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Doris Cooper
Resumen
Se realizan numerosas Investigaciones Empricas Cualitativas y Cuantitativas, Tipo Cross National Research
(Cooper Mayr D. 1982, 1986, 1987(3),1988(2),1992(4),1997(2),1999(1)) de los Condenados de ambos sexos en
las Crceles Chilenas. Se detecta la existencia de una Tipologa de la Delincuencia en Chile. Al igual que otros
pases Latinoamericanos Tercermundistas, Chile presenta un Contnuo de Formaciones Sociales con Nichos
Etiolgicos diferenciales de Delincuencia y Violencia. Se exponen los Tipos extremos correspondientes a la
Delincuencia Urbana Industrial y a la Delincuencia Rural Tradicional Indgena y no-Indgena. La Delincuencia
Urbana Masculina presenta la ms alta proporcin de Delitos contra la Propiedad (90%) y al mismo tiempo una
slida Contracultura Delictual inserta a nuestro criterio, en una Economa Informal Alternativa Ilegal. La
Delincuencia Rural Indgena presenta una de las ms altas cifras de Delitos de Sangre (35%) y de Delitos
Sexuales (44%), lo que suma un 79% del total. La Delincuencia Rural Indgena, se asocia fundamentalmente a
los Choques Culturales y problemas de la Conquista, la Pacificacin Espaola (con Alcohol Metlico) y a los
Robos de Tierras y Animales por los Huincas. La Delincuencia Rural no-Indgena, a los Conflictos Subculturales
relacionados con la Etica Rural y el Honor, la ingesta de alcohol y rias en los clandestinos rurales. Se revisan
ambos Tipos de Delincuencia en trminos comparativos, desde una perspectiva Socioeconmica, Criminolgica,
Sociolgica y Psicosocial.
Abstract
Numerous empirical qualitative and quantitative research works, based on Cross National Research
[1982,1986,1987(3), 1988(2), 1992(4), 1997(2)Cooper-Mayr D.) have examined male and female delinquents.
This paper considers male and female delinquents sentenced in Chilean prisons. This information is used to
develop a Typology of Delinquency in Chile. As in other Third World Latin American countries, Chile presents
a continuum of social formations with differential etiological niches of delinquency and violence. The
presentation includes the extreme types corresponding to the Urban Male Delinquency and the Indigenous and
Non-Indigenous Rural Delinquency. Urban Male Delinquency presents the highest proportion of Crimes against
Property (90%), as well as a solid Delinquent Counterculture which has developed within an alternative illegal
informal economy. The non-Indigenous Rural Delinquency (Farmer Delinquency) presents one of the highest
figures in Blood (violent) Crimes (35%) and Sexual Crimes (44%), adding up to 79% out of the total. The
Indigenous Delinquency present the highest figure in Blood Crime (74%), althougth been overcome by the
Female Rural Delinquency, with 84% of Blood Crime (Parricide, Infanticide), in the framework of Intrafamiliar
Conflicts. Indigenous Rural Delinquency is mainly associated to cultural clashes and problems generated by the
conquest, the Spanish pacification (with methylic alcohol), and the land and animal robberies (expropiations)
committed by the Huincas, a native's word meaning "Chileans and robbers". Non-Indigenous Rural Delinquency
shows subcultural conflicts related to alcohol drinking and fights in rural clandestine liquor shops. From a
socioeconomic, criminological, sociological and psychosocial perspective, both Types of Delinquency are
accurately described in comparative terms.
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LIBROS ELECTRONICOS
Doris Cooper
Conclusiones Finales
Bibliografa
Socilogo, Master en
Ciencias Sociales,
Universidad de Chile,
Santiago de Chile.
Director de la Sociedad
Chilena de Criminologa,
Psiquiatra Social y
Criminologa.
Vicepresidente de la
Sociedad Chilena de
Sexologa y Ed. Sexual.
Profesor Universidad de
Chile, Profesor
Departamento de
Humanidades de la
Universidad Tecnolgica
Metropolitana, Universidad
La Repblica.
Vicepresidente del
Research Committee for
the Sociology of Deviance
and Social Control ISA.,
International Sociological
Association.
Diseado por Francisco Osorio | Programa de Informtica 2000 | Volver Facultad | Home
University of Chile
ELECTRONIC BOOKS
Doris Cooper
Final Conclusions
Notes
Bibliography
Doris
Cooper
Indice
Facultad
Ciencias
Sociales
Universidad
de Chile
Anterior
Indice
Siguiente
Doris
Cooper
En 1999 he concluido con un nuevo set de cinco Investigaciones tipo Cross National Research que
permiten profundizar en los Tipos de Delincuencia Urbana, Rural e Indgena. Estas son las siguientes:
Indice
Facultad
Ciencias
Sociales
Universidad
de Chile
En este marco, sostengo que los diversos grados de desarrollo se asocian a subculturas particulares que
generan a su vez grados de modernismo mental que adquieren diversas expresiones segn la pertenencia
ecolgica, sexo y etnia de los sujetos involucrados, y que esto tiene repercusiones radicales en el
comportamiento delictual.
La Delincuencia Comn emerge como formas de comportamiento mental y fsico en este marco
multivariable en trminos recurrentemente especficos y con diferencias estadsticamente significativos,
conformando Tipos puros de Delincuencia en reas polares, particularmente en las subculturas asociadas a
la pertenencia ecolgica, a la variable sexual y a las subculturas o culturas originarias o de inmigrantes (en
el caso Chileno las subculturas de inmigrantes carecen an de relevancia).
Nuestros pases "subdesarrollados" y dependientes, an mantienen la sobrevivencia de subculturas polares
diferenciales y en consecuencia la posibilidad de su distincin relativamente drstica en distintas reas
ecolgicas, lo que incluye la posibilidad de observar en la empiria, comportamientos normativos o
delictuales distintos.
Los Tipos de Delincuencia diferenciales se asocian en consecuencia a diversas Metas de Exito y a
Conflictos diferenciales en cada una de las subculturas que conforman un sistema especfico de valores,
percepciones, motivaciones y actitudes, etiologizando formas de comportamiento delictual particulares.
Esta Tipologa Delictual en Chile, se encuentra constituida al menos por cinco Tipos especficos de
Delincuencia y dos Tipos Generales ya comentados, una Delincuencia Moderna y una Delincuencia
Tradicional. La Tipologa Delictual Chilena ha sido verificada empricamente y en trminos reiterativos
por la autora en Surveys sucesivos que cubren un tercio del pas.
Se exponen estos principales Tipos de Delincuencia Comn, asociados al Estrato Bajo en un 98% de los
casos. El 2% restante, corresponde en general a clase media, con rasgos psicopatolgicos. La clase alta no
se encuentra condenada en las crceles, sino que los muy pocos casos que han sido aprehendidos por la
justicia, slo adquieren el nivel de procesados.
En relacin al Marco Metodolgico, se utilizan cinco Surveys del Tipo Cross National Research, de
carcter ex-post-facto y transversales. Se estudian (complementariamente a investigaciones anteriores que
enfocan un total de cinco Regiones del pas), dos Regiones correspondientes a la Regin Metropolitana y
a la Regin de la Araucana, ambas representativas en determinadas reas ecolgicas, de Polos Modernos
y relativamente desarrollados y de Polos Tradicionales con economas de relativa autosubsistencia,
respectivamente.
Se recorren 22 Unidades Penales, se estudian 4120 casos, se entrevista en profundidad a 640 Condenados
de sexo masculino y a 220 de sexo femenino utilizando Datos Primarios y Secundarios, una entrevista en
profundidad que incluye adems la perspectiva Etnometodolgica (en cuanto a la explicacin de la accin
social por los propios actores) y 10 Escalas, 7 de las cuales son de carcter psicosocial y elaboradas por la
autora.
Los principales objetivos de nuestras investigaciones han sido los siguientes.
1. Describir en profundidad y amplitud las caractersticas que asume la Delincuencia comn en Chile,
particularmente la Delincuencia Moderna y la Delincuencia Tradicional, incluyendo la elaboracin
de perfiles delictuales tpicos.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Anterior
Indice
Siguiente
Doris
Cooper
Facultad
Ciencias
Sociales
Previo a la conquista, una de las principales instituciones mapuches eran los Lov (con una poblacin
cercana a las 500 personas), correspondientes al grupo de parientes inmediatos, en el que convivan todos
los descendientes masculinos del padre o jefe de familia. Estos se integraban en Levos, constituyendo
grupos de hasta 4000 individuos con antepasados comunes. Un conjunto de Levos formaba los
Aillarahues, tpica nocin Mapuche correspondiente a tribu o nacin, institucin que emerge durante la
conquista, como forma de enfrentar el peligro.
Universidad
de Chile
Indice
En cuanto al sistema de regulacin de conflictos o justicia, los loncos resolvan problemas a nivel familiar
y los ulmenes, mapuches de edad avanzada y considerados sabios, resolvan conflictos a nivel de grupos,
daban consejos e impartan justicia a solicitud de los implicados.
En relacin al relativismo cultural asociado a conductas actualmente consideradas como desviadas o
delictivas en el contexto cultural capitalista occidental, se presentan diferencias substantivas. El pueblo
mapuche tena y mantiene an en parte, un orden jurdico claramente estatuido en el marco de su cultura.
Las leyes, transmitidas de generacin en generacin, se consideran sagradas y obligatorias, presentando
adems un carcter religioso, por ser voluntad de los antepasados, distinguindose claramente un conjunto
de leyes penales.
En cuanto al Homicidio como resultado de disputas entre distintas familias, se utilizan frecuentemente las
Composiciones Penales (entre otras, 10 sartas de llancas) (1), o la venganza familiar si el ofensor no
pagara el dao realizado (Medina J. T. 1952:313). Sin embargo, el asesinato de las brujas o adlteras
estaba culturalmente normado y aceptado. Las venganzas frente a las ofensas podan tambin consistir en
un asesinato o en la realizacin de brujeras.
Las conducta actualmente denominada Parricidio, era aceptada en la comunidad, ya que se consideraba
que el parricida slo derramaba su propia sangre.
El Adulterio era penado con la pena de muerte en el caso de que el autor fuera de sexo femenino, aunque
tambin el marido poda exigir un pago del ofensor o vender la mujer al interesado. Respecto de la mujer
soltera, exista mayor libertad sexual y tener hijos no era rigurosamente sancionado. El aborto poda ser
provocado.
El infanticidio no es sancionado y se asocia a tambin a ritos de brujera, consistentes en matar el recin
nacido y tostar sus testculos con el fin que el amante quede estril en caso de abandono. Finalmente el
incesto era tab dentro de los primeros grados de parentesco, siendo el matrimonio entre parientes
patrilineales, ilcito (Faron L.1969:214). En caso de relaciones incestuosas prolongadas, se tena como
sancin la exclusin de los culpables de la comunidad.
El Robo y el Hurto, eran igualmente castigados aun cuando eran muy poco comunes. Frecuentemente el
cacique actuaba como juez del grupo. Si no se lograba acuerdo entre las familias de los implicados, se
utilizaba ampliamente el sistema de indemnizacin de perjuicios, consistente en acudir a la casa del
hechor y requisarle tres veces el valor de lo hurtado. En caso de resistencia, podan realizarse malocas (o
restitucin por la fuerza).
Con anterioridad a la conquista, la poblacin mapuche ingera bebidas alcohlicas, fundamentalmente
chicha, en reuniones rituales, laborales y festividades. Sin embargo durante la conquista, se utiliza el
alcohol como arma de aniquilacin y pacificacin por parte de los espaoles, empleando incluso alcohol
etlico, y este sera el origen segn algunos estudios, de la costumbre de la alta ingesta de alcohol entre los
mapuches y obreros chilenos (Manquilef M. 1915; Lomnitz L. 1969; Medina E. y cols. 1980; Medina E.
1982).
3.1 Otros Antecedentes: Los Mapuches en la Actualidad
Nuestro pas constituye en el marco del Tercer Mundo una nacin subdesarrollada y dependiente. En este
Anterior
Indice
Siguiente
Doris
Cooper
Indice
Facultad
Ciencias
Sociales
Universidad
de Chile
Desde una perspectiva Etica, (Revisin crtica del Naturalismo de Matza) entre los valores centrales
destacan : (l) Ser Ladrn-ladrn. Esto implica vivir del robo, concebir el robo como un trabajo y sustentar
una especializacin laboral. (2) Robarles slo a los ricos. El que roba dentro de la clase baja de
pertenencia, es desclasado a los estratos contraculturales ms bajos. (3) No sapear. El que delata (o sapea),
recibe una sancin propia del Cdigo Penal del Hampa. (4) Tener corazn, valor que implica ser valiente,
sereno y racional en los momentos de peligro asociados al rol delictual. (5) Ser respetado, valor
tradicional exacerbado en el Hampa. (6) Ser correcto. (7) Ser de una lnea. (8) Tener sentimientos. El
Hampa se caracteriza por ser extraordinariamente afectivo y solidario entre si y con las clases ms bajas
del sistema. (9) No hacer dao innecesario. Los Ladrones profesionales (Ladrones-Ladrones), sustentan
como valor no hacer dao innecesario al robar a las vctimas, salvo que se encuentre en peligro la libertad
o la vida propia o de un compaero.
Los Ladrones profesionales tienen reas ecolgicas definidas de trabajo, reas que una vez delimitadas
son informalmente respetadas por otros ladrones. Estas reas ecolgicas corresponden preferencialmente
al centro comercial y burocrtico de la ciudad, a los centros comerciales de clase media y alta y a las reas
ecolgicas de residencia de las clases ms altas del sistema social.
Los ladrones aprenden a robar segn declaran, por necesidad y posteriormente trabajan regularmente con
compaeros (Asociacin Diferencial), tienen das y horarios de trabajo personales, reas ecolgicas
delimitadas y la mayora se sirve de la intuicin para determinar si un da es o no peligroso para trabajar.
Muchos intentan utilizar un estereotipo que en el rea de trabajo pase relativamente desapercibido, an
cuando reconocen que son rpidamente visualizados como de clase baja y en consecuencia
"potencialmente peligrosos".
Segn ellos los policas los distinguen y reconocen rpidamente por su forma de andar (el paso corto de
tanto haber permanecido presos), el estereotipo y el rostro as como por la ficha policial.
Segn los ladrones, ellos no hacen dao. Robarles a los ricos implica para los afectados modernizar sus
artefactos domsticos, las joyas y si es dinero, basta con que saquen ms plata del banco. Por otra parte,
sealan que si no fuera por ellos no habran leyes (Durkheim E.), no tendran trabajo la polica ni los
carabineros, tampoco los abogados ni los jueces y menos el Ministro de Justicia.
Los Estratos Sociales alternativos contraculturales, se conforman en base a especializaciones laborales y
son los siguientes en trminos de prestigio social decreciente.
1. Los Asaltantes, quienes sustentan el mayor prestigio social en el Hampa. Asaltan terminales de
micros, bencineras, almacenes marginales etc., y slo l.8 % de ellos ha asaltado alguna vez un
banco. Ellos sostienen que los asaltos a bancos son efectuados preferentemente por personas con
mayor preparacin y de otra clase social.
2. Los Internacionales: Chile presenta una "exportacin no-tradicional" de Ladrones que migran
intermitentemente a Europa y principalmente a Espaa e Italia, donde segn ellos ganan en
dlares, los que posteriormente invierten en Chile en medios de transporte y restaurantes pequeos.
Los Internacionales trabajan generalmente de Lanzas y de Descuido.
3. Los Monreros. Roban en casas y en fbricas y en lo posible eluden el enfrentamiento con
moradores o cuidadores. El robo en casas tiene gran prestigio, si es efectuado en barrios ricos y
slo se extrae dinero y joyas.
4. Los Lanzas. En trminos de especialidad se distinguen los lanzas de mano, los a chorro o
escaperos y los montados (que roban en el metro o en micros). Tienen un prestigio contracultural
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
relativo porque segn sealan los ladrones suelen "sapear" o delatar a ladrones "ms
pesados" ( asaltantes) cuando son presionados por la polica.
Los que andan de "Toco". Estos se especializan en automviles, ya sea completos o en radios y
parlantes.
Los que andan de "Mecha" o " Mecheros". An cuando es preferentemente un trabajo femenino,
tambin participan en la especialidad varones. Se caracterizan por cometer Hurtos, los que se
realizan mediante fajas elasticadas situadas en el cuerpo donde se introducen objetos hurtados en
tiendas.
Los que trabajan el "Descuido" (de las vctimas) en terminales de micros, de trenes, etc. hurtando
maletas y/o en Bancos, donde hurtan maletines (James Bond), en cuyo caso son de mayor grado de
especializacin.
Los "Cuenteros". Son individuos de rasgos marcadamente histricos que involucran a la vctima en
un cuento que suele terminar en la entrega voluntaria del dinero.
Los "Cogoteros", que conforman el estrato ms bajo del hampa. Generalmente el cogoteo se asocia
a vctimas de la misma clase social de pertenencia (clase baja) por lo que carecen de prestigio, sus
autores suelen presentar problemas de adiccin al alcohol y no cumplen con los principales
patrones valricos del hampa (entre ellos robarles solo a los ricos y no hacer dao innecesario).
Desde una perspectiva etiolgica y a partir del actor social, slo un 18 % seala que roba para llegar a
tener "mucho, mucho dinero" (Merton R.), pero en el marco de las aspiraciones de clase media baja, es
decir entre 3 y 6 millones de pesos chilenos (entre dls.7500 y dls.15.000 de 1994). De este 18%, un 9.0%
aspira a juntar dinero para ser pequeo empresario o dueo de Restaurante o de Botillera. El 9.0%
restante, aspira a tener harta plata (tambin en trminos relativizados) para tener una casa (en una
poblacin), automvil y no tener que trabajar robando. Este 18% no permite validar la Hiptesis nodular
de Merton en el contexto urbano chileno y probablemente se encuentren resultados similares en el resto de
Amrica latina y el Tercer Mundo. El complemento de 82% seala que slo roba para sobrevivir y que el
robo no hace rico a nadie, sustentando as esencialmente, la meta de sobrevivencia, meta particularmente
central en el marco de la clase baja y extrema pobreza. Puede concluirse as que nuestra Delincuencia
tiene caractersticas de subdesarrollo.
En relacin a la Delincuencia no-Profesional, se distinguen dos subtipos: los Choros de Esquina y los
Ocasionales.
Los Choros de Esquina corresponden a Pandillas Poblacionales Marginales de clase baja y de extrema
pobreza. Son jvenes que no han tenido ningn acceso a la estructura de oportunidades, es decir carecen
de acceso a la educacin y de acceso a la estructura ocupacional. Son consumidores de psicotrpicos
como alcohol y drogas, al nivel que suelen ingerir mezclas de hasta cinco componentes.
Sus delitos de robos son de carcter ocasional y se asocian a la obtencin de dinero para seguir
consumiento psicotrpicos y/o al robo de prendas de vestir que simbolizan el status de clase media o alta
(prendas de ropa de marcas prestigiosas, es decir Norteamericanas o Europeas). La actividad delictual de
estos jvenes genera los mayores niveles de violencia, en la medida que cometen delitos bajo el influjo de
las drogas y el alcohol para as lograr superar la falta de experiencia y el temor. Ocasionalmente
protagonizan Delitos de Robos con consecuencias de Homicidio y/o Violacin, en asaltos a micros, taxis
o casas habitadas.
La frustracin, el Efecto Demostracin (Duesenberry), la marginalidad absoluta, suele presentar entonces
sntomas de agresin y autoagresin potenciada por los psicotrpicos. A diferencia de este subtipo, el
Ladrn Profesional jams trabaja drogado o con alcohol y evita ocasionar daos innecesarios en las
vctimas. En consecuencia, son estos jvenes los que han generado un incremento de la violencia en las
grandes ciudades. Resulta crucial destacar que no se autoperciben como ladrones y que etiologizan su
comportamiento delictual como asociado al consumo de drogas, alcohol y a la necesidad de "vestirse
bien". En sntesis aspiran a adoptar el status virtual (estereotipo) de los jvenes de clases sociales media y
alta.
Finalmente, en el marco de la Delincuencia Urbana, se distinguen los Ocasionales. Los Ocasionales son
trabajadores que roban ocasionalmente y segn explican, esto ocurre rara vez y slo cuando la extrema
pobreza los acorrala, dado que el sueldo de un obrero no especializado no cubre los gastos mnimos de
sobrevivencia. No se autoperciben como ladrones, slo como trabajadores pobres que se ven obligados a
robar y se autodefinen como Ocasionales.
4.2 Tipo de Delincuencia Rural Tradicional Masculina No-Mapuche
El Tipo de Delincuencia Masculina Rural no-Mapuche extrema, es caracterstico de las reas ecolgicas
rurales tradicionales con economas de cuasi-autosubsistencia. Un 79% de los Delitos son contra las
Personas, la Familia y la Moral, predominando el Homicidio y en segundo lugar las Violaciones. Las
Metas de Exito, a diferencia de las urbanas corresponden, a formas de reconocimiento social enlazadas a
expresiones del folklore y a la violencia machista. La supervivencia, aunque dificultosa en la clase baja,
suele adquirir ribetes menos perentorios que en reas urbanas. La meta de xito econmico, dada una
estructura rgida de clases, no adquiere connotaciones plausibles y no se encuentra en el marco
motivacional activo.
Los Homicidios se asocian a situaciones extremas de rias con alta ingestin de alcohol, donde la ofensa
constituye un gatillante de relevancia. En las reas rurales la nica vlvula de escape viable a la dureza del
trabajo rural en el marco del rol de pequeo campesino u obrero del agro, es la cantina clandestina, donde
adems en ocasiones llega la T.V.
Los clandestinos concentran el campesinado en los fines de semana, del mismo modo que las fiestas sociorituales donde se acude como a centros de esparcimiento rurales. Es justamente en estos centros de
reunin social o con posterioridad a la asistencia a ellos, donde suelen gestarse los delitos de Homicidio,
producto de rias. De esta forma, habitualmente las festividades patrias u socio deportivas o religiosas,
gatillan altas proporciones de este tipo de delito.
Las Violaciones alcanzan un 44% del total de los Delitos y se asocian a jvenes solteros que incursionan
en el sexo. Generalmente se trata de juegos sexuales que terminan en Violacin y, en menor porcentaje,
en Incestos con hermanas. Los Incestos de padres y padrastros presentan un menor porcentaje. En el rea
rural no existe evidentemente acceso a prostbulos, rotondas urbanas, casas de masajes, etc. (como en la
gran urbe) e incluso el establecer una relacin heterosexual es dificultosa, dado el alto grado de
tradicionalismo subcultural existente en esas reas.
Sustentan una bajsima Reincidencia y Habitualidad delictual comparativa. Carecen de Asociacin
Diferencial (Sutherland), no presentan Metas de Exito Econmico (Merton), tampoco manifestaciones
contraculturales y se caracterizan por un bajo grado de Modernismo Mental (Inkeles).
4.3 Tipo de Delincuencia Masculina Rural Mapuche
Se distingue especialmente, un Tipo de Delincuencia Masculina Rural Mapuche, que se concentra en la
Novena Regin de la Araucana al sur de Chile, caracterizado por alcanzar un 74% de Delitos contra las
Personas, la Familia y la Moral, enmarcados en la Cultura Mapuche y en el Choque Cultural con la
Cultura Dominante.
El Delito predominante es el Homicidio, asociado a las perdurables consecuencias del proceso de
conquista, es decir a la usurpacin de tierras por parte del "Huinca", problemas de lmites de tierras
asignadas y a expresiones de prejuicio (Heintz, Aronson) y conflicto con el Huinca (es un vocablo
mapuche que significa blanco ladrn de tierras).
Las formas de ingestin de alcohol gatilladas por la "Pacificacin Espaola", constituyen conjuntamente
al Cdigo Penal Mapuche, factores asociados al Choque Cultural que etiologizan gran parte de los
Homicidios. La Pacificacin Espaola constituy un perodo histrico posterior a la guerra cruenta de
exterminio y sojuzgamiento del pueblo mapuche en el cual se utiliz una nueva arma de aniquilamiento:
el alcohol metlico, alcohol de madera.
En palabras de Manquilef M. (1915), Cacique Mapuche "...El alcohol de la pacificacin fue el madera,
alcohol metlico que es poderoso destructor del organismo humano ...caravanas de hombres establecieron
en tierra mapuche venta de licores...ellos fueron los civilizadores del pueblo mapuche...as se tiene la
historia de un crimen...". (Manquilef M. 1915:26). Numerosos Estudios Antropolgicos sealan la
asociacin de la alta ingesta de alcohol entre los Mapuches y la clase obrera chilena con el fenmeno de la
pacificacin.
Los Homicidios se generan en este contexto cultural diferencial, particularmente en reuniones sociorituales mapuches como guillatunes, rucatanes, vuelta de mano, mingacos, etc., y en competencias
interreduccionales de chueca o football y fiestas patrias. Los mapuches alcanzan una cifra de un 62% de
Delitos de sangre respecto del total de los Delitos.
Entre los problemas asociados a la Justicia y que destacan los actores sociales de esta etnia, se encuentran
entre otros el Prejuicio de los Jueces, la falta de manejo del idioma castellano, la solvencia econmica
comparativa de los Huincas, las implicaciones de actuarios y abogados inescrupulosos en los juicios de
tierras, el Prejuicio generalizado en la poblacin no-mapuche incuda la carcelaria y el manejo de Cdigos
Penales alternativos. Muchos de ellos no entienden porqu estn presos, si slo han dado "su merecido" a
un Huinca Ladrn de animales o tierras.
Generalmente la sancin mapuche consiste en darle palos al ladrn (urbano y blanco) entre varios
mapuches pertenecientes a la misma Comunidad (que presentan an muchas caractersticas enumeradas
por Tonnies), lo cual en algunas ocasiones genera la muerte del culpable.
Estudios Nacionales han estudiado el Prejuicio existente entre los Universitarios hacia la etnia mapuche el
cual alcanza la cifra de un 25% de personas en el grupo alto (Gajardo L.). La autora enfoca el problema
del Prejuicio desde el grupo minoritario de Mapuches hacia el Huinca y la cifra es de un 60% de alto
Prejuicio en el grupo alto del total entrevistado.
Presentan bajsima Reincidencia y Habitualidad Delictual comparativa, ninguna contracultura, no hay
Asociacin Diferencial y no presentan Metas de Exito Econmico. Poseen bajos niveles de Modernismo
Mental (30% versus 60 % entre los Urbanos) La mayor permisividad sexual de la Cultura Mapuche no
etiologiza Delitos Sexuales de modo que presentan la cifra nacional ms baja: 4%.
contra la Propiedad, entre los que destacan el Asalto, la Monra, la Lanza, etc. (Cooper Mayr D.
1997,1999).
An en este proceso paulatino de modernizacin de la Delincuencia Femenina Urbana, sin embargo los
Delitos de Parricidios cobran tambin una importante relevancia. En este caso las vctimas principales son
los hijos no deseados en madres solteras que cumplen el rol de servicio domstico y cuyo parto pone en
peligro el trabajo y gatilla la sancin social y familiar. La segunda vctima de relevancia, contina siendo
el marido o el conviviente como consecuencia del Conflicto Familiar y los malos tratos fsicos y
psicolgicos.
Presentan an bajo grado de Modernismo Mental y metas de xito enmarcadas bsicamente en los roles
tradicionales femeninos en proceso de modernizacin transicional. Justamente estas caractersticas,
asociadas a la Ideologa de Gnero en el marco de la extrema pobreza, ha incrementado la participacin
de las mujeres en el Trfico de Drogas al minoreo, ya que pueden vender la Droga en su casa y en su
propia poblacin marginal de pertenencia. As miles de ancianas y madres separadas o solteras Jefes de
Hogar con muchos hijos pequeos, se convierten en Traficantes de Drogas al minoreo. Perciben este
trabajo como un comercio que les permite sobrevivir. La Asociacin Diferencial se incrementa
paulatinamente con varones, del mismo modo que su insercin contracultural. Sin embargo poseen an
baja Reincidencia y Habitualidad comparativa. Se trata de un Tipo de Delincuencia Transicional.
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5. Conclusiones Finales
Chile es un pas "Subdesarrollado" o en "vas de Desarrollo" de carcter dependiente y del tercer mundo.
Como tal an presenta Formaciones Sociales diferenciales ancladas en infraestructuras de carcter
moderno industriales-urbanas o tradicionales de carcter rural, enmarcadas en mayor o menor grado en el
sistema capitalista mundial y global.
Doris
Cooper
Estas infraestructuras diferenciales se articulan en el marco de un continuo. Los extremos polares de este
sistema presentan asociadamente subculturas con grados diferenciales de Modernizacin,
correspondientes. Del mismo modo, las subculturas socializan sujetos (en trminos dinmicos) con mayor
o menor grado de Modernismo Mental.
Facultad
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En este proceso, las conductas humanas no-normativas de la clase baja se etiologizan diferencialmente
segn pertenencia ecolgica, sexo y etnia, en situaciones extremas distintas.
El amplio marco terico utilizado en las investigaciones reseadas, es incapaz de explicar la existencia
emprica de estos cinco Tipos diferenciales de Delincuencia existentes en el pas. La Teora de Merton no
permite explicar o predecir la Delincuencia Rural, la Indgena o los Tipos de Delincuencia Femeninos, en
la medida que estos Tipos de Delincuencia concentran bajsimas proporciones de Delitos contra la
Propiedad y no sustentan metas de xito econmico (Cooper D. l991). Sutherland y su Teora Ecolgica,
falla en explicar Delitos realizados sin Asociacin Diferencial, como en el caso de los campesinos nomapuches, mapuches y mujeres y tampoco puede explicar la existencia de Tipos Diferenciales de
Delincuencia en el mismo mbito ecolgico, segn sexo y etnia. Los planteamientos tericos de los
Gluecks que enfatizan aspectos familiares y socio-econmicos (entre otros), no permiten predecir Tipos
diferenciales de Delincuencia.
Las proposiciones discutidas por Sykes, en relacin a la edad, sexo y estado civil, resultan tambin
insuficientes, en la medida que slo aportan con una descripcin de estas caractersticas asociadas a los
delincuentes y no de factores o variables de carcter eminentemente etiolgico. Todas estas Teoras,
predicen fundamentalmente, la Delincuencia Masculina Urbana y no se asocian a los otros tipos de
Delincuencia expuestos.
Proponemos la discusin de estos resultados, en el marco de la Teora del Continuo Subcultural de la
Delincuencia, proposicin terica elaborada por la autora en 1990. Esta Teora incorpora planteamientos
de las Teoras reseadas, anexa las Teoras del Desarrollo, Dependencia, Modernismo Psicosocial,
Aculturacin, Prejuicio, y en la actualidad, planteamientos etnometodolgicos e Interaccionistas
Simblicos (Cooper Mayr D. 1992).
En trminos sintticos, los planteamientos de esta Teora consisten en sostener que en el mundo capitalista
occidental, podemos distinguir un Continuo Subcultural de la Delincuencia, cuyos extremos polares se
encuentran representados por una Delincuencia Moderna y una Delincuencia Tradicional, las que se
asocian a subculturas diferenciales extremas y a expresiones psico-sociales particulares, en el marco del
continuo del desarrollo estructural y econmico. Ambos polos de Delincuencia, se expresan en un
Contnuo interrelacionado, se potencian a nivel internacional y se expresan con mayor grado de
modernismo y tradicionalismo delictual, respectivamente en los polos ms desarrollados y ms
tradicionales del macro-sistema. Los elementos etiolgicos a nivel subcultural y psico-social se expresan
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La violencia se incrementa, y la poblacin penal, como consecuencia, se triplica en 10 aos. Los obreros
depauperizados, se suman ocasionalmente a los robos con el fin de alimentar sus familias.
En consecuencia, la etiologa urbana del delito econmico de clase baja, se asocia fundamentalmente a la
extrema pobreza, formalizndose en una contracultura y/o en jvenes que representan la desesperanza
aprendida.
Por otra parte el polo ms tradicional de Delincuencia se encuentra representado por la Delincuencia
Rural Extrema campesina no-mapuche y Mapuche, presenta casi un 80% de Delitos contra las Personas,
la Familia y la Moral pero este porcentaje decrece paulatinamente en regiones agrcolas ms cercanas al
centro del pas y a las grandes urbes, an cuando conservan variaciones cualitativas relevantes, segn
sexo y etnia. Estos Delincuentes Rurales-extremos, presentan el ms bajo grado de Modernismo Psicosocial. Como se ha sealado, en este mbito la contracultura resulta inexistente, tanto en sus expresiones
ideofacturales como sociales al igual que la Asociacin Diferencial.
Los Delitos de sangre, constituyen la expresin ms tradicional, manifestada en la Delincuencia Indgena
y Femenina rural y representan a su vez las categoras ms marginales del sistema.
La etiologa del Delito Rural en sntesis, nada tiene que ver con la situacin urbana. La clase baja rural nomapuche, protagoniza delitos de sangre en el marco de una subcultura machista y violenta donde la
difusin del consumo de alcohol como vlvula de escape a la marginacin econmico-social, la ausencia
de reas de esparcimiento, el cdigo penal tradicional de la venganza personal o familiar frente a la
ofensa, conforman variables de relevancia en el gatillamiento de los Homicidios, cuyas vctimas son los
mismos campesinos. Sin metas de xito econmico, sin Asociacin Diferencial y sin contracultura alguna,
emergen estos delitos en el contexto de metas de xito alternativas folklricas y conflictos particulares de
tipo tradicional, expresados en ofensas imperdonables.
Los Delitos de Abigeato, son mayoritariamente cometidos por Migrantes Rural-Urbanos, estrato tambin
estudiado pero que no incluimos por razones de espacio. Los campesinos slo hurtan animales en forma
muy ocasional y como producto de los "meses blancos" en invierno, cuando han terminado el stock
alimentario de las cosechas.
El caso especfico de la Delincuencia Mapuche, se caracteriza por concentrar la ms alta proporcin de
Delitos de Sangre (62%). Estos Homicidios, se asocian a rias con alcohol insertas en su cultura
particular. El alto consumo de alcohol, deriva de una de las principales formas de "Pacificacin" de la
poblacin indgena emprendida por los conquistadores: el alcohol metlico.
Numerosos estudios de carcter antropolgico, cmo se seal, plantean la asociacin de la alta ingesta de
alcohol entre los mapuches y la clase obrera del pas, a esta forma de pacificacin, asociada segn
Manquilef, al robo y despojo de las tierras de los mapuches por parte del Huinca. Las rias, se relacionan
con fiestas rituales o sociales, competencias interreduccionales deportivas, etc., en las cuales surgen
pendencias asociadas a problemas de lmites de tierras derivados de reglamentaciones impuestas por la
generacin de las Reservaciones, y a ofensas antiguas y recientes (conductas sancionadas por el Cdigo
Penal Mapuche primitivo).
Algunos Homicidios han sido cometidos en grupo, como una forma de sancin al "Huinca ladrn" en las
reducciones, hecho que ellos no consideran Delito, y muchos no entienden porqu la Justicia chilena los
tiene presos. Consideran que actuaron en forma justa, sancionando ese robo con una muerte a palos. Este
tipo de sancin, tambin procede del Cdigo Penal primitivo de los mapuches.
Ellos no se autoperciben como Delincuentes ni "malos". No presentan Asociacin Diferencial, sustentan
el ms bajo grado de Modernismo Actitudinal, y la reincidencia es la ms baja. Ninguno presenta
insercin en una Contracultura Delictual, la cual es exclusivamente urbana.
La Delincuencia Migrante Rural - Urbana no constituye un Tipo Diferencial, dado que presenta
caractersticas duales, intermedias, con cifras cercanas al 50% de Delitos contra la Propiedad y contra las
Personas, la Familia y la Moral, respectivamente, sufriendo algunas variaciones cualitativas segn el
grado de permeabilidad subcultural de la urbe receptora.
La mujer rural enmarcada en el Conflicto Familiar radicalizado por el tradicionalismo y el machismo
extremo, en el marco de la Ideologa de Gnero y colapasada por la subcultura femenina clsica, comete
hechos de sangre en ese contexto.
Finalmente la mujer urbana, protagonizando una Delincuencia de Tipo Transicional, incrementa los
Delitos contra la Propiedad, pero an conserva proporciones importantes de Delitos especficamente
femeninos. Recin comienzan a aparecer fenmenos de Asociacin Diferencial o insercin contracultural
y en la actualidad un 67% de ellas, se autopercibe como ladrona.
Cmo explicar estas diferencias? El hecho de que proporciones tan grandes y diferenciales de Tipos de
Delitos sean cometidas por individuos insertos en categoras sociales tan diversas, no tiene, a nuestro
juicio explicacin, en el marco de las Teoras Criminolgicas tradicionales. Resulta evidente que desde
una perspectiva Criminolgica, los Conflictos y Metas de Exito subculturales que llevan a cometer delito
de sangre a las mujeres, son muy distintos a aquellos asociados a los Homicidios cometidos por los
Mapuches y por los no-mapuches rurales.
Los Delitos sexuales predominan en las zonas rurales, pero slo entre el campesinado no-mapuche. El
Delincuente sexual en las zonas urbanas, es un individuo habitualmente psicpata. Los mapuches casi no
cometen Delitos sexuales. Por otra parte los Delitos contra la Propiedad corresponden esencialmente a
varones urbanos, con alta Reincidencia y con actitudes modernas. Los Delitos contra la Propiedad de los
campesinos, en cambio apenas alcanzan a cerca de 20% y de estos, la mayora son Abigeatos cometidos
en los "meses blancos" etc.
Comprendemos que la deteccin emprica de estos resultados en nuestro pas, obedece al hecho que
conforma una Formacin Social compleja, en la cual an se detectan polos de alto grado de desarrollo y
polos de alto grado de tradicionalismo, con economas de autosubsistencia, a modo de laboratorio
humano. Entendemos tambin que probablemente el alto grado de complejidad subcultural existente en
los pases ms desarrollados, dificulta la diferenciacin de Tipos Puros de Delincuencia.
En sntesis, as, en Chile imperan an una Delincuencia Moderna y una Delincuencia Tradicional
diferenciales y asociadas a distintos tipos de formaciones sociales coexistentes.
Sostenemos que estos Tipos Diferenciales de Delincuencia pueden ser mejor explicados en el marco de la
Teora del Continuo Subcultural de la Delincuencia. Del mismo modo, estos Tipos de Delincuencia
necesariamente deben ser considerados en la elaboracin de Polticas de Prevencin y de Rehabilitacin.
En la medida que la etiologa se presenta eminentemente diversa, an cuando la pobreza est presente en
todos ellos, pensamos que es posible disear Polticas y Programas ms asertivos que al menos
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Bibliografa
Aronson E. EL ANIMAL SOCIAL. Alianza. Ed. Madrid. 1982.
Doris
Cooper
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Ciencias
Sociales
Universidad
de Chile
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Index
Social
Sciences
Faculty
University
of Chile
delinquent behaviors.
Up to the 80's, as we said, delinquency in Chile was formally perceived as an essentially randomed
distributed phenomenon, without differentiations, a fact made explicit in the national global statistical
analysis and in theoretical proposals which do not include analytical associated base variables.
The research work I have carried out since 1982, has shown at least Five Differential Types of
Delinquency associated to base variables such as Ecological Belonging, Sex, and Ethnics. These findings
are related to the characteristics of the country, which constitutes itself a real human laboratory where it is
still possible to distinguish modern and traditional extreme polar social formations without distortions
derived from overlaps of drastic subcultural diffusion.
This chapter provides the main profiles of delinquency that exist in Chile, obtained through the fulfillment
of a wide set of surveys carried out between 1982 and 1999, which have made it possible to detect the
presence of a Typology of Delinquency whose polar Types are constituted by the expression of a Modern
Delinquency and a Traditional Delinquency, both of them framed within the Common Delinquency of the
Low Class.
This criminological background is presented here included in the theoretical proposals associated to the
Theory of the Subcultural Continuum of Delinquency, a Theory I have elaborated and presented at the XII
World Congress of Sociology in 1990.
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Cooper
Index
In 1999, I have completed the a new set of five surveys Cross National Research Type making it possible
to deepen the Urban, Rural and Indigenous Types of Delinquency: (1) Theory of the Subcultural
Social
Continuum of Delinquency: Associated Subcultural and Psychosocial Aspects. Sponsored by Conicyt, the
Sciences
University of Chile, and Gendarmera de Chile (Jail Guards of Chile). (2) Rehabilitation: Convicts
Faculty
Perceptions and Attitudes. Sponsored by Gendarmera de Chile.(3) Disciplinaries. Sponsored by
Gendarmera de Chile. (4) Intra-Jail Sexual Behavior. Research carried out as Director of the Chilean
University
Society of Criminology and (5) Female Urban Delinquency in Chile. Universidad de Chile, Conicyt,
of Chile
Gendarmera de Chile.
Nineteen Paradigms and base Theories, empirically tested and expressed in a wide set of hypothesis, have
been gradually integrated during the elaboration of the theoretical framework that supports the totality of
the surveys carried out. These interdisciplinary integrated paradigms and theories are the following: in the
perspective of the classical sociologic-criminological perspective: Theory of the Anomy and the Anomy
(Merton R.); Theory of the Differential Association (Tarde G.; Sutherland E.); Eclectic Theory (Glueck E.
y S.); Proposals of Sykes G. (1960); within the anthropological framework: Transitional Structure
Theories (Munizaga C.) Theory of Marginality and Acculturation, of the Cultural Shock (Bastide R.);
within the socio-economical theories: the Theory of Development and, specially, the Theory of
Dependance (Frank G,; Vitale L.; Cardoso y Faletto;).
From a Psychosocial perspective, Theoretical Statements of Prejudice, the Theory of Psychosocial
Modernism (Inkeles A.; Kahl J.; Lerner D.; etc.), the Individual Anomie (Srole L.). The Symbolic
Interactionism and the Theory of Labeling (Becker H.; Lemert E.), and the Naturalism of Matza D. are
integrated. Some psychosocial issues concerning Prejudice (Heintz P.; Aronson E.), Normative Values
(Rockeach M.) and Underground Values (Naturalism of Matza D.), Social Motivations, Attitudes and
Perception are annexed. Finally, an Ethnomethodological perspective is included (Schutz A. and others).
The last five surveys carried out are based upon the theoretical framework of the Theory of the
Subcultural Continuum of Delinquency developed by the author in 1990. This is basically an empirical
theory and it constitutes the deductive result arising from the analysis of the characteristics that
Delinquency presents in Chile. This Theory integrates the previously mentioned theories to a large extent,
but within the framework of only some Types of Delinquency and in different and partial levels of
analysis.
Briefly, the Theory of the Subcultural Continuum of Delinquency states that, particularly in the countries
of the third world, different Types of Delinquency can be distinguished, in which the two predominant
General Types corresponds to a Modern Delinquency and a Traditional Delinquency. Both General Types
of Delinquency are associated to infrastructures of differential degrees of capitalistic development.
Within this framework, the author states that the various degrees of development are associated to
particular subcultures that generate degrees of mental modernism which show various manifestations
according to ecological belonging, sex, and ethnic of the involved individuals, and that this has radical
disciplinary units.
7. To describe intra-jail Sexual Behavior.
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Mapuche population in Chile during the period of the Spaniards arrival has been estimated in about 1
million people (Saveedra A. 1971:28), located between the Bio Bio and the Tolten rivers, south of the
country.
Social
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Faculty
Prior to the conquership, one of the main mapuche institutions were the Lov (3) (with a population of
about 500 people), corresponding to the group of immediate relatives in which all male descendant of the
father of paterfamilias lived together. These ones were part of Levos, constituting groups up to 4000
individuals having common ancestors. A set of Levos gave form to the aillarahues, typical mapuche
notion which corresponds to a tribe or nation, institution that emerges during the conquership as a means
of facing danger.
The social organization of the mapuche population was based, during that period, on the structure of the
Poligamic and extended family kinship, on the unilineal patriarcal lineage and patrilocal residence.
Production was essentially developed as communal (Berglund S.1977:57), a proto-agriculture
complemented with hunting and collecting. Labor instruments and tools were simple, such as farm sticks
used in horticulture, various types of fishing hooks, and the use of traps and hound dogs. Production was
carried out on the basis of the extended family with a high degree of cooperation and based upon mutual
assistance called quellunhuelcon.
Property was collective and the Loncos or paterfamilias sorted the benefits of the land among his kin. The
"mapuche indian does not have the concept of individual land property" (Stuchlink M. 1973:9).
Agricultural work was developed through cooperative working systems called mingaco, "vuelta de
mano" (a favor inreturn), etc., a collective working system that still survives in some reservations.
Eventhough the extended family was the basis of the production and consumption unit, hard jobs such as
the construction of rucas (4),seeding and harvesting were collectively faced. The social system was
characterized by a lack of social stratification, by equalitarism and a scarce division of labor, in which it
outstanded the patriarcal dominance of the Loncos(or caciques), (5) based on personal and paternalistic
relationships. Caciqueship was accesible only through merit and election, existing almost total
democratism. After, during the conquership, this became hereditary and some signs of social stratification
emerged.
The Mapuche culture has a dualist perception of the cosmos, coexisting two worlds: a natural one
represented by the earth with male, machis and witches as inhabitants and another one, supernatural,
magic-religious, represented by the sky. At the Wenumapu, an organized and balanced region located
between the clouds and the cosmos, gods, assistant spirits and ancestors live. At the Anka-wenu, a
disorganized and chaotic space next to the clouds, evil spirits or wekufes live, the ones causing illnesses
and harm to man, making him suffer. The polytheistic structure accounts for warrior gods, the moon, the
stars, volcano gods, and so forth.
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In relation to the system of conflict regulation or justice the loncos (6) solved family problems and the
ulmenes, mapuches of advanced age are considered wise, solved group conflicts, counceled and applied
the law when requested by the involved ones.
As far as the cultural relativism associated to behaviors currently considered as deviated or delinquent in
the occidental capitalistic cultural context is concerned, there are strong differences. Mapuche people had,
and still maintain in part, a juridical order clearly established within their cultural frame. The laws,
transmitted from generation to generation, are considered sacred and obliged, they also present religious
characteristics because they express the will of their ancestors so that a set of penal laws can be easily
distinguished.
Referring to Homicide as a result from disputes among different families, penal settlements (amongst
others, 10 sartas de llancas) (7) family revenge, if the offender would not pay the harm caused, were
frequently used (Medina J. T.1952:313). Nevertheless the murder of adulteress or witches, was culturally
normed and accepted. Revenges to offenses could also consist of a murder or of witchcrafts.
The behaviour nowadays called Parricide was accepted in the community since it was considered that the
parricide was sheding his own blood.
Adultery was punished with death penalty in case that the author were of female sex, her husband could
also demand payment from the offender or sale the woman to the interested one though. In relation to the
single woman, there was a higher sexual liberty and having children was not severely sanctioned.
Abortion could be provoked.
Infanticide was not sanctioned and it was also associated to witchcraft rites, consisting of killing the
newly born and toasting his testicles aiming to make the lower to become sterile in case of abandonmet.
Finally, Incest was taboo within the first degrees of kinship, being illicit the marriage among patrilinear
relatives (Faron L.1969:214). In case of long lasting incestual relations, the sanction was the community
exclussion of the guilty ones.
Robbery and Burglary (8) were equally punished, eventhough they were not very common. Frequently the
cacique acted as the judge of the group. If no agreement between the involved families was worked out,
the system of damage indemnity was widely used, consisting of going to the house of the offender and
demanding from him three times the value of what had been stolen. In case of resistance, malocas (or
restitucion by force) could be carried out.
Prior to the conquership, Mapuche population used to drink alcoholic beverages, mainly chicha (9) during
ritual and laboral gatherings and feasts. However, during the conquership, alcohol was used as a pacifying
and extinting weapon by the Spaniards, using even methyl alcohol, and this would be the origin according
to some studies, of the custom of high alcohol drinking among the mapuches and Chilean workers
(Manquilef M.1915; Lomnitz L.1969; Medina E y cols.1980; Medina E.1982).
3.1 Other Backgrounds: Mapuche Nowadays
Our country constitutes within the third world frame, an underdeveloping and dependent nation. Within
this context, it presents socio-economical formations relatively heterogeneus which form a relatively dual
configuration. Large industrialized and/or commercialized urbes, small industrialized agricultural sectors
in the hinterlands, and also large traditional agricultural areas and self-subsistant are distinguished. The
total population of the country reaches a total of 15 millions inhabitants. The current mapuche population
is estimated in 300.000 individuals at a national level. Most of them are concentrated in the Region de la
Araucana, with a total of 200.000 mapuches. The 81% of this region Rural Population belongs to this
ethnics.
The conquest of Mapuche people, and consequently the war against Arauco, lasted more than 300 years.
After the colonization of the mapuche "virgin lands", it emerged a new socio-political structure. During
the 1860's the laws of Indian Reservations were created, and up to 1920 this process formed more than
3.000 Indian reservations (or Reducciones) (10). This colonization policy coincides with the ones
imposed in the United States, Canada and other countries. Reservations provided a communal property of
the land whose title deed was given to the cacique or his descendants. In 1927, a new law was created
which permitted Indian Reservation division. Nowadays, reservation or Mapuche community refers to a
group of mapuche families settled in a a territory, legitimated by a tittle of land grant and legalized as
collective by special laws.
There are multiple communities in the Region de la Araucana, integrated in a common culture (11) wich
takes the form of "Reducciones" (Reservations), "Ex-Reducciones" and Communities without title that
constitute, even now, true socio-cultural micro-systems where the degree of communitarism is variable.
The Mapuche population in this region is composed, therefore by comuneros (joint owners of the land)
and ex-comuneros who sustain, basically, a selfsubsistance economy slightly asociated to the national
economy. A great part of the salaried agricultural workers and "inquilinos" correspond to mapuches who
have abandoned their reducciones. It is among the comuneros where the Mapuche culture strongly
survives (Cooper D.1988:52;102).
According to some research works, a 20% of the Mapuche population of each community migrates to
urban zones, preferably in the age grouping 18-24 years old (Saavedra A.1971:28). There emerge
Transitional Urban Structures (Munizaga C.1961) as means to overcome the acculturation processes,
consisting of informal support groups (12). The insertion within the urban working structure frame uses to
be unstable, in the service sector and badly paid. Within this context, prejudice against the mapuche
includes, necessarily, a socio-economical discrimination.
A research work carried out on universitary Non-Mapuche students of the country, reveals that at least a
20% of them present Prejudice against this ethnies, permitting the supposition, from a theoretical
perspective, of the existence of prejudicial attitudes in vast population layers (Gajardo L. 1983) (13). Even
from an anthropological-psychiatric point of view, it has been demonstrated that a 60% of the total of
mapuches patients were rural urban migrants (Munizaga C.& cols.1965).
Chilean justice perception by mapuche convicts is negative: they state that the Huinca (14) has invented
the laws to withdraw their lands from them; that they have serious difficulties to understand and to be
understood by the judge, due to language differencies and to prejudice; that the judge favors the huinca
because both belong to the same race; that lawyers defraud them, fundamentally because they do not
know how to read and do not know the Chilean laws; that lawyers defend the huinca because he offers
more money and so forth. (Cooper-Mayr D. 1988:421-436). Mapuches convicts present, on the other
hand, a very high degree of Social Perception of Being Object of Prejudice from the Huinca reaching in
both scales more than 60% in the high group (Cooper-Mayr D.1988:421-435).
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Doris
Cooper
Social
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Faculty
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Within the framework of the industrial and commercial macro urbs of Chile, the Urban Male Delinquency
Type is concentrated specifically in the capital city, constituting a Type of Differential Delinquency: out
University
of all crimes, 90% corresponds exclusively to Crimes against Property, and this figure is a central
of Chile
characteristic that presents significant statistic difference. This Type of Delinquency shows the highest
comparative Crime Repetition (60%) and Habituality.
The Urban Delinquency Type is composed of three main subtypes: a) a Professional Delinquency; b) a
Non-Professional Delinquency constituted by poor-neighborhood gangs of criminals, and c) a NonProfessional Delinquency constituted by workers that occasionally rob and who define themselves as
"Occasionalists".
The Professional Delinquency presents a solid counterculture, an ethic code, a penal code, a dialect
("Coha"), specific music, an efficient informal system of communications, an alternative stratification
system, forms of acquiring countercultural prestige status ("cartel"), and labor roles, constituting a violent
redistributive countercultural economy. It sustains high degrees of Mental Modernism (Inkeles A.).
The Professional Delinquency is characterized by social actors whose self-perception and self-definition
is as a "ladrn-ladrn", thief-thief, including robbers, thieves, burglars and pick pockets in this category.
(Symbolic Interaccionism). However, within the framework of the Labeling Theory, these members
express that they perceive themselves as thieves once they start earning their living exclusively by
stealing, that the social control labeling is meaningless for them, and that they rather look for recognition
from the rest of the "hampa" (delinquency world).
Robbery is perceived as a job in which there are assumed risks implying a possibility of being condemned
or killed. They state that death penalty, a punishment defended by some Chilean political parties, is "none
of their business" because they consider it a natural risk in their profession, therefore, assumed. They feel
most proud of being thieves, they are laboral refractaries and sustain the social perception that workers
who labor are "giles" (candid blockheads) that let themselves be exploited by the rich. They perceive the
role of worker as central in the system (the most respectable) and the existence of high classes as the
result of the above mentioned exploitation.
In general, they do not sustain Mertonian success goals as a central part in their vital scope. They do not
present a political ideology, and less than 5% of them has ever participated in assaults committed by a
Left Political Party.
From an ethic perspective, (Critical Review of Matza's Naturalism) the outstanding central values are: (1)
To be a thief-thief. This implies earning their living by means of robbery, conceiving that robbery is a job,
and sustaining labor specialization. (2) To rob only the rich. Robbing their own class makes them to be
fired out to the lowest countercultural strata. (3) Not "sapear", that is, not to be on the watch. The one who
denounces (or is on the watch), receives a proper punishment from the Penal Code of the "Hampa". (4) To
have a heart, a value that means to be brave, cool, and rational when in danger associated to the
delinquent role. (5) To be respected, a traditional value exacerbated by the "hampa". (6) To be correct. (7)
To keep one's line (to think, say, and act in a coherent way)). (8) To have feelings. The "hampa" is
characterized by being most affective and solidarity with its members and with the lower classes of the
system. (9) Not to do unnecessary harm. Professional thieves (thieves-thieves), sustain as a value not to
do unnecessary harm when robbing a victim unless there is a risk of losing own's liberty or life, or that of
a partner.
Professional thieves have definite ecological areas of work, areas that once been delimited are informally
respected by other thieves. These ecological areas correspond mainly to the commercial and bureaucratic
center of the city, to the commercial centers of the medium and high class, and to the ecological areas of
residence of the higher classes of the social system.
Thieves express that they learn how to rob because of necessity, and that, later on, they work regularly
with partners (Differential Association), they have personal fixed days and schedules, fixed limited
ecological areas, and the majority of them uses intuition to determine whether a day is risky or not for
them to work. Many of them tend to wear a stereotype in a manner that is relatively not perceived in the
area of work, even though they recognize that they are easily identified as belonging to the low class, and
consequently "potentially dangerous". They feel that policemen are fast in distinguishing and recognizing
them by their way of walking (short steps due to much imprisonment), the stereotype, the face, and also
by the police record.
According to thieves, they do not do any harm. Robbing the rich implies for the victims just updating
their appliances and jewels, and if money is stolen, it is enough for them to go to the bank and get some
more. On the other hand, they say that if thieves did not exist, there would not be any laws (Durkeim E.),
neither the Police nor the policemen would have any job, neither the lawyers nor the judges, and not by
any chance the Minister of Justice would have any job.
The Countercultural Alternative Social Strata are conformed on the basis of labor specialization. These
are the following, in terms of decreasing social prestige. (1) The Assailants, who sustain the highest social
prestige within the "hampa". They assault bus stations, gas stations, marginal stores of the poor
neighborhoods, etc., and only 1.8% of them has ever assaulted a bank. They maintain that assaults to
banks are committed preferably by people with more education and of another social class. (2) The
Internationals. Chile presents "non-traditional exports" of thieves who migrate preferably to Europe,
where they say they earn in dollars which, later on, are invested in means of transportation and small
restaurants in Chile. The Internationals generally work as "Lanzas" and "de Descuido" (specialized in
robbing by distracting the victim on purpose)). (3) The "Monreros". They commit household and factory
larceny, and if possible, they avoid fighting with dwellers or guards. Household larceny has a large
prestige, if committed in rich neighborhoods and only money and jewels are stolen. (4) The "Lanzas". In
term of specialization, it can be distinguished the "lanzas de mano" (pick-pockets, specialized in robbing
the victim using their highly trained hands), the "a chorro" or "escaperos" (specialized in robbing the
victim and instantly running away as fast as a jet), and the "montados" (specialized in robbing victims on
the subway or buses). They have a relative countercultural prestige because, according to what thieves
say, these use to be on the watch, or denounce "heavier" thieves (assailants) when pushed by the police.
(5) Those who pass by as "Toco". These are specialized in stealing cars, as a whole, or just their radio or
loudspeakers. (6) Those who pass by as "Mecha" or "Mecheros". Even though this is preferably a job for
women, also men participate in the specialty. They commit larceny by placing stolen items from stores
inside a stretch band they wear around their body. (7) Those who work the "Descuido" in bus stations,
train stations, etc. stealing suitcases and/or in banks where they steal attache cases, the latter having a
greater degree of specialization. (8) The "Cuenteros"(story-tellers, specialized in robbing the victim by
story telling). These are individuals of marked hysterical features who involve the victim in a story which
usually ends with his willingly delivery of the money. (9) The "Cogoteros", who conform the lowest strata
of the "hampa". Generally, the "cogoteo" (aggravated assault) is associated to victims of the same social
class of belonging (low class), this is the reason why this crime has no prestige; the actors usually present
problems of alcohol addiction and do not uphold the value patterns of the "hampa" (among which,
robbing only the rich and not to do unnecessary harm).
From an etiological perspective and considering the social actor, only 18% mention that they rob to get to
have "lots of, lots of money" (Merton R.), but within the framework of the low middle class, that is,
between 3 and 6 millions of Chilean pesos (between US$7,500 and US$15,000 1994). Out of this 18%,
9.0% hope to collect money to become a small entrepreneur or the owner of a restaurant or liquor shop.
The remaining 9.0%, hope to have a lot of money (also in relativized terms) in order to have a house of
their own (in a poor neighborhood), a car, and not to feel forced to work as thieves. This 18% does not
permit to validate the central Mertonian hypothesis in the Chilean context and, hypothetically, it is
probable to have a similar situation in Latin America and in all the Third World.
The remaining 82%, express that they steal to survive and that robbing makes nobody rich, sustaining in
this form, esencially, the surviving goal, central in the framework of lower class and extreme poverty.
Therefore, it can be pointed out that this is, evidently, a delinquency having characteristics of
underdeveloped.
As far as the Non-Professional Delinquency is concerned, two sub-types are observed: the "Choros de
Esquina" (street corners' boys) and the Ocassionals.
The Street Corners' Boys are constituted by gangs of marginal housing dwellers of the low-class and of
extreme poverty. These are young people who have not had any access to the structure of opportunities,
that is, they have not had any access to education, nor to the occupational structure. Their consumption of
psychotropic substances, such as alcohol and drugs, is so intense that they use to intake mixtures of even
five components.
Their occasional robbery is associated to obtaining money to continue consuming psychotropic
substances, and/or robbing pieces of cloth (of North American or European prestigious brands) which
symbolize the middle or high class status. The delinquent activity of these young people generates the
highest levels of violence, since they commit crimes under the influence of drugs and alcohol in order to
overcome their lack of experience and fear. Hardly ever they commit Crimes of Robbery with
consequences of Homicide and/or Rape during assaults to buses, cabs, and houses with dwellers.
Frustration, the Demonstration Effect (Duesenberry), the total marginality, often present symptoms of
aggression and self aggression potentiated by the psychotropic substances. The Professional Thief,
instead, never works under the effects of drugs or alcohol, and avoids doing unnecessary harm to his
victims. Therefore, these are, in fact, the young people who have generated an increment of the violence
in the big cities. It is crucial to stress that they do not perceive themselves as thieves, and that they
ethiologize their delinquent behavior as associated to drug and alcohol consumption and to the need of
being "well dressed". Summarily, they long for adopting the virtual status (stereotype) of the young
people of the middle and high class.
Finally, within the framework of the Urban Delinquency, the Ocassionals are mentioned. The Occasionals
are workers who rob from time to time, and according to what they explain, they do it just occasionally
when they are without scape from situations arising from their extreme poverty, since the salary of a nonspecialized worker does not cover the minimum expenses demanded for survival. They do not perceive
themselves as thieves, but as poor workers who are forced to steal, and they define themselves as
Occasionals.
4.2. Non Mapuche Rural Traditional Male Delinquency Type
The type of delinquency called Extreme Non-Mapuche Rural Traditional Male Delinquency is typical of
the traditional rural ecological areas with economies of almost self-subsistence. Crimes against People,
Family and Moral add up to 79%, in which Homicides rank first place and Rapes second place. Differing
from urban success goals, their goals correspond to forms of social recognition linked to expressions of
folklore and machismo violence. Although survival is difficult for the low class, it usually becomes less
urgent than in urban areas.
Since there is a rigid class structure and due to the fact that the financial success goal is a utopia for them,
it does not acquire admissible connotations and it is not present within the active motivational framework.
Homicides are associated to extreme situations of dispute under strong influence of alcohol in which the
offense becomes a relevant trigger. In rural areas, the only feasible relief valve from the hard work of
rural jobs within the frame of the role of the small peasant or agro-worker is the clandestine liquor shop,
where, occasionally, TV transmissions are exhibited. These clandestine liquor shops gather peasants
during weekends in the same manner that socio-ritual parties do, where people go as if they were rural
amusement centers. It is just in these centers of social gathering, or after having attended them, where
homicide crimes are originated as results of disputes. Therefore, the National Days and the religious or
sports holidays, trigger high proportions of this type of crime.
Rapes add up to 44% of the total amount of crimes and are associated to single young men getting to
know sex. Usually they start as sexual games that end in rape and, in less percentage, in incest with
sisters. Incest committed by the father or the step-father show a less percentage. Obviously, in rural areas
there is no access to brothels, urban roundabouts, massage houses or so forth (like in urban areas); and
even establishing a heterosexual relation is difficult due to the high degree of subcultural traditionalism of
these areas.
They sustain a quite low comparative delinquent Repetition and Habituallity. They do not show
Differential Association (Sutherland), neither economic success goals (Merton), nor countercultural
manifestations, and they are characterized by a low degree of Mental Modernism (Inkeles).
4.3 Mapuche Rural Male Delinquency Type
Within the framework of the Mapuche Culture and the cultural shock with the dominant culture, it can be
noticed a Type of Mapuche Rural Male Delinquency concentrated in the IX Region of the Araucana, in
the South of Chile, which adds up to 74% of the Crimes against People, Family and Moral. The
predominant crime is the homicide associated to the long lasting consequences of the conquering process,
that is, to the seizure of lands by the "Huinca", to border problems of assignated lands, and to expressions
of prejudice and conflict with the Huinca (this is a mapuche word that means "white-man-robber-oflands").
Alcohol intake ways triggered by the "Spanish Pacification", constitute, jointly with the Mapuche Penal
Code, factors associated to the cultural shock that etiologize a large proportion of homicides. The Spanish
pacification constituted a historical period which occurred after the cruel war of extermination and
subjugation of the Mapuche nation where it was used a new extermination weapon: methyl or wood
alcohol. Quoting Manquilef M., a mapuche chief, "the alcohol of pacification was wood alcohol, methyl
alcohol which is a powerful destroyer of human organism... caravans of men established alcohol outlets in
Mapuche land... they were the civilizers of the Mapuche nation... this is how we get to the history of a
crime..."(Manquilef M. 1915:25). Several anthropologic studies mention the association of a high alcohol
intake among Mapuches and the Chilean working class with the pacification phenomenon.
Homicides are generally originated in this differential cultural context, particularly during Mapuche socioritual gatherings such as "guillatunes", "rucatanes", "vuelta de mano", "mingacos" and so forth, football or
chueca inter-reservation competitions and National Day holidays. Out of the total number of Crimes,
Mapuches add up to 62% of blood crimes.
Among the problems associated to Justice pointed out by the social actors of this ethnia, it is mentioned
the Prejudice of Judges, a lack of competence and/or performance in the Spanish language, the
comparative financial solvency of the Huincas, the implicature of non-scrupulous lawyers and judicial
officers during land trials, the generalized Prejudice within the Non-Mapuche population including the
intra-jail prejudice, and the use of alternative Penal Codes. Many of them do not understand why they are
in jail, since they have just given the "Huinca" what he deserves for robbing animals or lands.
Mapuche penalty usually consists of thieves (urban or rural chilean thieves) hit with a wood stick by
several mapuches belonging to the same community (which still presents many characteristics mentioned
by Tonnies), something that often results in the offender's death.
National research works have studied the Prejudice of university students against the Mapuche Ethnia
which adds up to 25% of the people in the high group (Gajardo L.). I have focused the Prejudice problem
from the minority group of Mapuches against the Huinca and the figure add ups to 65% of high prejudice
in the high group of the total interviewed.
They show a quite low Delinquent Repetition and Habituality, a lack of counterculture, there is no
Differential Association and they do not present economic success goals. They have low levels of Mental
Modernism (30% versus 60% among Urbans). The larger sexual permissiveness of the Mapuche Culture
does not etiologize sexual Crimes so that they present the lowest national figure : 4%.
4.4 Rural Female Delinquency Type
Rural Female Delinquency adds up to 79% of crimes against People, Family and Moral, but in this case
specifically female crimes associated to the female subculture. To a large extent, these crimes consist of
spouse Parricides or living-in-companion Homicides. Victimologically these are followed by children
victims, and next, fathers or step fathers who have committed rapes or sexual abuse against the victim.
Spouse or living-in-companion Parricides and Homicides are originated within the framework of the
machist subculture that in farms, in traditional isolated areas, reach expressions of serious violence.
Spouse violence expressed by physical and psychological abuse uses to leave signs of burns, cuts, bone
breaking and so forth, often including physical harm to children of their own.
In the south of the country, it is very common to find mother and children in jail due to the fact that they
killed the hitting husband-father under border situations of panic and despair. Rural women show the
highest national figure in "killing", which according to the area ranges between 65% to 84% (in extreme
traditional areas). This figure is similar to that of the rural Mapuches which totals 62% of blood crimes.
From a theoretic-empirical perspective, it is outstanding that both social categories are really the most
marginal to the system.
Thus, rural female delinquency is framed within success goals and conflicts which are specifically femaletraditional: those associated to Gender Ideology and the roles of wife and mother.
Obviously, rural women do not show Differential Association, they are basically single perpetrators, they
do not present counterculture; they sustain a low Crime Repetition and Habituality and low levels of
mental Modernism, and their success goals are associated to the adequate fulfillment of the ascribed and
traditional roles within the framework of the low class.
4.5 Urban Female Delinquency Type
The Urban Female Delinquency shows now a high proportion of Crimes against Property which has
incremented from 50% in 1983 to 75% en 1992, and actualy (1999), reached at 90% of the cases, of
Delicts that imply to obtain money, composed by 60% of Property Delicts and 30% of Drug Traffic
Delicts.
However, women participate in Crimes against Property within the framework of the female subculture
(our country is a third world country, consequently, still strongly traditional and machist) until 1992.
From this perspective, urban women acted mainly as accomplices, accessories after the fact or decoys of
social actors, male perpetrators of crimes principaly in the past decade.
Nowadays, nevertheless, new types of Crimes, specifically female and sort of more modern crimes, are
just appearing. Amongst others, for instance, women are starting to act as single perpetrators and sexual
decoys, they give the victim drugs prior to sexual intimacy and rob them valuable things. They have also
gradually adopted the "Mecha" robbery, robbery by making use of stretch bands as mentioned in this
paper before.
Actually womens incorpored themselves drasticaly to the counterculture of Hampa traditionally male, and
practice laboral roles asociated to the Delinquency against Property, predominantly the Assault, Monra,
Lanza, etc., integrating the Informal Alternative Economy of the poor people (Cooper-Mayr D.
1997,1999).
However, Crimes of Parricide are also relevant in this gradual process of modernization of the Urban
Female Delinquency. Main victims are the non-desired children of single mothers performing the role of
maids whose children delivery endangers their jobs and triggers social sanction from their family and
society. The second victim, in a scale of relevancy, is the husband or the living-in-companion as a
consequence of family conflicts and physical and psychological abuse.
They still show a low degree of Mental Modernism and success goals basically framed within the
traditional female role under the transitional modernization process. This characteristics associated to the
Gender Ideology in the framework of extreme poverty, it has incremented the female participation in the
minor Drug Traffic, because they can sell drug at home and in their proper neighborhood. So, thousend of
ancient woman and unmarried or separate woman with many little childrens, they convert themselves in
minor Drug Trafficant. They perceive this type of work like a commerce that permit survive.
The Differential Association with men is slowly incremented, same as their countercultural insertion.
They still have in comparative terms, low rates of Crime Repetition and Habituality. It can be considered
a Type of Transitional Delinquency.
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5. Final Conclusions
Chile is an underdeveloped or developing country, of dependant characteristics, inserted in the third
world. It still presents, as such, differential Social Formations anchored in modern industrial-urban
infrastructures or rural traditional infrastructures, framed, to a larger or lesser degree, within the world and
global capitalist system.
Doris
Cooper
These differential infrastructures are articulated within the frame of a continuum. The extreme poles of
this system show associated subcultures having their own correspondent differential degrees of
modernization. In the same manner, subcultures socialize individuals (in dynamic terms) in greater or
lesser degrees of Mental Modernism.
Social
Sciences
Faculty
In this process, non-normative human behaviors of the low class are differentially etiologized according
to ecological belonging, sex, and ethnia, in different extreme situations.
The wide theorethical frame used in the signales surveys, is unable to explain the empirical existence of
these 5 Differential Types of Delinquency which exist in the country. Merton Theory does not permit to
explain or predict the Rural Delinquency, neither the Indian Deliquency nor the Types of Female
Delinquency; Sutherland and his ecological theory fails to explain both the crimes committed without
Differential Association and the existence of Differential Types of Delincuency within the same
ecological enviroment according to sex and ethnics. The theoretical assertions of the Gluecks which
emphatise family and socio-economic aspects (amongst others), do not permit to predict Differential
Types of Delinquency. The propositions discussed by Sykes in relation to age, sex, and civil status, also
result insufficient. All these Theories fundamentally predict the Urban Male Delinquency.
We propose the discussion of these results within the frame of the Theory of the Subcultural Continuum
of Delincuency, theoretical proposition elaborated by the author in 1990.(23)
This Theory incorporates assertions of the signaled theories, it attaches the Theories of Development,
Dependancy, Psychosocial Modernism, Acculturation, Prejudice, and at present the Ethnometodological
assertions and the Symbolic Interaccionism Paradigm (Cooper-Mayr D. 1992).
In brief, the assertions of this Theory consist of holding that in the occidental capitalistic world we can
distinghish a Subcultural Continuum of Delincuency whose polar extrems are represented by a Modern
Delincuency and a Traditional Delincuency which are associated to extreme differential subcultures and
to particular psychosocial expressions within the frame of the continuum of the economical and structural
development. Both poles of Delinquency are expressed in an interrelate Continuum, are powered at an
international level and are expressed with a greater degree of criminal modernism and tradicionalism,
respectively, at the more developed and the more tradicional poles of the macro-system. Etiological
elements at a subcultural and psycosocial level are expressed in the particular and differential alternative
success goals and conflicts.
These types of Delincuency acquired variations according to the degree of development and
modernization of the socio-economic system and of the subcultural and psychosocial modernism of the
individuals involved in their respective subcultures in which base variables such as ecological belonging,
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of Chile
On the other hand, the most traditional pole of Delincuency is represented by the peasant Mapuche and
Non-Mapuche Extreme Rural Delinquency, and it presents almost an 80% of Crimes against People, the
Family and Moral, but this percentage slowly decreases in the agricultural regions which are closer to the
center of the country and to the larger urbes, even though they keep relevant qualitative variations
according to sex and ethnics. This Extreme-Rural Criminals present the lowest degree of Psychosocial
Modernism.
Blood Crimes constitute the most traditional expression manifested in the Indian Delincuency and the
Female Rural Delincuency, and represent, in turn, the most marginal of social categories of the system.
The etiology of the Rural Crime, instead, is absolutely different from this urban situation. Non-mapuche
rural low class, commits blood crimes within the framework of a machist and violent subculture where the
diffusion of alcohol drinking as a relief valve from the socio-economical margination, the lack of
amusement areas and the traditional penal code of personal or familiar revenge to offenses conform
relevant variables for the trigger of homicides whose victims are the peasants themselves. Without
economic success goals, without Differential Association and without a counterculture at all, these crimes
emerge within the context of alternative folkloric success goals and traditional particular conflicts
expressed through unforgivable offenses.
Crimes consisting in cattle stealing are mainly commited by Rural-Urban Migrants, a stratum also studied
but not included here due to extension. Peasants steal animals just occasionally, and as a result from the
"white months" during winter when they have run out of food stock from harvest.
Mapuche Delincuency, specifically, is characterized by concentrating the highest proportion of blood
Crimes (62%). These Homicides are associated to fights where alcohol is drunk, embodied in their
particular culture. The high alcohol consumption derives from one of the principal forms of "pacification"
of the indian population carried out by the conquerors: methylic alcohol drinking.
A great amount of anthropological studies point out the association of the high alcohol drinking among
mapuches, and among the working class of the country, to this form of pacification, associated, according
to Manquilef, to robbery and deprivation of Mapuche lands by the huinca. Fights, as it has been pointed
out, are related to ritual or social feasts, intrareservational sport competitions, etc., form which disputes
associated to land border problems derivated from regulations imposed by the generation of Reservations,
and to old and new offenses, (behavior sanctioned by the primitive mapuche code), emerge.
Some Homicides have been commited in the Reservations, in group, as a form of sanction against the
"robber Huinca", a fact they do not consider a crime, being, therefore, impossible for them to understand
why chilean justice has sent them to jail. They considered they acted with justice by sanctioning that
larceny by means of hitting with sticks the offender to death. This type of sanction also comes from the
primitive penal code of mapuches. They do not autopercived themselves as criminals, nor as "bad"
people. They do not present Differential Association, sustain the lowest degree of Attitudinal Modernism,
and reincidence is the lowest one. None of them present embodiment into a Criminal Contraculture,
something that is exclusively urban.
The migrant Rural-Urban Delincuency does not constitute a Differential Type due to the fact that it
presents dual, intermadiate characteristics, whith figures close to the 50% of Crimes against Property and
against People, the Family and Moral, respectively, suffering some qualitative variations according to the
degree of subcultural permeability of the receiving urbe.(26)
Rural Women, in the context of being framed within the family conflict radicalized by extreme
traditionalism and machismo in the framework of the Gender Ideology, and collapsed by the female
classical subculture, commit blood crimes.
Finally, the urban woman, in the framework of Transitional Delinquency, increasingly Delicts against
property but still shows important proportions of specifically female crimes (10%). A Differential
Association or a countercultural insertion are starting to appear, and actually 67% of the condemned
female perceive themselves as thieves.
How could these differences be explained? The fact that such large and differential proportions of Types
of Crimes be committed by individuals embodied in so varied social categories do not have, for us, an
explanation within the frame of the traditional criminological theories. It becomes evident that, from a
criminological perspective, the conflicts and subcultural success goals which lead women to commit
blood crimes are quite different from those associated to Homicides commited by Mapuches and by Rural
Non-Mapuche.
Sexual Crimes predominate in the rural zones, but only among the Non-Mapuche peasantery. The sexual
Criminal in the urban zones is an habitually psycopatic individual. Mapuches scarcely commit sexual
Crimes. Besides, Crimes against Property essentially correspond to urban males, who have high
reincidency and modern attitudes.
Crimes against Property, in turn peasant, scarcely reach about a 20%, and the majority of these
correspond to Cattle Stealing committed during the "white months" (27), and so forth. We consider that
these differences, amongst others, can be better explained within the context of the Theory of the
Subcultural Continuum of Delincuency.
We understand that the empirical detection of these results in our country are due to the fact that it
conform a complex social formation in which poles of a high degree of development and poles of a high
degree of traditionalism with self subsistant economies, as a human laboratory, are detected. We also
understand that, probably, the high degree of the subcultural complexity existing in the more developed
countries makes it difficult the differentiation of Pure Types of Delincuency.
In synthesis, in Chile there still exists a Differential Modern Delinquency and a Traditional Delinquency
associated to different types of coexisting social formations.
These Differential Types of Delinquency can be better explained within the framework of the Theory of
the Subcultural Continuum of Delinquency. In addition, these Types of Delinquency must be considered
for the elaboration of Prevention and Rehabilitation Policies. Since the etiology is clearly diverse, even
though poverty is present in all of them, it is possible to design more assertive Policies and Programs that,
at least, dis-triplicate Delinquency and Violence in the Urban Areas and lower the manifestations of
Crimes committed by women and aborigines, in an increasing context of world concern for these two
latter social categories.
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Notes
(1) CRIMES AGAINST PROPERTY.
Description of the principal types of crimes in Chile;*
1.1. Robbery with violence: the victim is hit or injured by the using fists or feet of the offender or any
kind of weapon to take his property away from him, which may consists of thing or money.
1.2. Robbery with intimidation: the victim is frightened by threats or cutting weapons whith the intention
of taking away from him thing or money.
1.3. Assault: larceny of banks, stores, supermarkets, etc., frightening the public and/or the employees
using weapons (are also calssified as Robo con Intimidacin).
1.4. Robbery with Rape: larceny that also implies rape.
1.5. Robbery with Homicide: larceny that also implies homicide of the victim.
1.6. Robbery with Force: the carrying away of goods, jewels or money from a building using force to
open doors, windows, roofs, etc.
1.7. Theft: the act of carrying away goods (things,money) with no perception of the owner, and with no
use of force to take the property away from a house, factory or room. It is simple larceny.
1.8. Cattle Stealing: larceny or theft of animals. Larceny implies breaking a fence, padlocks, etc.
1.9. Defraud: the offender uses false names, gives the impression of having wealth, does bussines owning
an imaginary enterprise an cheats to get profit.
* (author's descriptions).
(2) CRIMES ANGAINS PEOPLE, THE FAMILY AND MORAL.
2.1 CRIMES AGAINST PEOPLE.This type of crime includes:
2.1.1. Homicide: killing of a non-relative.
2.1.2. Parricide: killing of a relative belonging to the family of origin or to the current family of the
offender (father, mother, children, spouse).
2.1.3. Infanticide: killing of a child by his father or mother.
2.1.4. Injures: body injure or harm caused by de offender as a consequence of a fight or with deliberate
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intent.
2.2. CRIMES AGAINST THE FAMILY AND THE MORAL. This type of crime includes the following:
2.2.1. Abortion.
2.2.2. Abandonment of under aged or unprotected.
2.2.3. Kindnapp.
2.2.4. Rape.
2.2.5. Incest: Rape of a daughter or stepdaughter.
2.2.6. Sodomy.
2.2.7. Dishonest abuse: intent to perform sexual intercourse without the consent of the victim and without
penetration.
2.2.8. Adultery.
(3) Lov :group of patrilineal and patrilocal inmediate relatives.
(4) Ruca: room made of sticks, straw and mud having semicircular or rectangular shape.
(5)Lonco: chief of a Lov, democratically elected, generally knowledge.
(6) Cacique: worrior patriarcal chief who occuped the position of the Lonco during the conquerar war.
(7) LLancas: black and green colored stones, apraised by mapuches for ornaments and jewelery.
(8) Robbery and theft: Refear to notes (1).
(9) Chicha or Muday: refreshment made of fruits such as piones or maize having a low alcoholic
graduation.
(10)Comunidades, Reducciones and Reservaciones: synonimous concepts. However, comunidad refers to
the sociocultural system existing in a natural form (Tonnies), and reducciones or reservaciones refer to
communnities which occupy a reduced place post-conquership.
(11) Mapuche subculture rather conforms a culture itself because of scarse penetration by the Chilena
culture into it.
(12) Transitional structures correspond to informal groups of mapuches ecologically located in some
concrete urban zone such as fairs or squares, gathering places, particulary on weekends.
(13) In this study, Social Sciencies students present a lesser degree of Prejudice against them and Exact
Sciences students a higher one.
(14) Huinca: mapuche word to refer to the white man as a robber of the land, used peyoratively.
(15)Robos con fuerza and Robos con Violencia: Refer to notes (1).
(16) Refer to notes (1) and (2).
(17) Theft: Refer to notes (1).
(18) a) Monreros: Offenders who commit Robbery with force. Specialist in carrying away goods, jewels
or money from buildings using force to open doors, windows, roofs, etc.
b) Lanzas: robbers acting as follows: the lanza uses his hand in "a professional" way to take away money
or jewels from a person who does not notice it (or fast) without causing him any harm. They can act on a
bus, (lanza de micros); on a person who is a passer by ( lanza de peatones) on people who come from a
bank prior observation of the victim by a companion.
(19) Professional Robbers: Specialist who rob in a specific "tipe of work" who are known and respected
in the contracultural world because of their efficiency and that define themselves as professional robers.
(20) Refer to notes (1) and (2).
(21) See note (11).
(22) Guillatn:claim rite to Gods to obtain goods harvests or rain, etc.
Mingacos: collective form of work which ends with a social feast.
(23) This theory, elaborated by the author, was presented to the 12' World Congress of Sociology held in
Madrid, Spain 1990, to the Research Commitee on Deviated Behavior and Social Control of ISA.
(24) In relation to Rates and Percentages in Chile, Urban and Rural Female Penal Population represents
only 3% of the total Penal population of the country, and the masculine one represent the rest of 97%.
The extreme Non-Mapuche Male Rural Penal Population reaches a rate of 3,6/1000 Inhabitants in the
most traditional Region studied, the Region of the Araucania. The extreme Mapuche Male Penal
Population, reaches a rate of 1,6/1000 inhabitants in the same mentioned Region (older than 18 years old,
with controlled ecological belonging).
The extreme Male Urban Penal Population reaches a rate of 3,0/1000 inhabitants, in the most modern an
industrial Region and city of the country, the Gran Santiago Capital of Chile (older than 18 years old with
controlled ecological belonging). Finally, the Male Rural- Urban Migrants Penal Population
corresponding to the Gran Santiago , reaches 25% of the Penal Population of this city.
Surprisengly, this results shows a higher rate of non-Mapuches peasants prisioners in Traditional rural
areas compared with the rate of urban prisioners in urban areas. This characteristic are constant in every
studied traditional regions of Chile.
(25) a) Asaltantes: Specialists in assaulting stores, supermarkets (and sometimes Banks), etc. who frighten
the public and/or the employees by showing and/or using weapons.
b) Monreros: See note (18).
c) Lanzas Internacionales: some as described in lanzas, note 18 (b) but they are Chilean assaultants who
migrate mainly to Europe. The money they get is sent to support their families and to make some small
investments.
(26) Urbes with a high degree of Industrialization present complex urban Subcultures which prevent from
inserting the rural-urban migrant into the criminal contraculture, a fact that makes them commit rather
Rural types of Crime in them. It happens just the contrary in large urbes with low degree of
Industralization.
(27) White Months: winter months in rainy Rural Zones they imply a lack of jobs and of economical and
nourishing support among peasants.
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