and Akhyayika
in
a,
author of
Kavitarkika, son
civ,
Classical Sanskrit,
The, 84*
Kathd-kautuka, 316*, 629, 771
Kathd-kota, 427, 694
Kathd-mukha, 705
Kathanaka, 426
Kathd-ratna-sdgara, 770
Kathd-'ratndkara, 427
Kathd-sarit-sagara, IxK 29*. 89*, 92*. 96,
138*, 230*, 231, 258*, 421*, 042*688-90,
691*, 692, 695-96, 698-99, 7>:0, 705, 707,
722, 759, 761
Katha-trayl 341
Kathiawad,cviii, 332, 503,616
Katmundu, 699
Kaumudl-rr>ahotsava, 257*
Kaumudi-mahotsaoa, 470 715, 758
Kaumudt-mitrdnanda, 450*,
Kaundinya Gotra, 462
Kauntalevara datitya, 119*
Kaunteydtaka, 774
Kaurava, 178. 273, 274
Kautalikd, 171, 696
Kauâmbi, cix, 689
KauSikayana Gotra, 469*
Kau4ikI(Vrtti),63, 66*
Kautilya, xiii, xcvi, xcvii, 15,
706, 732-33, 735-36
460
fiagliavapandaoiya, 340,
Kavnaja, ron-inentator, 661

Kavirajarnarga, 531*
Kavi-samaya, 26*, 28
Kavi samaya-kallola, 566
cxin, cxv,
cxvi, 19, 72. 89, 89, 90, 93, 95, 9G, 98, 99,
'230.
199,
197,
119, 120, 121*, 17:3*,
249*. 255*, 2(3, 279, 2&0, 302, 3J6, 31924, 326*, 336, 349. 350, 831-59, 3^9,377,
222, 419,
635, 633,
619-21
Kalinga, 473
Karuna (rasa), 555, 592 595
Karund'lahari, 383, GG5*
Karund vajrdyudha, 360, 7(39
ot
Kasbgar, civ, cxvi

Kashi Skt. Ser., 189*
Kashmir or Kashmirian,
459,
(u. le),
Kavira
454, 457-58, 547
Karpuratilaka, King
Kavimalla, 331
Kavipuira, 16, 1()1, 6^5, 712, 757*
Kavi-rahasya, 336, 521, 617
18
451,
Kavitaja,
(title),
33,
475, 76.)
ot
Kayitarkika-sijjiha
Vedantac-a-rya
Vaninatha, 499
Vedaaiacarya, 439.
Bee
Kavivaliabha Cakravarti, 622*

Kavi vim<ira 713
Kavlndra-kanthubharana, 335*
Kavindra-iacana-samuccaya, 5*, 8, 16*, 19*,
71*. 119*, 158*. 173*, 186*, 300*, 412
455*, 611*, 740*
Kayyala, 4S, 382*
Kadambail, 230, 232, 234, 299*
t
Kadambari,
cxiii, 84, 170*, 201, 201,218,

225, 227, 229-35, 238, 405, 430*, 431,
436, 474, 618, 754 55, 757, 762
Kudambaii'katha &(ira, 324, 618
Kadainbas. 34()
Kaka-duta, 375*
Kakatiya, 467, 479*, 562
Kakutstha-keh, 769
Kalacakra. 730*
Kalacnri, 30 ', 450, 454, 504, 686
Kalajftdna, 730
Kalaftjara, 301*. 473, 489
KalapriyanaUia, 279
Katidasa, vii, ix, xvii, xix, xxi, xxix-xxxii,
xxxv-xxxviii, li, Ivii, Ix, Ixiii, Ixxx, xcvii,
xcxiii, c, cii, cv, cviii, ex, cxvii, cxix, cxxvcxxvii, cxxix,
2, 5*, 8*. 9*, 16,
16,
23, 25* 35, 38, 39, 40, 51, 55, 60, 69, 74,
78, 101, 104, 105, 110, 118-54 (predecessors, date and work-*), 155, 156, 169,
167, 170, 173, 175, 176, 177, 178. 180, 181,
185,1*7,188 191, 194, 200, 201, 210*,
219, 235, 239, 241, 245, 257, 260*, 261,
263. 264, 270, 277, 279*, 28i>, 283, 285*,
2'.) 291,295, 297, 305, 306, 316, 317,
321, 322, 325, 331, 337. 345, 372. 374*.
375,381,429.444,161, 477*, 52-2. 535*
529*, 538, 553, 691, 618*, 620, 621, 641,
706
654, 655, 657 58. 665*, 635, 695
708, 710, 712, 716-18, 722, 729-32,
735,
737-41, 743-44, 747-48, 750-54, 757*, 76!,
771
Kdliddsa and Padmapu r dna 140*

Kalidasa, author of Gahgdstava, 740*
Kalidasa, author of Jyoti'viddbharana, 740*
Kalidasa, author of Kuyda-prabandha, 740*
t
522,
567, 701
INDEX
Kalidasa, author of Ratnakosa, 740*
Kalidasa, author of Suddhi-candrika, 740*
Kalidasa, author of Tripurasundaristuttkdvya,
740*
KdUdasa etl'Art poetique del'Indt, 126,
620*, 528,548*. 550*, 553, 657*, 740*
Ixii,
Ixiv*,
Ixxv,
Ixxviii,
Ixxxv, Ixxxvi,
Kamamafijarl (courtesan), 21. 211, 281*
Kamandaka, 706
KamandakI, 281, 282, 284
Kdmandakiya Niti-tdstra, 91
Kamaraja Diksita, 370
Kamarupa, cvii, 352, 364, 473
Kama-gastra, xxxi, Ixxv, xcix, 23, 281*, 290,
487, 623,
624,
747.
See
74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 84, 99, 117, 118,
119, 122*, 127* ; Sataka and Stotra-kayya
156-173;
Mahakavya 173-94, 316-45;
Prose 200-39, 429-33 ; 806, 307 ; Historical
345 64 ; Erotic 364-75 ; Devotional,
375-98 ; Didactic and Satiric 194-99, 398411 ; Anthologies and Women Poets 41118; Campu 433-40; Definition, constituents and classification of Kavya as in
Alamkara Sastra 518, 526, 585-37, 540*,
544, 559, 562, 563, 572, 574 82, 584, 586,
592*, 593, 609; Some earlier Kavyas 61113; Bhattikavva and other cognate Caritakavyas 617*, 621, 623, 625-26; Drama and
Kavya 634, 649, 653; Khanda Kavya or
Lyric poetry 658, 664, 665, 667 ; Historical
Kavya 679*, 680,687, 690; Paficatanfcra
700, 701; Miscellaneous 730, 761, 767,
770, 773-74.
Kdvya-darpana, 556
4
Kdvyadhvani, 540
Vatsyayana
Kama-sfhgdra, 714*
Ixii,
Ixiv
21,
405,
645,
758
Kamavilapa Jataka, 133*

Kambocha, 788
Kamboja, 738-89
forest, 178
Kaficanamala, 257
Kaficanapalll, 485
Kaftcanacarya, 467 769
Kamyaka
cxiii, 254, 332, 884,

491, 568*. 658*, 679, 765
Kaflci,
Kdvya-dipikd, 566
Kavya.kaldpa, 368*, 372*, 373*
Kdvya-kalpalatd, 28, 331
Kdvyakarana, xviii
Kdvya-karana-grantha, 522
Kdvya-kautuka, 544-45, 548, 599
Kdvyalihgi (alamkara). 534
Kames*vara, 469
(Series), I70*,172^,197*,256 f 271*.

332*, 333*, 335*. 336*. 338*, 342*, 363*,
364*, 368*-73*, 379*. 384*, 397*, 400*-03*,
406', 407*, 410*. 487*, 523*, 535*. 536,
557,
558*, 559, 563-66, 616*-21*, 623*,
626*, 629*. 656*-59*, 661*, 662*, 663*,
665* 668,674,688, 751,775
Kdvya-mimdmsd, 7*. 19*. 28*, 29*, 78*, 185,
271*, 381*. 454-55, 525*. 542*, 546-47,
Kavyamala
450, 487*, 489,
Kandalayarya, 566
Kantotplda (metre), 13
Kanti, 575, 676*. 593
Kanyakubja, 227, 255, 272, 279, 299, 325, 350,

470, 625
Kapalika, 281, 282, 476, 497, 765
Karikd of Bhartrhari, 644
Dhvanikara\ 540-44
664^
560, 563-64, 685

Kdvya-ndtakdlarnkdra, 740*
Kdvya-nirnaya 550
Kavya-pradipa, 758
Kdvya-prakata, xvii*, Hii, 255*, 439*, 525,*
t
548, 552, 554, 560, 663-65, 577*, 625, 742*,
Karttikeya, xxxii, xxxvii,

Kartyaviryarjima, 336, 61647, 629
Kartyayant, 115
K&Sika, cxiii, cxiv, 178*, 186*, 189*, 336*,
536, 622, 764
KasTUksmarja Kavi, 566
Kdvyaprakdtia-darpana, 556
Kdvya-pralidSa-dipika, 566
Kastnakha, 621*
Kaîpati Kavirftja, 490
Kdvyaprakdsa-satpketa
553
101-1343B
Ixxix, Ixxx,
cxx
Origin and Sources 1-18
Environment and characteristics 18-42 73,
Kamadeva Trailokyatnalla, 350-51

Kdmadhenu, 527, 529*, 535*
paftjikd,
lix
xcix*, cvi,
Kamadeva, 340
Kamadeva II, 619
Karnadeva, Kadamba, 340
Karpanya
cii,
Characteristics, vii, viii, xi, xv, xvi,

xvii, xviii, vxi, xxvii, xxviii, xxx, xxxii,
xxxv, xxxviii, xl, xli, xlvi, xlix, li, ]ji,
Kamadatta, 762
Kamada commentary, 669
(of
521
93, 252
Kall-stotra, 740*
Kama, Ixxv, Ixxx, Ixxxi,
Ixxxix 128, 151, 675, 742
Kdnkds
Katantra or Katantrika,
Ka^ya, xxv,
Kavya,
Kali, 368*, 473, 656*, 728.
fffimasutra,xxxiii,
of alarpkdra } 520,
Ka&yapa Gotra, 278
Katyayanika,
385,
Kasyapa, xxv
Ka^yapa, a writer
Katyavema, 136, 138*, 748*, 750

Katyayana, vi, vii, 10*, 11, 93, 200, 514, 519,
535 (Gotra), 733*
Katyayana Subrahmanya, 666
Kalidasa-Ganaka, 740*
Kalidasa (Hillebrandt's), 124*, 149*. 740*
Kalidasa MiSra, 74 J*
Kalidasa Nandin, 740*
Kalidasa s Meghaduta, 661*
Kalidasa 's Religion and Philosophy, 729*
Kdhddsa's Sakuntald and Its Source, 748*
Kalifijara, 768
Kaliprasada, 374*
291, 328,
801
762
Kdvyaprakas'a'nidars'and, 556.
KdvyaprakaSa-sarpketa, 525*, 548, 555, 558,
of
Maijikyacandra,
HIS10RY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE
802
Kiel, 140*. 158*, 316*, 424*, 657*

Kielhorn, 5, 11*. 12*, 89*, 178*, 189*,
Kavyaprakata-tilaka, 556
K&vyaprakaa-viveka, 556
161*, 194*, 338*,
342*. 367*, 368*, 372*. 373*, 659*. 661*,
669*. 674.
Kavyavicara, 520*. -524, 533*, 602*, 604*
Kavyadarta, cxiv, 28*, 94,203, 207-09, 222,
236,433, 477*, 521, 525*, 529, 530*, 531,
532*, 533, 553, 564, 577*, 688*, 715
Kavyasamgraba
(Series),
Kdvyddarta (Commentary on Kdvyaprakdfa],

556
Kdvydlarrikdra, rBhamaha's) 526, 527, 533;
(Rudrat's)7, 337*, 525*, 536; (Vamana'a)
158*, 188*, 219*, 226*, 242, 271*, 280*.
646.
Kdvydlamkdra-sarvasva t 558
Kdvydlamkdra-sutra, 535.
Kdvydlamkdra-sutravrtti, 620*, 714
Same as Dhvanydloka.
Kdvydloka,
Dhvanydloka.
Kdvydnusdsana, 29*,
693
559,
Vftgbhafc)
(of
67*,
249, 464*,
Hernacandra)
563
See
518.
C. Chatterjee, 611*, 616*.

Mehendale or Mehendale,
.0.
Kedarnatb,
384*,
403*,
435*,
Kielhorn
Kilpauk, 400*
Kinnara, 993
Kirdtdnunlya, of Bharavi, 178-82, 187, 19J
621-22, 708-69 of Vatsaraja, 473
Kiskicdhya, 725
;
Kis"orika (poetess)
17
Kicaka, 337, 618
Kwaka-vadha
337, 339, 618

36ii, 078, 770
Kirh-kaumudi,
Kutt-latd, 391*
Kirtimati, 477
Kirtisena, Yadava King, 477
Kirtivarman, 481
K. K. Handiqui, 325*, 621
Klasse, 522^
*.
Sec Handiqui
Khen.(J. L),646,651*,7G3
Klienere Sanskrit-Texte, 7 2^, 77*
X
K. L. Pisharoti, 662
K. L. V. Sastri, 325*
K. Markandeya Sarma, 400*
K M. Banerji, 361*
1
(of
Kdvyetihdsa-samgraha (Series), 437*, 468*

Kayastba, 331, 408, 409, 431, 468, G75, 766.
K. B. Pathak, 132*, 619*, 620*, 671. See
Pathak.
K, Burkhard, 140*.
K
K
466*,
480*, 481*, 528*, 611*, 613*, 622*, 630*,
695,698, 702, 707, 731*, 732*. See *'.
240*, 243*.
438*, 439*,
485*.
26*
10*, 11*,
Keith, x, xi, cxxiv-cxxvi,
43*, 47*-50*, 52*, 53*,
77*, 86*, 92*
105*. 123*-25*. 183*
94*, 100, 102*,
186*, 192*,
201*, 209*.
218*, 240*
242M3*, 278*. 299* 301*, 401*, 413*
497*. 508*, 509, 616*. 619, 63}*, 632*
634-35, 637-42, 644, 654**, 666*, 673-75
696-97, 740*, 755-58, 760, 761
676*,
See A. B. Keith.
K. M. Shembavnekar^SL^
K. Narayanacharya, 487*
K. N. Sane, 435*, 137*
Kohalacaiya, 525*
Kokasambhava, 158*, 668
Kolambapura, 46G
Kolahalapura, 49 i
Konamukba, 350
Komjavidu, 299, 433
k
Kongl Pi'eusa Turfan Expeditionen, 72*, 77
fe
Konigsber^, 481^,751*, 752

Konkana, 432
Konow', 263*, 277*, 633, 641-42, 710, 750*,
See Sten Konow fq. v.).
757-58, 760-61.
Kopakaianala, 768
Kekaya,94, 95*.
Koppala,343*
Keliraivata, 687.
Kendubilva or Kenduli, 389, 390, 560, 665.
Kerala, 103, 107, 121*, 336, 337, 343*, 369*,
371, 581, 382, 465, 467, 468, 490, 494,
617, 662*, 766, 774
Korea, cvi
Kosegarten, 705*
Kotilingapura, 490
Koti-viraha, 871
K/P. Jayaswal, 262*,
Keralika,
Jayaswal
K. P. Parab, 119*, 121*, 126*, 132*. 186*,
lix.
Kefova, 360.
Kesava Bhatta, 437, 566.

KeSavamHra, 533*, 538, 564,
KeSava Narasimha, 562.
KeSavaditya, 623*.
K. F.,757*.-
K. Florenz, 648.
K. G. A. Hoefer, 750*
K. aiaser, 299*
K, G. Sankar, 124*, 731*
K. G S. Iser, 612*662*
Khandana-khanda-khadya, 326, 625, 626
Introduction to
Khanijana-khanda-khadya,
the, 626*
Khandesb, 766
Kharavela, 612
K. H. Dhruva, 262*, 263*, 623*
Kbosru-Anosbirwan, 701
477*,
612*.
See
140*, 169*, 178*, 226*, 229*, 239*. 256*,

271*, 277*, 316*, 319*, 322*. 323*-25*,
331*, 332*, 334*, 336*, 337*, 340*, 341*,
345*, 370*, 371*, 397*. 403*, 405*, 430*,
437*, 439*, 449*. 457*, 462*, 464*, 467*.
468*, 471*, 479*, 486*, 489*, 490*, 496*,
621*, 656*, 751*, 759, 762, 763
K. P. Trivedi or Trivedi, 183+, 528, 5>J9
:
530, 561-62, 615
Krakau,124*
Krainadi^vara, 615
K. Ramavarmaraja,647
Kressler
See Oscar Kressler
Krishnaji Ganapat Press, 437*
Krishna Sastri Gurjara Press, 469*
Krishnath Nyayapancbanan, 256*
Kriya-kairava-candrika, 730*
INDEX
K.B. Modgarkar,
762
Roy, 753
K. B. Pisharoti, 102*. 137*, 381*
Krsanu (Gandharva), 439
Krsasva, 52*, 523, 635, 637, 640
Krsna, 8, 40, 49, 50, 101, 112, 115, 167, 189,
190, 193, 273, 275, 332, 333, 338, 341, 342,

372*, 373", 374, 382, 333, 384,385,386,
387, 390, 391. 392, 393 396, 397, 415,
426*, 437, 440, 46G, 467, 468,474,485,
487, 490, 510, 511, 617, 619, 630, 636, 639,
640, 644*, 647, 648, 659, 663, 664, 666,
667, 678, 719, 725, 752, 766, 770, 772
Krsna, author of Bha~rata-carita 630*, 775
Krsija, author of Sdhitya-tarahgini, 566
Kr$na-ba1a-cantfi, 663
t
Kxsna-bhaktt-candnka, 468
Krsna-bhatta, 566, 740*, 752
Krsna-bhdvanamrta, 333*, 398
Krsna-candra, 621, 680
Krsoacandra Tarkalamkara, 374
Krsnaclatta, 480*, 666*
Krsnadatta, commentator, 392*
Ksemamkara Muni, 424

Kseinaraja, 381*, 382, 659*, 661*
Ksemasimha, 751*
Ksemendra.
cvi, 9, 19*, 29*, 89, 90, 96, 98,

99, 119*, 120, 166*, 186*, 199, 230*, 249,
265*, 280, 299*, 320, 321*, 324, 325, 336,
355, 401*. 404-10, 421, 422*, 423, 461,
465,471,531*, 535*, 542, 548,552,554,

604 617, 618*, 621, 674-76, 688-92, 696,*
698, 699, 705, 755, 759, 762
Kseimsvara, 448, 465*, 469-70
Kshetresh Chattopadhyaya, 124*, 731
Ksiiita-vamsdvali-canta, 679
Kslrasvamio, 302
K. S. Ramaswami Sastri, 324*
K Srinivasacharya, 487*
K. St. J. M. de Vreese, 355*
K Th. Preiiss, 648
K. T. Telang, 161*, 26'2
299*, 326*
Kubera, 225, 467, 521
Kuberadatta, 251
(
Kucamara, 521
Kucha, cxv
Krsnadacia, commentator of Megliadut'i 751

Krsnadaga Kaviraja, 333, 386*, 398, 662
i:
755*
Krsna Dlksita, 566

Krsna-harnamrta, 386-88, 662
Krsna-karndmrta-mahdrnaca, 662'
Krsnakanta Tarkavaglha, 533
663'
Krsna, king of Dahala, 350

s
Krsna-kutuhala-natakd, 664
Kr$nania, 338
Kftnalilanifta, same as Krsna-harndnirla
Sec Lilasuka
Krsna-lilas'uka.
KrnaWd-tarahgini, 396
Krsnamacdrya, 617*, 661, 691
803
Kulins Zeitschrift fin vergla Sprach, 756*

Kukkntakroda, 298
Kulasekhara of Kerala, Ixxviii, 121*, 337,
338*, 381, 465,407*, 662
Kulapatyanka, 300
Kumara, 127. 659*, 664, 741
Knmarabhatta, same as Kumaradaâ (q

185
Kutnaradatta,
v.)
iix
Kumaradasa.ctv,
19*, 127*, 156, 175, 177,

185-88, 239, 305, 621, 728. 764
Kumdraddsa and Jus place in Skt. Lit., 185*,
621*
{
",
729 ^
Krsijaons'ra, 77, 448, 480-H4, 487
Krsnamitracarya, 741*
KfRnanatha-paflcanana, 748*
Krsnaoatha Sarvabhauma Bhat(acarya, 505
Krsnapati Sarman, 741^
Krspa, poet. 369, 43
Krsriara ]a III, 336, 616, 617
Kj-Rija Hao Joglekar, 759
Krsna, Rastrakuta king, 435
Kj-ana Sarman, same as Krsna, poet, 566
Krsna Sarvabhauma, 373 A
Kumaradevi, Licchavi Princess, cvii

Kumaradhatuseoa, 185
Kumdragin-rajlya. 748*
Kumaraprupta, ex, 738
Kumarajiva, 69*, 72
Kumaralata xvni, 15, 72, 73*, 79, 82
Kumaramani, 186*
Kumarapala of Anhilvad,
343, 361- 62, 428,

485, 503, 678,
767-68,
Kumarapala. canta, of Hemacandra 336,
361-62, 617, 767 ; of Jayasiinha Suri 362* ;
of Caritrasundara 362*, 767
463*, 467,
484,
Kj-snasiqiha, 770
Ktfna-stotra, 386*
Kumdrapdla-prabandha, 767
Kumdrapdla-pratibodha. 362*, 768
Krenasvarai Aiyeoger, 695*
cv,
xxi, xxxvii, Ixxx,
cxiv, 23, 105*, 123*, 125*, 126-28, 150,
728*.
706,
299, 383, 533,
187,
167,
738*, 740-43, 754^f
332
Kum&ra <Somesvara s father),
Kumara-avami, 557, 562, 628
Kumdrd-sambhava,
'
n, 765
Kysna, Yadava king, 414

Kfsija-yatrS, 393, 510
Krwtiinika-kaumudi, 333*. 397, 398*. 663

Krsnananda, 331,626
Kfwanandirii, Tfppant, 556
Kfsnilaka, Srestbiputra,
KrtycLravana.SOl, 686
Ksaharata,
25'2
ci
Sastri, 479*, 774-75

(lexicographer) 6*, 729, 730
K$abra-cti4dmani t 344, 438*
K?atrapa, 6, 94, 106*. 654
K. Sarab'asiva
Kjapanaka
K. SchSnfeld, 401*. 674
Kurnara-tatacarya, 765
Kurnarila, xxv, xxxv, 278*, 765
Kumbha, 388* -190*, 6^6*
Kumbha, author of Rasaratna-kosa, 566
Kumbhakarna mahendra, 666*
Kumbhakonam, 487*
Kumbha-Nikumbha, 824
Kuinudananda, 616*
Kumudika, story of, 244*.
Kumudvati, 746
804
Kondadanti (metre), 13
Kundamala, 53*, 464
Kundaprabandha, 740*
Kundina (in Maharas^ra), 450
Laksmana
Laksrnidasa, 752
Lakinidhara, 317, 414, 561*. 623
Kunnainkulara, 338*
Kuntaka, 120*, 249, 300, 301, 302, 369*, 401*

542, 548-50, 575-76, 583, 584, 587-92
Kuntala, 119*, 298, 368*

Kuppusvarni Sastri, 301*, 302*,
Kurangi, (story of), 477,* 715
of Somesvara) 332
(mother of Brlmvisa Atiratrayajfn),
486 * See Sruiivasa Atirairayajin.
LaksmTna^ha Bhalta, 553
Laksmmatha Sarma, 623*,
,
Laksminarayana Nyiiyalaiiikara, 707

Laksmmivasa, 751*
Laksmi, woman poet, 416*
Lalita-mddliava, 468
Lahta-ratnamdld, 471
Lalitasuradeva, Ixxx
Kusa-kumudvatl-ndtaka, 765
KuSalakavi, 730
ci, 5, 43, 80, 655, 736
KuSilava, 51, 635, 645, 647, 650
Kusumadeva, 203
Kusumalatavellita, (metre) 14* f
Kusumapura, 218, 251
Ku$uma-skhara 687
Kusuma-sekhara-vijaya, 687
Kutila (metre), 181*
Kusana,
Laltta-vistara,
52*,
83,
345,
52,
014, 654.
655
Lalitaditya of Kashmir, 279
Lalla Dlksita,239*, 758
La Metnca degli. Indi, 192
Lancercau, 707
Langles, 704*, 707
Lanka, 131, 183, 280, 463, 464, 502, 504
Kultani-mata, xxxiii. 197, 198, 199, 251, 256,

407, 525, 675
Kutubuddin Ibak, 768
Kuvalayavati, 373*
Kuvalaya (dancing girl), 654
Kuvalaydnanda, 557, 564, 565

Kuvalyadva-canta, 664
Kuvalaya^va (legend of), 471
Kuvera, 749
Kurma, 325*
K. Viraraghava Tatacarya, 487*
K. V. Krishnamachariar or Krishnamacha222*
97* (F.
Lacote), 99*, 110*, 201*, 689, 691, 6S2,

See C. Lacote.
696, 766*.
Laghu-canakya, 196, 673. Sec Canakya
Laghu-dipika, 207*
Laghu-jataka, 743*
Laghustava, 740*,
Laghtiddyota, 556
five, (Amrta-,
Sudhd-, Gaiiyd-,
Laharis,
Karuna-, and Lafr^mn-, of Jagannatha,
388, 665
Lahore, 8*, 138*, 320*, 325", 355,417*, 467*,
496*, 498*
Laksmana, 154, 292, 300*, 451*, 456*, 465
Laksmaija Acarya, 384, 665
Laksmanabhatta, 437, 666*
Laksmanabhatta Ankolakara, 415
Laksmanaguru, 545
Laksroanamanikya, 499
Lak?mana Pan^ta, 619*
Lakmana Sastri Dravi4a, 626*
Lak^manasena of Bengal, 871, 873*, 390, 413
428, 429, 751
371,469
Lakmi,
Kuroksetra, 725
Kurzjefre Textforni, 140*
Kufo, 51, 635, 746
Kus*a Dynasty, 80
Lachroldhar, 729*
Lacote, 89*, 92*, 94*, 95*, 96*,
Laksmilahari, 383, 665

(mother of Jagannatba Tailariga),
Lak?ml
Laksmi (mother
Kuravirama, 551
Kuru, 112, 113, 466
riar, 132*,
Buri, 34U*, 666*
Laksmi, 883*, 473
Lankavatara, cvi
Lanman, 298*
La Khetotique Sansknte
520*-, 5*2*
L' Art poettque de Vlnde, 122*
Lasscn, 5,.388*. 393, 497*, 6<36 S 6()7, 688,
704 *.
See C. Laasen.
La suite des Indies dans les, 612 -13*Lataka-melaka, 494, 496-97
Latin, v, xi, xii, 12*, 122*, 126*, 129* 138*,
(
161*, 741*, 743,
Lankika nydya-sanigralia, 698

Lava, 289, 635
Lavanasirjiha, 363
Lavanaprasada, 428, 678
Law,'xxiv,26*, 72, 242*, 032, 731, 735
Lasya, 50, 66*
Lata, 432, 766
Ldidnuprdsa, 557
Laft (mi), 537

L. B. Gandhi, 201*
L. Cheikho, 89*
L. D. Barcett, 102*, 185*, 254*, 467*. See
Barnett
L. de la Vallee Poussin, 72*, 79*, 613*, 614*
Lear, King, xlviii, 447
Leiden, 79*, 258*, 355, 614*
Legal literature, Ixi, Ixiii, Ixxiii, xciii, xciv.
Legend or Legendary, xxxiv, xxxv,
\li,
Ixxxiv, Ixxxv, xc, ciii, 3, 4*, 5, 22, '^6*,
28.44,49,50,55,60,65,
69, 72,73,
82, 83, 84 85, 93, 94, 97, 98,
107*, 110, 111, 115, 116, 119, 124,
129, 130, 138, 140, 148, 150, 151,
168, 169, 172, 185, 189, 206, 210*,
75,
0,
74,
101,
128,
161,
219,
240, 241, 244, 256, 257, 258, 272,
28r, 290, 324, 342, 343, 344, 856, 357, 368,
376, 378, 387, 389, 402. 400, 438, 439, 442,
624, 626, 627, 629, 630*. 640-42, 649*,
2%*,
658*,
788*
666,
680,
689,
692,
695,
719,
INDEX
Legend of Jimutavahana, The, 674*,
Legends of the Punjab, 649*
Lollata, 523
London, 4*, 119*, 126*,
14*, 45*, 77*, 89*, 90*, 96*, 103*,

138*, 140*, 189*, 196*, 197*, 207*
256*. 262*, 271*, 277*, 298*, 391*
404*, 421*, 422*, 424*, 426*' 427*.
472*. 480*. 498*. 506, 510, 533*, 646,
650, 674, 700*, 708*, 756*, 762.
Leipzig Catalogue, 162*,
Leipzig,
122*,
209*,
401*,
469*,
649*,
Le Museon, 615
Leo von Mankowski, 89*
Le Pancatantra on les cing
Lea
Leumarm
Leuven, 225*
Le"vi, 48*,
Lou vain,
17 3
Love and Marriage in modern and ancient

India, 747
Love-drama, love poetry or love-story, 136,
244, 280, 302,
319,
Lyric or lyrical, xxxviii, Ixxv,
52*. 53*, 79*, 217*, 406*,

421*, 497*, 501*, 504*, 522, 551, 617*,
rt
631, 6 5* 650* 654*, 655*, 695*. 696*,
761.
L. Oster, 429*
L. K. Vaidya, 272*, 372*, 565

L. Sarup, 101*, 467*
Liiders, 11*, 48*, 76*, 77*, 504, 612*, 613*,
637, 642, 644,^653*, 654*. See H. Ludera
Luptopama, 518
L. Von Scbroeder, x, 44*, 647, 648
Lyly and hia Eupheus, 223
Les
Les Literatures de I'lnde, x, 136*
Lesny, 719*. See V. Les D y
Le Theatre Indien, 631, 646
See E.
129*, 140*, 161*,

207*, 226*. 229*, 256*, 277*, 368*, 380*,
389*, 649*, 653*, 696*, 741*, 744*, 759
Lopamudra, 6^1
156-57, 161, 201*,

364, 305, 367, 391
ruses, 704
(alayikara), 526, 563

fleurs de Bhetotique dans VInde, 611*
Letto- Slavic, vi
Leumann, 186*.
805
51*,
See Levy
Lexicography, lexicon, or lexicographer, 26*,

107*, 170, 187, 192, 204, 310, 323*, 340*,
237*, 430*, 539, 545, 617, 730, 740*
L. Feer, 81*, 82*
L. Fritze, 138*, 262*, 277*, 469*, 702-3, 704*,
706, 750*. 761*. 756*, 760, 763. See
Fritze
L. Heller or Heller, 336*, 617*
L. H. Gray, 141*, 161*, 165*. 201* 211*,
217*, 218*, 219*, 220*, 223*, 230*. 282*,
242*. 243*. 257*, 457*, 479*, 502*. See
Gray
Licchavi, cvii, 477
Liebich, 656*
Lindeneau, Dr 654*, 710. 719*, 720*.
See
Max Lindeneau
Lingdnusdsana, ascribed to Vaiaruci, 11*

Lingua franca , ix
Linguistic Survey, 94*
Lit. d. alien Indien 87*, 165*
Literary History of India, x
Literaturblatt lur onentalische
Philoloqie.
657*
Literature of
the iSvetdmbaras of Gujarat,

426*
Lild-madhukara, 490*
Lilas'ukaor Bilvamangala, 386-88, 389, 391,
392,396,397,662,668
Lttevati, 20, 342*
Lobedanz, 750*
Locana (on Dhvanydloka), cxv, 301*,
548,
Locana. vyakhyana-kaumudi, 546

Logic or logician, xxvii, 26, 165, 278,
326,
544,
Macaultiffe, 6G6*
Macbeth, 141*
Macdonell.x, 522,635*, 657*
Madana, xxi, 742
Madanadeva, king, 370
Madana, king, 93
Madanaklrti, Digambara, 429
Madanamanjari, 280*, 497
Madanamanjuka, 97, 98, 100, 244*
Madanapala of Bengal, 339
Madana, poet, 338, 770; of Gauda 472
Madanapura, 768
Madana-seuika (courtesan), 251
Madanavarman, king, 429, 768

Madanabbinima, king, 368* 658*
Madan Mohan Tarkalamkar, 210*

Madayantika, 281, 282, 284
Maddlasd'campu, 435*
Madhukara, lix
Madhumati (commentary), 556
Madhuravani, poetess, 630
Madliurd-vijaya, 361,418, 663
Madhusudan Das, 440*
Madbusudana, commentator, 169*
Madhustidana, redactor, 506
Madbusudana Sarasvati, 382, 660*, 664

Madhusudana Kavi, 674
101, 709, 720, 722
MadiravatI, 280*
Madras 185*, 186*, 207*, 211*, 246*, 271*.
277*, 298*, 300*, 801*, 302*, 320*, 332*
333*, 338*. 345*, 380*. 396*, 414*, 415*,
417*, 429*, 432*. 437*, 476*. 494*, 529*,
560, 561*, G60* 753
Madras Government Oriental Manuscript
Library, 377*
Madhyama,
462, 654
Lohara, dynasty, 356
Lokanatha, 331
Lokananda-nataka, cxiii, SI*, 119, 622*, 656
Loketvara'tatdka. 378, 384*
Lokokti.muktavali, 403
Lolimbaraja, 332, 617
Madhusudana Kaul, 408*

361)*,
545,
527, 540, 541*, 542, 543*,

560, 583
xcix, 2*, 3, 4,
12, 13, 33, 38, 52, 57, 58, 132, 134, 135,
139, 147 (Diama), 150, 157 (on Love),
159, 181, 181*, 192, 194, 297, 302,314,
332, 366 (on Love), 387, 390, 893 (Drama)
441, 442, 445, 510, 612, 629 r O n Love),
646, 656, 659, 665. 667 (on Love;, 751
806
Madura, 334, 361, 383, 400, 418,

Magadha, cxii, 568, 684, 727
679, 773
Magic, 26*, 28*, 46, 85, 100, 115*, 138, 141*,

179,205,212, 213, 214, 220, 234, 260*
280*, 298, 303, 346,
491, 745
Mahdbharata,
vii,
xxxvii,
xxxiii,
Ixxix, Ixxxvii*,
2,
419,
472,
463,
422,
xxix,
xiv,
xvii,
xiix,
Ixii,
Ixxviii,
Hi,
xcviii, cxxix, 1,
xcvi*,
xxiii,
4,47,60*, 101, 108, 112, 128*, 133*,
173
140, 141*,
170,
177,
195, 200*, 272, 299, 326, 327,
337, 341, 356, 457, 465, 568,
620-22, 624, 634, 635*. 642*,
680, 681, 687-89, 673, 695, 697,
722, 739*, 747, 748
}:
178,
331,
608,
653,
719,
189,
332,
618,
673,
720,
Mahdbhdrata-manjari, 325*
Mahdbhdsya,
viii,cxxi, 5", 10, 48, 51, 350,

512, 516, 519, 630*, 532*, 5fi8, 611, 635,
641, 643, 644, 653, 671, 672 697, 738, 761
Mahadeva (author), 464, 465
Mahadeva, author of Rasodadhi, 561*, 629
commentator
Mahadeva,
Kadatnbmi,
o(
756*
Mahendravikrama, cxiii, 239, 254, 494, 765

Mahendraditya, 753
Mahesvara, 535*, 555
Mahe^vara Nyayalariikara, 556

Mahesvara PaficanaDa, 623*
Mahesvarapandita, 658
Mahilapattana,' 368*. 658*, 660*, 661*
Mahilaropya, 88
Mahima
Bhatta, 524, 53U*, 542, 550-52, 555.
608
Mahuna-simhagani, 751*
Malumnah-stotralikd, 664*
Mahisamardini, 659
Mahipala, 345
Mahlpala Bhuvanaikamalla of Kanyakubja
or Mahodaya, 454, 455, 470
Maliipdia-canta, 345
Mahlpala II of BeDgal, 339, 470
Mahipala, King, 547*
Mahodaya,
See Mabipala Bhavanaika
454.
malla
Maithila or
497, 511
Maithili,
121*,
392, 426,486,
MaithiH-kalydna, 497*
Maitreya, 246
Majumdar, 755*
Makaranda, 220, 281-85
Malabar, ciii, cxi, 338*, 476, 647, 752*, 774
Maladharin Dovaprabha Sun, 332
Malaya hill, 373*, 773
Malayaketu, 263*, 266-68
'
Mahadeva, father
of the author of
Cnndrdloka,
560
Mahadeva, Jayadeva's
father, 389*, 402
Mahadeva Vidyavaglsa, 624*

Mahakavi, 69, 278, 454
Mahakala, 279
Mahakavya, Ixxviii, 7, 73, 129, 156, 167; from
Bharavi to Magha 173-94, 305; Later
316-45; 364, 366, 430, 539, 559, 563, 593,
616, 620, 686, 765, 770, 772.
See Kavya
Mahaksatrapa, 14
251
Mahamatra,
Mahdndtaka, 441,449*, 465*,
501, 502*, 503,
504, 505-10
Mahapadraa, 655
Mahapatra, 331
Mahdrdja-kanikd-lekhd, 80, 614*
Mabarastra or Maratha, 415, 439*. 450,
547,
629/684
Maharastri or Marathi,
ix, x,
cxx, 243^,261*,
Malay Archipelago,
Malaj avail, 25
.)
Mahyavahana, King, 432

Malayalam, lot, 105, 108, 185*, 371, 704*,
776
Malayalatn Journal, 102*

Malay Magic, 648
Mallaraja, 566
Mallacarya, 831
MalleHvaram, 417*
Mallika, daughter of Vidyadhara King, 298
MaUikd-makaranda, 475, 686, 769

Malhka-maruta, 298, 474, 686
Mallinathfl, 122, 126, 129*. 132*. 178*, 183*,
189, 325*, 558*, 561, 562, 614, 622*, 623,*
624*, 656, 657, 741, 742*, 743, 751*, 775
270*, 424, 684, 705, 707
Mahaaattva Candradasa, 65G

Mahasanghika, 69, 685
Mahaaena Pradyota, 111
Malva, 729*
Mahasveta, 230, 231, 233, 235
Mamrnata, xx,
Jataka, 369*
Mahdvagga 75, 77
Mahdvastu, 83, 614
Mahavadin, 69
Mahdvibliasd, cv
Mahdindyd, 648
Mahavira, ix, 612
Mahavira-canta,217, 278 ', 280% 289*, 28588, 297*, 449, 452, 502, 763
Maha-ummaga
t
1:
Mahavrata ceremony, 45, 46, 533*, 635*,

Mabayana, civ, cvi, cxi, cxii, cxvi, 70
640
{:
72,79, 82,
377,
cvi
71,
379
256* ,'325*,
401*,
538, 552, 555-57,

625, 675, 742*, 758
Manalikkara Matiiam, 711

Mandale6vara Bhatta, 467
Mandara, Mount, 319
Mandasor, 18, 123, 183, 616, 732*, 752*
Mandakini, female magician, 298
Mandakranta
151,
159*,
(metre), 9*, 12, 121*, 13-2, 150,

184*, 196*, 285*, 329, 372,
38-2
Mandaraka,
Mahdydna-bhumiguhyavdcamula-tdstra, 614*
Mahdydna~6raddhotpdda-sdstra 71
Mahdydna*sutrdlahkdra, cv
Mahfiyantrika, 498
Mahendrapala, cxvii, 454, 455, 547*
169*, 179* 197,

439*, 516, 531*, 534*,
562, 570-79, 596, 600,
xl, liii, Ixiv,
lix
Mandara makaranda-campti,
Mandarika, 231
Mandodari, 303, 502
M. Anesaki,
70*, 71*
Mangala, 625*
431, 566
INDEX
Mjhgala-Sloka, 711, 720
Mahgalatfaka, 740*, 752*
Mangalodaya Press, 129*
Mattamayura
Matta-ulasa,
Maudgalayana (Kumaradasa's
Maudgalya, xxv, 449
Maudgalyuyana, 77*, 655
614*
Maukhari, 227, 263

Maurya, Ivin, Ixi, Ixxiv,
Maniguptaka, 491*
Mamkacandra Digambara Granthamala, 467*

Manikarnika, Princess, 212
Manikarnikd?taka 661*
Manirama, 122*
Manitara, Town, 226
Ixxvii,
\civ,
\cv,
155, 158*. 16G, 167, 168, Ift)*,

170, 171, 172, 239, 378,538
Mayura, 121*,
Mankha
or Mankhaka, 19, 120*, 322-23, 350

3HO, 382*, 449, 557, 55S, 627, 62H, 761
Mayura-citraka, 730*
Mayuragiri, 361, 679, 772
Mavuraka li\, 168^
Mayfirastaka, 168, 659
Madbava, 336
Madhava, author of Bhdnubhdva-prakdhni,
561*
Madbava, author of Uddhava-duta 752
Madbava, author of Vtsa-bhanudaya, 679
Madbava Bhatta, probable name of Kaviraja,
',
323*=
Mankowski', 218*, 691*, 700*, 755

Manmatha, Mankhaka's grand! ather, 322
Manmatha-inoliona, 469*
Manodtita. of Vrajanatha 372, 374*, 752;
of Visnudasa 372*, 374*, 752
Manohara Sarma, 622
Manomoban Chakravarti, 389 S 413*
Manorama, 301*
Manoramd, 565 (of Bbattojl Dlksita) 751*
(of Kavicandra)
Manoramd-kuca-inatdana, 565
Manorama-vaUaraja, 301*, 686
Manoratbagupta, 44
Manoratha, poet, 540*, 543, 544, 606*
Mantbara, 287,303, 451, 456
Mantra, xxiv
Mantragupta, 212, 213
340,620
Madbava Bhatta, 467

Madhava Bba^ta, Visvanatha Bhafta's
xiii, xxv, xxvi, xxix,

105, 705, 719, 733, 731
xxxvi,
father,
473*
Madhava-campu, 439*
Madbava, commentator, 622*
Madbava Acarya, commentator of Parasara
Smrti, xcvni, 662 *, 762
Madhava
in
Mdtatlniddliaca
281-83,
285,
288
Madbava Pandita, 767

Madhava, Sakalyamalla's father, 331
Madhava Sarman, 373*
Madhacanala-htitliA, 424*
Madhun, 666*
ex, 72,
Marawa, 773
Marici, ascetic, 211
Mark Collins, 248*. 209*
Madhurya,
xv, 522, 526, 528, 563, 572, 573,

575, 576*, 578, 592
liv
Marmaprakdta, 565
xiii, Ixxii, 22, 97,
168, 187, 252,
259, 280^, 281, 283, 285, 286,290,291,
292, 302, 327, 331, 332, 333, 311, 351, 454,
Marriage,
Mayhatattia-samuccayd) 623*
Mabaiastri (Prakrit), 13, 243*, 261*, 270* Ste
Miihaiastri
des
apabhram,fa
pour servir a 1'historie

deesse Buddhique Tara, 378*
de
Mathuraprasad Misra, 196*

Mathura, cii, 49, 81*, 93, 350, 373*, 659'
Matburadaaa, Kayastha, 468
Mathura-mahima> 664*
Mathuranatha Sukla, 5P4, 624*
Mathura-vijaya, 679
Mattcitraglti, 613*
Matsya.pur&na, 138* 760
xvi, cxiv, 23, 155, 156, 173, 174,
316. 319, 321, 325, 334, 344, 429, 528, 538.

553, 578*, 621-23, 656*, 704*, 706, 764
538, 563
Meteriaux
Mdga'dht (bhdd), 537, 553, 568

Magadlil Prakrit), ix, 270*, 276*, 684
175
177.179, 188-94,223,239,305, 306, 315
Matanga, 625*
Mat<-h-maker, 272, 281*
MatenaUen zur kenntnis
750*
Madhyaimka, 71
Magba,
458,471,497,633
Marwar, 647
Marx, xciv
M. A. Stein, 35S*
Mata (alarrikara),
father), 185
cxvn, 262, 265*, 266, 268, 722, 734,

735
Max Lindenau, 53*, 103 S 708*
Max Muller, xxvii, 4-6, 171*, 539^, 612% 63'),
k
671, 704
706, 751*
Maypole ceremony, 50
Ma>ukba, xxvi
Mafijarl (dancing giil), 198, 076

Mafijarl (metre), 12
Maflju-bhasini, 772*
Mafijubbasini (metre), 13, 2H5
Maokad, 67*. See i). It. Mankad
Marly,
494,
487,
c,
Manu,
fmeire), 181*
cxiii, 104*, 254-55,
765
Manickcband Jain, 706-7

Manidipa mahakdrunika-devapanca-stotra
Mankha-kosa.
807
la
Mabismati, 450
Ma'fl/ i, commentary, 751*
Malati, courtesan, 197, 676
Malatl in Mdlati-madhava, 281-'83, 285
Md!aii-madhava, 53*, 219*, 244*, 277, 27b
280-85, 287, 297*, 298, 452, 474-75, 553".
588*. 763
Malatl (metre), 12
Malava or Malwa.cviii, cxii, 227, 539, 62L
736, 755
Malavarudra, 525*, 531*
Malavika, xxxi, 137, 638
808
Mdlawkdgnimitra, xxxi, xxxvi,
c, 16,
63*
136-38, 143, 257, 260*, 288, 638, 641. 708,

712, 740, 750, 759
Mala (metre), 12
Malinl (metre), 14*, 77*. 159*, 173, 196*
285*. 373
Malyabhara (metre), 285*
Maiyavat, 286-88, 449, 451, 456
Mdnameyodaya, 774
Mana-mudrd-bhanjana 769
Manaturiga, 172, 379
Manavadurga, 773
Manavikrama, 298*
Mdnaviya Dharmasastra. See Manu
Mananka, 338, 666*
Manikkavachahara, ciii
Manikyacandra, 525*, 547-49, 558, 564
Manikya Suri,343
Mdntkya-valhkd, 687
Mara, 19, 20, 73, 74, 345, 655
Marijjana, 533*
Marica, xxxvi
Mdrica-vaflcita, 687
Markandeya, Kavlndra, 684
Markandeya (Prakrit Gramrnai), 95*
Martandavarman,king, 479*, 776
Matroeta, xviii,cv, 15, 79-80, 613, 614*

Matrcitra, 80
Matrgupta, 5*. 119, 120, 523*, 525*
Iviii
Mdyd-pufpaka, 301, 686

Mayuraja, 298, 300,686
M.
M.
M.
M.
Bloomfield, 28*, 212*, 250*,

Bloomfield
B. Emeneau, 404*. 421*
B. Srinivasa lyengar, 662*
Chakravarty, 666*, 738*
254.
Pee
Dillon, 299*
Medhatithi, xcvii, xcviii, 105, 719
Medhavin, cxiv, 520, 525, 527, 532*
Medhavirudra, 525* 685
Medini, 721*
Megasthenes, xcv
Meghaduta, xxxvii,
cxxvi, 40, 120, 123,

124*, 125*, 131, 132-34, 150, 151, 156, 157,
364, 372, 374*, 396, 528, 553*, 656, 657,
695, 728*, 729, 750, 752
cii,
Meghaduta-samasyd-lekha, 374*
Meg ha- dutdrtha-mukt avail, 751*
Meghadutdvacuri, 751*
Megha-Iatd, 751*
Meghaprabhacarya, 503, 642, 769
Meghavarna, cviii
Meghavijaya, 875*. 703
Mekhala, 459
Mtiange* Uvi, 92, 694* 766*
Melodrama
or melodramatic, 55, 111, 115,

116, 139, 141, 259*, 260, 282, 284, 301, 393,
895,510
Memoires de
1*
Acadcmie imp. des Sciences de
Petersburg, 629*
Menaka, xxxi, 748
St.
cxvi, 120, 685
Mepputtura Illam, 774

Merchant of Venice, 83*
Meru, Mount, 452,
Merutunga, 189*, 428, 430*, 751*
Meruvijaya-gani, 344*,
Metaphor, 2, 34, 35,39,123, 151, 169*, 191,
2,9,11,12,13,14, 17,
20, 26*, 42, 52, 71, 75, 77, 83, 94, 95,
107*, 120, 121, 125*, 131, 332, 134, 150,
151, 158*, 159, 165*, 167, 168, 169, 170,
171, 172, 173, 174, 180, 181, 184*, 187, 190,
192, 194, 195. 196, 201, 292, 203, 204, 211*,
219*, 225, 226, 243, 255*, 261*, 270, 276,
385*, 308, 317. 320, 323, 827,829,333*,
387, 359, 36a, 866, 368, 378, 380, 390, 394,
397, 510, 524*, 659, 660
Manila, woman poet, 417*

Maruta, Kuntala prince,, 298
Matanga-Divakara, 171
Matraraja, 686
M.
l"ii,
Menfharaja, 685
195, 233, 329

Metre, cxxv, cxxxi,
Matrsena,
Menakd-nahu$a, 687
Menfha or Bhartrmentha,
Metres of Bhartrhan, The, 165*

Mesopotamia, civ
Mewar, 363
Mexican, 648
Meyer, 209*,
M. Garcin de Tassy, 666
M. Ghosh or Manomohan Ghosh, 12*", 444*,
454*, 457*
M. Haberlandt, 700*. Sec Haberlandt
Mihirakula, cxii, cxiii, 356
Milan, 760
Mildred C. Tawney, 47*. See Tawney
Milindapanho, 254*
Milton, 173, 298*
Minander, c, cii, ciii
Minor Poems of Nilukanfcha Dlkfita, 403*
Minor Works of Sankardcdrya 661*
t
Miracle, 81, 114, 172, 229, 321, 346, 357

Mirzapore, 196*,
Mi&ra (alamkdra), 562
Mi&ra (Kdvya], 539, 563
Mitdksard, xxxiv, xxvi, 553 733*

Mithila, 186, 389, 392*, 396*, 403, 426*, 451,
462,479*, 497. See Maithila
Mithradates, cii
Mithydjndna-khandana, 769
Mitragupta,212
Mitramis'ra, 773, 774
Mitra (R L.), 374*. See Rajendralala Mitra

Mitrananda,475
Mitteilungen der Anthropolog. Ges in Wien,
648
Mimamsa, xxiii, 276, 516
Minaksl, 383
M. Krishnamachaner, 375*
Mleccha, cxxii, 262, 263*, 266 478
M. L. Ettinghausen, 173*
MM. Sastri, 522, 523*, 524*. See Haraprasad Sastri.
M. N. Dutt, 539*
Modern Review, 373*, 618*
Modern Vernacular Lit. of Hindustan,
389*, 422*
Modha family, 484
Moha-mudgatra, 194, 880
Mohana-dasa, 606*
INDEX
Moha-parajaya. 362*, 481, 769
Monastery, cviii, 228, 656
Monatsberichte der akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 732*, 750*
Monatsber. d. kgl. preuss Akad zu Berlin, 138*
Monier Williams, 138*, 140*
Monk,
cvii, cix, 75, 78,
HI*, 211, 214, 254, 321,
343, 315, 404, 497

Monody, 132, 157
Monologue Play, 10*, 66, 156, 248, 250, 631

Moral or morality, xlviii, 1, Ixxv, Ixxxix,
Ixxx, xci, xcvii, 214, 609. See PicUtic
Morgenstierne, 107*, 108*, 109
Morika, woman poet, 417*
Mount Abu. 374*, 466*
Mrcchakatika, xxxiii, xlvii, Ixiv,
Ixxxiii,
Ixxxvi, 53*, 58, 60, 78, 100, 107, 108, 109*,
209*, 211*, 213, 239-48, 252, 253, 261, 269,
270*, 291, 448, 479, 530*, 641, 716, 727,
756, 757, 758, 761
Mrdahga, 643
Mrdarjga-vasulaka, 252
Mrgaraja-laksman,
272
title
of
BhaUa Narayana,
809
Mun4aka (Upanisad), xvii

Muni Caturvijaya, 471*, 484*
Munich, 240*, 633
MunnJinavijaya, 467*
Muni Punyavijaya, 475*, 176*, 503*

Munisuvrata, 478
Mnnisuvrata-kdvya, 775
Muntsuvrata-kdvyaratna, 620
Mufljaof Dhara, 340*, 428, 430, 550, 553*.
See Vakpatiraja Muuja
Muralidhara, 740*
Murari, 448-53, 455, 457, 459, 462. 463,
760, 761
Murshidabad,397*, 468*, 662*

Muaic,
xciv
Ixxvii,
xci,
cviii,
lyi, Iviii,
cxxviii, 20-22, 44, 56, 58* 62, 67, 76, 110,
246, 598, 599, 600, 631, 634, 635, 635, 643,
645, 649,
See Song.
7-29.
Muka-kavi, 384, 661

Mukarbhaka Samkara, 334*
Muladeva, Karnlputra, 250, 407
Mula-kanka, 541
Miilaraja,C78
Multtsarvasthadins, 695
Mysore, cxxiv. 159, 374*, 380*
Migavatt-caritra, 345
Mj-garikadatta, 98
Mystenum und Mimas
Mrgahka-lekha, 473
Mrgankavatl, 459
M'. B. Kale, 207*, 741*. 763
M. B Kavi, 211*, 248*, 464*, 476*
M. R. Majuindar, 390*
M. R. Telang, 138*, 277*, 298*, 371*, 388*,
See Telang
666*, 763.
M. Schuyler 46, 40*, 239* 277*, 646 C See
in
Rgveda. 44* 631*.
647, 648
Mystery Play, 44,46,631

or mythical xxxv, xxxviii, cxxviii, 128,
Myth
150, 170, 179, 180, 235, 241, 324, 357, 406.

547, 680, 732, 758
Mythology, v, lii, ixn, cv, 128, 166, 701,
Schuyler
M. S. Levi, 688. See Levi and S. Levi
M. T. Naraeimha Aiyanger, 403*, 531*, 537*,
552*, 630, 728*, 729*
Mudra-raksasa, xlvil, cxv, 53*, 58, 110, 162*,
243*. 262, 264-71, 443, 474, 476, 760, 776
Mudrita-kumudacandra, 476, 769
Nachrichten d. Gotting'tchen Gesselschqft,

300*, 710
Nachrichten von der Kgl, GeseUschatt der
Wissenschaften, 520*, 522*
Nagna-siamana, 252
Mugdha-bodhini, 660
Naisadha-canta, cxvii, 30, 325-30, 624,625,
Mugdha-medhakara, 566
Mugdhopadetd, 410, 674
Mubammadan or Muslim or Moslem,
II, 479*,
629
Muhurta-grantha, 730*
Mukta-carita, 440
Muktaphala-ketu, story of, 98
Muktaplcja, cxvii, 618
MwfctatJa/i of Narasirnha Suri, 533*
Muktavali of Ramanatha, 751*
Muktigarbha, 521
Mukulabhatta, 188*, 535, 536, 540*, 511*
Mukunda Bbatta, 624*
Mukunda-mald, 381, 662
Mukunda-rnuktavali, 897, 663*, 664*
Mukvnda-viJasa-kdvya, 764
Mukunddnanda. 490, 492*

Mukuta-tafctaka, cxiii, 299, 755
Mulachandra Tulsidas Televala, 396
Mulla JamI ^fur-ud-din, 316*
Mummuniraja of Konkana, 432
Munchen, 425, 427*, 744*, 756*
Nat$adha-prakasa 624*
Natsadhdnanda, 465*
Naifiadhiya-prakata, 624*
t
Ixxii,
680
Muhammad Shah
ci
626, 629,
xcii, cxvi, cxvii, cxviii, 315, 447, 478, 625,
665*, 679,
Nahapana,
Nak$atra, xiv
Nala, 326-29, 331, 337,
624, 626, 746
341,
435, 620, 623,
Na1a-bhumipala-rupaka 623
Na'a-campu, 299, 435, 694*
Nala-carita, 465*, 628, 764
t
Nalaîdmayana, 547
Nala>'V(irnana-kavya t 623
Natavikrama, Ixxxv, 687
Nala-vilasa, 462*. 465, 469, 769
JVatat/ani-cartta, 774
Nala-yddava-raghava-pandaviya
Naldbhyudaya, 331, 627, 771
Nalananda, 623
Nalla Dlksita, 490
623
]Va/odava,'l21, 337, 388*, 620-23, 740*

Kami sadhu, 11* 525*, 531*, 532*, 536*, 538
Nanda, 74, 75, 156, 264*,* 265* 266, 568
Nanda, Buddha's half-brother, 013
Nandalala, 668
810
Nandana, 281
hymns, 8
Narayana, author of Hitonade&a, 90, 701*,
Nandana
(metre), 184*
Nandargikar, 5*, 123* (G.R.),
729*, 751*
'
185*
124*,
706
Narayana, author of Vrtta-ratnaUara, 627

Narayanabhatta, 382, 617, 687, 748 *, 774
Narayana, commentator, 126*, 129*, 277*,
Nandayanti, 302
Nandighoa-vijaya, 511*
Nandikesvara, 521, 524*
825*, 624, 741*, 755*
Nandimah,G87
Narayana, commentator
Nandisvaml, 521
Narayana (deity), 664

Narayana Diksita, 630, 674
Narayana, father of ihe poet Krsna, 369
Narayana, poet, Iviii, 336, 868*,' 371
Nafijaraja-yatobliu$ana 490*
Narabari, commentator, 825*,
t
621*,
G24*,
741*
Narahari, poet, 370
Narahari Sarasvatltlrtha, 656

Narakdsura-vijaya, 769
Naranaiayaqananda, 332, 678, 770

Narasimhadeva, Gajapati, 511*
Narasimha, king of LJtpala, 561
Narasirriha-manisa, 556
Narasiipba of Vijayanagara, 497*
Narasimba Sena, 755*
Narasimba Siin, 533*
Naraaiinha Thakkura, 556
NaravShanadatta, 97-100, 693, 694, 700

Nardafaka (metre), 285*
Narendraprabha, 769, 770
Narendravardhana, 800
Narinian, 18*
Narkfyaka (metre), 184*

Narma-maia, 408, 409-10
68*, 60, 173,

189*, 255, 256, 258-60, 656, 674, 720, 759
Nagdrjuna, cvi, cxviii, 80*, 81
Nagarjuna, king, 432, 766
NageSabhatta, 565, 637-89, 758
Nagojibhatt'a, 556, 561*
Nagdnanda,
Ixjcxiv,
cxiii, 19,
}"
Namalinganuti&sana, 781
Kanaka, 770
Nan4illagopa, 481*
Nandf, 50, 104*, 109*, 649, 709, 711, 718
Kand! Bharata, 624*
Nandithka, 713
Nanyadeva, 277*
J^rada, 116, 190, 721, 760
Rgveda, 767
Narayana, Ravideva's father, 620

Narayana Saha, 361, 679, 772
Narayanatirtha, 896
Narajana Vidyavinoda, 616*
Narayana, Vi6vanatha*s gieat grand-father,
563
'Stotra), 871, 882, 664
Ndrayamya
IxxxvIxxxii,
Ixxvii,
Ixxxiii,
Ixxxviii, 64, 65, 67, 139*, 258, 299, 301,
Nataka,
802, 457, 462, 505, 506* (Maha-), 507*.

602,683, 635*, 645, 648, 653* 655, 686,
See Drama.
709, 711, 714, 715.
Nataka-candnha, 664*
Na'takaâksana-ratna-kosa, 299*, 300*,
716
Nataka-mimamsa, 558
Nata~vat<i-prahasana, 496
715,
256, 457,
462, 471-72, 473, 484,

See Drama.
Natya-datpana, Uxvii, 66* 105*. 120*, 121*,
244*, 271*, 299*, 300*. 301, 302, 450*
468, 468, 471, 475, 648, 649, 686, 715, 716,
759
Katya pradipa, 525*
Natya Sastra, ix, x, lxxvlxxviii, xcix, cxiv,
51*, 52, 53*, 56, 250, 512, 518, 522-24,
525*, 530*, 632*, 539*, 550, 575, 582,
596, 630, 642, 646, 650*, 731
Natyasutra, xli, 512, 548, 642, 650
Na'tya-veda-vwrti, 525*
N. B. Godabole. 140*, 178*, 207*, 272, 759
N. B. Parvanikar, 126*
N. B. Utgikar, 279*
N. Chakravarty, 751*
Nfiua Bhargava, 6'U
Nemaditya, 435*
Natika, 67,
Nasik, 15, 612, 772

Nata, 51*, 52*, 633-85, 637, 639-44, 647, 648,
650
Nata-s&tra, 52*, 523, 635, 640
Native Opinion Press, 380*
Nauka, 561*
Nausari, 435
Navadvlpa or Nadia, xxiv, 373*, 485
Nava Eaiidasa, 740
Navamalika, Princess of Sravasti, 212
Navaratna-mala, 740*
Navasahasanka, 553*
Nava-sahasdhka- carita, 168, 349-50, 676
Navasahasahka-canta-campu 326*
Nawab Asaf Khan ,364*
Nayacacdra Suri, 363
Nftbhadasa, 389*
Nagabhata, cxvii,
NagadevT, 850
Nagaiaka, 20, 21, 22. 24, 24 62, 246
Nagarja, 335*. 403, 674
Nagasena, 254*
of
686, 726.
Nemt-dnta, 374*
Nemi-kumaia, 663
Neminatha, 345, 374
Nemi-mri'ana, 345, 559
Nemisadhu 561*
Nepal Ms., 389*
Nepal or Nepalese, cviii, cxvi, 73*, 90, 93, 95,
.'
96,97,98,412 421, 510*, 688,

696, 699, 700, 706
Nepala-mahatmya, 93, 688
689,
Nerbudda, c
Newari,321, 704*, 707
New Attic (Greek) Comedy, 58, 242

New Haven, 88, 421
New Ind. Antiquary, 824*, 326*
New York, 239*. 240*, 266*. 646, 764*
N. G. Bsnerji, 839*
N. G. G.
262*, 469*, 686, 732*, 760
602,
811
INDEX
N. G Mazumdar, 720
N. G. W. G.,611
N.I. A. ,371*
Nibandhas, xxvi, cxviii
Nidartand (alamkdra), 526, 530, 536*
Niddna.kathd, 67*
Nighantu, 518, 730*
Nila (river) in North Malabar, 774
Nilkantha Janardan Kirtane, 363*
Nimbavati, 281*
Nmdopamd,
Nipdtas,
96*, 119*, 121*, 122*, 126*. 132*, 138*,

140*, 158*, 161*. 168*, 178*, 183*. 188*,
189*, 197*. 207*, 221*, 226*, 229*, 239*,
241*, 249*. 255*, 271*. 277*, 298*, 299*,
316*, 319*, 323*, 324*, 325*, 331*, 332*,
334*, 336*, 837*, 340*, 311*, 342*, 345*,
360*, 363*. 368*, 369*, 370*, 371*. 374*,
379*, 380*, 383*, 384*. 391*, 401*, 403*.
532*
404*,
438*,
469*.
496*,
656*.
vii
Nirbliaya-blilma, 465,
76',)
Nirbhaya Narendra, 547*

Nirmalata, 189
Ut xxvi
Nirukta, cxxiv, 518
Nirvdna-satka, 380
Nishiksnta Chatterjee, 619*
Nityasvarup Brahrnacari, 325
Niyoga,
Nftya-prakara, 07*
N. 8., 664*
N. S. P. or Nirnay Sagar Press, 89*, 95*,
N.
lix,
231.
See Pariviajika
Nutdnatari, 561*
!
140*
Ny&ya, 406, 515, 624,697 (Laukika),

(Laukika)
Nydyabindu, 532*
Nydya sdstra 719
Nizam, 773
^Nllakantha, author of Mayuklia, xx, xxvi
Nllakantha (Bbajta Gopala's father), 278
(Commentator
Panse, 462*
Nun, Buddhist,
Ixiii
Nllakaptha
S.
405*, 415*. 429*. 430*, 435*. 437*,

449*, 457*, 462*, 464*, 467*, 468*,
471*, 479*, 481*, 485*, 486*, 489*.
502*, 533, 560, 614, 622*, 624*,
666% 742, 759, 762, 763
of
h'ydyasutra, cxiv
MahabMrata),
47*
Nllakantha, Dlksita, 334, 3c3, 403, 410, 438,
457*,' 464*, 465, 467,623, 629, 630*, 665,
674, 675
Nllakantha Makhin, 765
Nilakantlia-vijaya-campu, 334*, 437-38, 464*
Nitamata-purdna, 355
Niti, 195, Ixxv, xcix, 704*, 705
NUi-dvisaQtykd, 400
Nlti kal'pataru, 404
Alt i man/art, 676
Niti-pradipa, 121
Nili-ratna, 11*
Nlti-tataka, (of Bharlrhari) 161, 162, 163,
674 of Dhauada164, 194, 263*, 401*, 670,
deva and others, 370
Ntti-sara, 121
Nitiâstra, 86, 623, 697, 698, 701
Nitivarman, 337
;
Nttivakyamrta, xcvii
N. K. Bhattacharya, 326
N. L. Dcy, 738*
N. Mironow, 676*
N, M. Peozer,96*. See Penzer
Nobela, 615
North Africa, 705
Notes sur les Indo-scythes, 614*
Notices, 374*
480*
Notices, of B. L. Mitra,
Nyayavacaspati Kudra, 679

Nyaya-virodha 715
t
Oak, Mr., 539*

O. Bohtlingk, 533, 756*, 759. See Bohtiingk
Observations ad
Kdliddsae
?mf raw, 136*, 750*
O. C., 649*. 653*. 755*, 759
Mdlavikdgni-
Ocean of Story, 88*, 95', 96*, 422*, 691*

0. C. V.,650*
Odeyadeva Vadibhasimha, 344, 432
Odiya, 321*
Oedipus, 447
Oeaterly, 422*
0. F Tullberg, 750*
Ogden, 18 , 173*, 256* (C. J. Ogden).
0;as, xv. 275,526, 563, 573, 574, 576,
578,
579
0. J. M.S., 729''
Kressler, 673
See Oscar Kressler

OJdenberg, x, 25, 200*, 524*, 632, 634, 763,
See H. Oldenberg
'
(q.v.i
Ow-ict Play, H2,
464, 466, 467,473,474,

487, 500, 504
One-character Play, 112
Asutosh Jubilee
Orieritalia, 470*. See Sir
Comm.
Vol.
Orient und Occident, 744*
Nfgamoksa prabandha, 775
Origin and Development of Bengali Language,
Nrpavali, 355
Nrsiipha, 325*
394*
Nrsimha Bbatt.a, 551

437;
Nfsiwha campfl, of Daivajfta Surya
KeSavabhatta 437 of Sarpkaraana 437

Nrsimha of Bharadva;a Gotra, 486
of
46*
Origin of the Vidusaka, The,
511*. 563
Orissa, 389, 468, 485,
Nfairpba, poet, 490*

Nrsimha-raya, 764
s
Nrsiipha Marina, 623
Nrsimha,
698
esa Krsna, 468

a, 687
425.
Jtio Text, 89, 90, 420,
Ornatior
Oscar Kres 9 lor, 1%" ', 673
.
Monatsschrtft fur den

653*. 657*
Osterr.
See Textus
*>>**&
Onent> 646,
812
OHoztein, Dr.,712
Ousadha-prayoga, 730*
Outlines of the History of Alamka*a Literature, 520*
O. Walter, 744*, 764. See Walter
Oxford, 11*, 73, 666*
Oxford University Press, 74*, 80*, 101*,
277*
Oxus Valley, 739
Palrner Boyd, 256*, 759
Pampd-T&mayana 619
t
Paftcab&na-viiaya, 490
Paflcaraira, 101, 109, 112, 113,
710*, 720, 721
Paftcardtra-nataka, 709
Paficaratrins, xcix
Pdrlcaâti, 384, 661
272,
709,
Panca*sayaka 498
t
Pada-bhasvartha-candrika, GGG*
Pada-candrikd t 207*
Pada-diptkd, 207*
Padadoa, 552
Pada-dyotini, 666*
Pada-maftjari, 528
Padavdkyartha-pailjika, 624*
Padanka-duta, 373*, 752
Pailca-siddhantikd, 730*
Paficaîkha, 241*, 762
Paftca-stam, 660*
Paflcatantra, 15, 83, 84, 85, 86-92, 95, 98,
155,200, 204, 207, 224, 281, 263*, 400,
419,420,425,614, 670, 673 f 691*, 694*,
696, 699, 700, 701-07
Paflcatantra Reconstructed, The, 88*
PaficavatT, 289, 293, 450
Pancakhyana, 89, 704
Parlcdkhyanaka, 703
Paddrtha-dipikd, 741*
Padarthas&rtham, 764
Padavali, 575,576,630
Paficakhyanoddhara, 703
Taficanana, 743*
Pandit, 126*. 324*, 331^, 382*, 440*, 455*.
Padma, 620
Padmacandra, 476
Padmagupta, 168*, 849-50, 353, 357, 676
Padma-mihira, 355
457*, 462*, 48'/*, 617*, 618*, 664*, 741*,

742*, 751*
Pandita-plda-vigarada, 499
Panegyrics, xiv, *cix, ex, 3, 14, 18, 79, 167,
170, 190, 193, 238, 826*, 346, 362, 363,
Pada, 559
minister, 344
Padnnnandibhattaraka, 619*
Padma,
377, 383
Padmanabha, 403*
Padmandbhapuram, 711
Padmapada, 663
Panis, 631
Univ. Orient. Publication Series, 73*,

320*
Pannalal Choudburi, 379*
Pantomime or Pantomimic, 67, 634, 638, 639
642
P. Annjan Achan, 494*
Parijai>
Padma-prdbhrtaka, 248. 249, 250, 7(H
Padmapnra, 278
Padmapurana, 138*, 140, 747, 748*
Padmasambhava (sage*, cxvi
Padmananda, 331*, 344, 400, 620
Padmananda, Jaina, 400
PadmavatI (Jayadeva's wife), 389,
390*,
666
Padmavati (mother
of
the
poet
Soddhala\
481
Padmavati-parinaya, 687
PadmSvati (Udayana's love-lady), 98, 300, 714
Padmavati, wcman-poet, 410
P<ufya,529, 539,563
Pa<tya-ctitfatnam, 345
Padya-kadambari, 324*
Padya-racana, 415, 416
Padya-vent, 415
Padyamrta-tarangitf, 415
Padyavdn, 8*, 324*, 397, 415, 663*, 664*,

Pagan, 662*
Pahlavi, 87, 88
Pahlavi, version of the Paftcatantra, 87, 88
Painting, xci, cxi, 57, 649
Paiâca, 691*, 693
Pais*&cl (Prakrit), ix, cvi, 98, 94, 95, 537, 685,
695
PaithTnasi, xxv
Pajjhatika (metre), 194
Palare Library of Travanrore, 711

Paltographic, 655
Palghat, 325*
Paliyam Manuscript Library, 494*
Pallava, cxiii, 254, 709, 765
Papal, xciv
Parab, 95*, 168*, 299*. See K. P. Parab
Paramardideva, 473, 768
Paramaditya-stotra, 659
Paramananda Cakravarttl, 556
Paramananda-dasa-sena Kavikarnapura, 333

398, 440, 485
Paramara (dynasty), 349, 428,

Paramara Sindhurfija, 349
431, 472
Paramartha, cxii
Paramartha-bodhi'citta.bhavdnukrama'Varnasamgraha, 614*
Paramartha-sandarbha, 664*
Paramdtma-prakafa, 189*
Paramesa-stotravali, 662
Parame^vara Iyer, 663*
Parame^varacarya, 546
Paran ; ape, 753
Parasurama, 287, 288, 325, 451, 456, 723
Paratnrfi^kd-vivarana, 544
Paravanikar, 126*
Parakramabahu, King, 378
Paramara, xcviii, 521, 705
Parikaralamkdra, 655
Parikatha, 767*
Parimala, same as Padmagnpta (q.v-)
Parinama (nlamkdra), 557, 662
Paris, 83*, 92*', 126*, 262*, 371*, 378*. 389*,
429*, 481*, 522*, 611*-18*, 631,685*, 646,
666*, 694*, 696* 761*, 756*, 769
INDEX
Parii$ta.pa,rvan 265*. 343
Pailvrajika, xxxi, 252, 282, 301, 638
Panvrtti (alarrikara), 526, 530, 534, 536
Parnadatta, cxii
Parody, xxxii
Pdramitd.samdsa, 614
Panjata-harana, 340*, 510-11
Pdrijata-harana-campu, 437
Pdnjdta-manjari, 472
Paronomasia, 33, 34, 221, 222, 223, 236, 334,

See Sles.a and Pun
Parthian, ci, 5
Paruavjttt, 534
Paryyayokta (alamkdra), 526, 531, 545, 583
Pa$pa4dhMka
cxxi, 568*.
See
813
Partha, King, cxvi
Mauab1iaya
Pataftjali, vi, vii, viii. xviii, xix, xx, Iviii, ci>,

cviii, cxxi, cxxii, cxxiii, cxxiv, 5*, 6*, 10,
11, 13, 19, 48, 49, 52, 54, 186*, 200, 513.
516, 521, 522, 568, 576, 611. 612, 685, 610,

See
643, f>44*, 653,
751.
671,
738,
Mahabhfyya
Paiaka, 109*, 721, 722
528
Pathak, 132*, 133*, 161*, 180*, 34(J
See K. B. Pathak
581*, 620, 656*, 751*.
Pathak Commemoration Volume, 154*-, 500*
Pathological, 602, 603
Pathos, 39, 114, 131, 135, 146. 151, 261, 292,
296,452, 461, 470
Patna, Ixi, Ixxiv
Patralekha, 230, 234
Pattamadai, 775
Paulastya, 93
Paul Elmer More, 703
Pavana-diita, of Dhoyf, 373% 374*, 751; of
Vadicandra Sun, 373*
Pavohni, 523* See P. E, Pavolini
Payodhi-manthana 686
Pdda-tdditaka, 248, 249, 251, '253, 762
Pddukd-sahasra, 832*, 384*
Paiya-lacchi-nama mala, 430^
Pdla-gopdla-kathdnaka, 427
Paiaka, 97, 244*. 245*, 758
Palanpor, 770
Palas of Bengal, 470*
}
Parsva, 70
I'arbvanatha, 374
Pdrsvandlha-canta, 343*, 619
Partvabhytidaya, 132*, 874*. 656,057
P&rtlia-katlia, 621*
*-,
Partha-pardkrama, 466, 769

Parihapura, 342
Fdrtlia-vijaya, 666
ParvatI, xxxi, xxxvii,
741, 742
Parvati-parinaya,
755, 771
'
345,434,612
See Jataka
Pali-jatakas, xviii, 80
Pdftcastavi, 660*
Paficala, 568, 658*, 684
Pancalt fri/t), 535, 537, 553, 563, 665, 568,
573, 578, 684
Pandava, 113, 178, 387, 340, 167, 619, 723-25
Pdridava-carita, 332
Pdnjavdbhyudaya, 504
Pdyjavdnanda, 801, 686
Pan<ju, 337
Pancjya kingdom, 773

Pan<}ya Rajasiniha I, 106*
Pandya-Ter-Maran-Rajasiipha, 106*
Panini, yi, xvi, xviii, Ivii, o, cviii, cxxi, 4, fi,
7, 8, 9, 10, 52*, 93, 178*, 252, 336, 513,
298,
cxiii,
396,
341,
030,
627, 686,
46'J,
Pdrcati-rukminiya, 341
Pasiupata, 254
Pasupata, son of Kubera, 225
Pataliputra,
263*',
Iviii,
civ,
cvii,
cix,
cviii,
220,
477
Pdiala-vijaya, 7, 611
PayagLndi, 756
P. Bohlen, 161 Y 367. See Bohlcn
,
Alheim, 277*
P dc Lacy Johnstono, 744*
P. D. Gnnc, ll7*
P. E. Foucaux, 83*, 138*
P. d'
Pehlevi, 698, 701, 7n2, 705

Penance-, xxxii, Jxxx, 626
Penzer, 29*, 95*, 4SJ2*, 691*.
Pali, ex, 80, 321,
Ixx^,
Penzer
E. Pavolini, 141', 710.
See N.
M.
See Pavolini
I'enkles, 22
Periplus of the Erylhroean Sea, 737

Persia, 736, 737
Persian,
v.
Ixxii.
cii,
89*.
316*,
629. 696*,
707, 771, 772
Peruhhatta, 5C5
Perumanam, 774
Peromals. Vaisnava, 662*
Peshawar, ciii, civ, 736
Pessimism, lxxx% 19, 36
P. Goldschmidt. 119*
Phallic rites. 50
Phidias, Ixviii
Philolog.Histor., 622*
Philology, v
Philosophical or Philosophy, v, xxii, xxiii,
xxvi, xxvii, xlvii, xlviii, Ixvi, Ixxii, Ixxv,
Ixxxii, xc, xci, xciv, cxvii, cxviii, cxx,
26* 42, 71, 81*, 157', 161, 164, 167, 195,
328, 332, 317, 357, 375, 377, 380, 382,
385, 483, 494, 516, 544, 545, 580, 590,
604, 605, 625, 671, 675, 683, 698, 742, 765
514, 516, 518, 519, 520, 523, 527, 567, 585,

611, 617, 684, 636, 638, 639, 640, 642, 644,
Phonrtical, cxxiv
P.
Horn, 629
645,653, 671,685,734*
Phraseology, 32, 35,181, 184,192,412,605,

720. 721
Phiinkaf.amWra, 497
Pick ford, 763
Pilgrim's Progress, 481
Pinaka-nandin, 339
Pingala, Ivii, cviii, 12, 611
Panini, Poet, 611, 658*

Paninian, cxxii, cxxiii
Pantha-diita, 373*
Papabtiddlii dlianntibnddln-lallianalia, 427
1'apayallaya Suri, 386*, 602*
Papacara, 500
Paramitaa (perfections of a Bodhisattva), 80
PiSacas, 693
814
Piechel,
viii, 9*, 17*, 47*, 52*, 95*, 123*,

138*, 140*, 243*, 298*, 340*, 371* 389*,
393, 394, 413*. 444*, 470*, 503* / 524*,
537, 558, 620*, 632, 642, 650, 652*, 653*,
666*, 674, 686, 695, 708*, 750*, 751*. See
R. Pischel
Pisharoti, 381*,
662*, 661*, 710, 712, 713,
714*,
See K. R. Pisharoti
Pijita (alamkara), 538
Pltambara, 486, 666*
Pithamarda, 645
Piyu$a-lahari, 665
Piyusavarsa, 462
P. K. Gode, 122*,
Plassey, 747
119*,
415*,
Plato, Iv, 436*, 6-29*

Platonic, 165*
Pliny, 737
Pluralism, xxvii, Ixx
Plata (accent), cxxii
Plutarch, xxxiv
P. L. Vaidya, 361*. 436 ^
Poems
of Mayura, 121*
Poetics, xvi, 15, 22, 29,37, 52,62,63,160,
309, 323, 366, 521, 529, 536, 585, G10,
See Alatpkara
618, 667, 742*.
Poetics 'referring to Sanskrit Poetics), 615
Poetics of Aristotle, 650*
Poetik, 646
Poetry, xiv, xv, xvi, xx, xxviii, xli, Ixii, Ixvi,
cxxv, cxxix, 4, 11, 12, 13, 22, 23, 24, 25,
39,58, 121, 134, 149, 151-53, 15G, 167,
160, 165, 167, 176, 177, 182, 184, 186, 188,
192, 194, 282, 285, 246, 250, 260, 292, 306,
314, 315, 318, 348, 359, 364-67, 369, 375,
376, 385, 394, 898, 399, 404, 41S, 419, 453,
460, 461, 481, 542, 546, 518, 549, 650, 551,
554, 5C8, 672, 677, 578.81, 583-86,, 690,
599, 604, 606, 621*, 629 *, 656, 729. 15V
Political, liv, Ixxv, xcii, ciii, cxvii, cxix, 24*,
74, 91, 111, 174, 245, 2C4, 265, 266, 332,
339, 354, 363, 447, 477, 478, 680, 683
Political History of Ancient India, 736
Politics or Polity, xcvi, cxvi, 26*, 265, 357,
622, 698, 701, 705, 729
Poona, 101*, 123*, 132*, 140*, 149*, 185*,
240*, 242*, 256*, 262*, 272*. 279*, 360*,
361*, 380*, 408*, 435*, 437*, 462, 468,
529*, 660*, 703
Popular Ballad, The, 632*
Pornography, 675
P.Peterson or Peterson,
8*, 9*. 10*, 90,

119*-21*, 162*, 166*, 172*, 207*, 218, 229*,
280*, 235*, 278*, 320*, 345*, 611*, 620,
621, 686, 704, 708*
P. P. S. Sastrl, 335*, 341*, 361*, 417*, 437*,
740*. 742, 756*, 763
Prabandha-cintamani, 19, 189*, 428, 761*, 767,
Prabhodevi, 417
Prabodha-candrodaya, Ixxxviii,
486*, 487*
Prabodhananda, 369*, 397
Prabuddha-rauhineya t 476, 769
Pracandabhairava, 769
same as
Pracantfa-paridava,
(q. v.), 547
77,
480-84,
Bala-bhdrata
Pracanda-sepha, 499
Pracetayana, 521
Pradipaka, 622*
Pradyota, 110, 726, 758
Pradyumna, 466
Pradyumnabhyudaya, 466
Pragmatic, ex viii, cxxvii. 598
Praharanakalika (metre), 184*
Praharsint (metre), 12, 14 -, 181*,
190
Praliasana, Ixxxii, Ixxxiii, Ixxxvi. Ixxxvii,
62, 66, 244", 254,
255, 411, 474, 487, 488,
493-500, 87, 765
PraheltJca, 530, 578*
Prahlada, 437
Prahladanadeva, Yuvaraja, 466, 769, 770
Prajapati, xxv
Pra;apati-nandin, 339
Prajfiakara-misra, 121*
Prakarana, Ixxxii, Kxxiil, Ixxxv-lxxxvii, 65,
67, 76, 121*, 244*, 298, 301, 302, 474,
475,476, 650, G86, 726, 72V
Prakaranika, 67*
Prakasavarsa, 621*
Prakasendra, 404
Prakrit,
vii, viii,
ix, x,
xi,
xvii,
cxx, cxxi, cxxiv, 3,
xviii,
lix,
11*, 15,
17*, 41, 46, 49, 67, 77, 87*, 92, 94, 95,
96, 105, 107, 119, 139, 155, 156, 157, 161*,
172,201, 219, 212*, 243, 253, 265*, 261*,
262*, 270, 27fi, 279, 283*, 285*, 314, 322,
350*, 361, 362, 425, 427. 428, 430*, 444 45,
ci, cii,
4, 5,
458, 461, 489, 503, 537, 612, 683, 684,

688, 691*, 695, 703, 719, 721, 730, 750*
Prakritism, 15, 82
Prakriya-sarvasva
774
Pramada
(metre), 13
Pramanas, 553,
Pramdnatidya, xcix
Pramitftksari (metre), 12, 13, 181*

Prarocana, 505
Prasamsopama, 157* 167, 632*
Prasanna-raghava, 146, 369, 389*, 462-63, 464

502, 761
Pr&s'asti, viii,
6,
14,
Ixxx,
Ixxxviii,
xcix,
cvi,
17,18,345,520,646,692,739,768
PraSasti-ratnavan, 564
Prasada xv, 149, 526. 563, 573, 574, 576

t
Prasenajit, 321
Prastavana, 104, 590, 004, 605, G24, 664,
683, 698, 711, 742, 754, 765, 772
770
Prabandha-kota, 7*, 326, 428
Prabhakara Sastri Veturi, 494*
Prabha (commentary), 556
Prabhakara, 396*. 741", 755
Prabhakara-vardhana, 227, 233
Pratna-candrika, 730*
Prabhavaka-carita, 767
Prabhavati, 466, 664
Prataparudra,Kaktiya 467,479*, 531*

Pratftparudra of Warangal, 467, 479*
Prasthana-b1ieda,WA*
Pra<apa Narapirpfea, 562
Prataparudra-di-va, 502
Prat<lparm1ra. Oajapati. 485
Pratapanidra-kalyana, 478
675,
INDEX
529*,
Praldparudra+yatobhusana, 479*, 526,

5(51, 562, 565
Pratapa Saha, 360, 772
Prflfi/fla-canafcya,271*, 301^, 301-2
Pratibarenduraja, 527, 530*, 533, 535,
647,655,
Pratijnd-yaugandhardyana, 101, 108, 109, 110,

115, 116-17, 265, 301*, 302*, 714, 71U. 757
Pratiloma (marriage), xiii

Pratimd.ndtaka. 60, 101, 109*, 113, 114. 7iJ8,
709, 719, 720, 726
Pratimaniruddha, 301, 686
Pratimokfa-sutrapaddhati, 614
Pratimukha-sandhi, Ixxxii
Pratisthana, ci, 93. 94, 95
Ptativastupamd, 526, 536
Pratyabhijtld school, 544, 545
67(5 (Romance); 678,

680,
700, 721, 751, 752, 754, 768, 771
Prosody, 12, 188, 310, 331*, 439*
694,
Prthakpadatva, 578
Prthu, 262
Prthvidbara, 758
PrtbvJ (metre), 196*
Prthvlraja, 360, 628, 677, 768
Prthvlrdja-vijaya, 360, 628, 677
Przyluski, 81*
Psychological or Psychology, 22, 32, 139, 244,
294, 365, 376, 385, 388, 594, 602
Pulake&n
Pravarapura, 350
Pravarasena, cxv, 16, 119
Pravartaka, 263*. 264*
Prayaga,88, 301, 350, 450
Praydgdbhyudaya, 686
Prayoga-pdnjdta, xxvi
Prdcetasa-srdddhakalpa, 719
II, 178,
Pulastya, 521
Pulmda or Pulindhra, 229*, 431
Pun, xxi, 33, 148, 169*, 171, 172, 182, 191,
206, 210, 222, 236, 328, 334, 335, 337, 339,
341, 360, 370, 382, 431, 435,587,
See
Paronomasia and Slesa
563
Punarukta-vaddbhdsa, 534, 556,
(Prakrbi), ix
Prajyabhatta, 354, 359, 677

Ptakrta.prakata 11*, 683, 730
Prdkrta-rupdvatdra, 656*
Prdkrta-vivrti, 748*
Pianat arayana, 334
Pranabharana, 364, 675
Prdiimoksa-sutra-paddhati, 614
Prdti$dkhyas, viii
iu
in
Pre-Caitanya Vaisnavism
Bengal
Festschrift M. Winternttz, 391*
P. Regnaud, 520*. See Regnaud
Prekfdnakas, 464, 645
Premac'andra Tarkavagisa, 325*, 34o*. 449,
624*
Preinadhara, 621
Premendusdgara, 664*
Pretakdrya, 733*
Preyas (alamkdra), 526, 534, 540, 557
Printz, Dr., 107*, 710. See W. Printz
Privy Council, xiii

Priyadarsika, 301*
Priyadar6ika t Ixxxvi, cxiii, 18*, 55*, 110*,
173*, 255, 256-58, 260, 261, 383. 691*, 6<)3,
713, 758, 759
Priyanrvada, 748
Priyangu, 11
Prihkuta, 225
Pritisandarbha, 664*
Problem of the Mahandtaka, 501

Ptoceedmgs and Transactions
Prose, Ixv, cxvi, cxiv, 6, 14, 17, 18, 34, 37,

38, 42, 44, 45, 49, 55, 57, 72, 80, 82, 83,
87, 94, 118, 155,
171, 200-39, 429-32
(Prose Kavyaj
201, 270, 29P-, 303,
418-20 (Later Prose Literature); 420.29
(Prose Tale); 433-34 (Prose in Campu) ;
509, 612, 618*, 622, 627, 632, 634, P40,
;
536,
538,541*, 542, 543", 545, 584,585

Pratijfiakara Miwra, 623*
PratijM-ndtaka, 709, 710*, 715, 720, 721
P racy a
815
cf
the
All
India Oriental Conference, 753

Proceedings of the Fifth Orient. Con/., 127*
Proceedings of the First Orient. Cow/., 107*,
149*
Proceedings of the Second Orient. Con/., 126*
338
Proceedings of the Tenth All India Orient.
Conference, 338*. 497*
Proddyota Bhatta, 560
Pundarika, 230, 746

PundarikakBa, 616 1
Pundra\ardhana, 339
Punishment, xcvi, 660
Punjab, ciii, civ, cviii, cxvii, 649, 650, 656
Punyaketu, 484
Punyayasas, 70
Puppet-play, 47, G42, 652*, 653*
Puragaipta, cxii
Puramjana-carita, 480
*'
Puramjana-ndtaka, 480*
Parana
or
xxxv,
Puranic,
xiii,
xxvi, xxxiv,
ixxix, Ixxxviii, xcix,
115, 128. 132*, 137*.
vii,
xli, xiii, Ixxiii,
83, 93, 101,

138*, 140*, 166, 169, 170, 195, 322, 325,
331, 332, 342, 846, 377*, 378, 381,384,
385, 402, 437, 462, 466, 469, 508*, 539,
624, 647, 680, 687
Puri, 331,450*, 485, 511*
Purohita, xcv
cvii,
Purusakdra, grammatical commentary, 6C3

Purusa-pariksd, 426
Purusottama SarasvatI, 664
Puruvana, 336
Pururava,85, 138, 139, 151, 283, 885, 463,
464, 631, 632,
See A. D. Pusalker
Pusalker, 721, 727*.
Puskara, 88
Pufpabdna-vildsa, 740*
Puspabhuti, 227
Puspadanta, 381, 436, O 619*, 660
bhttsitaka) 9 301, 302,
Pus.pa-du*itaka (or
686
Puspamata, 563
Puspasena, 432, 623*
Piispitagra
196*
Pusyamitra,
736
(metre),
Ix,
ci,
14*,
120*,
160,
cii, cxii, cxvii,
181*,
568, 735,
816
Purnabhadra, 89, 425, 698, 701, 703, 704,

706
Purnacandra De, 380*

k
Purnakalasagani, 678
Purna-Sarasvati, 132*
Purnavarmau, cxi
Purva (alarrikdra), 563
Purva-ranga, 50, 54*, 640
P. V. Kane, 173*, 229*. 520*, 521*, 523*,
624*, 525*, 529, 531, 564, 566. See Kane
P. Von Bohlen, 367*. See Bohlen
P. V. Ramanujasvami,258*
P. W. Jacob, 207*
Quakenbos, 168*, 170* 172*, 659*. See G. P.

Quak'-nbos.
Quarterly Jour, of Andhra Research
476*
Queen Didda, cxvi. See I'idda
Soc.,
Rabi, 556
Rabindranath, xx, xxxvi, xxxvii, xxxix.xcii,
134
Race, xxii, Ixviii, Ixx, Ixxi, Ixxix, xc
Racine, liv
Raghu, xxx, Ixi, 130, 132, 150*, 185*, 737,
738, 743-45, 749
Raghukara (= Kalidasa), 8*, 129*
Raghunandana,
438
Raghunathabhyudaya> 361, 417,679*

Raghupati, 741*
Raghuvama, xxx, xxxvii, Jxxxi. cv, 5 H 8*
80,74*. 122*, 123*. 125*. 126, 129, 132,
150,151,167, 185*, 187, 263*, 289, 452,
,
739, 740, 743, 744,
Raghu-vilasa, 464, 686, 769

Raghuviracarita, 630*
Rai Pithora, 625
See R. L. Mitra,
Rajendralala Mitra.
Rajkot, 17*
Rajputana, 403
Rakrila-gomin, xv, 526, 527,
Ramabatar Sarma, 102*, 413
Ramadevi, 560
Ranaccboda, 630
ft.
Ananta'kriehna Sastri, 332*
Rasabehari Sarpkbyatirtha, 440 K

Rasa-candrika, 748*
Rasadhvani, 545
Rasadipika, 676
Rasa yangadhara, 527, 565
Rasakadamba-kallohni, 666*
Rasakanka. 556
Rasa-mafljari, 561, 666*
Rasa-manjarl-prakasa, 561
Rasamailjari sthulatatparydrtlia, 561*
Rasamailjari-vikata, 561*
Rasamafljarydmoda. 561^
Rasamipatti, 594
Rasa-p'rakata, 439*, 566
Rasaratna-d'ipikd, 566
Rasaratnakosa, 566
Soe R.
Ratavat (alanikara), 526, 530, 534, 546, 557,

532, 593
Rasa-vilasa, 486*
Rasdbhdsa, xxxv, Ixiv, Ixv, 546
Rasadhikanka, 521
'Rasarnava-sudhakara, 474, 494, 625*, 562*
Rasika-marana, 679
Rasika-pnyd, 566
Rasikapriyd, commentary
666*
of
Gita-govinda,
Rasika-raftjana, of Ramacandra, 342, 370 ; of

Srloivaaacdrya, 490
Rasika-raftjani of Gopala Bbatta and VepT-
Rasodadhi, 561*
Rimachandra Dinanath, 428*
Rambha, 675
Ramcharan Chakravarti, 439
517, 524*, 537, 546-48,

550, 552, 554. 559,
561, 562, 564, 565
569. 572, 574-77, 583-85, 591-95, 601-5,
655*
608, 609,
37, 56, 64, 385,
datta, 561*
Rasika-safLjivani, 568
747, 748
Chanda
Rama, 550
Raiigacarya, 190
Rangacatja, âstn, Reddi, 529*, 531*, 710
R. A. Niei, 82*
Kaiitivarman, 203
Rapson, 756*, 760. See E. J. Raps<>n
Rasa or Raaika, viii, x\x, Ixiv, 22,24,25,
Raghunatha-vilasa, 765
RamalalKanjilal, 355*
Ramaprasad Chanda, 612*, 618*.
51
Rasa-6astia, 392
Rasa-tarahginl, 539, 553*, 561
Ragbunatba Nayaka, 333, 361, 417, 472

Raghunatha Raya of Nadia, 373
736, 738*,
-J98*
Rasa-sadana 490
xxiv, cxviii
Raghundtha-bhupatiya, 561
Raghundtha-bhupa-vijaya, 765
Ra'Qhundtha-bhupdnya, 566
Raghunatha-dasa, 397, 440
Raghunatha, father of Venkatadbvarin,
Raghunatha, King of TanWe, 630
729*, 732,
Ranaditya, 356
Rahga, 639, 610
Uanganatha, 138
Rangu-pitha and
P.
Rathakdra, xiii, xiv

Ratha-yatra festival, 511*
Rathoddhatd (metro). 120*. 150*, 196*, 329*
Ratbore dynasty, cxvii
Rati, xxi, 131, 150*, 742
Rati-kallohm, 487
Rati-manmatha, 469
Ratnadarpana, 553
Ratnadhara, 663
RatnakhetaDlkiitaêS*, 764
Ratnakheia-vijaya, 772
Ratnako?a t 740*
Ratnam Aiyar. See T. R. Ratnam Aiyar
Ratnamandanagani, 566
C66*
,
817
1NDRX
Ratnapani, 557
BatnabaranA, 527
Batoakara, 9*, 167,
268*. 319-20, 321, 335*

382, 450*, 455, 538, 686, 760, 761
Ratndpana, 557, 562
Ratnavali, IXXNK Ix^xvi, cxiii, 53*, 162, 173,
198 255,256-58 260-62, 272, 274*, 383,
759
443, 458, 47-2, 698, 713, 75
Rajavahana, 211
Raja Jayacand, cxvii, 625
Rajanaka Ananda, 555, 556, 624*
Rajauaka Bhatta 5hladaka, 629*
Rajanaka Jayadratha, 628
Ra;ft'iaka Ratnakantha, 556, 621*, 663*
Rajanaka RatnSkara, 337*, 623. See Ratna-
Kavicandra, 157*. 158*, 068, 669

Ravideva or Ravi, 121*. 3 >7, 620, 624
Ravideva, Vasudova's father, 621
Raviimrtaka, 262*
Ravi-sunn, 687
Ravivaruian of Kerala, 166, 559
Radha, 368*, 752
Radha, 40, 333, 371, 383, 39:>, 391,392, 396,
415,426*, 410, 485, 066, 667
Radhakrsna, commentator, 658'
Radharnman Press, 397 J 468^ 662
Radha-vipralambha, 686
Ragas, 390
Raghava, 340
Raghavabhatta, commeutalor of Suhuntnln.
!
140*, 525*, 531*, 748*
Rdghava-naisadhiyn, 341, 619, 620

Rdgliava-pdndava yddavlya, 341, 620
Raghava-pdndaviya
kara.
Rajanaka Ruyyaka, 675
Batnavali, 2ftl*
Raines* vara, 05:3
Raitdra (tosa) 692
of Dhauafijaya, 310,
619;
of Kaviraja, 340, 619;

Rdghava-vildsa, 564
Rdghacdbhyudaya, 461, 680
Ragbavendra, 381*
Rahula Bhatta, 525*
Rafimali-prabodha, 769
Rajndm pratibodlia, 664*
Kajyadevi, 226
liajyapala, cxvii
Ha;y8ri, 227, 203

Kajy a \aidhana. 227, 755
Hdkdgama-sudhd, 560
Rfiksasa, Ixxi, Ixxxiv, 465, 693
Rdksasa-kavya, 121, 122*, 720
Raksaaa or Raksasa Pandita, 122, 266-69, 286
Hama, xlix, Ixxix, cxxvii, 40, 114, 130, 131,
154, 183, 186, 187, 286, 288, 289, 292,
293, 300, 303, 325, 338, 339, 341, 342,
318,350,360,374,396, 451, 456, 463-65,

502, 504, 506, 595, 698, 599, 600, 611,
618, 619, 630*, 647, 619*, 604, 665, 763
Rama,
dramatist, 469*
Rama-bana-stava, 383*, 665
Rajacudamani Dlksita. 333, 437 \ 472,

Rajadeva of Kashmir, 323* 628
Rdjadharma, xcvii
765, 772
Rajagrha, 727
Rftjakunda, 622*
Rajamandala, 643*
374*
Rajamati',
Raja-martanfa, 558
Rajamitra, 527
Rajamrgdhka, 553
Rajamukuta, 611*
Bajan&thaj 361*, 437
Rdjaniti samuccaya* 673
Rajapraa$ti, 630
Rajapurl (Kashmir), 360, 6?7
454*
Rdjatekhara, Hts Life and Writings,
RajaSekhara quoted by Jahlana,
16, 168*. 171, 208*, 300, 417*
Ra;anaka-tilaka, 558
Rdjavali, 554
Rdidvaft-patakd, 359, 677
Ha a Vlraaiiphadeva, 774
Ua.cndra Cola, 470*
Rajmdra-karnapura, 363, 674
7,
9*,
10",
Raja&khara Suri, Jaina, 326, 428, 429

Baja&khara the dramat.st, 7* 19, 26, 28*.
29*, 78*, 94*, 120*, 138, 185, 271*, 280,
300, 301*, 814, 381*, 401*, 417*, 444, 448,
450,453-61,462,463,470,471, 561, 525*,
530*, 538, 542, 544, 546, 547*, 553, 560,
642*, 713,716,757, 761,764
Rajastham, 680
Rdjasthani-kheydls, 624*
Rdjasuya, c
Rajasuya-prabandha 775
R&ja-tarangini, 1J9, 279*. 353-59, 525*. 535*.
544, 628, 677, 682, 692, 757
Ramabhadra, 769
Ramabhadra, commentator, 748*
Ramabhadra Dlkfiita, 383, 456,465,489, 665
Ramabhadra, Jaira, 476
Ramabhadrarnba, 361, 417, 679*
Kumabha^ta, 396*
Ramacandra, author of Gopdlalild, 617
Ndtya-datpana,
Ramacandra, author of
105* 120*, 121*, 271*, 450, 462, 463-64,
465,468. 469, 471,473*, 475
Ramacandra Budhendra, 161*, 277*. 437*
Ramacandra Ciraftjlva Bhattacarya, 439
Ramacandra, commentator, 616*
Ramacandra Kavibharatl, 378
Ramacandra, King, xxx

Ramacandra, poet, 342, 370
Ramacandra Sesa, 624*
Ramacandra Tailanga, 332*
Ramacandra Vaoaspati, 616*
Rd'n\acandra'ya3obhusana^ 566
Rdmacandrodaya, 388, 765
Ramaearana Tarkavaglâ, 561
of Abhinanda. 201, 324, 618

Saindhvakara Nandin, 339, 359
Rdma-canta
Rama
cdpa-stava, 383*, 665
Ramadatta, 666
Rftmadasa, 119*
Dlksita, 481*
Raoiadeva, commentator, 755*
Ramadeva Vyasa, 504
Ramagiri, 138, 751
Ramagovinda, 740*
Ramakat)ia 774
Bamadaaa
of
818
Raina, KaviSvara, Ixxx

468, 510
Rdmakrsna-kdvya, 664
Rdma-kr^na-viloma-kdvya 342
Ratnainaya Surma, 758
Rarannatha, 751
Rama of Devagui, 342 of Kerala, 121*
Ramapalocanta, 618
Rainapala, king, 339, 359.618
Recitation, 636, 649. 652, 653

Record of Buddhist Religion, A, 256*
Reddi, 299, 433
Redan nnd Aufsdtze, 651*, 669
RaiDakrna
Regimonti, 136*
Rdmaprasada,658*
Harnarsi, 624*
Ramariulra,15c*, 668
Rdmasetu, 740*
Rama Tarka vagina, 658*
Rainatarana, 6C6*
Kama Upa'dhyaya, 751*
Rarnavartnanj Maharaja of Travancorv, 752*
Ramavarman Vafici, 468
Ramavarma, Pr.nce, 776
Rdmavijaya-mahdkdvya, 63U
Rdma-yamakdinava, 338
Rama-
Rdmdbhyndaya Ixxxv, 299, 504 (of

deva Vyaaa), 685 (of Yatavarman)
Ramadevi, 389
Ramanandanatha, 158*
Ramaoanda Raya, 396,
Ixii,
xcviii,
Ixxxviii,
cxxvn,
cxxix, 1, 2, 51,60,69, 101,113, 114, 128*,

131, 133, 150M73*, 177, 183,277, 289,
300, 303, 324. 331. 339, 341, 450, 455, 4G5*
487, 505, 507, 568, 617, 620, 634, 635,
641, 653, 680, 687, 688, 693, 695, 720, 725.
726, 739, 744, 746
Ramayana-campu, 437, 438*
Ramayana-kathd-sara, 417
Ramayana-mafljari, 325*, 617, 688
Ramiia, 16, 201, 241, 757

Ramilaka, 16*
Rasa-ma, 391,397, 648
Rdsdmrta, 664
Rastrakuta, 336, 435, 470*, 617
Rastraudha king. 361, 679, 772
Rariraudhi-vawia. 360, 679, 772
R. G. Ba3ak,243*, 639^
Bhandarkar, 10
121*, 189*, 336*.
:340S 396*, 402- 414*, 611*, 612*, 763
R. Gottschall, 616
R G
vi, Ixxiii, 43, 44, 45, 85,

138, 240,
518, 631, 632, 634, 673, 697, 767
ltgveda-jatadya*ta-vikrti~vioarana, 664*
Rhetoric or rhetorician, xxvni, cxix, 26*, 27,
29,31, 32,76, 104, 105, 111,116, 122,127*,
147, 148, 153, 160, 169, 170, 172, 173,
174, 177, 180, 183. 188, 191, 192, 193, 196,
202,204,207, 208, 209*, '213. 221, 223,
224, 233, 236, 270, 272, 275, 277, 278
3M5, 812, 319, #22, 327, 328, 330, 334,
376, 377, 379, 397, 462. See Alamkara and
Poetics.
Rgveda,
Rhyme, 334*
Rhythm, 207
Richard Schmidt. See R. Schmidi
Ridgeway, 47
Ixxix, cxxvii, cxxvui, 61, ]3i, ]86,

286,303, 336, 381, 451,452. 456, 457,
461, 463, 464, 502, 617
Rdvana-vadha or Bhajti-kavya (<j v.>, 183 85,
Ravana,
186
Rdvana-vadha or Setubandha
(prakrit), 119
Rdvandrjuniya, cxv, 376, 616
Rayapura, 504
7,
Ramayanasara, 630
RameSvara, 497
Rayamukuta,
Rewa, 679
Rdmastaprdsa, 383*
Ramavatara Pandeya, 710, 712

Ramayana, vii, xiv, xvii, xxix,xxx, \xxin,
lii,
Report, (of Biihlei) 628*; 'ot II. a. Bhandarkai) 7*, 121*, 336*, 340*, 40 2*, 414*, 686
(of Peter 3on) 686
(of 8 e s -gin&iatri) 396"
Report of Santlnt and Tamil M5., 320*
Reva, 505
Rev, De. la Lingmstique ft de Philologie
181*
Recue Arciidologiaquc, 650'
468, 511*
Rainanuja.cxviii, 487, 495, 661, 768
xlix, h,
J
Regnaml, 524*. See 1 RegnauJ.
*Reich, 650, 651, 652. See Hermann Reich
Religion 01 rfcligious, \i\ xxii, xxix,lvi, Ixv,
Ixvi.
Ixxi, Ixxu, Ixxiv, ixxix, Ixxxin,
Ixxxvii, Jxxxviii, xc. xciii, cxix, 6, 26*
45*, 48, 0, 70, 76, 166, 167*, 208, 22S,
265,291, 354,370, 874, 376-80,
382*,
386, 388, 389, 392, 393, 395, 396, 400,
42ft, 436, 440, 16^, 196,
510, 564, 628,
631,640,64^,643, 645, 648, 649, 650,
652,653,659,666*, 667, 668, 669, 673,
677*, 767
Renaissance of Sanskrit, \vii, 5, 6 12*, 735
8*,
9,
10*.
241*,
621",
767*
R. C. Majumdar, 839*. 612*

R. C. Temple, 649*
R. D. Banerji, 470*, 612*
R. D. Karmakar, 126*, 741*
Realism or Realistic, Ixvi, xci, cxxvii. cxxviii,
24,61,153,215,230,29-2, 404,406, 419,
456, 484, 598, 693
Ritual, Ixviu, Ixx, Ixxi, cvi, 49, 633

R.tual drama, 44, 45, 46, 633
Riti
218*, 536, 539, 546, 554, 564, 567,
574-76, 578, 579, 580, 582, 584
Ritinirnaya 521
Rlii schooi, 574, ri80, 581
R. Lenz, 138*, 750*
R. L. Mitia or Rajendialala Mitra, 83*, 127*
480*, 485*, 501*, 539*. See Mitra
t
R. L. Turner, 105*
Narasiinha, 529 1
R Narasirphacara 695*
Robasena, 24^*
Rohinl-mrgdhka, 475, 686-87
Roma Cbaudhnri, 41 6*
Romabaisana,
Romance
xiii
or Romantic, xxxi, xxxii, xxxvi,

11*, 21*, 22, 37, 38, 41, 42, 58, 71, 84, 94,
100, 106, 110, 130, 131, 185,
138, 346,
INDEX
147,
2^9,
155,200, 20! ', 202, 205

2'0, 213,214, 215. 2ir,
219,228,232,
231, 235,
253, 256,2(30, 261
315,324, 327, 3V), 316,
432, 471, G7ft, 604. 700
247,
'
236,
265,
35'2,
206
208
819
Rupanathn Tlpadliyaâ,
217,' 21*'
2,77, 21!
Hupinika,
277
281
K.
357.
410,
'
or
Roman,
299*,
469-**,
214^
Rfipopama 518
V Krmhnanuirh.itiar 217% 29S*,

R W. Fr,,zcr. 755
SLT Fra/.er
S
xtv, ca.fjU,
O'J,
82,
Sabda, 547, 550, 571, 575, 578, 581, 582, 591*

764
158
737
Roth, 646
Roy, Prof., 753
Roychaudburi, 736
Roznik Oryentalistyczny\ 738
R. P. Chanda, 326*
R. Pischel.47*, 520*, 524*,
646,760".
Sabdatlesa, 521, 534^
Sabdalamkara, 531*, 537, 539, 552-54, 556,

557, 559, 578, 579, 585, 587, 729
Sabdartha-rrtli, 342'
Sabdopama, 553
Sec
Sabha-railjana, 403, 675
Pischel
R. P. Oliver, 239*
Sachinandan Goswami, 333*

Sacred Books of the Buddhists, 80*
R. Ramamurthi, 271,*, 302 Y

R?abha, 620
Rsabha-deva-canta, 563
*
R$abha-paftcahka, 430
R Sarma, 8*
Sacrifice or Sacrificial,
R.
Kxv,
cxxii,
725, 745.
Schmidt, 298*, 299*, 316', 319*. 404*

Soo Schmidt
407*, 425*, 469^, 747.
R. Simon, 158*
R. S. O., 729*
R. T. H. Griffith, 741*, 744*
Sadacara, x\xvi
Sadananda, 621
Sadasiva, 769
Sadttkti-karnamrlat
568,
631
721
722,
10*, 16*, 17*, 122*

256*, 324*, 889*, 390, 401, 413, 611*, 674
Sahabuddin Gbori, 539
,
Sahajiya, 391*, 392*

Sahaeraksa, 521
Sahokti (alamkara), 534, 536
Sahrdaya, 24, 540*, 541*, 542, 548*, 606
Sali'rdayafila, 558, 675
Sahrdayananda, 331, 626
Riickert.
Ruckert-Nachlese, 666*
Ruddy, 710
Rudrabhatta, 157*
Rudradamana,
xvi, xvin, ci. cii, 14, 18, 531
',
567, 613, 654.
Rudramadcva, 158*
Rudra Nyayavacaspati, 37 4<, 102*, 403
Rudra, poet, 360, 431. 679. 772
Rudra, scholar, Ivh
cix
Rudrasirnha
'
liv, Ix, Ixi, Ixviii, Ixx,
cxxiii,
Sahadeva, 536
Rtu'Samhara, cxxvii, 40, 122-23, 740, 752

Rucaka, 558
Riicipati Upadbyaya, 449*
Rucira (metre), 13, 14*
See F. or FriPdnch
Riickert,
cxxvi, 666*.
Rudra sen a,
433''
Romavali-tatokt:, 370
finmeo and Juht-t 282
Rome
f,.*V)
in Brhtil-liatha,
I,
Sailahn, 635
Sailendranath Mitra, 368'
tiaitusa, 633, 650
,9airamd)mfc6,494,687
Saivn or fiaivisrn, xcix.cin. ex. cxi, 93, 161,
252*, 254, 319. 321, 323*. 324, 333, 354,
377, 381, 382, 409, 426, 139, 402 <-, 503,
629, 671, 673
Saka or Scythian, cii, ciii. cvn, cviii, cxviii,
4 A 5, 6, 54, 271 *, 654, 731
Saka Satrap, ci, cix, ex
ûkatadasa, 269
Sakfira, 54. 57, 242", 246, 248, 257, 758
Sakhavardhana, 527
Sakti, Uxi, 534, 536, 660, 668, 724
Saktibhadra, 102*. 301*, 302
Saktiam, 172
gaktisvamm, 618
Saklivega, 98
Sakuni, 113
xxxviii, Ivii, lîii, Ixxx,
Sakuntala, xxxi,
Ixxxii, Ixxxv, 128, 140, 143, 145, 247
,
106
'
xxviii, cx\. 7, 26*. 174, 179'

337*, 525*, 531*, 537 538, 553, 555.
581, 585, 587, 593
Rukmini r 331*, 333, 341
204,
556,
Rukmiiii-harana. 468, 473, 768

Rukmini-kalyana, 333
Rukmini of the Mcdha family, 484
Rukmint parinaya, 168, 765, 772
Russian, 756*
Rutbnorton, 29^
Ruyyaka, 322, 323, 360*.
527, 557,
558,
884,
Munta1&,
Ixxxii, 525*, 531*, 731*. 747, 748,

See Abhijflana-takuntalam.
749, 753.
611*, 615, 628, 676.
Rupa, Mi, 685

Rupadeva, 666*
Rupa Gosvamin,
Sakuntala- rahasya, 748*

373*.
392,
414, 415, 440, 468, 663, 751
Rupaka, Ixxvi, 51*. 64, 67, 711
372,
396',
397.
Rupalca (alamkara), 518, 520, 526, 530, 534.

663, 569, 583.
Rupaka-nirupaniya 521
Rupa)ta-$atka, 473-74, 489
,
Sakuntalopakhydna, 748^
Salagaraja, Prince, 773
Salya, 723,724, 773
Sama, 505
Samafljasa
(or Vyahgyartha-kaumudi)> 561*

Samantabhadra, 379
Samarabhata, 198
820
Samarapungava Dlk?ita, 488

Samasya-purana, a type of Kavya, 338, 874
Samasya-purana poem of Jinadasa, 657
Samavakdra, Ixxxii, Ixxxiv, Ixxxvii, 65, 473,
474, 475, 769
679, 580
S am a v ay a,
Samaya-mdtfkdj 405
Samaya-vidya, xcix
Samddhi, 573, 574
Samdhita (atowfcara;,
626,
530,
534,
536,
657
Sam&sokti (alamkdra) , 526, 530, 584,
536
545, 558, 583
Sambasiva Sa?tri, 875*, 414*, 659*

Sambat era, 125*, 531*, 553*
Sambhaji, 415, 629
SambhaU~mata 676
Sambhu, 363, 402
t
Sambhurdja-canta, 416*, 629

Sambhuraja, Same as Sarubbaj!,
Sambuka, xxx, 746

Samdhilaka,262
SamdhySkard, Nandin, 339, 359, 618, 619
Samgbadasika, 252
GamgUa-cintdmani, 627, 771
Samgita-gahgddhara, 490*
SamgUa-mddhava, 396*
Samglta-nataka, 468, 511*
Sarpgraha of Vyadi on Panini, 685
Samgramapala, 360
Samkalpa-suryodaya, 332, 486*, 487
Samkara (alamkara), 534
Samkara, commentator, 226*, 755*
Samkara, dramatist, 490
Samkara
or Sarnkaracarya, xix, xxvii, cxviii,
IP4, 377, 380, 384, 558*, 562*, 566, 580,

616*, 660, 661, 663, 665*, 668,069,675,
748
Samkara Mi6ra, 388*, 390* 666*

Samkaiavarman, 401, 674
t
Saniketa, 515, 555

ôi7ferrta, 530
Sarnk$epa sarlrakasd r a*sarrigraha, 664*

Sarnk?cpdmrta, 664*
Sarrikfiptasara. 615
SammitTyas, 685
Sartiskfta
Bhd$d
Sarfiskria Sdhiiya-Vtfiaya-
ka Prastava, 625*
Samsfî (alamkara), 536

Sanmdrabandba, commentator,
Samudradatta, 302
Samudragupta, xix, cvi,
18, 263, 268*
Samudra-manthana,
Samudrananda, 545
557, 558, 628
cviii, cix, cxiii, cxiv,
Ixxxiv, 473, 479*, 768*
Samvada-sukta, 43*
Samvada-Akbyana,
*
3,
43*
santgraha, 614*
Samyag-buddha-lakfana-stotra
Samyaktva-kaumudi, 427
Sanatana, 664
Sandtana-gop&la-kdvya, 416
Sftnafcana Sarma, 751*
See SaficI
Sanchi, 731*.
Sand eh a (alatpkdra) 536
,
613
Sandhi-vaigrahika-mahapdtra, 564
Sanghilaka, 762
Sahgita-ketU'4rngdra-Wd-canta, 775
SaHjivani, 751*
Sarikara Mi^ra, MM", 666*
Sankara samhitd, 742*
Sahkardbhyudaya, 772
Sankarftcarya, Gaudiya, 601*
Rankar P. Paodjt, 653*
gankba, xxv
Sankhadbara, 496, 629
Sanku, 5
Sankuka or Amatya Sankuka, T21*, 302, 321*,
349, 523, 535*, 552, 680, 729, 730
Sanskrit College, 624
Sanskrit Chrestomatliie, 256*, 759
Sanskrit Drama, The, or 8. D., 11*, 43*,48*,
49*, 50*, 52*, 125*, 632*, 635*, 654*, 757*
Sanskrit Lesibuch, 621*, 660*
Sanskrit Poetesses, 416**, 417*
Sanskrit Poems of Mayura, The, 168*, 659*
See Poems of Mayura
Sansk^t Poetics,
7*. 11*,26*, 29*, 119*, 121*.

309*, 322*, 323*, 331*, 333*-36*,
370*-72*. 381*, 396*, 403*, 404*,
454*, 455*, 462*, 479*, 519*, 520*,
524*, 527*, 529*, 531*, 533*, 549*,
552*, 563*, 558*, 562*, 566
Sahitya Parisat, 372*, 604*
Santpoort, 666*
Snntrakîta, cxvi
183*,
361*,
139*,
523*,
55]*,
Sanskrit
Saptasati, c, 688
Sarabba (metre' 14*
1
Sarabboj of Tanjore, 186

Saiama, 43, 631
Sarasvati, Ivi, 327, 645
Sarasvati-Bhavana Studies, 326
Sarasvati-kanthamani, 538*, 757*
Sarasvari-kanthdbharana, 17*, 211*. 241*.
435*. 551-53
Sarasvati-kanthdbharana-mdi]jana, 553*
Sarasvati kanlkdbharana-tika, 553*
Saraavatitirtba, 555
Sarasvati-stot'a, 762*
Sarasvativjlasa Series, 343*, 344*
Saiva, a nam* of Buddba, 527
Sarvacanta nataka, cxiii, 755
Sarvadaitana-sartigraha, 767
Sarvajfiamitra, 378
f
Sarvavarman,
ci, cr', ')3
Sarvavidyd-siddhdnta-vainana, 664*
Sarvananda-n&ga, 337*, 618*
Sarvananda, Vandyaghatlya, 413
Sarvdhga-sundarl, 666*
Sarvdrthasiddhi, 74, 264*, 266
Sarvastivada, cv
Sarvashvadin, 70, 73
Sa6a, 250
SaSadhara, 340*, 619*
Sasandeha (alamkara)
Safianka, 755
Sa&kala, 659*
Satilekhd 392*
Saîprabba, 349
Sa&vadana (metie), 13
Sassanian,
ci, cvii,
526, 534
INDEX
tiatakas, of Amaru, Ixxxix, 155-02 , of Bana
158*, 166, 170-71, 172, 378 of Bhartrhan
;
16, 35, 155, 166, 161-65, 194, 367*, 401*

of Mayuia, 155, 156*,
166, 170, 171, 172,'
378;
general
Ixiv,
Ixxix,
xcix,
157*
160,161,162,166,364, 367-72,399 400

646,659, 669, 671, 672,673
atapaflcdatka-ndmastotra, 614*
Satapaftca6atka.stoira t 79, 613*
Satapatha Brahmana, 138*, 518, 632
Satatloka-gita, 661
Satasloki. 675
$atarthakavya 767
'
Hatire or
Satiric
poem and
104, 197-99, 214, 215,
85,137*
play,
24b',
250, 252
253,
254,265,306,404-11,419, 438,481 492

493, 496
?atpadi, 661
SatTU"parajaya'8vara--sa$(ra-sura
Sattaka, 67, 458*
Sattasal,
SaptasatT
740*
Hala. 15,
of
155
15C
157,391,659
Saliva, xlix
Satya'htn6candra, 4(>9, 769

Salyam, 681*
Satyatapah-kathodaya, 338*
fiaubhika, 11, 48, C36, 037, 640, 642
6auddhod;inl, 501
Saugandhikdharana, 467, 769

SaumilJa or SomiJa, 16, 101, 2ul,
757
Saunaka, xxv. 43*, 611*
c, 6
s1
70*,
73,
24!
685
361
Saundarya-lahari, 660, 661

Sanraseni 'Prakrit), cxx, 49, 213*, 2 J*. 270*
276 ',537
Saurastra, 251
Saurindra M. Tagorc, 271'
4
621
Saiin-kathodaya, 338
Sautrantika, 72, 73
Savara, xix, xx
Sadhana-paddhati, 664
Sagaradatta, 302
Sagara-kaumudi, i94, f89
Saxarika, Ixxxi, Ixxxii, 257
yabaeanka, 17*, 757*
Sahasdhka-cainpu, 626
Sahajl of Tanjore, 486
Sahabiiddin, 626. Soe Sahabnddin GlKn
V
Sahitya-darpana. 517, 521*, 523*, 524*, 525*,

512, 550*, 552*, 557', 562*. 563, 564, 566,
615, 662*, 687
Sahityadarpana-viVfti, 564
Sdhitya-kalpavall, 566
Sahitya kauwudi, 555, C56
Sahiiya-mimamsfi, 558
Sahitya-ratnakara, 765
S&hitya-sarvasva, 535*
Sahitya sara, 566
Sahityasudhd, 561*
566
729,
742,
Sdmkhya-kdrtka, cxiv
Sdmya ialamkdra), 539
Sdnanda-govinda, 666^
ftanti-parvdn [Mahabharata], xvn*, 105

Sanli-fataka, 401
Santi-vilasa, 403, 674
Sarabodhini, 556
Saradd-candTika, 292
Saradagama, 560
7J-76
613, 731
Sahttyadarpana-hcana, 564
Sahiryadarpana-prfibha 564
S ah ityadarp ana -\ippaiii, 564
U*, 331
Sakanibhari, 469, 476
Sakya-bhiksu, 252
Salatiirlya, 527
Salibhadra-carita, 344
Salioatha, 666
flalinl (metre), 12, 77*,'l96*
Sahvahana, ci, 17*, 201*
Sdlivahana-kathd, 424*
Samaraja Diksita 370, 486, 500
Samanta Vilasrttradatta, 262
Samaveda 45, 240, 632, 767
Samdnya, 618
Samba, legend of, 169
Samba. paficatika, 3b2, 659
Sdmbopa-purdna, 659*
Sam, Iranian story of, 169
ixvi,
72, 278,
Sarnkhya, xix,
754
See Sancbi
SaQcI, cvi, 635.
Sandilya, 525*
Sandilya-sutra-tfka, G64^
}5antanava, 519
Santideva, 81*, 675
$attrim$anmata. x\v
Saundarananda,
821
fiarada (script), 196, 390

Saradatanaya, Ixv, lxxx\*. 299, 302*, 494,
506*, 687
Sarada-tilaka (Bbanai, 490, 491, 492*
Saradvata, xxxix, Ix, 225
same a*
$aradvati-putra-i>r(ikaran(t>
Sdt-
putra-prakarana, 655
Sarahga-rahgadd, 662^
Sdra-samuccaya, 354^
Barasvalabhadra, 252
Sdraco/t, 730*
Saravall, commentary, 741^s
ârdulavikildita (metrej.9, 12, 14 , 77*, 121*
158*, 159*. 168, 1TO*, 184*. 196\ 243*.
4
285*. 326*, 373, 382,
261*, 270*, 276
383, 400*, 403*. 410, 456, 461, 462*
,
Sariputra, 655
Sanputra-prakarana,
Ixxxviii,
73,
76-79,
655
fiarugadeva, 390*
garngadhara, 16, 414, 532*

Sarngadhara-paddliati, 8*, 333*, 414,
496*. 535*, 740*
ârfigarava, xxxix, Ix, 145
Saingarava, author, 551
Sarvabhauma Bhattacarya, 663
Sarvabbaunia-nagara 1 252
417*.
$a$trasiddhdnta'le$a-tika> 664*
of
Meghaduta,
commentator
Satvata,
751*
Satakarni, cii
See Hala Satavacii,
Satavahana,
ci,
hana
822
HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE,
Satatapa, xxv
Sikharini fmetre), 9, 14*, 77*, 159* 196*

270*, 276*, 285*, 329, 372, 380, 883, 660*
Siksft, 513
Sattvati (Vrtti), 63, 539
Sayana, Ixx'iii
S. B. A., 646, 652*, 655*
S B A. W.,47*, 52*
S. Bay A., 666*
Scberbatskoi, 629*
Schmidt, 89*, 623*, 645
Siksd-dataka, 664*
Siksapada, 254*
Siksa-samuccaya 695
Sikfasatka, 663
Silahara (dynasty), 351
Schonberg, 618*
Silabhattarika,
Scbroeder, 393, 050, 651, 607

SchultbesB, 89*
Schyler, 277*
Slladitya,255,428, 759
Sila-duta, 374*
Silalin, 52*, 523, 635, 640
Sihlana, 401, 402, 674
Sikh Religion, The, 666*
Simhabhupala, 525*
Sinhalese, 621, See Sinhalese
SirpbavarmaD, 254
Siinbavisnuvarma:), 765
Simhasana-dvatrirps'ika, 11*. 424
S. C.
Law, 262*
Sculpture, 625,664
S C. Vidyabhusl.an, 80*, 378 '-79*

Scythians, xxii. See Saka
R. D. Gajeiidragadkar, 741*
Sea voyage, xxiv
Stkhara, xx
'
Selections from Inscriptions, I? 1

Select Specimens, 262*, 277 Y 646
Select
Works of Samkaracftiya,
,
380*,
660*
>'
Sesbratnakara, 667*
Vyasavatsa, 741
See liavanti'vadha
Sevyt-sevakopadesfi. 406, 675
Sexology, Ixxv
ftisupala,
Setubandha, cxv,
503,
504,
505,
See Chaya-naâka
êe Sahahnddm
Ghori, 360.
637, 642, 653*.

Gli or i
315, 364
Muhammad,
Shahpur
372, 566
I, cvii
Siddapur Edicts, cxxi
Siddbacandra,229*
Siddhacandragani, 756'^
Siddha, poet, 189*, 259
Siddharaja, 768
Siddbaseoa Divakara, lix, 172*, 379
Siddhanta-taitvavindu, 664*
Siddhartbaka, 269
Siddhi Narasiipha, 510*
Siddhipriya Stotra, 338
Siddhopama, 518
Seiglin, 79*
Sikh, 390
Sikbagdaka,
lix
>'
Sitavenga, 54*
Sitihantha-vijayahavya, 764
Sitzungsbericlite d Berhnei Ahad, 76*. 849*
Jîva, xxxi, xxxii, Ixxi, Kxx, xc, ciii, cv, cvii,
cxiii, 50, 93, 128, 102, 107, 171, 179, 241,
258*-, 278, 319-21, 333.
629
xxxv, xlviii, 33,

Shakespeare, xxxiv
147, 148, 154, 244. 248, 444, 651
Shemvanekar, Prof 753, 754
Shepherd's Calender, 123
of Ccdis, 18 .)
Sifya-httaisini, 751'
Sifya-leKhat'RQ*-, 81
G. Kanhere, 661*
119"
501,
King
and
Situpala-vadha, 167,' 18H-, 1H9-94, 263S622,

023, 050*,
S. GoJdsch'nidt,
Shah,
Textus
Cinlia-vardbann
of
êsavfresvara, 565
Sefiadri Iyer, 371"
-19,
See
90.
180.
752..
See
133*,
185,
Singhalese
Singhabhupala, 331, 490*. See Sirnhabhiipala
See Soiig
Singing, Ivi, Ixxxiii, xviu.
Siri-Palitta, 201*, 131
Sin Pulmnayi, 15
Sega Cintamani, 408
Shah Jahan,
89,
Sinhalese,
Sesagiri Sastr,, 320*, 390

Sesa Krfina, 437, 461
Sbahabuddin
Text,
Sindhn, 404
Sindhuraja (Paratnara), 349
Sesa, 521
Shadow-play, 47, 48,
Simplicior
Sin, Ixxxix, C65*
Seringapatam, 773
Serge d' Olden berg, 81*
S.
416, 41 7
poet
Simile, 2, 14, 15, 24*, 34, 35, 39, 151,169*,

171, 193, 196, 221, 223, 236, 270, 329, 519
See R. Simou
Simon, 158*.
Simplicior
Semetic, Ixvii
See E. Senart
Senart, 685,
Senas (of Bengal), 390
Seneca, 141*
woman
141*,
3-W, 341, 352, 391,

393, 623, 627, 629, 030, 047, 048, 060-63
005, 728,741,742
Swadatta, 95*, 119*, 189*, 240*, 249*, 299*,
316*, 323*, 325*. 331*, 332*, 336*, 337*,
340*, 345*, 757
Swadasa, 421, 423, 424, 605
Sivalllarnava, 334, 630, 704
îva-mahimnali ~stotra, 3H1, 600
Sivanarayana-dasa, 511*
Sivaprasad'Bhattacharjee,
661*
127^,219,
Sivapuri.248*
Siva-rahasya, 742*, 743
4
Sivararna, 256*, 4B5<>, 756*, 759
îvararna Tripathin, 217*
tirtha, 396
$iva.sakti-siddhi,3M* 626
îvasirnba of Mithila, 426*
Sivaramananda
in,
cxv, 120*, 320-22, 685
508*,
INDEX
fiivaji, 629
Sivaparadha-ksamapana-stotra, 380
Sivodaya, 338*
Sornauatba, 765
Somapala, 360, 677

Somapala-vtlasa, 36U,
749
183*,
119*-21*, 159*, 165*. 178%
202*, 208*, 209*, 217*. 211*. 246%
271*, 286*, 299*, 300*, 3)*, 322*,
324*, 326* 831*, 335*, 337', 361*,
370*, 371*, 381*, 391% 396*, 398%
404*, 413*, 415*, 135*, 439*, 454*,
462*, 464*, 505*, 507*, 519*, 52o*,
524*, 529*, 531% 533*, 548*, 549%
552*, 553*, 558*. 562*, 566, 611,
See De
618, 619, 656*, 663*, 666*.
b4%
185*
Sophocles, Ixvin
Spandapradlpika, 662
South or Southern India, civ, 400
438, 467, 489, 653*, 720
Southern Guzeiat, 766
Southern Paficatantra, R J
South Travancore, 776
248*,
323*,
363*,
403",
455'.
5'23
K. Ramananda Sasiri, 248*

Kuppusvami, 298*
S. Lefmann, 83*
Slesa, 33*, 218*, 221, 334, 335, 337, 33 J,
340*, 341, 342, 359, 526, 530, 534*, 536,
See Paionomasia and
563, 571, 576*.
(
Pun.
137,
13, 71, 77 % 159*.

9,
165*. 168, 169, 170, 181*. 196*, 261*,
270% 276*, 285% 3-2',), 378, 380,103*.
456, 461, 659
Sragdhara, (metre),
Slesa-kavya, 335, 337 -42

S.
Levi, 1, 44*, 70*, 79*, 92*, 93% 95",
g ee Levi
101*. 612*, 614-s, GGG
Sloka (metre), xxi, Ixiv, 2, 9, 12, 79, 93, 91
Sramana, 422*
S. Eangacanar, 703
96,120, 121% 131, 150, 167, 184*, 195,

243*,
327,
45,
270% 275', 285", 3t(%

329% 33f> ,314,359, HV2,
Srautl, 519
323,
103,
tf
Sloka-varttika, 12
Sinaita Paftcopasaka, 391
Smith, cix*. 612, 613, 755
See V. A. Smith
xxii, \xiii, xxiv, xxvi, \\vni, \xix,

xxxi, xxxii, xxxiv, xxxvi, XXMX, \1, \\\ii,
Ixii, xoii
290, Ml
xcv, xcix, cxviii,
693.
See Dharmatastni
16S, 212, 17:"),
SaDke-charin, Snake doctor,
491.
See Jafigulika
Stnrti,
S N. Tadpatrikar, 059*
Sobhana, 338, 379
f
766
Solecism, 8*, 107, 209, 343*, 72J
Solomon, 387
lix,
278, 559, 631
Somadatta, Prince, 78, 210*

Somadeva, 89, 90, 96, 98, 99, 230*, 231, 24J
244*, 280,
694, 696
421,
422%
423,
455, 688-92,
Somadeva, Calukya, 341

Somadeva, dramatist, 469, 479*
Somadeva Sun, 343*, 432*. 435-36
Somagiri, 387
xivi
S. K Dhavanidbara, 741*
SrtQopal Basu Malhh Ltctutes UH Vedanta
'Philosophy, 3SO*
^Jibhutuaja, 535^
See Caitanya
Srlcaitanya, 662, 663
Siid-ilta, 340*, 624*
Sridama canta, 486, 500
SiTdevI, 340
^ridhara, author of Kdoyapiahasn-iiveha,
556
STldharadaaa, 390, 101, 418
M, Paranjpe, 256*
Sodcjhala, 324*, 431-3 2, 455

Soka vmodana, 614*
rat? i/a,
^ravasti,'201*, 212,321
406, 123, 424
Sloha-samgfahti, 692
Som,
403%
Sovani, Prof., 520*, 540*, 513Spenser, 230,234, 481

See ,1. S. Speyer
Speyer, 82*, 99^, 265*.
SpJiota, theory, 520, 527, 605, 60S
Sports, Ivi, 20, 491
S. P. Pandit or Pandit
125*, 129% 132*,
136*, 138*.278*, 279 '% 361*
Spring festival^ 645
Sraddhotpadasntra, cv
551*,
615*,
S.
S.
S.
324,
404,
677
Soinaprabhacarya, Jama, 342, 362*, 37u, 675,

767
Somananda, 381, 66 L
Somes vara, 332, 350*, 362, 466*
SomeBvara, commentator, 547-49, 555, 556
SomeSvaradeva, 678
SomeSvara II, 351, 677
SomeSvara ol Kalyana, 341, 769, 770
See Sanmilia
Somila.
Song, Iviii, lix, 20, 44, 45, 47, 51,62, G7,
139*, 387, 510, 749. See Music
Sita, poetess, 429
Sftarama, KavlSvara, 126 % 127*, 741 <

Skandagupta, cxii, 179, 233
Skanda-purana, 334, f-30, 757
S. K. Belvalker, 107*. 277*
S. K. Chatlcrjee, 394*, 497*
S. K. De, xi, xii,7*, 8*, 26-, 29", 48*,
410*',
Somaprabha, 342*
Slta, xlix, Ixxviii, cxxviii, 40, 114, 131, 185%

187, 247, 286-89, 292-3, 300, 303, 824,
331, 374, 396, 429, 451, 456-57, 463-65,
504, 695, 598, 647, 731, 735, 736, 738, 74ti,
196,
323
Srldhara Press, 418^

îldhara Sarasvati, 664
Sndharasena, 528, 615
rldharasvamm, 615*, 660*
^rigadita, 467
Sriharsa, Iviu, cxvi, 325-30, Sol, 129, 553,
625, 626, 627, 629, 666, 681, 758
Suhirapandita, 325, 625
Snkanfha Bhatta, 661
grikantlia-cariia, 19, 322-23, 350*, 38'2*,
557*. 558, 627. 628, 761
Srikantlia-stava, 558
Srikaniha,
title of
Bhavabhuti, 278, 29S
!rik5,nta-nn^ra, 6G6*
See Krsâ
Siikrsna, 774.
419,
824

391*
Statuary
Sun, 773
See Gild
See Bhdgavata
Srimad-bhagavad-gita, 774,
Srimadbhagavata, 385, 620.
'<,
Srlnatha, (524*
Srmivasa Atiratrayayin,
Srmivasa Diksita, 772
Srimvasa, king, 770, 771
486"*"
748 ',770
Srinivasa-vilasO'campu, 139
Srlnivasacarya, 490
Sripadrnanabha, 776
See Siri Palitba
Sripadalipta.
:
Sripuiawayi Vas"isthaputra,
Sthanaka, 766
Sthanlsvara, 226, 255
47, 104,
711, 716, 718. See Sutiadhara
561
Sthayibhava, 539,
Sthiramati, cx\i
Sthapakaor Sthapana,,
ci
Srirangarn, 140, 217*. 219*, 298*, 332*, 334*,

380*, 403*, 433*, 187*, 535*, 657, 662*,
754, 773
Srlsaipkuka, 602
Sriah Ch. Chakravarti, 741*
SrlSripala, 767
Srivara, 119, 120*, 316*, 354*, 359, 415,
677, 771
Srlvaglvilasa Press, 217*, 256*, 298*,
332*, 834*, 361*, 380*, 403*. 133*,
773
Srivamvilasa Series, 535*, 662**
Srlvtjaya-pratasti, 326*
306,314,332*,
664, 668*, 774
Stotra Samgraha,
571, 672, 684, 692,

769, 770. See RUi
299,
Sriigara-rasa-mandana, 892*, 396

Srhgara-saptasatika, 659
Smgara-sarvasva, 490, 491*, 772
Srhgdra-tataka, of Bhartrhari, 161, 162-63,
of
Janardana,
Dbanadadeva,
163-65;
and Narahari, 370. 669, 670, 740, 752*
3rrigara-6ekhara, 220
Srhgarasdra, 740*
of Rarnabliadra, 465S 489
Srhgara-ttlaka,
of Budra Bhatta, 157*, 2 ^, 537, 558^,
740*
Sjhgara'vairagya-tarahgini, 342, 370*, 675
I
Srutaklrti Traividya, 840, 619

Srutasagara 8u;i, 435*
Srutanupdlim, 521
666*
Srikantha Sastri, 263*
Srutirafijanl,
722.
Suali
7(H),
719,
135,
cxiv, 5 , 8*, 16, 33, 92, 120*, 155,

191, 200, 201, 203, 205, 213, 216, 217-25,
227, 232, 236, 253, 330, 335, 340, 429, 435,
439*, 520,688, 694, 755
Subarnanabha, 521
Subhadra, 332,403', 770
Subhadra-dlianafijaya, 465
liarana, 467
Subhadrd
Subhadra-liarana-prabandlia, 775
Subhadra-pannaya, 504
See Daldhgada
Subhata, 502.
Subhdsita-haravali, 415
Subhasita nivi, 403, 674
Subhasita-ratna karandaka-katha, 614
Subhasita-fatna-sandoha, 401, 676
Subhasita-ratnavall, 611*
Subhdsitas, 673
Subhaiita-tritatl iBhartrhari), 161*
Subhastt avail, of ^rivara, 415 of Vallabhadeva, cxiii,8*. 10*, 16, 119, 120*. 121*,
122*, 171, 173*, 320*. 333*, 389*, 400*,
402, 413, 414, 41? 535*, 538, 621*, 661*,
'
See Theatre
3*, 254*. 278, 647,
723, 714,
627*
Sruti, xcix
116,
Jama, 379*
Style, 224, 228-29, 232, 236, 239, 261, 269,

270, 'J87, 394, 402, 418, -120, 423, 4?C>,
537,517,
427,517,522,530, 531," 535,
Subandhu,
47
191,
430*
301*, 553,761, 762
$rhgara-va\ikd (or vdpikd)

Srhgdramrta-lahari, 187*
Srutabodha, 740*
338,375-98,
Strassburg, 243*
Striparva (Mahdbharata), xvJ
Studien Sum 10, Buch des Bha^tikdvya, 615
Studi't about the Kafhdsant sagara, 691*,
70C*
Studies about the Sanskrit Buddhist Lif.,69*
Studies on Sanskrit Lit., 159*
S tut i-kusumdfi jah, 661, 663
Stuttgart, 20*, 1H9*, 520^, 524^
Stuli-sumgiaha 379*
Stupa, cv
331*,
487*,
S\hgara-manjari, 490*, 566

Srngara, minister of Kajadeva, 628
241*, 271',
333*',
Stotravall, 381
629,
371)
Smgara-prakaSa, 16*, 201,
709,
Stotra, Ixxv, xcix, cvi, 79, 150*. 166-73,
Srhgara, 537, 553, 555-*, 592, 595, 672

Srhgara-bhusana, 299,489, 491*, 627, 771
Srngara, brother of Mankhaka, 322
Srhgdra dlpikd, 627, 771
Srhgara-jfiana-nirnaya, L75
Srngaratfupta, 755*
Srhgara-kahka-trisati,
Srhgara-'ko&a, 765
653 4
Sthulapatti, 614*
Sticu, 594, 596, 710
Stimmen indischer Lebenaklugheit, 196*
Siirarupore College Library, 413 *, 421*

Sri Rajanatha, 772
Sri-sadauanda, 774
Stago, 107,
xc
Stavavall, 397
Sten Konow, 1, 43, 77, 94*, 106*. 136*, 140*
239*, 240*, 242*, 262*, 272
277*, 298*,
See Konow
301*, 504, 612*.
See A. F. Stenzler
Stenzler, 132*.
Sthairya-vicara-prakaiana, 326*, 626
Sthavira school, cviu, 685'
Sthaviravali, 343
Srlmainalladevi, 625
Srlnagaia, cv
S.
art,
Stambhita-rambhaka, 687
Stavamdla, 897, 663, 664*
755, 761
Subodha, 741*
INDEX
825
Subodfiini, 616*, 621
249*, 336*, 617*, 621
Suzanne Karpales, 378*

Suzuki, 71*. See T. Suzuki
{5fidraka, xxix, xxxviii, Ivii, Ixiv, ex, cxix,
cxxv, 22, 57, 108, 109*, 156, 213, 239-48,
Sudar6ana-6ataka 674
Sudana, same as Vis>antara, 656*
Suddhicandrika, 740*
Sudhdlaharl, 383, 666, 675
Sudhakalasa, 687
Sudhdsagara, 556
t
249, 264,
761-62
270,
295,
302,
757-58,
756,
$udrakd'Canta 762
SMraka-katha, of Paftca&kha, 241*; of
Soinila, 16, '201,241, 757*. 762
Sudraka-vadha, 241*, 757*
Sukti-muktavali of Jahlana, 7, 8*, 10*. 120*,
t
Sudrsti, iix
Sugat'a-paflcatriratna-stotra, 613*
Sugbatadatta, 629
Sugrlva, cxxvii
Sugrivakelana, 687
Suhma country, 212
Suhrllekha, 80*. 81*
Suja-uddaulah, 439
Suka, 359*. 677
Sukanaaa, 232, 234
Sukasandeta, 752
Suka-saptati, 420, 425-26
Sukhakara, 756*
168*. 171, 185, 300, 322*, 324*, 333*, 389*,

414, 417*. 455*. 473*. 755, 767, 769, 770
Suktt-ratna-hdra, 400*. 414
Suktivaga-kumara, 686
Sura, Arya, 80-81
Surasena, 568
Suri, poet, 685
Surpanakha, 287, 303
Surpanakhd-pralapa, 774
Sukra, xcviii
Sukrla-kirti-kaUohni, 3G3
664,
{5uryadpva,
Suryarnati, Princess of Jalandhara, 96
Sukrta-sarrikirtana, 363, 678,

X
Sukthankar, 60*, 102*, 105*, 106*, 107* 10H ,
Suryaprabha, 98
Surya-prakdta, 352
Surya-tataka, 168-70
242*
Sulaksana, 745
Sumangala-stotra, 386*
Sumanottard, xvhi, 11, '200
"
9, 120*.
Suyodhana, 179
Sucivana, iix.
SudarSana, 723
647,
Sumanta, xxv
Sutra, xxvii, cv, 535, 663

Sutradhara, 47, 103, 104*, 510, 641,
See Sthapaka
651,663*.
Sutralatrikara, cv, cvi, 72, 613, 655
Sumati, Iix
Sumatinatha-carita, 767
Sumati-vtjaya, 751*
Sumatra, cxi, 339*, 462, 175
Sutrdlamkara-tastra, 614*
Svabhdvoktt (alamkdT(i\ 52ft, 530, 534,
586-87, 690
Svapna-dadnana t 301*
53S,
Suinila, Iix
Sumitra, 560
Svapna-ndtaka or Svapna-vdsavadattd, 101,

105,108,109, 111,116, 117, 136, 260*
Snnaljsepa, 85, 112, 632

Sunanda, 251, 252
Sundara, 368, 369, 658 S 059*
Xva r astlidna,
Svayambara,
300, 629*, 531, 641, 695, 696, 719
Suudaraka, Kaurava messenger,

Sundaranatba (iv), 331, 38H
Suodarami^ra, 525*
Sundara-paijdya, 400
Sundararaja, 468
Sundari (metro), 14*,
75,
xc, 130, 286, 327, 351,

457, 501
Svayamutprek$ita-llld, 397
Svagata (metre), 181*. 190, 329*, 462*
Svahd-sudhdkara, 371, 775
Svalf, Andhra-bhrtya king, 761
451
'273
TJO*, 156.
Sec^
ViyogiDi
Sundari-tataka, 370
Sunga, c, ciii, 750
Sun-worship, 172
Suparnadhyaya, 631, 632
SupathadeJa-pankathd, 614
Supernatural, lxix,lxx\vii
Buprabhadeva, 189
Suprabha
(or
53! )
Suprabhaia) stotra, 173
Surapala, 218*.
353,
S Venkataraiuan, 660*
Svetambara Jama, 361, 425, 430, 476, 537

SvetdSvatara, xvii
8 W. A. ,299*
Swang, 510
Sweet Valley, 94
Syamala, 562
Sydmala-dandaka, 762*
djamalika, 156, 213, 249, 761, 762
SylvainLevi, 240*, 646.
See
8.
Levi and
Levi.
Surata-mafijarT, 97
Symbolism, 233
Suratha, 332
Surathotsava, 332, 350*, 362, 466*, 678, 769
Surananda, 459
Syriac version of Pailcatantra, 89
Susangata, Ixxxii
Susarman, Kanva king, c

Sussala of Kashmir, 354, 358
Suvadana (metre>, 14*, 77*
Suvarnfikfi, 613*
T. A. Gopinabh Rao, 843*, 418

See Rabindranath
Tagore, xxvii.
Tagore Law Lectures, 240*
Tailaka, 553*
Suvrata, 355
Tailaiâ, 371, 372*, 383, 565, 617, 627
826
Tailapa, king, 351

Taine, liv
Taittirlya Sakha (Yajurveda), 278
Takakuau, 71*, 656*. See J. Takakusu, 256*
Tale, 88, 42, 53, 72, 80, 81, 82, 83-100, 110,
112,116, 155, 172, 195, 198, 200, 205,
206, 211, 212, 214, 215, 216, 220, 227,
230, 231, 234, 235, 261, cU4, 420-29.
Tales from Sanskrit Dramatists, 246*
Tamil, Ixxviii, 92*. 680, 398*, 704, 705
Tanasukhram Manasukhram Tripathi, 197*
Tangyur, 762
TaDJore, 333, 334, 343*. 344*, 361, 417, 464,

465*, 472, 486, 633*, 567, 680, 668, 679*
Tanjore Catalogue, 335*, 338*, 341% 396*.
417*, 487*
Tantra, viii, Ixxv, 88, 166, 377*, 379, 468,
702, 707
Tantrakhydna, 704
'
Tantrdkhydyika, xiv, 15, 84, 88, 89, 90, 162*,

200, 263*, 614, 694*, 698-707
Tantraloka, 12
Tantrdloka-viveka, 558
Tantrik, cxv, 877, 379, 458, 661
Tan vl (metre), 13
TapatI, 466
Tapati-samvarana, 465, 7'J()

Tarala, poet, 454
Tarala commentary, 561
Tarahgadatta, 802, 686
Tarangalold, 201*
Tarahgavati, 201, 431, 754
Tataauia (Prakrta), cxxiv
Taitva-bo<dhini, 514
*
Tattva-dipani, 755*
761*
Tattvadipikd,
Tattva-gunddars'a, 439
Tattva-kaumudi, 623*, 755^
Tattvoktiko$a, 662
T. Aufrecht, 127*
Tauncjikoki Visnunaga, 251
430*. 760
See C. H.
Tawney
Taxila, 72
Talas, 890
Tamralipti, cvii
Tftmraparn!, 450
Tandava,
Theatre, 54, 66, 67,
661,
741*.
See
Drama
and Stage.
Theatre indien, 11*, 92*, 101*
Theft, 190, 250, 254, 485; (art oi) 211
Theism, xxvii
Theociacy, xciv
Theological or Theology, cv, 166, 885, 892,
440, 483, 485, 486
Thcrlgdthds, 612
Thinae, 737
T. H. KuppusTami Saetry, 472*
Thomas, 8*, 108*, 159*, 106*, 170*, 173*,
186*, 249, 454*, 611*. 613*. 618*, 621,
See F. W. Thomaa
710, 754.
Th. Pavie, 728*

Three Reports, 121*, 402*, 465*, 620*
Thyestes, 141*
See Zachariae
Th. Zachariao, 349*, 361*.
Tiberius, Roman Emperor, civ
Tibet or Tibetan, cvi, cxvi, 13, 71, 73, 79, 80,
119, 132*, 166*,
673, 685, 752
'
230*,
Thancswar, 16
Tbana, modern name of Sthauaka, 482
Th. Bloch, 54*, 650*. 760*
Theater der Hindus, 646
Thomas Gray, 298*
Taruna Vacaspati, 631*, 6G2*, 533*, 57?"
29*,
Terracotta, Ixi, 731*

Teufel, 696
Teutonic, vi
TextuB Ornatior, 425*, 703. See Ornatior Text
Textus Sirnplicior, 425*, 702, 708, 706, See
Sirnphcior Text
'. Ganapati Saslii, 101. 102*. 109*, 126*,
178*. 264*, 256*, 331*, 334*, 382*, 886*,
465*, 466*, 548*, 650*
Thakkar Lectures, 753
Theodore Paviem, 429*
Tapas or Tapasyd, xxxvi, xxxvii, 741, 742
Tawney,
Telengana, 662
Terminal Ettayt, 691*
533*,
614*,
666,
Tien-sban Mountains, 737

Tilaka, 555*
Tilaka mafltari, 201, 229*, 430-31, 688
Time and Analysis of Sanskrit Plays, 661*
Timma, 773
Tinnevelly, 468*, 775
TirumalaNayaka, 834
Tirumalamba, 361*, 417, 438
Ttthis, xiv
60, 31<)
Tanxjavika, lix
Tdpasa-vatsardja carita, 300, 686, 759
Tarakoddbarana, Ixxxiv, 687
Tara, Buddhist deity, 378
Taracandra, 730
Taranatha, 613, 614*, 685, 728*
Tarapida, 234
Tard,-iasdhka, 369
Tara, wife of Vidyanare^*, 378*
Tataka, 451, 456
Tdiparya-dtpikd, 751*
T. B. Panabokke, 133*
Technical Sciences, xi
See
Telang, 161*, 639*, 665, 760.
Telang and M. R. T.il
Telegu, 841*, 707, 754*
422*,
Tikd-sarvasva, 715
T. Narasimgbyengar, 629*
Todar Mall, 277*, 278*, 280*, 886*, 468*
Tomeinatsu, 72*
Torainana, 356, 736
To$aka, 687
Totaka (metre) 12
Tragedy, 141*
Tragedy or tragic, xxi, xxxii, xxxvi, xlix, 36,
39, 49, 59-61, 104, 112, 119, 128, 138, 139,
140, 142, 154, 244, 246, 248, 259, 260,
267, 283, 294, 446-47, 602, 717, 746. 747
Trailokyadeva, 768
Trailokya-sttndari-kathd, 431, 754
Trailokyavarma, 768
,
K T
Trajan, Roman Emperor, ci?

Travancore, 468, 479, 708, 717, 773, 776
827
INDEX
U
T. R. Cintamani, 119*, 361*, 437*

Treasury, xcv
Uler Bana's Parvatiparinayandtaka,
Treatment
of Love in Sanskrit Literature,

159*, 246*. 611*, 666*
uber Begriff und Wesen Der poe^schen Figu-
Tribhuvanacandra, 533*
Tribhuvanapala, commentator, 169*
Tribhu\anpala, king, 50'2
Trichur. 129*, 248*
Tridanda-mala, 72*
Trigarta, 113
renind'cr indtschen Poettk, 520*, 701*,

760
Uber das Kauîliya^d^tra und Verwandtes,
701*, 760
Uber das Lcben des Jaina-Monches Hema^
candra, 361
Uber das Natasdhasahkacarita, 349*
Uber das Verhalirtts zictschen Carudatta
und Mrcchakatika, 11)7*
'Uberdax Zeitalter, 96^
Uber den gr\ec\ischen Ursprung des indischcn Tterkreises, 730"
Uber die Anfcinge des indischen Dramas, 44*,
633*, 646
Ober die Jama Keccnsionen de^ Paficatantra,
89 "
Uber die Vajrasuci, 71*
Trikanta-s'efa, 525*, 702

Trilinga country, 771
Trilocana, 686
Trimaladeva, 473
Tripttaka, cv
Tnpura, 322, 323, 474, 627

Tripura-dahana, 121*, 338% 621, 687
Tiipura-daha, Ixxxiv, 474, 087, 768
Tripura-mardana, 687
Tnpura-sundari-stuhkavya, 71(K
Tripuravijaya campu, 764
Tripnrari, 277^763
Tripurl, 455
Uber einen
Tnthen, 277*
Trivandram, 16, 60", 101,104, 105,106,
l;)7,
109*, 112, 178*, 418*, 477*, 479*, 545,

620, 627. 679*
2M 4
Triv&mlrnm Sanskrit Series or TrfS
II,?
256*, 331% 334*, 175*, 382% .W>
465*, 166% 479", 518% 550% f51, 552.
558*, 620 627% 630* 6f> r. 662', 663 *.
717, 721. 722, 759, 765 767,771 771.775
Tnvarga, xxv, !\\xvi, l\\\i\, xvui
531"
561,562, 615.
Trivedi, 526, r^fl,
,
<
RW
Trivikramabhalti, 135, G'.M

Same a^
Trivikaramasena,
Vikram
><sena
Trojan War, 654*

Trotaka. 67, 139\ 687, 750*
T. B. Ritnam Aiyar, 277*. 286
666*
Chi Hwangti
298^, 763
38 f.l"
Tmmpp,
Ts'in
T. S
Kuppusvami
TIcchala, king. 6t
Udakavati, 719
Ixxxi, Ixxvn. 97, inO, 110
201*. 271*, 301), 315, 171 477*, 693,
711 720, 7-27
Ud<*yana Kadui or Peruuffadu-, <>06"
737
Santri, 344*
432^,
187*.
465*
T. Suzuki. 70*, 71*
Tncci, 729*
Tnkbarian, 655
Tulasiduta, 373*
TulasI plant 373
Tuluva dynasty, 773
Tulyayogita (alamkara) 530, 534, 536
Tufijina of Kashmir, 11'^
Turfan, cxv, 655
Turks, cxv, cxvi. cxviii
Torkietan, cvi
Turu?ka, 356
Tvaritagati (metre), 12
Types of Sanskrit Drama, 51*, 60*, 64*
Types of Tragic Drama, 141*
111,
695,
Udayana,
Udayana.Lallia, en
7'26
Fdayanacaiya, 624', 666*

Udayaprabha Suri, 363
Udayasnndarl-katha, 321*,
766
Udayavariu*, 766, 767
(q-v.)
*
Hber Ksemendra's Darpadalana, 407
Obcr-setzung und Anmerknug^n, 700*, 701*
Ubhayanyaxa (alamkdra), 563
Ubhayabnisdnkd, 11% '248, 249. 251, .762
Uc'-ala of Kashmir, 354 356, 358
Udayana Vatsaraja,
Tnvedi
Triibner, 161*, 368'
des
auiplior
stdichten, 764
TTi$asti-alaka~purusa-c(trita, 343
Tristubh-JagatI (metre), 2*, 12, 150
P.
textus
Uber*instimmungen in Gedanken Veryleichen und Wendungen bei mdisclten Kun-
Tris'-iranatatabhlma, 533*
K.
siicllicbeu
Pancatantra, 89*
Triratnadasa, 611*
Tnratna-stotra, 613*
See
299*,
730*
Udayakara (father
431-432,
455*,
r
Utpalad va), 661
of
Uda'ra-rdahava, 331
lldaratd or Udartva (guna). 574, 575, 570*
Udatta, 534. 538
Udatta-kufljara. 687
Udaita-ragliwa, 300, 6R6

Udbhata, xxviii, cxw, 519.
531
534,
537,
885.' 593,' 606,
569,
573,
523, 527, 52ft,

581, 583, 584,
615
Udbhatalamkara,bll
Uddandin or Uddarujanatha. 298, 474, 686
Uddhava,190, 373
Uddipana,
vibha,
I4jf
593, 597
l^ 1 *
Udgata (metre),
Udumbara, gnrnanif O f Bhavabhuti, 278
Udyopa-panan (Maâbnarara^ 112,
-
723
Uddyota, 637. 115

Uddyotakara, 217, 218, 751*
105,
828
Udgttha, 767
Ugrasena, 726
Uttardlarpkdra, 565
Urjasvi, 526, 534
Ujjayinl, Ivii, cviii, cix, 4*, 93, 94,

230, 232, 233, 234, 245*, 260,
373*, 450, 654, 688, 689, 731,
758, 761
95*, 125,
261, 279,
782,
757,
Urubhahga,
60, 101, 109*,

112,
720, 721, 724
Drvasi, ixxx, 43, 60,85, 139,681,
640,
717,
632,
749>
572
573
750
Ujjvaiadatta, 127*, 455

Ujjvalanilamani, 664*
Ull&gha-rdghava 769
Ullekha (alarfikdra). 562
lisas, Ixxiii, 3
Uma, 128
Vacana-mdlika, 666*
UrnadevI, 486
Vaidarbha Marga, 208, 572
Umapatidhara, 390
Umapati Upadhyaya, 510
Umbekacarya, 278*
Unadi, viii
Vaidarbhi
526,
(<ritt) t
576-78, 613, 729*
663,
Vaid&rbhl-vasudeva, 46S
Vaidya Bhanu Pandita, 414*

Vaidyanatha (commentatorj, 730, 756*
Une
Te* trade ou drame, hymne rornan

poeme, 207*
United Provinces, Ixxviii
University of Dacca, xii
University of Madras, 679*
University of Nalanda, cxii
University Press, 101*
et
Univ. Studies, 124*
Unmatta-kumdra-canta, 427
Unmatta-rdghava, 464
Unmattavanti, King, cxvi
v
Unmdda-vdsavadattd, 301 \ 302
U. N. Upadhye, 139
Vaidyandtha-praJasti, ilO*
Vaikhanasa xxv
Vaikhanasa .smarta-iutra,
,
xiii
Vaimalya-vidhdytni, 533*
Vainodaka, 521
Vairagya-talaka, of Bhartrhari, 161, 162, 163,
164, 194,670,672, 675; of Dhanadadeva,
and
Janardana
764 (of
others, 370,
Nilakantba DTksita)
Vaiâtnpayana, 230
V
Vaifarnyoddhannt, 02'2
Vai4esika, xix, 72. 624
Vai&ka Upacara
or Vaisiki Kala, 198, 643*

Vaisnava or Vainnavisrn, vii, xxni, Ixii, Ixxi,
Hx, cxi, cxvii, 252*, 333 372*, 374, 375,
Upadefa'&aiaka, 674
UpadeSdmrta, 664*
Upagupta,' 655
Upaharavarman, 212
121*, 184*.
Upajati (metre), 9, 14*. 77*, 120*,

X
243*, 247, 285*, 329
Upamanyu, 521
Upama, xvi, 149*, 518-20,525-27,531*. 532*
See Simile
534, 536, 538. 569, 576. 579.
Upamdrtha, 519
Upamd-riipaka, 534
Upamita, 518
Upanisad, v, vi, x?h, xviii, xxvii, Ixviii, Ixxv,
20/85, 278, 182, 673, 697, 751
Uparupaka, 51*, 64, 60. 67, 687
Upasthitapracupita (metre), 14*
Upavarea, Ivii, cviii, 761
Upendravajrft fmetre),12
Upper Valley of the Indus, cxvii
U. S. A., 239*
Usabbadata's inscription, 654
Us*anas,
553,
xxv
Utathya, 521
See Orissa
Utkala, 561.
Utkalik&vallan, 664*
Utpaladeva, 381, 661
Utpala, King, 856
Utpreksd, 520, 525, 526, 530, 534, 536
Utpreks.avallabha, 333, 370
Utprek$dvayava 534, 636
t
Utsrstanka, Ixxxii, Ixxxiv, 65, 66, T24

Uttaramegha in Meghaduta, 751
Uttara-purdna, 344, 433, 486, 437
Uttara-rdma.carita, xlix, cxiv, 63*, 55*, 60,
277, 278*, 280*, 284. 285*, 287, 288-95,
297*, 449*, 452, 464, 760*, 763
377, 381, 385, 389, 391, 392, 413, 414, 415,

439, 440, 489, 192*, 564, 662*, 667, 679,
754
Vaisnava Faith and Movement in Rengal

See Ear'y History of Vai$nava
485*.
Faith and Movement in Bengal.
Vaisnava Perumal, 66'2*
Vaikvadevi f metro), 196*, 213*
Vaitallya (metre', 14*, 150, 181*, 196*. 329*Vajradatta, 378, 384*

Vajrasuci, cv, 71. 613*
Vajrayanamu1apath-s<iinqiahti 614*
t
Vakraphona,
l'*x
Vafaokti,
33*, 518, 526, 536, 537, 549, 563
li,
575, 579, 581-84, 586, 587, f,06, 6'20

Vakrokit-jivita, 120*, 369*, 548, 552, 556. See
Kuntaka
Vakrokti-paficdhka, 335*, 382*, 623
Vaktra (metre), 12, 159*. 201, 202, 203
Vakulflvlthi, Ixxxiv, 687
ValabhT, 183, 528,615,616

Vallabha, brother of Hupa Gosvaml, 664
Vallabha, commentator, 695, 751*
Vallabhadeva, 8*, 132*, 189, 382*, 402, 413,
414,415, 421,623*. 656,657,661*, 674.
Vallabbacarya or Vallabbacarl sect, 392, 396

349*
Islampurkar,
'
Vamâraani, 396*
Vamfopatrapatita frnetre), 181*
Varp8a8thavila(mctre),9, 12, 14*, 77*, 121*
159*. 196*, 329*
Vam,<$ivfldana, 325, 624*
Vaman
Vanamdld, 471,
Z.S9
INDEX
Vadicandra Suri, 373*. 751*
Vanamahko-natika, 769
Vana-parvan (Mahdbhdrata), 178, 467*
Vanavasi, known as Jayanti ksetra, 340*
Vandhudatta, 762
Varadaraja, 468
Varadacarya, 487, 489, 490
Varadaojb'al, 773
Varaddmbikd-parinaya, 361 *, 417, 438
Vararnci.
xviii, Iviii, cviii, 5*, 10, 93, 95*, 156,
195,200,248, 368*. 369, 424, 520, 527

611, 621, 683. 685, 729, 730, 750*, 761, 7(,2
Vararuci-vdkya-kdvya, 730
Varatantu, 745
Varaha (incarnation), 325*
Va-rahamihira, 5*,
73^
697, 729,
Varaha-purana, 659*
Vardnga-canfa, 342-43
],
xcvi, 72
Varsa, Ivii
Varuna, 475
Vasantaka, 257
Vasantapala, 770
Vasantardjya, 656*
Vasanta ena, Hiv, 60, 100, 246, 247, 758, 77(i
Vasantasena Idrama translated from MrcchaY
katika), 756
Vasantatilaka (Bhana), 486
Vasantatilaka (metre), 9*. 12, 13, 14*, 77\
213", 270*,
120*, 121*, 159*. 172, 196
320*, 329*, 368, 369, 372,
276*, 285*
663
660
383*, 461, 462*,
Vasanta-vilasa, 363, 679, 770
Vasantotsava, 257*
Va6i6tha, xxv, Ix, 130, 2S9. 744
VaJitfha (Dharmasutra), xiii
V A. Smith, 481*
Vaatupala, 332, 362-64, 428, 478, 678, 770
Vastupala-canta, 678, 770
V
Vasubandhu, xix, cvi, rviii, c\iv, 73
f
Vasudeva, 190
Vasudeva, Minster,
Vasunaga.SOl, 686
Vatakahka, 730*
'
8ê Mufija
Vflkpatiraja Mufija, 349*, 430.
Vdkya-padlya, 161, 516, 520, 605,616, 639,
Varendra Research Society, 339

Varmala or Varmalata 'king) 189
Varnamdld'stotra, 383 665
Varnanarha-varnana, 79*, 614*
xxii, xxxi,
Vadijanghala, 533*
Vadiraja Siiri, 343, 436, 619
Vadya, 643*, 645
Vagbhata, author of Alamk&ratilaka, 687
Vagbhata, author of Kavydnufasana, 663, 584
Vagbhata, author of Nemi-nirvdna, 345, 593
Vagbhata, author of Vagbhaâlamkdra 559
Vdgbhatdlamkdra, 559, 564, 684
Vagheiaraja Vlrabhanu, 679
Vaghela, 362, 678
Vahlika, cvii
Vajacandra, 560
Vajapeya (Sacri6ce), 278
Vakatakii (dynasty), 119*
Vakovdkya, xlix,
Vakpati or Vakpattra;a, cxvi, 201, 219,279,
280, 285*, 299, 350, 623, 644, 676, 685
Vardhamana, 241, 757

Vardhamana 'Burdwnn), 439*
Varnaâma
829
671-73
Valin, 287, 288, 800*, 451, 452
Valmiki, xvi, xvii, xxx, Ixxxviii, cxxvij,
cxxviii,
120*, 130, 131, 289, 303, 381,
See
665*, 688, 732, 745, 766
599,
ftdmdyana
Varnana, xxviii, cxiv, cxv, 8*, 26*, 158, 174,
186*, 188, 203, 219, 226*, 242, 271, 280,
519, 527, 528, 631*, 535-38, 563, 569, 571,
573, 574, 575-82, 134, 585, 587, 590, 593,
606, 620*, 621, 646, 669, 714, 742*, 743,
756 762, 764.
See Kdvydlamkdra-sutra
Vamauabhatta Bana, cxiii, 627, 686, 771,
See Bana, Vain ana bha^ta
Vdnaprastha, 745
Vdhmandana-guna-duta, 375^
Vdraruca Kdvyal 10, 611*
Varanasi, 88, 350, 450.
See Benares
Vdrta-tastra, Ixxv, xcvi

Vdrtta (alamkdra], 526
Varttikaor'Varttika-karaJO*, 11*,
12,
200,
519
Vdsan a, 696,597
V&santtkd, 473*
Vasanti, 289, 298
Vasanti-puja, 641*, 649*
Vate^varadatta, Sarnanta. 262

Vatsa, ancestor of Vatsayana-gotra, 225
VatsabhaUi, ex, 18, 123, 183, 615, 616, 732,
736
Vatsa, commentator, 741*
Vatsaraja'carita, 761
Vatsaraja in Pratijfla-yaugandharayana 726

Vatsaraja of Kalafljara, Ixxxiv, 473, 489,
492*, 494, 768, 769
Vatsaraja of Lafca, 432, 443
VatseSa, Story of, 527
Vafadasa, 413
Vavilla Press, 494*
Vavilla Eamanujacbarya, 489*
Vacaspati, 626
,
Vasavadatta, 111, 112, 219, 265, 300, 301

Vdsavaddttd, xviii, Ixhi, cxiv, 11 16, 92*.
200 217-25, 227, 625*, 688, 689,
171*.
695*. 714, 726, 727, 754, 755
Vasieka (king), cvi
Vftaisthiputra, Sripulumayi, ci
Vasudeva Cayani, 496

Vasudeva, commentator, 457*
Vasudeva, Dhanati jaya's father, 340
Vasudeva I (King), cvii, ex
Vasudeva (King), Ivii, 757*
Vasndeva (Krsna), chi, 114
Vasudeva, poet, 121*, 336, 337, 338*, 617,
621, 637, 638, 687
Vacaspati-govinda. 751
Vdtudeva-vijaya, 336, 617

Vatsya, 525*
Vatsyayana.xix, cxiv, 15, 21, 22, 198,
491,645. See Kdma-sutra
Vatyayana-gotra, 225
Vadhii1agotra,438
Vdyupurdna, xiv
405,
830
V*yu-vikara, Ivbi
V. Barrucand, 756*
V. D. Gadre, '256*. 759
Veda or
xxiv,
Vicitra (alamk&ia)
Vicitra (riti), 591
edic, v, vi, vii, viii, xvi, xvii,
xxvi, xxx),
xxxv,
xxiii,
Ix, Ixv, Ixx, Ixxi,
Ixxii, Ixxiii, Ixxiv, Jxxvui, Ixxix, xc,
x.*vi,
oxxi, cxxii, cxxviii, 2*, 3, 4, 7, 12, 26*. 44,

45, 40, S5, 87, 156, 166, 200*. 278, 415,
438,630,031,63335,641,
647,
053
697,
733, 749, 776
662
Victor Hugo, liv

Victorian, 218
Vidagdha and Vidvat, 26, 27*
Vidagdha-m&dhava, 468, 664*
Vidagdha'mukha-mandana, 335*
Vidarbhw, 210*, 213,278, 568, 729*
Viddha-talabhafljikv, 454, 457, 459, 472
Veda-kavi, 486
Videha, 561
Vidhi vilasita, 687
Veda~sara-4iva-stuti, 380
Vedaslutitika, 664*
Viîâ, cviii, 241, 757

Vidusaka, 46, 54, 55, 77, 78, 115. 137, 244*,
Veda-vedanta- raandira,417*
Vedanga, Ixxv
Vedanta, Ixvi, 161, 326, 376, 379, 380, 483,
625, 729
Vedantadesika, 439, 771
Vedantakalpa-LatiJcq, 664
Vedanta-sutra, cxiv, 487*
Vedanta-vitdsa, 487
Vedantacarya-vijaya, 439
Vedaranya, 338*
Vedic Index, 635*
Vedische Mythologie, 647
VegavatI (metre), 12
Vegetation ritual, 640
260, 458, 459, 461, 488, 495,

640, 641, 645, 651, 652, 655
Vidvad-vinoda-kavya, 122*. 740*
Vema
or Vemabhupaia, 157*, 158*, 299,

627, 668, 771
Vemabhilpala-carita, 361*, 433, 627, 771
Venidatta, 415, 561
Veni-samhara, 271, 272-77, 443
433,
Venkata, cxviii
Vankatade&ka
or Venkatana'ha, 332,
384*, 487, 765, 766
Venkati I of Vijayinagara, 341, 565
373',
496, 498,
Vidvan-moda-tarahgini, 439
Vidya, daughter of the king of Kashmir, 657,
65_8
Vidyacakravartti, 558*
Vidyadbara, 97, 98, 249, 749

Vidyadhara, author of Ekavatt, 561
Vidyadhara, commentator, 325*. 320
Vidyadhara Jataka, 258
Vidyadharamalla, 459
Vidy&dhara of Karpati Ootra, 402
Vidyakaâ Misra, 621
Vidyamadhava, 341
Vidyamatra, 672
Vidya-nareSa, 373*
Vidyanatha, 479, 662
Vidyanatha Payagunda, 560
Vidvanivasa, 679
Vidya-parinaya, 480* 701
VidyapHi 391, 392, 426
Vidvap-ui
(title).
320, 351
Veukataraja, 437
Verikatacarya, 674
Vidya-prakata-cikitsa, .7^*
Vidvaraoya, 464*, 767
Sastri, 560. 561*

Venkatadhvarin, 341, 438, 439*. 771,
Venkatesa, 338, 771
Venkaêâ, father of Samarapungava Dlksiin,
438
Venkatesvara, 335*
Vidyaranva Yogin, 624*

616^
VidvaHagira.comrnontator of Bhaftikavya.
Vidya-sundara, 368*, 658
Vidyatararigini Press, 341*
Vidvavti, woman poet, 416*
Vidyullata, 657
616*
Vidyftvinoda, commentator of matftkavya,
243*
Vidyuntnala (metro), 12,13,
Vienna, 750
Vigrahapala. 019*
Vfnkancarya
Venkaiefivara Makhin, 765

VenkafeiSvara Press, 439*, 506*
Venu, 643*
Versailles,
liv
Verhandl. des
192*, 702*
oriental isten Congress, 127*,
der
45,
Versammlung
deutsche Philohgen*, 702*
Vessantara, cxiii
Vessantara-Jataka, 656
Vebalabhatta, 5*, 121, 195, 729, 731
Vetaia.pafcaviwtati, 98, 212, 231, 421-23.
694, 757
V. Golonbew, 650*
Verhandhmgen
G. Pradhana, 615
V. Henry, x, 136*, 262*
Vibhasa commentary on Abbidharrna, 70
Vibhasa scholar ParSva, 70
Vibhavd, 593, 595, 696, 601
Vibh&vana, 526, fi34, 592
Vibhranta-Sudraka, 757*
Vicchitti, 5fi3
Viharilal, 371
Vihitv (alamkara), 563
Vijaya, 439
Vijaya-bhtta ri ka,477*. 532

Vii'ayacandra, 326
Vi-ayanagara 311,361, 41*, 138, 497*, 565,
773
Vijayapala, 467, 769
Viiayaprabha Suri, 375*
Vijdyapratasti, 626
VijayaSri,
same AS Panjata-mafljari
(q. T.)
Vijaya, 171
Vrayananda, 533*
Vijayanka. 417*
477
Viija or Vijiaka, wornnn poet, 416,
72*
Vijnapti-matra-siddhi,
375
Vi]flapt,i-patra, 374*,
71
Vijfianft-vada,
INDEX
fc, xxv, xcvii
Vikala, 770
Vikalpa (a/arjifedra), 562
Vikarala, 197, 676
VisQukaficI, 773
Vikatanitamba, woman poet, 416, 417

Vikrama, Ix
Vikrama-canta, 5*, 424
Vikrama Era, (Fergusson'a theory), 4*,
Vikrama of Calicut, 617
Vikrama, poet, 374*
Vikramarddhi, 755*
Vikramasena, 422
VikramaSila, 324*
Visûnaga, 251
Visû-narayana, 661
Visnuprasad Bhandan, 381*
Vifnu'purana,,
xxxi, xxxvu, Ixxxv,

136*, 138-40, 143, 301, 457, 522,
652*. 653*, 729, 740, 749, 750
53 X
641.
Vtmartia, Ixxxi, Ixxxii, Ixxxiv, 274
Vimarhni, 628
Vwata-nandana, 769
Vin ay a 695
Vinaya-pitaka, 655
Vinayarama, 622*
T
Vioayavijaya-garii, 373
95,
'220,
Vindhyevarlprasada,, 730, 741*

Vipula, 762
Viradhagupta, 269
703,
708,
728
fatlier,
Vita, 54, 57, 66, 250, 251, 252, 253*, 260, 409,
474, 488, 490, 493, 645, 758
550
Vifnudharmottara Put ana, 637, 642, 649

Vi$nu Dh. s., xiii
Viîjudviâs, 344
Vi?gugupta, 701*, 705
See Sundarl
Vivrti
Vizagapatam, 560
Vina, Iv, 301*, 643
Vina-va*avadatta, 301*
Virupaksa, 560
Viâladeva of Gu'aiat, 331, 332, 30'2, 618
Vi&iladeva V'prabaiaja of t?akaiubharl. 409
Visama-pada-vftti, 756*
Vikakbadatta, cxv, 156, '239, 262-: I, 295,
302*, 760, 776
ViSakhadeva, 686, 760
Vie$okti fa/at^/ca-a), 526, 530
Vision, 720*
Visnu, xxv. Ixxi, cxi, 49, 112, 114, 115, ]87,
667,
ViSvanatha, author of Mrgahkalekha, 473

Vi^vanatha, author of Saugandhikaharana,
467, 769
ViSvanatha, author of Sdhitya-darpana 28*,
66*, 179*, 334*, 470*, 493*, 50*6*. 516,
563, 604, 685
ViSvanatba-bhatta, 473*
Vi6vanatha Cakravartin, 33*. 398, 440*
Visvanatha (commentator; 619, 751*
Vi4vanatha Tarkapafioanana, 679
ViSvamitra, xxxi, 144, 451. 456*. 465, 470
748
ViSvantara, 656
Vi^vavarta, Mankbaka's father, 322
Vi^vavasu, Gandharva, 439
Vi^ve^vara,335*, 752*
Vi^ve^vara bhajta, 666^.
Vi^ve^vara, author of Rukdgama-sutra, 560
Vi^ve^vara, author of Romavan-ataka t 370,
371, 403
Vi^ve^vara, author of Vyahgartha-kaumudi
561*
Vivesvara Sarasvatr, 664
7
^ i^ve^varacarya, 624*
Vtvalcsitiinya'para-vdcya-dhvani, 609,
533*
Virata, 337, 466

Virata-par van (Mahdblidrata}, 113, 381
Vi r odha (a/aijifrdraj, 526
ViroJhabhasa, 221
Vtrutadhyaya, 697
Viûdasa, 372*, 752

Visû, Dbanafljaya-'s
341, 438-39
Vithala Sastri, 126*

Vitthala-diksita, 666*
Vitthalefivara, 392*, 396
ViyoginI (metre), 14*, 150*.
Vmdhyavasim, 477-78
'384, 391*, 483, 630,
648
Vi^vaba^ndbu, 498
Vtvagunddara Campu,
Vikranta-kaurava, 467*
Vikranta-tudraka, 241*, 76 J
ViLaksa-duryodhana, 687
Vildpa-kusumdnjah, 664*
Vilgammula Mahathera, 169*
Vimala, 724
civ, cvn, 93, 94,
138*, 622, 524*, 029,
Vi^vakarma, 630
Vitva (kosa], 722*
Vi^valaka, 251
Vikramodaya, 424*
Vikramoroatlya,
xiii,
Viiju6amian, 88, 701*, 706

ViSruta, story of, 210, 213
Vikratuaditya, cviii, cix, 4*, 5, 10*, 17*, 18,

98, 125, 161*, 218*, 422, 424, 42,8, 677,
696, 729-32, 738*, 740, 753, 754
Vikramaditya VI Tnbhuvanamalla, 351, 352
Vikramahkadeva-canta, 350-53, 651
657*.
677
Vinayaka, 211*
Vindhya, ix, Ixxh,
282
831
709,
Vlrabhdnudaya-kdvya, 679
Vlracandra, 440*
J
Vlra carita, cxiv, 424
Viradeva, lix
Viradbavala, 332,362, 42, 478,
Vlra era, 465*, 476 *
67tf,
770
VJra-kamapardya-canta, 361, 418, 679

Viramitrodaya 713, 774
t
VTranandl, 775
Viranaga or Dhlranaga, 464

Viranarayana, 433
Virandrdyana-canta, 754
Vira (rasa), 592
Vlraiagbava,^*, 763
Virarudra. See Prataparudra
Virasena, 18
VJraaiipha, 368, 568*, 658*
Yirasimha-deva, Raja, 774
VTravarman,
lix
832
Ixxxii., Ixxxiii,
473, 686, 723, 724, 768
Vydyoga,
VlreSvara, 375*
Vithi, Ixxxii, Ixxxiii, 65. 686, 723
V. J. Antani, 263"
V. Lesnv, 105*
V. L. Panshikar, 89*. 207*, 229*, 325*, 429*,
438*. 439*, 465*, 481*, 485*, 763
L. 8. Bansikar, 741*
V. O. J., 631*
Volkerpsychologie, 648,
Sohroeder, 631. See
L V
Shroedor or
Shroeder
Vopadeva,G60*
V. Raghavan, 414*
Vrajanatba, 372, 752
Vraja-vtldsa-stava, 664*
V. Rarnasvami Sastrnlu, 490*
Vrddha-canakya, 196, 673
Vrddha-ma'nu, 733*
Vrddha-visnu, 733*
Vrddhavyaaa, 624*
Vrndavana, 338*. 372*,
39',),
W
A. Clouston, 652*
Walter, 741*, See O. Walter
War, Ixxii, xc, cvii, 190, 652*
WarangaJ, 467, 479*
Wariyar, 663
Warrior, 114,723, 769
W. Caland, 510*. See Caland
W. C Woolner, 101*, 464*
Weapon, 112, 116, 178, 179, 723
x, 5*, 11*. 48*, 52*. 71*. 127*, 136*,
140*, 196*, 201*, 235, 300*. 331*, 372*,
424, 427*. 613*, 617*. 618*, 621*, 740*.
A
756.
See
754*,
741*, 742*, 750*
Weber
W.
397, 440
E. Clarke, 102*
Weimar, 646
Wei
Vrnddvana-kdvya, 740*
Vfndavana-yamaka, 338
VtfabMnuja, 468
Vrsakapi (Hymn), 43, 631
(river),
737
Western India, 252, 506

Westminster, 353*
Geiger, 728*
Grube, 648
W. Heymann, 522*
W.
W.
Vfiroddharana, Ixxxiv, 387

Vrttaratnakara, 527
Vrtta-ratnavali, 439*
Vrtt*dipik&, 566
Vrttikara Bodhayaua 495
White Huns, cxv,

Wien, 140*, 361*
736, 737, 7:39
Wiener Landwirtschaflt. Zettumj, 622*

Wiener Zeitschnft Fur die Kunde des Mor-
Vrttis (dramatic), 63, 493*

Vrttivdrtttka, 564
genlandes, 537*
Wilson, 210*. 213*, 277*,
V. S 633*
V. S. Apte, 454*
V S. Saatri, 418*
A
V. S. Sukthankar,102*, 107
f
496
Sastn,
V. Venkatarama
V. V. Mirasbi, 454*
V. V. Press, 691*
,
505,
Vyafljand,
Vyaaanakara, 497
Mahdbhdiya, 568
of
Se(
rt88,
486*, 498*, 500*,

See
763.
750*,
Jones),
v,
122*,
666*, 706, 747
L. Panshikar, 126*, 388*, 403* 666
W. Macneille Dixoii, 141*

W. Norman Brown, 29*
Woerterbiicher, 361*
438. 477
poets, 361, 416-18, 429,
Woman
Mahd-
Vdsavadatid,
Woolner Comm. Volume, 102*

Wordsworth, 206
Word-tricks, 622
Works, 646, 651*, 666*
Works of Aryatura, 614*
Works
755*
Vydmitraka, 635*, 644

705.
Vyasa, 162, 178, 190, 381, 688, 694,
W. Jones (William
W.
536
Vyatireka (alamkdra), 530,
Vyadhisindhu, 498
761
Vyadi, Iviii.cviii, 10*, 93, 685,
583
Vydjastuti, 626, 534, 536,
Vydjokti, 530, 536
Grammar
Vyakarana, xvii, 516, 525. See
Vyasatlrtba, cxviii
Vyasa vatsa, 741*
666,
70*, 71*, 74*, 79*, 82*. 86*, 99*, 102*,

116*, 124*, 172*, 200*, 201*, 240*, 331*,
345*, 358*, 378*, 379*, 402*, 501*. 610*,
567*, 611*, 624, 625, 628*, 642*. 646, 648,
649, 650, 652*, 653, 654*, 655^, 657*, 659,
667, 691*. 696, 701, 704*. 708, 710, 719,
720, 730*, 732, 747, 748*, 754
Vyasadasa, title, 404

Vyasa-moksaditya, 769
616*,
H. Wilson
See
Windisch, x, 52*, 54*, 242*, 632, <>59.
E. Windisch
Winternitz, x, xi, xiii, xv, xvi, 49*, 52^, 69*,
596
Vyablucari (bhdva], 561, 592, 593, 595,
55S
Vyaktiviveka, 530*, 551, 556,
Vyaktiviveka vicdra 658
Vyahgdrtha-dipikd, 561*
Vyangditha-kaumudi, of both Anantapandita
and Vis'ves'vara, 561*
583
xvii, 519, 546, 554, 562, 565,
Mahdbhdrala
464-67,
Weber,
VrndavanaDasa,662*
Vydkarana
bhdfya
Vydkhydnanda,6l6*
Vydkhydyikd, commentary
462,
W.
Von
65*,
616*
W
See
W.
W.
W.
Wassiljew, 69*
Skeat, 648
W. Tarn, 52*
Wundt, 648
W. W.
W.
W.
of Sahkaracdrya, 66*
See Printz
Printz, 105*.
Sh. Panasikai, 763
Solf, 368*. 657*
140*
INDEX
W
W
Yatea, 121', 664^

Z K. M., 44*. 52*. 141*, 189*, 191*,
'211*, '218*. 220*, 230*, 232*, 257*, 263*,
407*, 612, 621*. 622*, 623*. 653*, 654*,
655*. 673, 701*, 702*, 754, 760
X
Xaxartes, cxvi
833
Yddava-rdghaviya, 341, 438

of Rarnaca .dra. 468, 686;
of Venkatadeîka, 332, 766
Yajfiavalkva, xxv, xxvi, xxxui, xxxiv, ex,
381,403, 522, 733, 735
Yajiiavalkya-smrti, xni, xxvi, 773, 774
Yatmnl-purna-tiJaka, 36S*. 658*
Yaska, xvi, xxv, cxxiv, 43^, 518, 567, 611
Yddavdbhyudaya
Yatra, 3*, 393, 395, 505, 508, 509, 510, 641,
667
YatTa-prabandha, 438
Yayavara, 453
Yadugiri Yatiraja, 300*
Yi-tsing, 71, 79, 80, 161, 256

pa, Ixxi, 70*, 278, 485, 495, 729
Yadunandana, 496
Yaduvilasa, 769
Yajfia-narayana Diksita, 765
Yajfiaranoa Dlksita, 465
YajfiaSri, ol
Yajfit-Svara, 169*
Yajurveda, Black, 278
Yakaa, Ixxx, cxxvi, 133, tW3, 750, 751
Yama, xxv, 43, 495, 631
Yamaka, 120, 334, 337, 338, 373*, 37'J, 5 21,
526, 530, 531*, 534, 563, 569, 578, 579
618, 729
Yamaka Kavya, 121, 335 337, 338
Yamaka-kdvya, 618
YaLna-yami (hymn), 43
Yaml, 45, 631
Yamuna,
Yoga-dipikd, 730*
Yoga-ydtrd, 730^
Yogacara, 70*
Y
Yogdrnava, 730
Yogiraj Panditacharya, 374*
72, 255, 258*
Yiidhisthira, 179, 189, 190,
355
Yuan Chwang,
192,
275,
Yudhisthira-viiaya, 121*, 337, 338*.

Yueh-chis, ciii, civ
Yuginayugnia-darsana (sport); 491*
Yusuf, 316*, 629
Yusnf U Zuleikha, 629, 771, 772
Yuvaraja I Keyuravarsa, 454
348,
6'21
40, 114, 333<
Yamundftaka, 601*
Yarkand, civ
Yaâi.iâla, 36'2\ 4H4, 7(VJ
YaAaaca-ndra, 470, 769
Yafastilaka-caminl, 343* 432*,
43.")
-30
YaSodbara, 436
Yatodhara-canta, of Manikyacandra,
313; ol Vaciraja Sim, 343, 436
YaSodbarmau,
cxiii,
3r,l*, r>15, 616*. 617*. 619*

See Th. Zacbaruo
621*, 673, 704*, 763.
Zain-u'1-Abidin of Kashmir, 316*, 359*, 677
Zacbanae, 336*,
Zamorin Manavikrama, 298

Siiri,
738*
YaSodbavala, 769
Yaôvanta Siijiba, 439*

YaSovarman, cxvi, 279. 298, 299-300, 676,
685
Yaôvijaya
379*.
Jama Grantbamala,
Jama
Seo
465*.
314
51
,
374*,
Yasovijaya
Granthamala
Ya.4ovijaya
.laina
Sainskrta.
Pathaâl.i,
379*
Yathasamhhya, 525
same as Vedantavilasa ((] v
Yaugandbarayami, 111, 300, 159,461.726,
Yattrdja-vijaya,
M. G., 5*. 7*, 8*; 9*, 10*, 11*, 13*.

43*. 44^, 48*, 49*. 50*. 54\ 87*. 89*, 94*,
105*, 115*, 121*. 122*. 127*, 136*, 158*,
166*, 183*, 235*, 241*, 262*, 263*, 320*.
329*, 331*, 407*, 414*, 422*, 427*, 444*,
450*,, 467*, 469*, 475 *, 600*, 501*, 503*.
520*, 529*. 533*, 537*, 611*, 618*, 620,
6'23* 632*, 635*. 642*, 647, 648, 650*,
653*, 676*, 686, 695*, 700*. 701*, 703,
704*, 730*. 740*, 741*, 742*, 750*, 751*,
757*
Zcitschrift 1. Ind. nnd Iran, 102*
Zeitschnft fur die kunde dcs Morgenlandes,
Z. D.
666*
727
Yavakrita, 11
M. D.
G., 665*
Zuleikba, 629
Z.
Zur GeschiMe
Yavana, cvii, 64, 736

Yavanaâstra-pararigama, 772
Yavanika, 54
Yayati, 11
Yadava, 477
dei altindtsc.hen
Zur
Zur
kritik des
N.B.
Tbe
87*,
Mudra-raksasa, 262*
Textkritik und Erkldrung von Kaliddsa's Mdlacikdgmmitra, 136*, 750*
Z. V. V., 703*
106-1343B
Prova,
632*
figures refer to pages
and the asterisk*
footnotes.

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A HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE

HONY. D.LITT. (ROME)

PROFESSOR OF MENTAL AND MORAL SCIENCE, UNIVERSITY OF CALCUTTA

Contributors to this Volume:

C.I.E., M.A., PH.D., D.LITT.

(Preface, Introduction, History of

K. DE, M.A., D.LITT. (LOND.)

PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT AND BENGALI, UNIVERSITY OF DACCA

History of Kavya Literature )

FEINTED AMD PUBLISHED BY NISHITCHANDRA SEN,

CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY PRESS,

HAZBA ROAD, BALLYGUNGR, CALCUTTA.

CONTENTS, PREFACE AND INTRODUCTION

as "ornate poetry" untenable

Direct evolution of classical

Greater complexity of style in later times

from the Vedic

Dharma$dstra and the

Varnasraraa ideals in Kalidasa

Restriction of the scope of free love

Nature of the theme of subjects chosen

the Sakuntald, and the view of Rabindra. . .

Relieving features of Sanskrit poetry

Transcendent object of literary

Concept of Indian drama ...

as the heightened expression

SOCIAL BACKGROUND OF LITERATURE

Choice of subjects Literature. and Life

the source of the plots of

Rasa and Rasabhasa

Growth of Indian civilisation from Vedic literature

Secular outlook and the doctrine of Trivarga

Religious temperament and

types and characteristics

Patternising tendency of Indian culture

Continuity of Indian culture

place of love in literature

and the early poetry

Literature at the time of Kaniska

Political and literary contact with the

General review of the growth of Sanskrit literature

Political condition in India after

Sanskrit a spoken language ?

Difficulties of appreciating Sanskrit poetry

Nature in Sanskrit poetry

ORIGINS AND CHARACTERISTICS

Origin and Characteristics of the

The Avadana Literature

The Brhatkatha of Gunadhya

FROM A^VAGHOSA TO KALIDASA

Environment and Characteristics

SUCCESSORS OF KALIDASA IN POETRY

The Erotic Satakas of Amaru and Bhartrhari

The Gnomic, Didactic and

Dandin, Subandhu and Bana

The Dramas from Sudraka

Gaturbbani and the Matta...

Yasovarman, Mayuraja and others

THE LATER DECADENT POETRY AND PROSE

The Didactic and Satiric Poetry

The Popular Tale

THE LATER DECADENT DRAMA

Murari and Rajasekhara

and Plays of Semi-