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THE JEWS OF BARRANQUILLA

A Study of a Jewish Community in South America*
By CELIA STOPNICKA ROSENTHAL

whose Jewish community is the subject of this article, is

Colombia's busy port, situated at the mouth of the Magdalena River near
the Caribbean Sea. Fourth in size, it is one of the country's principal commercial cities, as well as a major shipping and transportation center. It rates
as a modern, progressive, cosmopolitan place with living conditions above
the average in this part of the world.
The Barranquilla Jewish community, the third largest in Colombia today,
is typical of the Jewish communities not only in the rest of the country, but
also in South America in general, if the writer may judge from travels through
Colombia, Ecuador and Peru. It is representative in respect of organization,
sub-ethnic composition, economic standing, social status and community
problems, although it has, of course, its own unique features. In studying
Barranquilla, therefore, one may gain insight into the basic structure of the
Jewish communities in South America.
Though individual Jews came to Colombia from the very beginning of
its colonization, some trying unsuccessfully to escape the Inquisition - for
its powerful arm, nevertheless, reached them in the new land in 1624
there is no indication of Jews having settled in Barranquilla prior to the
middle of the last century. 1 Little is known about those first Jewish settlers
because there are no written records of their arrival or their life in the new
country. The only exception is the formal deed, recorded by the Town Clerk
on September 3, 1879, setting aside part of a cemetery for the exclusive use
by Jews. 2
The oldest grave at this cemetery, dating back to 1858, is that of a German
Jew born in Leipzig. There are two other graves of German Jews of that time,
but the rest are of Spanish and Portuguese who came from Curacao. No
BARRANQUILLA,

* This

study, written in December 1955, is based on quantitative data collected by the writer,
personal observation, and numerous conversations, including fifteen formal interviews with members of the community. Grateful acknowledgment is made to all Barranquilla inhabitants who
contributed to the basic research. No government or community statistics are available on the
number of Jews in Barranquilla, let alone accurate information about their schooling, occupations,
etc. The writer's count of the membership of the Jewish community does not agree with estimates by
community leaders. The figures in the article should be regarded as approximations rather than
precise data. Dollar values of pesos are based on the official exchange rate in December 1955.
1 Fernandez, M. Tejado, La Vida Social en
Cartagenade Indias (Seville 1954), pp. 147-93.
2 This document
belongs to the Comunidad Hebrea Sefardita.
262

The Jews in Barranquilla

263

descendants of German Jews can be found in Barranquilla today, but those

of the latter, the de Solas, Correas, Seniors, Juliaos, are all Catholic and rank
among the town's most distinguished families.
One could possibly learn more about the early Jewish immigrants by
questioning their Catholic descendants, but such research was deemed beyond
the bounds of this article, since the former were in no sense pioneers of Jewish
settlement in Barranquilla. They were merely precursorsof the actual builders
of the community. The present Jewish inhabitants are very much aware of
the disappearance of this early group and are determined that history shall
not repeat itself.
The pioneers of the Jewish settlement in Barranquilla were three Syrian
families who came there in 1908 and were shortly joined by other Sephardic
families. In keeping with their deep piety, they conducted services in one of
their homes from the very beginning. It was not until 1926 that the city
government permitted ritual slaughter of animals. The Comunidad Hebrea
Sefardita, formally organized in 1928, was legally incorporated in 1945.
Seventy-two Sephardic families today are dues-paying members and about
twenty are outside of the organization.
The second wave of immigration, which began in the early twenties,
brought East European Jews, mostly from Poland and Rumania. Unlike the
nineteenth century immigrants, the East Europeans were almost exclusively
men who left their families in their homeland with the expectation of returning to them after making their fortunes. The rise of fascist governments
in the thirties compelled these immigrants to change their plans, and they
sent for their families. In 1928 they founded the Centro Israelita Filantropico
which received juridical recognition in 1931. Its membership today includes
145 dues-paying families.
In the third immigration wave between 1936 and 1939, refugees from
Germany and Austria arrived. They differed from the first two immigrant
groups in class composition, educational level, and motive for leaving their
native land.
The Sephardic and East European immigrants were almost entirely
working people, most of whom fled from starvation. The bulk of the Sephardim came from Arab countries where they were artisans and petty traders.
The depressed economic and social status position of the East Europeans in
their home countries is reflected in their present occupations. As many as
19 percent of them are engaged in making and selling shoes, and it can be
safely assumed that an equal percentage were connected with shoemaking
at home. Another 12 percent, mostly former carpenters in the old country,
are engaged in the production and sale of furniture. The German and
Austrian Jews, on the other hand, were all members of the middle or upper
middle class. The economic standing, of course, reflects the educational level
of the respective groups. In view of the pronounced differences in background,

264

JEWISHSOCIALSTUDIES

the aloofness of the Central Europeans from both the Sephardim and other
Ashkenazim is readily understandable.
The Sephardim and East Europeans, accustomed to a low standard of
living in their native lands, were able to withstand the hardships which beset
immigrants and eventually gained economic security. Skilled and experienced in buying and selling, they started peddling products made at home.
Because of unlimited opportunities in Colombia, an industrially backward
country, their advance was rapid. For the Central Europeans, the road was
harder since their first occupation in Barranquilla as peddlers constituted a
severe blow to their pride. They, too, made quick progress and today a large
portion of Jews, irrespective of land of origin, have attained upper middle
class or even higher economic status.
A fairly detailed analysis of economic standing can be made for the
Sephardim, based on varying monthly fees paid to the Comunidad Hebrea
Sefardita. The reliability of these data as an index of economic class was
checked by correlating the size of fee with membership in the exclusive
Jewish social club. As Table 1 shows, the higher the fee paid by an individual,
TABLE 1
HEBREASEFARDITA,BY SIZE OF MONTHLYFEES AND CLUB
IN COMUNIDAD
MEMBERSHIP
AFFILIATION,December 1955

Size of Fee
In Pesos

Number
Percent No. Belongof Members
ing to Club

No. not Belonging to Club

Percent Belonging to Club

20 and more...
10-15.........
5.............

12
32
28

17
44
39

10
22
10

2
10
18

83
69
36

Total.........

72

100

42

30

58

the more likely he is to be a member of the club. All Sephardim have incomes
above the average, and on the basis of the fee index, it appears that 17 percent
are in the highest economic bracket; 44 percent in the bracket just below
and 39 percent in a lower bracket corresponding to middle class incomes.
Although similar information about East European Jews is not obtainable,
the writer estimates the percentage of top bracket people to be smaller, about
the same in the second bracket and a bit larger in the third.
The predominance of self-employed reflects the economic well-being of the
entire community (see Table 2). Of all the heads of families whose occupations were reported, 88 percent were self-employed. The vast majority of the
Germans and Austrians, ranked as employees, are in managerial positions.

The Jews in Barranquilla

265

TABLE 2
SELF-EMPLOYED
AMONGHEADS OF FAMILIESWITH REPORTEDOCCUPATIONS,December

No. with Reported

SelfEmployed
Occupations

Sub-ethnic Group

No. of
Families

Sephardic.......
East European...
Central European

92
145
56

55
114
56

Total ...........

293

225

1955

Working
for Others

Percent of
Self-Employed

53
108
38

2
6
18

96
95
68

199

26

88

Because of their concentration in the upper economic levels, the 865 Jews,
who constitute barely 0.3 percent of the city's population, are much more
prominent than their numbers indicate. Almost none of them is a member
of the lower class to which the great bulk of the inhabitants of Barranquilla
belong. Because non-Jewish immigrant groups, especially Arabs and Turks,
TABLE 3
THE JEWISHPOPULATION OF BARRANQUILLA, December 1955

Number

Percent of Total Jewish

Population

East European ..........................

Sephardic .............................
Central European .......................

446
285
134

51.5
33.0
15.5

Total ..................................

865

100.0

Sub-ethnic Group

have also taken advantage of the new commercial opportunities in Colombia,

their class structure represents a similar pattern of privileged economic
position. The native population, however, without a tradition of trade and
commerce, has remained economically submerged.
By material standards, the Jews made an unusually successful adjustment to their new environment. Wealth made available to these people,
bred in poverty, all the things that were once beyond their dreams: servantstaffed houses in the best part of town - the majority live in the fashionable
Prado section-, food and clothing imported from abroad, and periodic
trips to the United States. But in Barranquilla, as in Latin America in general,
the final test of upper class affiliation, after the requirements of wealth are
met, is eligibility for membership in the elite social clubs. No Jew, regardless

266

JEWISHSOCIALSTUDIES

of wealth, could pass this test until last year. Barranquilla's upper class was
not ready to accept the "Polacos," the disparaging name by which all Jews
here are known, no matter what their land of origin. The few who tried
directly and indirectly to become members were persuaded to withdraw
their applications.
Refused entree into the fashionable clubs in 1942, the wealthy Jews
organized one of their own, closely modeled on the town's country club. By
creating the Union Club, as it was named, its founders met the need of the
Jewish community for a place to spend their leisure time. Tennis courts,
table tennis, and other facilities exist there, but they are hardly used. Without
exaggeration, the main leisure activity is card playing, men and women
playing separately. The weekly meetings of the only women's organization,
the WIZO (Women's International Zionist Organization), are exclusively
card afternoons. The few attempts to initiate other activities, such as lectures
and films, were complete failures, for the women simply make card playing
a condition for attendance. At all festivities except weddings, i. e., engagements, circumcisions and Bar-mitzvahs, the majority of those present play
cards.
Since the founders of the Union Club were Sephardim and its building
was rented from the Comunidad Hebrea Sefardita, it was from the very
beginning considered a Sephardic club, even though all Jews are eligible for
membership. The East Europeans, nevertheless, felt that they needed a place
of their own where they could converse in Yiddish and feel more at home.
In 1942, the year the Union Club was founded, they obtained quarters in the
elegant Prado section to house the Centro Israelita Filantropico. In 1952 the
center was moved to larger quarters to keep up with the standard set by the
Sephardim.
In addition to card games, the center occasionally presents Yiddish guest
artists, of mediocre talent at best, who find an appreciative audience among
the middle-aged and old people. These performances hold no attraction for
the young who were either born in Colombia or were brought there as small
children. As a matter of fact, the youth of East European descent hardly
TABLE 4
SUB-ETHNIC CLASSIFICATIONOF MEMBER FAMILIES OF THE UNION CLUB, December

Sub-ethnic Group
Sephardim ......................
East European ...................
Central European ................
Total .......................

...

1955

Number

Percent

Executive Board Members

58
28
9

61
30
9

4
3
1

95

100

The Jews in Barranquilla

267

frequent the center, preferring to meet in the Union Club, the place "of
higher class," as they designate it.
The Union Club with its greater prestige and livelier atmosphere has
succeeded in attracting the richer and younger East Europeans who today
compose 30 percent of the entire membership (see Table 4). However, the
same people are also members of the Centro Israelita Filantropico and
occasionally participate in some of the recreational activities of the East
European center. Membership in the Centro implies access to all services
offered by it, recreational as well as religious. In contrast, the Sephardim
employ two basic organizations for these purposes: the Union Club, which
is strictly recreational; and the Comunidad Hebrea Sefardita which functions
as a religious, educational and charitable institution. Of the 72 dues-paying
member families of the latter organization, 58 or 81 percent belong to the
club.
The Germans and Austrians have their center too, the Sociedad BneBriss which is used for religious services on Friday nights and holidays and
for occasional meetings and celebrations. In contrast to the Union Club and
Centro Israelita Filantropico with their spacious and well-kept quarters in
the best residential section of town, the Sociedad Bne-Briss center is a tiny
place in the commercial section. It is frequented exclusively by Central
Europeans who constitute the smallest and least active group of Jews in
Barranquilla. Recently the Executive Board of the center contemplated a
complete merger with the Centro Israelita Filantropico, but it was not
consummated.
Thus the Jewish community is divided into three sub-ethnic groups,
each conducting separate services on the Sabbath and holidays and each
having a social center of its own. They present a united appearance, however,
when dealing with the outside world. For example, when important government personages, from the President of the Republic down the line, visit
Barranquilla, they are greeted by a Jewish committee in the name of the
whole community. As one man put it: "For the outside we are united, but
inside we are divided."
Still, despite the manifest differences, even "inside" the community,
the Jews are not as divided as they believe. There are a number of common
communal organizations and activities. The WIZO, for example, includes
women of all sub-ethnic groups. They are also united in their fund-raising
drives for Israel and in their charity work and contribute generously to both.
Barranquilla has been discovered by meshulahim(itinerant fund raisers)
seeking alms and none leaves empty-handed.
There are no marked divisions in the community along political or class
lines. Even if the foreign born have not completely shaken off the burning
interest in politics which they displayed in the old country, the fire has gone
out of it and it manifests itself now only in peaceful conversation at the center

268

STUDIES
JEWISHSOCIAL

or club. Some of the East Europeans were either passionately pro- or antiZionist, but upon reaching Colombia they became absorbed almost exclusively in trade and in saving for the return to their homelands. By the time
it became clear that no return was possible, they were too deeply involved
in economic pursuits to care strongly about political ideas. The native-born
young care even less, provided the political situation in Colombia is not
detrimental to business. Both generations keep aloof from Colombian politics, an attitude to some extent voluntary, but also determined by their
low social status, in sharp contrast to their high economic postion. As a
consequence, none of the twentieth century Jewish immigrants nor their
Colombian-born sons has ever held an official position in Barranquilla.
Class divisions have no basis for existence in this small community of
shopkeepers and businessmen who share common economic interests, materially oreinted values, styles of living, and standards of education. Characteristic of the absence of class lines is the community-wide invitation to weddings,
Bar-mitzvahs and circumcisions. When special parties, such as the New
Year's Eve Ball, are held in the Union Club, all Jews, whether or not members of the club, are invited to attend; most do so.
Status differentiation, however, exists on the basis of wealth and its
conspicuous consumption. Those who have much and spend enough are
afforded special honors. As one man expressed it picturesquely when asked
whether there were class divisions in the community: "We divide ourselves
in accordance with how much money we can afford to lose at a game of
poker."
Hence, the cultural differences of the three groups are the greatest dividing
force in the Jewish community. They are manifested in disparaging remarks
of one group about the others. These cause offense and occasionally even lead
to fist fights between the Sephardim and East Europeans. Such an incident
occurred at the last New Year celebration in the Union Club. Divisive
factors are, nevertheless, diminishing in importance, for all three groups are
becoming acculturated in Colombia. These factors play a minor role among
the youth as the increasing number of marriages between Sephardim and
Ashkenazim proves. The differences in language, customs, and, to some
extent, in religious ritual that still divide their parents are of little consequence
to the youth. They have been brought up in Colombia, their language is
Spanish, and their religious commitments are minimal. Moreover, they have
been bred in homes of the same economic standing, upper and middle class,
and the same educational level, low, except for the handful of youths of
German and Austrian parentage. Finally, all have been exposed to highly
materialistic standards and taught to value a person largely in terms of his
material possessions and income.
An interesting development, not anticipated by the parents and consciously recognized neither by them nor by the youth, is that material

TheJews in Barranquilla

269

possessions do not afford complete satisfaction to the younger generation.

The parents, to be sure, enjoy fully and satiate themselves with all the things
that money can buy. The sons and daughters tend to take these benefits for
granted, for they have been surrounded by them from early life. When one
looks at the bored expressions on the faces of the young people idling in the
Union Club, one sees clearly the mark of a lost generation. (Unmarried
people generally do not play cards, but become initiated into this pastime
after marriage.) "They hang around the club like stray dogs waiting for
something to happen, but nothing ever does," remarked one of the few men
in Barranquilla who is aware of the problem.
Why does this situation exist? The older generation is definitely concerned with the needs of the younger, but, unfortunately, does not understand the nature of these needs. When they do have an inkling, they do
not know how to go about satisfying them.
A striking example is the manner in which they treated the problem of
education. In a Catholic country like Colombia, where almost all private
schools are Catholic and where public schools are open to the poorest children
only, the education of Jewish children clearly presented difficulties. The
solution adopted in 1935 by the Sephardim was to establish a primary school,
Colegio Hebreo Union, under their auspices, but open to all Jewish children.
The school was in existence for only a few years, for it was closed upon the
departure of its teacher from Barranquilla. The same name was given by the
East Europeans to a school they founded in 1945. It, too, is open to all
Jewish children, irrespective of the parents' land of origin.
Since its foundation, the latter school has lacked clearly defined aims and
trained personnel. Yiddish was taught at certain times and Hebrew at others;
religious instruction, supposedly part of the curriculum, was dispensed with
under one principal who professed to be an atheist. The children have been
receiving neither good secular training nor adequate Jewish education. Consequently, most well-to-do Jews send their children to other schools, especially
the non-sectarian American school, justifying this step by reference to similar
conduct by the founders and main supporters of the Jewish school who do
not enroll their children in the Colegio Hebreo Union.
During the 1955 Colombian school year, which began in February and
lasted till December, 75 children attended the Jewish school. Of these 25 were
of pre-school age and were there primarily for play. Of the 50 other children,
12 were Catholic and nine were of mixed Jewish-Christian parentage. Only 29
out of the 75 were Jewish children of primary school age. These youngsters,
who constitute 23 percent of all Jewish primary school students, are the only
ones who have received any Jewish instruction. Accordingly, only one out of
four children has been given a Jewish education, and an inferior one at that.
It should be added that an average of 5,000 pesos ($2,000 at the official rate)
per month is spent on the maintenance of the school.

270

JEWISHSOCIALSTUDIES

Only recently, in August 1955, the Sephardim organized afternoon

Hebrew classes, to which all Jewish children were invited. The two teachers,
a father and daughter team, are trained and devoted to the task of educating
the young. This may explain the enthusiasm of some of the parents for the
new venture. As one young father expressed it: "I know that my children
will know more about Jewishness than I and my wife do, and that is good."
There is no tuition fee. Classes are held every afternoon from Monday to
Friday. On Saturday afternoons the program of Oneg Shabbat includes
stories from Jewish history, related by the teachers in Spanish, and Hebrew
songs. It is too early to judge whether this project will continue or whether,
like many of its predecessors, it will die out (see Table 5).
TABLE 5
ATTENDANCE
ATAFTERNOON
HEBREW
1955
CLASSES,
Month
August ................................
September .............................
October ...............................
November .............................

Number

Boys

Girls

35
55
47
42

26
34
32
30

9
21
15
12

Out of the five air-conditioned rooms available in the Union Club only
one room is allotted for the classes, and both teachers teach in the same room
at the same time. The other rooms are needed for card playing. Moreover,
when there is an overflow of players, the classes are suspended and the
class-room used for card games. That this program of systematic instruction
was introduced so late and that it is not accorded communal priority may
seem strange in view of the age-old Jewish tradition of learning and of
educating the young. The explanation is not a simple one. It is to be found
by examining the condition of Barranquilla Jews both in the old and in the
new country. They came from the lowest socio-economic stratum in respect
of income and education, for South America ranked as one of the least
desirable havens for Jewish immigrants. Also, Jewish culture in Poland and
Rumania, the homelands of most of the East European Jews, was at that time
in a period of transition, and the changes were most pronounced precisely
in the lower class. 3 In the small towns the young people of that class showed
the least allegiance to the culture of their forefathers. The leaders of the
Jewish community in Barranquilla today are those young men of yesterday.
3 For an analysis of the reasons why changes from the traditional
Jewish pattern were greater
among the lower class in pre-war Poland, see Rosenthal, Celia Stopnicka, "Deviation and Social
Change in a Jewish Community of a Small Polish Town," AmericanJournal of Sociology,LIX (1954),
pp. 177-81.

TheJews in Barranquilla

271

In the new country, commerce and industry, and not education, proved
to be the best guarantee of upward mobility. Since Colombia is an educationally backward country, the Jews of Barranquilla in a sense conform to
the country's standards by not accenting the importance of education.
While the education of Jewish youth is superior to that of the general
Barranquilla population, it is inferior to that of Colombians of the same
economic class. There are proportionally fewer people with a university
education among the Jews. The reason is that among Jewish parents business
ranks higher than the professions as a suitable occupation for their sons.
There is, for example, not one physician among all the Jews who were born
in Barranquilla or brought there as children. Those few who have prepared
themselves for professions, with the exception of two architects and one
chemist, do not practice them, having joined their fathers in business.
Participation in the family business enterprise after high school graduation is
the general pattern for boys. Of those who receive their high school education
in the United States, few get any Jewish instruction. Fewer girls than boys
attend American schools but most obtain a Colombian secondary school
education. They generally do not work, but the fashion amongupper-class
Colombian girls of working before marriage has spread among some Jewish
girls.
Despite the lack of a Jewish education, ignorance of Jewish tradition and
of Jewish history, and the limited activities offered by the community, the
young people remain Jews. Few withdraw from the community. What is
responsible for this ingroup loyalty? Is it religion? "Religion means very little
to us and we don't take it seriously," explained a young woman. "We have
received very little of it in our homes. What keeps us Jewish is the club. Yes,
the club unites us more than the synagogue," she continued. In light of the
limited range of the club - card games and occasional dances - this
statement appears far-fetched, but upon closer examination it contains the
answer, however naively expressed.
Religion holds little meaning for the young people, especially since their
parents no longer assign importance to it. When they first arrived from the
old country, they made concessions in religious observance due to changed
conditions. But with time, adherence to religious beliefs and practices became
a matter to suit their convenience.
Dietary laws are observed only by a dozen families. "Every time I pass
the kosher meat stand in the market," related one Polish woman, "I feel
terrible. I can't help but think of the very kosher home my mother kept in the
old country." Nevertheless, the same woman, like most other Jewish women,
buys non-kosher meat because of its greater variety and lower price. Often
there are not enough men for a minyan (quorum of ten males required for
public worship) on Saturday afternoons and they have to be rounded up with
some difficulty from the great number playing cards in the Union Club,

272

JEWISHSOCIALSTUDIES

next door to the synagogue. Perhaps the clearest evidence of the diminished
importance of religion is the tiny space assigned for religious services in the
East European Jewish center compared to the huge room reserved for card
playing.
If religion has a small hold on those raised in its ways, it has almost none
on their children who have been exposed to minimal contact with it. The
young people do not break away from the community largely because there
are few attractions outside it. They would not think of associating with
Colombian working people whose standard of living is below subsistence level,
whose hygienic conditions are extremely poor, and who are to a large degree
illiterate. Colombian Gentiles of similar economic standing and education,
on the other hand, are apprehensive about mixing socially with Jews, whose
social status is low in the country's stratification structure.
The leisure time of upper class and upper-middle class Colombians is
spent in the most exclusive country club and other social clubs which are
almost devoid of educational, cultural, or artistic activities. Since these
clubs offer little not available in the Union Club and since Jews would have
to fight to gain acceptance, they see no need to force the issue. The Christmas
dances held at the Union Club exemplify the extent to which the Jewish club
tries to copy the Gentile ones. With considerable effort certain wealthy young
Jews born in Colombia probably could win membership in the Country Club,
though in the past Jews have been refused. The fact that last year one Jewish
family with the above qualifications was admitted supports this conjecture.
The Jews, however, are aware that formal membership does not mean
acceptance and choose not to expose themselves to an uncomfortable environment. "A whole group of us once went to a dance at the Country Club. None
of us felt good there," one young woman reported. The Barranquilla Club,
the second in rank among the town's social clubs, recently invited a few
wealthy Jews to join and they accepted. It is too early to predict whether
in the course of time they will remain members in name only or become full
participants.
One must not, however, be misled by the minority of educated members
of the community who, concerned over the future, decry the older generation's failure to meet its obligations. In an objective analysis the founding of
the Union Club served not only to keep the group intact but to bring back
into the fold certain previously unaffiliated families. Many people, particularly the youth, frequent the club even if they are not dues-paying members.
The older generation can hardly be taken to task for not providing cultural,
educational and artistic opportunities for which the youth have never made
an outright demand.
The few adults who have tried to broaden the interests of the youth have
learned painfully that it is not easy. "We have placed collection boxes for
Israel in many homes but there is not one boy or girl who is willing to go

The Jews in Barranquilla

273

around and collect the money," complained one. "I tried a small theater
group but could not get people to come for rehearsal," related another.
"When I talked about a hobby club for young people, they laughed at me,"
confessed a third. Although this lack of response may appear to contradict
the view that the youth are dissatisfied with the status quo, it merely proves
that they do not know what they want, and that the new programs have
been neither well organized nor designed to attract them.
Why not? First, those in control of the community purse strings refuse to
give money to widen horizons. Money is always available for enlarging the
community buildings, but there is never enough of it to hire good teachers or
to bring to Barranquilla a person trained in organizing youth activites. For
instance, thirty thousand pesos ($12,000) is now being spent to fix up the
basement of the club for the children's use. The reason for this expenditure,
as explained by the president and other influential persons, is that the
children, who now loiter in the club, are demoralized by seeing their parents
play cards. Once the basement is completed they will not be allowed upstairs and will thus be sheltered from a bad influence. A sum of $28,000 has
been allotted for renovating the synagogue, including the establishment of a
library room. When questioned about the purpose of this room, the president
of the Comunidad Hebrea Sefardita replied in all seriousness: "At least we
will have something to show to delegates coming from abroad."
The unsuccessful pioneers of new programs are the deviants of the
community. They are the ones who, in a sense, have challenged its whole
value system by not assigning supreme importance to wealth. Their abstention from card playing is interpreted as condemnation of the others. To
the youth, these few individuals, who are not wealthy, are, therefore, of no
account. The older generation treats the deviants with a mixture of ridicule,
envy and respect. Usually subject to mockery, they are exhibited with considerable pride as representatives of the community when delegates come
from abroad. Those who ridicule the few men who value education may be
thus suppressing their guilt feelings for having abandoned one of the main
values of Jewish culture, namely, the importance of learning.
Although the would-be leaders are unacceptable to the young people, the
latter have not developed their own leaders and are not likely to do so soon.
The kind of education they have received is not conducive to leadership and
initiative. They have never been taught to stand on their own feet and to
fight obstacles, for their parents have swaddled them with material goods.
If that is the case, what is the solution? The actual issue, which the
community will have to face sooner or later, is that of establishing new and
wider objectives and programs for the younger generation. If a trained social
worker were sent to Barranquilla by an American Jewish organization, he
could accomplish much in this direction. The previous failures need not be
discouraging, for they were not professionally directed programs.

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This idea appealed to most people interviewed by the writer but they
were doubtful that it would come true. As one man put it: "Many come
from abroad to ask us for aid and we give it to them. It would be good if we
were finally helped to obtain the one thing which we need." If American
Jews will make this contribution toward extending the horizons of Barranquilla Jewish youth, their investment in the future of the Barranquilla
Jewish community will surely be productive. This conclusion is equally
applicable to many other communities in Latin America.