Koha Digest # 134

FRONT PAGE: HOW TO BUILD KOSOVA WITH DEMOCRACY?

DATE: 29 January 1997

EDITORIAL

THE SHADOW OF THE PYRAMID

by VETON SURROI

In a very short period of time, Albanians built two pyramids. The first one, Enver Hoxha's
Mausoleum, that was supposed to remind of, with its marble and glass in the middle of the
capital, the Albanian people's involvement in modernity through one of the harshest
dictatorships in Europe. The Mausoleum became the Museum, and later, with the down-fall
of communism, it turned into a business center, with the biggest attraction - the opening of
different fairs full of modest products coming from the world, that were supposed to remind
Albanians that they are becoming part of modernity through trade.

The second pyramid is that of borrowing that created natural links with the wandering of the
Albanians through modern times, through this century. After dictatorship (the creation of
infrastructure, education, the ousting of the dictatorship, the opening of trade-channels, the
beginning of business), the second pyramid was supposed to represent the involvement of
Albanians in the area of finance, their introduction to the world of people that are getting rich,
that quickly create the profit.

The effects of the first pyramid are evident all over the Albanian society, starting from
economic poverty and going up to political poverty. One of the effects was allowing the
pyramidal schemes. The, for decades, isolated place, for the first time faced the mental
possibility of making a lot of money out of little money. The possibility of making ten
thousand dollars out of one thousand dollars that would be engaged in the pyramidal schemes
that offer huge interests.

The state, which in its structure should have at least one person who can read and write,
should have spoken-out two years ago and say that no economy in the world today has the
capacity to make nine thousand dollars of profit out of the borrowed one thousand, and under
the same conditions for all the people. But, the state that is walking straight and faraway
from the first pyramid, accommodated itself, a bit because of the broad social interests, and
partially because of the corrupting individual profit, with the existence of the pyramidal
schemes.

The second Albanian pyramid is being brought down these days. The effects of this story are
not of the dimensions of the conceptual destruction of the first pyramid, but has its similitude
in the existence of both pyramids. Besides creating the illusion of the fast inclusion in
modernity, the present borrowers, and the state that allowed such a thing, have attacked one
of the bases of the development of the modern society: the middle class.

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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If it is true that over half a million people deposited their money (and the sum surpasses one
billion dollars) then Albania with the ruin of the pyramid has ruined the present possibility to
have those people and that money create a stable economic structure. That this money and
those people become part of the different spheres of small business, trade and agriculture.
And have this structure build up a stable state.

Moreover, having in mind that the largest part of the money originate from the Albanian
emigration in Greece and Italy, the day will be late when these people, the most productive
part of the people, will turn their eyes of trust towards the fatherland. During this century
Albania has been capable of playing with the idea of fast development, quick enrichment, fast
changes. And, as a bad gambler, each time it has played, it has lost. It has built pyramids out
of the sand of collective illusions.

KOSOVA

WHAT COULD HAPPEN TO KOSOVA

by YLBER HYSA / Prishtinë

This week in Kosova seems to have passed in last week's passion.

The echo of the attempt against Papovic seems not to have calmed
down, while the speculations of who and why committed the attempt
still continue, same as the movements inside the political
parties, groups, media, etc. - all of it in the "market"!

Although in a communique sent to BUJKU, UÇK again takes on itself

the responsibility, the doubts still continue arising.
Moreover, the attempt against Papovic has incited the respective
attacks between the Serb position and the opposition. The ruling
coalition accused "Zajedno" indirectly for what happened in
Prishtinë, even the new mayor of Prishtinë, Simic, member of the
SPS, accused the opposition coalition for giving "the green
light" to Albanian attackers! In the meantime, the opposition
accused the government that it, together with the police, is not
capable of discovering things in Kosova and to keep it under
control. Even accusations of the opposition against the Serbian
government go as far as considering that it "is playing the last
card", that of Kosova, that through initiated inter-ethnic
quarrels is trying to put the Belgrade events way back in the
memory, and thus prevent the democratization of Serbia.

On the other hand, Kosovan Serbs pronounced themselves too. An

extremist Serbian group, "The Association of Serbian Combatants
of 1991", led by (not only) the journalist Dragan Damjanovic,
asked the government to act energetically and on this occasion
threatened the Albanians. Differing from them, the Serbian
Orthodox Church, through Episcope Artemije stood clearly against
the Serbian government, saying that it needs an inter-ethnic

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quarrel, to take advantage of...

In different reactions and the coverage made on this occasion,

is interesting to state that the Bosnian Serb telegraphic agency
SRNA was the first one to inform about the attempt on Papovic and
only some 20 minutes after it had happened. Meanwhile,
"Politika", based on the words of a local police inspector,
states that the organizers of the explosions are "the ones that
have come back from the fronts in Croatia and Bosnia!".
According to the "Communique #29 of the UÇK", this organization
takes the responsibility for the murder of Fazli Hasani in
Skënderaj and "...the second liberating action against the hard-
core enemy of the Albanian people of the rector of the Serbian
university of Prishtina, Radivoje Papovic. The consequences of
his anti-Albanian activities and especially in the area of
education are well known to everybody" - says UÇK's communique.
But, not even Rugova believes that this attack could have been
committed by an Albanian organization. Thus he said in his last
press conference, where he even asked the FBI and Interpol to
investigate the case!

The attempt against Papovic has evidenced an unusual event in the

series of explosions and killings that have happened in Kosova
and this has made a series of extreme evaluations appear. Time
will be needed to eliminate all speculations.

But, this doesn't mean that there will not be more of these
similar attacks. The question is when, why and how and in all
this noise, things can get out of hands having in mind so many
players in the game about Kosova and how many of them accused
one-another about Papovic...

But, all of it is linked to the situation in Kosova and the

region. Thus, in the mutual accusations of the position and the
opposition, Belgrade became part of the game too. If not
directly, then simply because of the consequences and the
implications that the situation in Kosova brings with it. But not
only the attempts and killings are interlinked. Even the
political agreements have the same role. After a long time, the
education agreement has started becoming actual again. There is
no official information from any of the sides. Paglia visited
Belgrade and then also Prishtinë, same as the American Charge,
Miles, who also expressed his interest on the education
agreement. In his last press conference, Rugova said that the
things were being negotiated, but if nothing would change in the
near future, he will give up on the agreement!

The third element, that is not linked directly with Kosova, but
that can be reflected directly on Kosova, is Milosevic. The West
has started thinking "technically" what could happen with Serbia

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if Milosevic falls? What can this bring and who can replace him
and what will be the consequences for the region? Thus,
"International Herald Tribune" published an article that dealt
with the same matter - "the questions of the West regarding
Milosevic"! On this occasion, it is said that the long-term
purposes of the Serbian opposition remain a mystery, especially
about Bosnia and Kosova. Sources from London, Paris and
Washington stress that their governments, despite the big
insecurity regarding the change of the government in Serbia,
express an optimism regarding the new possibilities that would
be created with the cooperation of a new government in Belgrade
In order to gather the assistance from the West, these sources
agree that the new government would have to make compromises to
evade ethnic problems in Bosnia and in Kosova. On the other hand,
the sources in Washington have concluded that Milosevic has no
intention to reach a compromise about Kosova, or about the
cooperation with The Hague Tribunal, or finally to make deep
economic changes in Serbia.

The article ends with the evaluation that "Any successive regime
of Mr. Milosevic, as the analysts say, would be thirsty for
financial and other support from the West, and thus would be open
for compromise that would ease up things in Kosova, at least
provisionally"!

Such an analysis of this newspaper, based on the sources in

Washington, but also in London and Paris, maybe for the first
time openly suggests that the West has started thinking otherwise
rather than colloquially: What will happen with the post-
Milosevic Serbia! And all calculations include Kosova...

INTERVIEW

REXHEP QOSJA, Academician

KOSOVA'S SPOKESMEN RECOGNIZED BY BELGRADE ARE KOSOVA'S TRAGEDY

Interviewed by REXHEP HOTI / Germany

KOHA: In the past five years, the representatives of Kosova's

official politics have been speaking of Kosova as an independent
and neutral state. I believe that besides the declarative
posture, nothing concrete has been done. What does this mean for
the Republic of Kosova?

QOSJA: The notion "neutral state" is fully compromised in the

world politics. It is as compromised as the term "non-aligned
countries". Neutral Austria has become member of the EU, and it

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will probably become member of the NATO. Switzerland isn't fully
neutral either, because it is getting ready to become member of
the EU and later maybe of NATO too. Finally, Switzerland is
member of the OSCE, and OSCE is not a neutral organization. But
see now, we will make Kosova neutral - after the ruin of the
bipolar world, none of the states can be! We are speaking with
a political language that has since long ago been forgotten! This
is because the politics is done by people whose time has long ago
passed! And the people whose time has passed, wish to create the
state of Kosova with fairy-tales. It is true that these fairy-
tales have confused part of the people, but some of them have
started sobering up. The times of deception are reaching the end!

KOHA: All key enigmas about the Kosova question are responded to:
the two leaders of the LDK know it! This was proven by the
agreement on education. What does this mean, first of all, for
the important personalities of Kosova, who have proven themselves
with their sacrifice, but some have even honored their people in
the world with their work? What does this, finally, mean for the
Government of Kosova?

QOSJA: I would ask, what does this mean for Kosova? This means
a game with Kosova! Kosova's question is not a party, a group or
an individual matter. It is a matter that concerns the Albanian
people. if someone thinks that two people should decide about
Kosova's matters, one ideologue and one puppet, or even one
ideologue and several puppets, that make-up together one
political group, then something has to be clear: they are joking
with Kosova and our question. They are not thinking of the
realization of the question but rather of how to become famous.
The harmful consequences have started being noticed by those who
wished no to see this before!

KOHA: The impression is that a political phrase is being repeated

very often: "Albanians and Albania are a factor of stability in
the Balkans". What does this phrase, so often repeated by the
Albanian President and Foreign Minister, mean?

QOSJA: As a political phrase, it sounds quite OK, but its content

is tragic for half of the Albanian people, and this at the end
means all Albanians. If this phrase is applied fully, it means
the preservation of the political status-quo in the Balkans,
which means keeping the Albanian people in the former Yugoslavia
under occupation! To be a factor of peace in the Balkans in
conditions in which Albanians live in their lands of the former
Yugoslavia, means to be a factor that agrees to their occupation!
Albanians are, really, a divided people, but their historical
interests are not divided. This is the reason why no part of the
Albanian people can be a factor of an unjust peace. Albanians and
Albania must tell their Balkans' neighbors and the world factors

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that the Balkans can't be a peaceful space without an equal
status of Albanians compared to the others: independent and free.
The above phrase is therefore naive, nationally unacceptable and
has been inherited from the arsenal of political phrases of their
communist diplomacy!

KOHA: You have spent the past two months in Germany. How do you
perceive Kosova from here?

QOSJA: Very disappointing. And I wish I could go back as soon as

possible.

KOHA: Do you believe there joint political action between Albania

and Kosova?

QOSJA: There has always been joint spiritual action between

Kosova and Albania, and it couldn't be stopped by any forcible
borders, political divisions, or ideologies.

The political union, on the other hand, has often been prevented
by circumstances and different, internal or external, factors.

KOHA: And how do things stand today?

QOSJA: If common political action means the agreement of aims and

means, then in could be said that common action between Tirana
and Prishtinë exists only in propaganda phrases. The political
change of official Tirana towards the question of Kosova which
supports the convention of the parliament and of a active
strategy are sufficient proof of this. The non-agreement of
official Tirana with the politics the LDK has applied so far is
a very wished-for change.

KOHA: Are you happy with EU's and USA's posture about Kosova?

QOSJA: How can any Albanian be happy while Kosova is not promised
more than autonomy.

KOHA: By reading the Albanian media, my impression is that the

monopoly imposed on it has violated since the beginning, the
democratic culture?

QOSJA: The media today is usurped and monopolized as in times of

communism. Unfortunately. Let's hope that this will not last.
The times of one Leader, one Party, one Radio-Television in the
state is overcome, but they don't understand it and they should.
For the sake of the culture of democracy.

KOHA: The Serbian opposition is demonstrating in the main towns

of Serbia and it has honored F. Blakçori with one minute of

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silence. The LDK explains this as a humanitarian gesture of the
opposition! Do you agree with the evaluation?

QOSJA: This is a naive explanation... It is a blind or purposed

continuation of the communist propaganda practice: of the
deceiving and self-deceiving propaganda practice. Just a couple
of days before this statement, the LDK people, hiding behind a
commentary signed by the KIC, in which they compromise the
Serbian opposition and were put on the side of Milosevic's
regime?! Why not? They are agreeing quite well with the regime
on how to divide Kosova since six years ago. And the explanation
of this gesture is simple: the Serbian opposition honored
Blakçori not in the name of humanism, but in the name of the
Serbian state. This was a politically premeditated gesture of the
opposition that honors it's "nationals". Why not! Many of these
nationals, led by the LDK have proven to be citizens of Serbia,
with taxes and other obligations that were far better fulfilled
by the Albanians compared to Serbia's citizens in Belgrade or
Sumadija! And this is not strange to see that the spokesmen of
the LDK find humanism in places where there is only shrewd
politics.

The tragedy of Kosova relies since long ago on its spokesmen that
have been recognized by Belgrade since long ago.

KOHA: Official Tirana is very enthusiastic in supporting the

demonstrations of the Serbian opposition. Do you think that the
victory of this opposition represents the victory for Albanians

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-8-
reconstruction of the sector, which has not ended yet. In the
second "party" government, he started in the same position and
then, after the second elections, he got the foreign affairs
department. He is constantly considered as a person that
understands everything and that theoretically can justify and
explain any movement, including any of the government.
It was precisely Frckovski who wrote an exclusive article in
weekly "Puls" and "theoretically" justified the reconstruction
of the government and the split with the Liberals in times when
Gligorov was coming back to office. What was being talked behind
the scene, was for the first explained in public by Frckovski,
who before entering politics was known for certain things:
- for driving a bicycle in town; for being known as the "guard"
of Vasil Tupurkovski's cabinet, whose assistant professor of
International Public Law he used to be, while Tupurkovski was
member of the presidency of the SFRY and finally as one of the
founders of the first Forum for the defense of human rights.

Therefore, the article in which Frckovski analyzed what occurred

in the past six years, sounds as an announcement of the events
to happen in the government. In other words, the ruling
coalition, especially after the recent local elections, is
experiencing fractions inside (the socialists headed by Ivanov
are not welcomed by the SDLM, Albanian PPD has been since long
ago announcing its withdrawal from the coalition), then inside
the proper SDLM (rumors are that the wing led by speaker
Petkovski is insisting on the discharge of vice-premier Miloski
and Frckovski proper). The issue has become more serious when
"Puls" refused to publish Frckovski's article, "because it
represented a personal point of view and not that of a party".
There are also rumors about a meeting of the SDLM leadership
whose topic was Frckovski's article.

Anyhow, one week later, "Puls" started publishing the letter in

sequels, although almost all journalists had his original text
photocopied. Many think that "Puls" was forced to undertake the
step, following its distribution to the media by the proper
Frckovski who was fearing that it wouldn't be published ever.
The publication of his work, titled "The Macedonian Political
Scene" was preceded by the publication of a reply by the former
Minister of Defense the present Minister of Justice, Vlado
Popovski, in three sequels, to the letter written by the
discharged Commander of the HQ of the Macedonian Army, Gen. Mitre
Arsovski and the publication of the documents on a putsch
allegedly prepared by him and a "dozen" of other military.
Popovski's work has quite some elements that have come out from
the same "laboratory" that produced Frckovski's text. In other
words, Petkovski has always had the fame of the "minister of
tasks", and as experts claim, he has applied the political
decision on "the weak army and strong police" by using bolshevik

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methods and as advised by the then Minister of Interior,
Frckovski.

Frckovski's text is an attempt, according to the author, to draw

conclusions "linked to the definition of the Macedonian politics
in the past six years of the independent Macedonian state". The
starting point of his analysis is the "relatively strong division
of the electoral body between two political options, that are
determined around two political parties, the SDLM and VMRO-DPMNE.

Two divided political alternatives that create regional spaces

in which both sides can win and in regions in which the
domination is insecure and depends largely on the personality of
the candidate or political circumstances in the country".

According to the Frckovski, "opposite to this event is the same

between the parties of the citizens of the Republic of Macedonia
- the Albanians, in fact between PPD and PPDSH. The other part,
that between this two groupings are fulfilled by those, on one
hand, that "can't be organized in a political party or a
coalition" and on the other hand "the political parties that are
linked to special ethnic segments are mainly small", and which
is fact are a "an interesting marginal pluralism of parties that
mainly organize no one". Then, Frckovski elaborates the
"destructiveness" of VMRO-DPMNE, and in some lines the
alternative Albanian variant, PPDSH.

So now, the SDLM, whose member he has not been, and has recently
declared himself as an independent candidate in the list of the
SDLM, has now "turned the other page" and in relation to the
nationalistic VMRO-DPMNE has now clearly taken the role of the
party that takes care of the Macedonian national interests as HDZ
in Croatia or SPS in Serbia.

His determination that "Macedonia is possible only as a

democratic and a civic state - which means that its constitution
must take a determining step towards the establishment of the
sovereignty of its citizens and no one else" could sound as a
dissident's posture in relation to the ruling party he belongs
to. But, the ones who have a long memory of his rhetoric when
defining Macedonian as the only official language applied in
education too, know that this is preventing the "other" ethnic
communities to achieve their right to study in their mother
tongue as individuals.

Frckovski makes a series of ascertainments that "harm" the party

he belongs to. The party acts differently in practice: "the
column of the system must be the human rights", the "system aims
at creating the democracy of a high level of the protection of
human rights and especially the additional protection of the

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rights of nationalities, i.e., a system of equal chances for all
citizens that live in the united unique state", further on, "the
democratic procedure is extraordinarily important"... Simply,
only if Frckovski's concrete contributions as minister of police
which were definitively the opposite of his proclamations, are
ignored, all of this would make sense. Frckovski says that "it
is a condition of the project of the democratic state to have
sufficient time to function, to escape the inter-ethnic
conflict", but at the same time forgets that in his times as
minister of interior, his police caused a lot of incidents: the
events in Bit-Pazar, or the engagement of the police when the
academic year at the UT started, causing several deaths. Both
events as well as other incidents (the case of Ladorishtë and the
Albanian paramilitary affair) were very close to what Frckovski
calls "inter-ethnic conflict", because his approach "at the right
place and time" are contrary to the "procedure of rationalization
of demands and debates, as an attempt to control and solve the
conflict" as "a democratic discourse, facing demagogy of
nationalist collectivity". This, according to Frckovski, is the
first demarkation line, the second one is the one that touches
the matter of the international position of Macedonia or, can the
"Macedonian state exist on its own?" (the final answer is - as
a sovereign and independent state, an equidistance in its
relations with the neighbors and the membership in European
associations).

The third characteristic is the posture in relation to the

economic reformation. Economy is at the end of the queue!
Frckovski later comes back to the "general theses", incredibly
not-understandable style of the politicians that have become
"famous" in their "attractive evaluations" of events in a non-
conventional vocabulary.

Just superficially, he mentions Vasil Tupurkovski, as the only

name of an individual and "demagogue" in the aspect of his
engagement to reach the historical agreement between Macedonians
and Albanians. This seems to confirm the thesis that Frckovski,
not only with this article, but with the interviews he has been
giving in the past week, is promoting and imposing himself in the
race for Gligorov's eventual successor in the 1999 presidential
elections, a post he openly wants, but is not sure of winning,
because his people could play on Tupurkovski, who has time on his
side, they say.

The author places VMRO-DPMNE, PPD, PPDSH and the Liberals among
the parties that "directly consider that the media must be the
instrument of party influence and that the information space must
turn into a copy of the struggle for power in which the party
truth reigns".

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Again Frckovski is right when he ascertains that "in Macedonia
today there is no party that counts on seriously on the fact that
the independence of an important core of the relevant media which
is essential for the media" and that this is "unfortunately is
helped by the anaemic establishment and the financial dependence
of the media from the state". But at the same time "on the other
hand as a result of such tendency is a `lumpen-proletariat'
journalism and media that can publish anything". Although
Frckovski only ascertains that this is only a radical conclusion
on the deterioration of the quality of the media, although he
forgets that during his times as minister he was known as "editor
in chief" of "Puls", where he would publish anything he wanted.
Frckovski, after "disqualifying" all other parties, considers
that "the coalition bloc is necessary to strengthened and be
sought between the SDLM, the Democratic Party and the Socialist
Party on one hand, and the PPD on the other.

According to him, this is the key civil option for Macedonia.

Naturally, SDLM has the key position. This party must strengthen
its reforming line inside and at the same time prepare a new
coalition and elections to come.

The presentation of the introduction to Frckovski's first sequel,

passed almost unnoticed. "Puls" didn't see it necessary to
announce it. This is probably because the sequel was criticized
by the analyzed parties. On the other hand, the presentation of
the text in couloirs, just strengthened the rumors on the
internal conflict within the SDLM, in which especially the ones
that since long ago don't agree with Frckovski and want to "sort-
out" things. Although in the New Year's interview to Nova
Makedonija, premier Crvenkovski had declared that "it exclusively
depends on him when will the reconstruction of the government or
the replacement of any minister take place", now these "internal"
sources confirm that even Frckovski has just surpassed the line.
Clear, every time Frckovski writes - something interesting
happens in the Macedonian political scene.

ALBANIA

THE SPLENDOR AND FALL OF THE PYRAMIDAL SCHEMES

by ARBEN RROZHANI / Tirana

Bankruptcy declared last Tuesday by Tirana's #1 pawnbroker, Sude,

has shocked the Albanian capital and provoked the protest of over
5 thousand citizens, who had deposited their money in her phantom
enterprise. The police intervened to disperse the protesters who
were exclaiming slogans against the government, while late in the

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evening, she had been arrested. Just before being arrested, the
famous pawnbroker declared: "I have gone bankrupt. I have no more
money. This was a pyramidal scheme. Some gained and some lost".
This is how a chapter of splendor of one of the most famous names
of Albanian finances is closed. And, it seems, that the chapter
of bankruptcies of pyramidal enterprises that have apparently
affected one third of the population, is thus being opened. While
Sude ended up in prison and her clients lost 60 million dollars,
the black Tuesday of Albanian pawns was accompanied by even worse
news. None of the five big pawnbroking companies was solvent.
Albanians have nothing else to do now but to remember the
splendor and the fall of the pyramidal schemes...

Only 100 meters faraway from the highest building in Tirana,

Hotel Tirana International, is the huge hole in the middle of the
street that people still call "Hajdini's hole". The Albanian
from Kosova and of Swiss citizenship, in the times of the short-
living technical government in 1991, promised to build a five-
star "Sheraton". In fact, he only managed to make the largest
hole of the capital and escaped with 3 million dollars in his
pockets, following an unexpected extradition. Three months ago,
the deceived by Sejdia who had lost all hopes, strangely got
their money back including the interests, meanwhile Sejdia is now
trying to come back to fill the hole.

The "Sejdia" phenomenon became a national epidemics. Thousands

of citizens had deposited their savings, and not only savings but
had sold their houses and herd in order to put in their money in
the pyramidal companies that offered interests between 8 and 30%
a month. The firms seemed unbreakable, but precisely in times
when they had seemed to reach their culmination, they
capitulated. "Limani", "Arkondi", "Malvasia", "Sudja", "Grunasi",
"Gjallica", "Populli" and others have to be included in the long
and sad lists of institutions built up on sand.

No one had thought of the end, blinded by the blinding splendor

of profited millions without working, in one state in which,
according to official figures, 14% of the active working force
is unemployed and over 400 thousand people from this country with
3,2 million inhabitants work in the neighboring countries,
filling in the inherited "holes" of their familial economies.

These are precisely the funds gathered by the pawnbroking firms.

Since there were no hard-currency sources in Albania, the
children abroad usually provided their parents with money by
depositing them in these enterprises. Crazy interests reaching
100% every two months served as an incredible and efficient bate.
The 34-years-old Sude, in this profession since four years ago,
applied this level of interest and gathered more than 60 million
dollars, or twice more than Albania asked from the EU in order

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to regulate its payment balance. Now her clients, deeply
disappointed, have understood that what is lost cannot be
returned.

Sude's bankruptcy seems to have ignited all pawnbrokers. In midst

January 1997, only an uninformed person would go and deposit the
money in one of these firms. All the rest would hurry to withdraw
the money. Be it even at Vefa's, an Albanian Holding pretending
to be largest company in Albania and who paid for a very
expensive ad at the Formula 1 track in Monza or who paid even 200
thousand dollars for a small chronicle on itself in Euronews'
rubric "Economia".

People realize that the disappearance of the pawnbrokers is

inevitable. The pyramidal schemes have a longer life than the
classical example of fraud of the Ponzi type, an Italo-American
who tricked his relatives and even his priest with the 13 million
dollars he had taken from them "for investment" purposes. The
Albanian pawnbroker will have it very difficult to find last
payers to cover the debts to the first, which means that the ruin
of the pyramids is a matter of months, if not weeks.

The ruin of the pawnbrokers could cause deep shocks in Albania.

It projects the fear from the drastic fall of the standard of
living and the appearance of high inflation. Within one week, the
Lek has been affected as never before in the past three years,
losing around 11% of its value.

In the meantime, one can't say that the pawnbroking is faraway

from politics. The protests against "Sude" showed an increasing
dissatisfaction towards Meksi and his government, that has taken
off all responsibility by saying that this is not a problem
between the citizens and the state, but between the citizens and
the private firms. In fact, it could be said that the government
has hesitated and acted with an enormous delay. Even an extra-
parliamentarian commission, created last December in order to
follow the activity of these firms, practically couldn't start
working, for the pyramids are disintegrating before it can manage
to report to the parliament.

Harsh accusation in coming from the opposition, which implicates

the government in the pyramidal schemes and accuses it for using
the money in the two electoral campaigns of last year. "The money
of the people was used for buying votes", says Skënder Gjinushi,
one of the opposition leaders. The opposition speaks of hundreds
of thousands of dollars that the managers of the firms have given
the activists of the ruling party for the purchase of votes, and
it even demands the return of the votes. The times in which
"Sude" ironized about the IMF officials in Albanian newspapers,
inviting them to deposit money in her firm with a 30% interest,

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or when "Gjallica" sponsored "Miss Europe" with one million
dollars, or when "Vefa" paid 450 thousand dollars to Eurosport
so Albanians could see the four letters of his firm in Monza,
remains back in memory. After the splendor comes the fall.

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