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1 AUTHOR:
R.Karl Karl Hanson
Government of Canada
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To cite this article: R. Karl Hanson (2003) Empathy deficits of sexual offenders: A conceptual model,
Journal of Sexual Aggression: An international, interdisciplinary forum for research, theory and
practice, 9:1, 13-23, DOI: 10.1080/1355260031000137931
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1355260031000137931
Abstract Most treatment programmes for sexual offenders include some form of victim empathy
training. Although the concept of empathy has acquired diverse meanings, those interested in sexual
offenders empathy deficits are primarily concerned about the offenders lack of compassion or
sympathy for their victims. A model of empathy is presented in which uncompassionate responses are
the product of three initial conditions: a) an adversarial or indifferent relationship; b) perspectivetaking deficits; and c) inappropriate methods for coping with the perceived distress of others. The
model suggests that empathy training should target specific deficits, and that misdirected interventions
would be expected to have no effects, or even detrimental effects, on the offenders ability to generate
sympathetic, compassionate responses to victims.
Keywords Sex offenders; Victim empathy; Treatment programmes
Almost all treatment programmes for sexual offenders include some form of victim-empathy
training (Knopp, Freeman-Longo & Stevenson, 1992; Wormith & Hanson, 1992). When
asked to describe their offences, sexual offenders rarely integrate the victims perspectives into
their own accounts; instead, they typically provide a variety of cognitive distortions, such as
their victims deserved it, they were not harmed by the offence, or even that the victims
enjoyed it (Abel, Becker & Cunningham-Rathner, 1984; Snowdon, 1984). Such accounts
have inspired two basic assumptions underlying victim empathy training for sexual offenders:
1) sexual offenders are profoundly mistaken about their victims experiences; and 2)
increasing offenders appreciation of victim suffering should decrease their motivation to
re-offend (for example, Hildebran & Pithers, 1989).
Neither of these assumptions has received convincing empirical support. Comparisons
between sexual offenders and other groups on various empathy measures have yielded
inconsistent results (see review by Covell & Scalora, 2002). Importantly, the few available
studies have not found any association between empathy deficits and sexual recidivism
(Maletzky, 1993; Reddon, Studer & Estrada, 1995; Schram, Milloy & Rowe, 1991; W. R.
Smith & Monastersky, 1986).
The scant empirical findings with sexual offenders does not negate the well established
association between empathy and general antisocial behaviour found in other groups (Miller
*Corresponding author: Corrections Research, Department of the Solicitor General of Canada, 340 Laurier
Avenue West, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada, K1A 0P8. Email: hansonk@sgc.gc.ca
ISSN 1355-2600 print # 2003 National Organisation for the Treatment of Abusers
DOI: 10.1080/1355260031000137931
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R. Karl Hanson
& Eisenberg, 1988). These findings, however, are cause for reflection: what, if any, are the
specific deficits of sexual offenders and why should treatment providers be so concerned
about empathy?
Assessing Empathy
15
understanding (Nachfuhlung), and reacting with similar emotions to the emotions observed
in another person (Mitgefuhl or fellow-feeling).
At the end of Beckers (1931) article in which he introduced Schelers analysis of
sympathy to English readers, he chastised psychologists for their failure to discriminate
between the various forms of sympathy: the social psychologist of the future will regard, with
mingled amusement and amazement, that quaint historical epoch when sympathy was talked
about as if it were a homogeneous entity (p. 67). Despite Beckers best efforts, we still seem
to be part of that quaint historical epoch; sympathy has yet to acquire conceptual precision
within contemporary psychology.
Contemporary psychologists who are concerned about sensitivity to others are more
likely to talk about empathy than sympathy. As with the traditional definitions of sympathy,
contemporary researchers consider empathy to have both cognitive and emotional components (Davis, 1983; Eisenberg & Strayer, 1987). The cognitive component, perspectivetaking, refers to the ability to identify intellectually the emotions and experiences of another
person. Perspective-taking is part of almost all definitions of empathy, and for some theorists
(for example, Hogan, 1969) it is the central, defining feature. There is less agreement,
however, on the nature of the empathic emotional responses. Most researchers recognize that
perceiving other emotions can lead to various types of responses, such as sadness, concern,
anger and anxiety (Eisenberg & Miller, 1987; Fultz, Schaller & Cialdini, 1988; Strayer, 1993).
Some research (for example, Mehrabian & Epstein, 1972) is based on the definition that
empathic emotional responses are those that directly mirror the perceived responses of others
(Schelers Einfuhlung2). Other researchers (for example, Eisenberg & Miller, 1987)
consider empathic emotional responses to be those that are compassionate, concerned or
caring (Schelers Menschenliebe). For Eisenberg and Miller (1987), such compassionate
emotional responses are referred to as sympathy.
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R. Karl Hanson
Caring relationships
When we interact with people, we adopt a certain attitude or stance towards others, such as
being friendly, cautious, hostile, or indifferent. We adopt different stances with different
people (for example, bosses, lovers, children) and with different people at different times.
These stances or attitudes define the nature of our relationships.
The most serious threat to sympathetic responding is an indifferent or adversarial
relationship. We tend to think that only highly deviant individuals take pleasure in witnessing
anothers suffering. Almost all of us, however, react positively to anothers suffering when the
target is an enemy or adversary. Theatre crowds cheer when the bad guys are killed. Political
partisans delight in the humiliation of their opponents.
It is easy to imagine case histories in which an adversarial relationship contributes to
sexual offending. A man with a history of feeling humiliated by women, for example, may be
predisposed to imagining women as his enemy. When teased by a particular woman about his
sexual performance, this man may become acutely angry and perceive the woman as a
legitimate target of sexual aggression. During the assault, he would not be inhibited by the
womans accurately perceived distress because he wants her to suffer. His emotional response
to her suffering would be non-empathic because his relationship goals are hostile. Such hostile
relationship goals help explain why increasing the salience of victim suffering can increase the
sexual arousal of some rapists (Rice et al., 1994).
Perspective-taking
Perspective-taking deficits, in contrast, are likely to be an important contributing factor in less
aggressive sexual assaults. In a date-rape situation, for example, the man may sincerely believe
that the womans resistance to his sexual advances is a weak disguise for her sexual interest in
him. In the context of a dating relationship, her verbal and physical objections may be
considered less important than the wide range of other cues that the man interprets as
indicating her sexual availability (dress, friendliness, and so on). Perspective-taking deficits
could also be relevant in adversarial interactions. The inability to recognize victim damage and
submissions cues may extend the aggression beyond intended limits.
One of the most basic requirements for successful social interactions is the ability to
identify facial emotions (Marshall et al., 1995). There is some evidence that sexual offenders
are poorer than average at interpreting facial emotions, although the evidence is not strong
(Hudson et al., 1993; Lisak & Ivan, 1995). An interesting finding from the Hudson et al.
study was that the non-sexual, violent offenders showed the greatest accuracy for emotional
identification. Overt violence may be motivated by an uncaring, adversarial relationship more
than by a sincere failure to appreciate the harm caused to the victims.
Several studies have found that sexual offenders made errors when interpreting complex
heterosocial interactions (Lipton, McDonel & McFall, 1987; Malamuth & Brown, 1994).
Lipton et al. asked convicted rapists and non-sexual criminals to rate the womens reactions in
videotaped vignettes of dating situations. They found that the rapists had difficulty
recognizing the womens negative signals. Similarly, difficulties identifying womens distress
in videotaped vignettes have been found to correlate with self-reported sexually coercive
behaviour (W. D. Murphy, Coleman & Haynes, 1986) and with self-reported likelihood of
raping (McDonel & McFall, 1991). Malamuth and Brown suggest that the perspective-taking
deficits are more related to a general distrust of women than a specific inability to recognize
distress cues.
Assessing Empathy
17
Responses to written vignettes have been used by Stermac and Segal (1989) to identify
perspective-taking deficits in sexual offenders. In comparison to rapists and non-offenders,
the child molesters underestimated the child distress in written descriptions of adult /child
sexual interactions. The child molesters only underestimated the distress in those vignettes in
which the child showed few overt signs of resistance.
Beckett, Beech, Fisher and Fordham (1994; Beckett & Fisher, 1994), similarly used
written vignettes to asses perspective-taking deficits in sexual offenders. They found that the
sexual offenders in their study tended to underestimate the harmfulness of some types of
sexual offences. In particular, the differences between the sexual offenders and the other
groups were most noticeable for the least serious sexual offences. All the respondents agreed
that forcible rape was distressing to the victims, but the sexual offenders were more likely than
others to minimize the harmfulness of sexual assaults that did not involve the overt use of
force.
Hanson and Scott (1995) also found some deficits in the interpretation of social
situations, although the deficits appears to be greater for rapists than child molesters. Like
Hudson et al. (1993), Hanson and Scott found that the use of overt force was associated with
a reduction in the number of perspective-taking errors. A replication study using revised
perspective-taking measures found a strong association between perspective-taking deficits
and self-reported sexual aggression in a community sample of unemployed men. The study,
however, failed to find differences between incarcerated rapists and non-sexual inmates, nor
did it find any differences based on the use of overt force in the incarcerated samples (Dickie,
1998).
Accurate perspective-taking is clearly important for meaningful social interactions, but
the importance of perspective-taking deficits for the initiation and maintenance of sexual
aggression is debatable. Some sexual offending may be based on misunderstandings, but it is
unlikely that such serious misunderstandings would persist if the offender had benign
intentions.
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R. Karl Hanson
daughter initiated and enjoyed the sexual activity. To the extent to which these beliefs are
defensive, they are likely to persist despite her unequivocal statements that she dreaded his
actions.
Teaching offenders to cope effectively with their own transgressions can be a valuable
goal of treatment. Tangney (1991; Tangney & Dearing, 2002) makes a useful distinction
between guilt and shame. When we recognize that we have done something wrong, we can
either feel badly about the specific act but generally okay about ourselves (guilt), or we can feel
like a generally bad person (shame). Tangneys research suggests that guilt is a healthy
emotional reaction characterized by attempts at restitution and little disruption in
psychosocial functioning. In contrast, shame reactions are characterized by subjective distress,
withdrawal, and, paradoxically, increases in anger, hostility and externalizing behaviour
(Tangney, Wagner, Fletcher & Gramzow, 1992).
Tangneys research is consistent with Baruks (1945) much earlier clinical observations of
psychiatric patients in occupied France. He concluded that many of the most persistent and
serious acts of cruelty were not perpetrated by those who were the most victimized, but by
those who experienced an inner sense of guilt (culpabilite ). These hostile psychiatric patients
would react to their own transgression by blaming and victimizing others, which would
perpetuate a cycle of further guilt and hostility.
The clinical presentation of sexual offenders as demeaning towards their victims is
consistent with the psychological processes described by Tangney and Baruk. It seems
reasonable to expect many sexual offenders to react with shame rather than guilt when
confronted with the harm they caused their victims. Experiencing shame, unfortunately, is
likely to increase, rather than decrease, victim blaming and defensive cognitive distortions.
Beckett et al. (1994) found that a significant proportion of offenders in short-term treatment
programs increased their cognitive distortion; Beckett et al. considered such iaterogenic
effects to be most likely when offenders lacking in self-esteem were combined with highly
confrontational therapists. Restated in terms of the current model of empathy, such defensive
reactions would be evidence that the offenders lack the necessary skills to cope with the
experiences of others suffering. It is difficult enough to recognize that somebody else is
suffering intensely. It is even harder when that persons suffering is the results of our own
actions.
Many sexual offenders are sexually preoccupied (Kafka, 1997) and it is not unusual for
sexual offenders to cope with distress through sexual thoughts and behaviours (Cortoni &
Marshall, 2001). An offender with a tendency to cope through sexuality need not be inhibited
by the victims suffering. Instead, experiencing the victims distress would lead to dysfunctional, sexualized coping responses. For such offenders, victim distress becomes sexually
exciting.
An appreciation that offenders must cope with their negative self-appraisals suggests an
important distinction between the cognitive distortions of sexual offenders. Selective selfpresentation is a normal process. Complete honesty is not expected in social interactions, nor
is it perceived as desirable. Even in the intimate context of psychotherapy, those clients who
withhold information do better (not worse) than clients who are more frank about their
failings (Kelly, 2000). Offenders who deny and minimize their sexual misbehaviour are
attempting to distance themselves from their transgressions, but at least they are acknowledging that sexual offending is wrong. More problematic are the offenders who genuinely
believe that their behaviour was acceptable.
Contrary to the expectations of many, research has found that denial and minimization
have no relationship with sexual recidivism (Hood, Shute, Feilzer & Wilcox, 2002; and see
Hanson & Bussie`re, 1998, and Lund, 2000, for reviews of earlier studies). In contrast, there is
Assessing Empathy
19
some evidence that attitudes tolerant of sexual assault are related to sexual recidivism
(Hanson & Harris, 2000; Hudson, Wales, Bakker & Ward, 2002; Schram et al., 1991; D.
Thornton, 2002). Excusing ones own behaviour appears less problematic than believing that
it is okay for others to do the same thing. Many offenders accounts often contain both
elements: for example, I did not do it and, besides, anybody would do it in the same
situation.
20
R. Karl Hanson
model does suggest, however, that sympathetic responses are improbable if the initial
relationship is detached or adversarial. The most violent offenders would be expected to have
deficits in all areas. Even in highly adversarial relationships (for example, wars), there is a limit
to the amount of harm to the enemy that can be justified.
Assessing Empathy
21
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