Amos, Rapoport - Cultura, Arquitectura y Diseño

ARQUITECTONICS
MIND, LAND & SOCIETY
CULTURA,
ARQUITECTURA
Y DISEO
AMOS RAPOPORT
ARQUITECTONICS
MIND, LAND & SOCIETY
CULTURA,
ARQUITECTURA
Y DISEO
AMOS RAPOPORT
Direc tores de la c olec c in:

Josep Muntaola Thornberg
Luis ng el Dom ng uez
Prim era edic in: febrero de 2003
Dib ujo d e la p orta d a : Am os Ra p op ort

Grfic os interiores: Am os Rapoport
Diseo gr fic o: Luis ngel Dom inguez

Maquetac in: Wilson Mogro Miranda
Diseo y fotog ra fa d e la p orta d a : Wilson Mog ro Mira nd a
Amos Rapoport
Ed ic ions UPC
Ed ic ions d e la Universita t Politc nic a d e Ca ta lunya , Sl
Jordi Girona Salgado, 31. 08034 Barc elona
Tel. 934 016 883 Fax 934 015 885
Edic ions Virtuals: www.edic ionsupc.es
E-mail: edic ions-upc @upc .es
Produc c in:
Cop isteria Mira c le S.A.

Rector Ubach 6-10, 08021 Barcelona
Dep sito lega l: B-4105-2003

ISBN: 84-8301-680-X
Quedan rigurosamente prohibidas, sin la autorizacin escrita de los titulares del copyrigth, bajo las sanciones establecidas en las leyes,
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n d i c e
Ta b le o f C o n t e n t s
Introduction
The Nature and Role of
Environment-Behavior Studies
In tro d u c c i n
I
L a n a tu ra le za y e l p a p e l d e lo s e stu d io s
d e la re la c i n e n tre e l e n to rn o y e l c o m p o rta m ie n to h u m a n o (EB R)
21
The Nature and Types of

Environments
II
N a tu ra le za y tip o s d e e n to rn o s
33
The Importance of Culture
III
L a im p o rta n c ia d e la c u ltu ra
61
Preference, Choice and Design
IV
L a s p re fe re n c ia s, la e le c c i n y e l d ise o
87
The Nature of Culture
L a n a tu ra le za d e la c u ltu ra
129
The Scale of Culture
VI
L a e sc a la d e la c u ltu ra
141
Making Culture Usable
V II
Ha c ie n d o u tiliza b le la c u ltu ra
157
Examples of application
V III
Eje m p lo s d e a p lic a c i n
171
Po sd a ta : la n e c e sid a d d e l d ise o a b ie rto
207
Postscript: The need for openended design
A R Q U I TE C TO N I C S
In t r o d u c c i n
In t r o d u c t i o n
Intro d uc c i n
The underlying premise of this book is

that architecture is not a free, artistic
activity, but a science-based profession which is concerned with problem
solving. Moreover, these problems
need to be discovered and identified,
not defined by designers, i.e. not invented. It, therefore, follows that architecture and related design fields
such as urban design, landscape architecture, interior design and, up to a
point, even product design, together
comprise the field of environmental
design. This is the term I will use
throughout.
The purpose of environmental design
is not for its practitioners to express
themselves artistically. An extreme
formulation of the consequences of this
position is that designers satisfaction
should come from problem identification and solving. Designers might
thus need to produced environments
which they themselves may detest, if
they work for the users concerned. The
purpose of design is then to create
environ-ments, and their constituents
parts, that suit users, i.e. settings and
their furnishings that are supportive
for these users, their wants, activities
and so on. I thus take design to be
user oriented, designers being surrogates for users. This means that the
products of such design (buildings
and other physical environments)
must be based on an understanding
of human cha-racteristics, must fit,
and be supportive, of those. This will
be elaborated later, but in the case of
this book, designs need to respond to
culture, i.e. be culture-specific.
It then follows that design must be
based on knowledge of how people
and environments interact, i.e. on research (basic and applied) on environment-behavior relations (EBR)design becomes the application of research-based knowledge. Such know-
La p rem isa en la q ue se b asa este lib ro es q ue la arq uitec tura no es una lib re ac tivid ad artstic a, sino una p rofesin b asad a en la c ienc ia y enc am inad a a la soluc in d e
p rob lem as. Estos p rob lem as, ad em s, han d e ser d esc ub iertos e id entific ad os, y no d efinid os o inventad os
p or d isead ores. De aq u la c onc lusin d e q ue la arq uitec tura y los relac ionad os m b itos d el d iseo (c om o d iseo urb ano, arq uitec tura p aisajstic a, d iseo d e interiores y, hasta c ierto p unto, tam b in el d iseo ind ustrial) form an en su c onjunto un c am p o d e d iseo d el entorno .
Es el trm ino q ue utilizar a lo larg o d el lib ro.
El ob jetivo d el d iseo d el entorno no c onsiste en d ar a los
q ue lo p rac tic an la op ortunid ad d e exp resarse artstic am ente. Llevand o esta p ostura a su exp resin m s extrem a, se p od ra afirm ar q ue la satisfac c in p rofesional
d e un d isead or ha d e p rovenir d e la id entific ac in y soluc in d e p rob lem as. As los d isead ores q ue trab ajan
p ara d eterm inad os usuarios p od ran lleg ar a c rear entornos d etestab les p ara ellos m ism os. Entonc es, el ob jetivo d el d iseo sera c rear entornos y c om p onentes q ue
se ajustasen a las nec esid ad es d e los usuarios, es d ec ir,
c rear los am b ientes y su relleno p ara q ue p resten ap oyo a los usuarios, sus d eseos, ac tivid ad es, etc . De este
m od o, yo c onsid ero q ue el d iseo es alg o orientad o hac ia el usuario, y los d isead ores ac tan c om o ag entes
d e los usuarios. Eso sig nific a q ue los p rod uc tos d e tal
d iseo (ed ific ios y otros entornos fsic os) d eb en b asarse
en la c om p rensin d e las c ualid ad es hum anas, ajustarse a las m ism as y p restarles ap oyo [to b e sup p ortive].
Esta a firm a c i n se d esa rro lla r m s a d ela nte, p ero lo
q ue m s nos interesa en este lib ro es q ue los d iseos
c o rre sp o nd a n a una c ultura o , lo q ue e s lo m ism o ,
q ue sean c ulturalm ente esp ec fic os.
Entonc es, el d iseo d eb e b asarse en el c onoc im iento d e
las form as d e interac c in d e las p ersonas y los entornos,
es d ec ir, en el estud io (tanto b sic o c om o ap lic ad o) d e
las relac iones entre el entorno y el c om p ortam iento hum ano [environm ent- b ehaviour relations, o EBR], y as el
c u ltu ra , a rq u ite c tu ra y d ise o
ledge need not, nor can it ever be,

perfect (it will change with advances
in research), but it must be based on
the best available knowledge at any
given time, i.e. to be at the state of
the art. This means knowing and
keeping up with the literature, so that
design can be based on up-to-date
research, not on designers personal
preferences, intuition and the like,
although sometimes these latter can
lead to hypotheses (and are essential
in research and science generally)
which need to be tested rather than
accepted on the basis of wishful thinking.
Such research is needed not only in
design but in the full sequence of essential activities, those that should precede it, such as problem analysis and
programming (what should be designed and why) and lead to hypotheses,
which can then be researched, and
those which should follow design
post-occupancy evaluation. This is important if the design fields are to learn
both from failures and successes, rather than repeat mistakes and not know
why success has occurred. In order
even to know what success is, two things
are necessary: First, what the design
needs to do to solve the problem(s),
so that one can judge if it doespost
occupancy evaluation (not architectural criticism which represents merely the personal references of the critic,
and is thus of no interest or value).
This is essential, because any design
can be seen as a hypothesis of the
form: If so and so is done, such and
such will happen. This must then be
tested. Only in this way will one be
able to repeat successes reliably and
predictably. Only in this way can design itself become a form of research
which, at the moment it cannot be,
despite occasional claims to the contrary.
d iseo se c onvierte en una ap lic ac in d el c onoc im iento

b asad o en la investig ac in c ientfic a. Este c onoc im iento
no nec esita ser exac to, ni tam p oc o p ued e serlo (se transfo rm a r c o nfo rm e a va nza la investig a c i n), p ero d eb e
b asarse en el m ejor sab er d isp onib le en el m om ento d ad o o, lo q ue es lo m ism o, estar al d a. Esto sig nific a
c ono- c er y seg uir la literatura esp ec ializad a p ara p od er
b asar los d iseos en los ltim os avanc es d e la investig ac in c ientfic a, y no en las p referenc ias p ersonales d el
d isea- d or, su intuic in y c osas p or el estilo, aunq ue alg unas ve- c es estas ltim as p ued an ayud ar a form ar hip tesis (y son esenc iales p ara el estud io y la c ienc ia en
g eneral) q ue nec esitan ser d em ostrad as, antes q ue ac ep tad as a fuerza d e ser d esead as.
Esta investig ac in c ientfic a d eb e estar p resente no nic am ente en el p rop io p roc eso d el d iseo, sino en tod a la
sec uenc ia d e ac tivid ad es esenc iales q ue d eb en p rec ed erlo (c om o el anlisis d el p rob lem a o la p rog ram ac in
(lo q ue ha d e ser d isead o y p or q u), y d eb e c ond uc ir a
la form ac in d e hip tesis q ue p ued en, a su vez, ser estud iad as) o suc ed erlo (c om o la evaluac in p osterior a la
oc up ac in d el entorno). Esto ad q uiere una esp ec ial im p ortanc ia, teniend o en c uenta q ue los m b itos d el d iseo d eb en ap rend er tanto d e los fallos c om o d e los xitos,
en vez d e rep etir los m ism os errores e ig norar las c ausas d e los xitos. Inc luso p ara sab er lo q ue es el xito, es
p rec iso enc ontrar resp uesta a d os p reg untas:
Prim era c uestin: Qu d eb e hac er el d iseo p ara soluc ionar su(s) p rob lem a(s)? Es nec esario sab erlo p ara p od er juzg ar si los p rob lem as estn realm ente soluc ionad os o, lo q ue es lo m ism o, efec tuar una evaluac in p oste rio r a la o c u p a c i n d e l e n to rn o [p o s t- o c c u p a n c y
evaluation] en lug ar d e hac er c rtic a arq uitec tnic a, q ue
nic am ente rep resenta las p referenc ias p ersonales d el
c rtic o , c a rec iend o a s d e to d o inters o va lo r. Esto es
esenc ia l, ya q ue to d o d iseo p ued e c o nsid era rse una
hip tesis d e la form a: si se hac e esto y lo otro, oc urrir
esto y aq uello. Pero lueg o hac e falta d em ostrarlo. Slo
Intro d uc c i n
Secondly, in order even to know what

success is, two things are essential:
First, knowing clearly what the design
needs to do in order to solve the problem(s);only then can one judge whether it does it well, badly or at all. This
means that goals and objectives need
to be explicitly stated and their validity
justified by reference to knowledge of
EBR. Second, if design is meant to
create better environments, one
needs to know: What is better? Better
for whom? Why is it better? How does
one know that it is better? And so on.
I will illustrate this last point through
three extreme examples. These are
cases in which issues can be seen particularly clearly, in black and white as
it were, rather than in the more common shades of gray. These extreme examples are typically developing
countries, and groups undergoing rapid and extreme culture change and
their (tribal and vernacular) environments. These can serve as model systems, analogous to those used, as one
example, in bio-medical research.
Such situations (although not only
those) will be used throughout this
book.
The first example concerns the introduction of piped (running) water into
North African villages by French architects. The result (at the time) was
dissatisfaction and resistance by the
residents. Investigation showed that for
women in purdah, visits to village
wells were an important social occasion (what I will later call latent functionin this case, of getting water).
The provision of taps eliminated that
important social (and information exchange) occasion. The women were
unhappy and complained to the men,
who then took action.
The second example concerns a group
of Motilone Indians in the Amazon
as uno ser c ap az d e enc ad enar xitos seg uros y p revisib les. Es nic am ente d e este m od o q ue el d iseo en s
p ued e lleg ar a ser en una form a d e investig ac in c ientfic a (no p ued e llam arse as ahora, a p esar d e oc asionales
intentos d e reivind ic ar lo c ontrario).
Seg und a c uestin: p ara sab er lo q ue es un xito, son
esenc iales d os c osas. Prim ero: sab er p erfec tam ente lo
q ue d eb e hacer el d iseo p ara solucionar su(s) p rob lem a(s)
(solo as se p od r juzg ar si el resultad o ha sid o b ueno o
m alo, (si es q ue ha hab id o resultad os). Eso sig nific a q ue
los ob jetivos han d e ser d efinid os d e form a exp lc ita y su
valid ez justific ad a hac iend o referenc ias al c onoc im iento
d e las EBR (relac iones entre el entorno y el c om p ortam iento hum ano). Seg und o: si el d iseo est d estinad o a c rear
m e jo re s e n to rn o s, u n o n e c e sita sa b e r: Q u e s lo
m ejor? M ejor p ara q uin? Por q u es m ejor? Cm o
se sab e q ue es m ejor?, etc tera.
Ilustrar este ltim o p unto c on tres ejem p los q ue p od ran
lla m a rse e xtre m o s. So n c a so s e n lo s q ue to d o s lo s
asp ec tos q ue nos interesan p ued en verse c on esp ec ial
c larid ad , c om o si fuera en b lanc o y neg ro, y no en las
a c o stum b ra d a s to na lid a d es d el g ris. Esto s ejem p lo s
extrem os se d an norm alm ente en los tp ic os p ases
en vas d e d esarrollo o en g rup os q ue estn exp erim entand o un b rusc o y rad ic al c am b io c ultural o d el entorno
(trib al o vernac ular) y p ued en servir c om o sistem as m od elo anlog os a los q ue se utilizan, p or ejem p lo, en las
investig ac iones d e c arc ter b iom d ic o. Este tip o d e situac iones (aunq ue no sea el nic o) se utilizar a lo larg o
d el lib ro.
El p rim er ejem p lo es la introd uc c in d e ag ua c orriente
en las ald eas d el norte d e fric a, llevad a a c ab o p or arq uitec tos franc eses. El resultad o (en aq uel m om ento) no
fue otro q ue el d esc ontento y la resistenc ia d e la p ob lac in. El estud io d em ostr q ue p ara las m ujeres en los
p urd ah el ir al p ozo d e la ald ea sig nific ab a una im p ortante oc asin p ara relac ionarse soc ialm ente (lo q ue yo llaA R Q U I TE C TO N I C S
forest on the Columbia-Venezuela

border. Their dwelling and settlement
are one and the samea large
communal dwelling, holding from 10
to 30 house-holds, called a bohio
(communal dwe-llings are common
in Amazonia, and found elsewhere).
The bohio is a circular structure built
of thatch, which almost reaches the
ground, so that the dwelling is in semidarkness and each family has a space
on the periphery, defined by partitions;
hammocks are hung in that area. Each
family also has a fire on the earth floor
in front of its space, so that all the
cooking fires face the large, central
public space, effectively blocking the
view into the family areas by others.
Thus, in the afternoon one might see
a father, back from hunting, gently
swinging in his hammock playing with
a child in the privacy of the family
area provided by the woman cooking
a meal on the fire.
Well-meaning people, feeling that this
was a barbaric way to liveon an
earth floor, in perpetual twilight, with
open fires and smokesubstituted
light, open, airy and breezy metal roofed sheds, with concrete floors and electric lighting. This should clearly have
been an improvement but, as will be
seen shortly, that was not the case (Fig.
1).
The third example concerns an Australian aboriginal traditional camp.
Each family has its space, defined by
sweeping the ground several times a
day, which contains a small windbreak
(a Wiltja). The fires are at that edge of
the family space nearest the large, central public space. At night, the fires in
the darkness of the bush prevent people
seeing each other across the central
space (very much as in the case of the
Motilone Indian). At the same time
there is a great deal of acoustic interaction.
10
m ar m s ad elante una func in latente en este c aso,

la func in latente d el ac to d e c og er ag ua). La instalac in d e tub eras elim in esa im p ortante oc asin soc ial
(q ue, ad em s, d ab a la p osib ilid ad d e interc am b io d e inform ac in). Las m ujeres se sintieron infelic es y se q uejaron a los hom b res, q uienes lueg o p asaron a la ac c in.
El seg und o ejem p lo es el c aso d e una trib u d e ind ios
m otilone , hab itantes d e la selva am aznic a (en la frontera entre Colom b ia y Venezuela). Su viviend a, q ue es al
m ism o tie m p o un c a m p a m e nto , c o nsiste e n un la rg o
ed ific io c om n llam ad o b oho , q ue alb erg a d e 10 a 30
fam ilias (viviend as c om unes son hab ituales en Am azonia
y p ued en verse en c ualq uier p arte). El b oho es una estruc tura c irc ular (una tec hum b re d e p aja) q ue lleg a c asi
hasta el suelo, as q ue el hab itc ulo est en p enum b ra.
En su p eriferia c ad a fam ilia d isp one d e un esp ac io d elim ita d o : e n e sta re a se c ue lg a n la s ha m a c a s. C a d a
nc leo fam iliar tiene tam b in un hog ar d e fueg o ub ic ad o
en el suelo d e tierra, d elante d e su rea p rivad a, d e m od o
q ue tod os los hog ares, en los q ue se c oc ina, se ag rup an
alred ed or d e un g ran esp ac io p b lic o c entral, b loq ueand o efic azm ente d e la vista ajena las zonas p rivad as d e la
fam ilia. As, p or la tard e se p od a ver al p ad re q ue d esc ansab a tras una jornad a d e c aza, m ec ind ose suavem ente en su ham ac a y jug and o c on el hijo, d isfrutand o
d e la p rivac id ad d e su rea fam iliar c read a p or la m ujer
q ue estab a p rep arand o la c om id a en el hog ar d e fueg o.
Las p ersonas b ienintenc ionad as q ue c onsid erab an ese
m od o d e vivir una b arb arie una vid a a ras d e suelo d e
tierra, en una p erp etua p enum b ra, resp irand o el hum o
d e la ho g uera , sustituyero n esa s viviend a s p o r uno s
c ob ertizos m s lum inosos, ab iertos y m ejor ventilad os,
c on c ub ierta m etlic a, suelos d e horm ig n y luz elc tric a . Po d ra f c ilm e nte c o nsid e ra rse una m e jo ra , p e ro ,
c om o no tard arem os en d esc ub rir, ste no fue el c aso
[fig . 1].
El terc er ejem p lo lo enc o ntra m o s en un c a m p a m ento
Intro d uc c i n
f ig u r a 1
espacio familiar
paja
fuego
Un bohio de los indios motilone. Esquema basado en una descripcin verbal de R. Jaulin
(Etnocidio: teora y prctica de asesinato cultural, The Ecologist, Vol. 1, n. 18,
diciembre de 1971, pgs. 12-15).
luz
Vivienda substitutiva construida para los indios motilone (basado en una descripcin
verbal de R. Jaulin (op.cit.).
11
In this case also well-meaning people,

apparently feeling that this was much
too primitive, built house arranged
along streets. When, due to their unsuitability for their lifestyle, the Aborigines refused to live in them and recreated the camp form, these wellmeaning people improved the situation at least providing electric lighting in the camp after all the bush is
very dark at night. But again, as we
shall see shortly, that was not an improvement.
In each of these cases the improvement in fact, had major negative consequences because of the complex relationships among culture, behavior and
the built environment, which this book
discusses and which greatly affect the
notion of good or better environments. This is because even minor
changes in a complex system like that
relating particular cultures, their social mechanisms, lifestyles and activity
systems and built environments, may
have major and unforeseen consequences (without research-based knowledge) elsewhere in the systema truth
already known about (other) ecological systems. Thus apparently benign,
well-meaning improvements may
sometimes be more dangerous to a
group than apparently much more
malignant, destructive changes.
An, interesting example of the latter is
provided by the case of the Australian
Aboriginal group of the Yir-Yiront (W.
coast of Cape York) for whom a devastating encounter with some white cattlemen who killed or wounded most of
them proved easily forgotten (70 years
later the group had recovered and
there was no memory of this event).
On the other hand the introduction of
steel axes, an apparently benign, noncoercive change, led to major social
disorganization, since the production
and use of stone axes was a central
12
trad ic ional d e los ab org enes australianos. Cad a fam ilia

tiene all su p rop io esp ac io, q ue se d efine b arriend o el
suelo varias vec es al d a y q ue, ad em s, se c ierra c on
una p eq uea m am p ara (llam ad a w iltja ). Las hog ueras
estn en este extrem o d el rea fam iliar, p rxim o al g ran
esp ac io c om n en el c entro. Por la noc he las llam as ard iend o en la osc urid ad d el m atorral im p id en a los vec inos ver a travs d el esp ac io c entral (lo q ue se asem eja
m uc ho al c aso d el los ind ios m otilone ). Al m ism o tiem p o, existe una intensa interac c in ac stic a entre los vec in o s.
En este c aso, tam b in unas p ersonas arm ad as d e m ejores p rop sitos, y a las q ue esa org anizac in ap arentem ente p arec a d em asiad o p rim itiva, c onstruyeron unas
c asas alinead as form and o una larg a c alle. Al d esc ub rir
q ue los ab org enes se neg ab an a vivir en estas c asas
q ue no se ajustab an a su estilo d e vid a, los b ienintenc ionad os seores intentaron m ejorar la situac in d otand o al
c am p am ento d e ilum inac in elc tric a d esp us d e tod o,
los m atorrales son m uy osc uros p or la noc he. Pero,
c om o p ronto p od rem os ver, no result ser ning una m ejo ra .
En c ad a uno d e estos c asos la m ejora tuvo, en realid a d , c o nse c ue nc ia s m s b ie n ne g a tiva s, d e b id o a la
c om p lejid ad d e la relac in entre la c ultura, el c om p ortam iento hum ano y el entorno c onstruid o, q ue se estud ia
en este lib ro y afec ta enorm em ente a las noc iones d el
entorno b ueno y entorno m ejor. Es as p orq ue, inc luso los c am b ios m s insig nific antes, introd uc id os en
un sistem a tan c om p lejo c om o los c itad os en nuestros
ejem p los (q ue relac ionan c ulturas p artic ulares, sus m ec anism os soc iales, estilos d e vid a y esq uem as d e ac tivid ad c on unos entornos c onstruid os), p ued en tener unas
c onsec uenc ias m ayores e im p revisib les una realid ad
ya rec onoc id a en el c aso d e otros sistem as ec olg ic os
De este m od o, las m ejoras m s b envolas y b ienintenc ionad as p ued en resultar a vec es m s p elig rosas p ara
el g rup o q ue unos c am b ios ap arentem ente m uc ho m s
Intro d uc c i n
element in the culture: It set up right

and obligations between the sexes,
affected the prestige of older men,
maintained political and economic
links with distant tribes and related to
traditions and origin myths. All activitiesroutine and ceremonialwere
linked to the stone axes. The sudden
introduction of steel axes, which gave
no time for adaptation, proved destructive. It thus follows that drastic
change which is too rapid can be destructive, i.e. when the extent of change
is too large, when it happens too
quickly, when it is not desired and
when the people concerned feel that
they have no control over the changes
which are happening. Under these
conditions the results of change can
be critical. What generally works much
better is slower change, allowing for
what we might call creative adaptation: the rejection of some innovations, the adoption of others and their
integration into the cultural system.
In the present context the important
consequen-ce is that environmental
quality, i.e. the classification of environments as better or worse, is
not absolute or self-evident but relative
and a matter of definition, i.e. it is
based on judgments relative to certain
cultural values and norms.
Using a distinction from anthropology,
it is necessary to consider concepts
such as environmental quality emically, from inside the culture as it were,
emphasizing what members of that
group themselves emphasize, rather
than eticallyfrom the perspective of
an outside observer. Researchers and
designers are typically outsidersthey
have to use etics. Therefore, in practice
both etics and emics are needed: The
major point is that emics need to be
understood before developing etic aspects (e.g. comparative, neutral,
cross-culturally valid concepts and
principles).
m alig nos y d estruc tivos.

Un ejem p lo interesante p ara ilustrar esta ltim a afirm ac in lo hallam os en el c aso d e la trib u d e ab org enes d e
A ustra lia lla m a d a yir- yiro nt (c o sta o c c id e nta l d e l C a b o
York), q uienes sup ieron olvid ar c on asom b rosa fac ilid ad
su d e va sta d o r e nc ue ntro c o n un g rup o d e g a na d e ro s
b lanc os q ue hab an asesinad o o herid o la m ayor p arte
d e los integ rantes d e la trib u (p asad os unos 70 aos, el
g rup o se ha rec up erad o y no g uard a m em oria d e ese
hec ho). Sin em b arg o, la introd uc c in d e hac has d e ac ero un c a m b io a p a rentem ente b enig no y no c o erc itivo c ond ujo a una g rave d esorg anizac in soc ial. La fab ric a c i n y el uso d e ha c ha s d e p ied ra c o nstitua n un
elem ento c entral d e su c ultura: d efina los d erec hos y las
ob lig ac iones d e los sexos, influa en el p restig io d e los
anc ianos, c ontrib ua al m antenim iento d e vnc ulos p oltic os y ec onm ic os c on trib us d istantes y fom entab a las
trad ic iones y los m itos d e la c reac in. Tod as las ac tivid ad es tanto rutinarias c om o c erem oniales estab an relac ionad as c on las hac has d e p ied ra. La sb ita introd uc c in d e hac has d e ac ero, q ue no d io a los ab org enes
tiem p o p ara la ad ap tac in, result ser c ontrap rod uc ente. De all d ed uc im os q ue un c am b io d rstic o d em asiad o rp id o p ued e ser d estruc tivo. Eso oc urre c uand o el
alc anc e d e los c am b ios es d em asiad o g rand e, se introd uc e c on exc esiva rap id ez, no es d esead o y c uand o las
p ersonas involuc rad as sienten q ue no tienen c ontrol sob re esos c am b ios. Bajo tales c ond ic iones los resultad os
d e los c am b ios p ued en ser fatales. Lo q ue g eneralm ente func iona m uc ho m ejor es un c am b io m s lento, q ue
p e rm ite lo q ue no so tro s p o d ra m o s lla m a r a d a p ta c i n
c reativa rec hazo d e c iertas innovac iones, ad op c in d e
otras y su integ rac in en el sistem a c ultural. Una im p ortante c onsec uenc ia en este c ontexto es q ue la c alid a d d el ento rno , es d ec ir, la c la sific a c i n d e ento rno s
c om o m ejores o p eores, no es ab soluta o evid ente
p o r s m ism a , sino rela tiva y d ep end e d e la d efinic i n
(est b asad a en op iniones relac ionad as c on unos d eterm inad os valores o norm as c ulturales).
13
Why did the three improvements

described have negative consequences? In the case of the North African
village the problem had to do with
social interaction and communication, the latent function of fetching water. In the case of a society where women are in purdah, i.e. kept rather
strictly isolated, the periodic visits to
the village well provide one of the few
(if not only) occasions to leave the
house, gossip, interact and relate to
the communication networkobtaining and passing on information. All
these critical activities and mechanisms are disrupted by the simple act of
introducing running water into each
dwelling.
In the case of the Motilone Indian
bohio, the thatched dwelling was not
only relatively cool but also mosquito
proof (as well as proof against much
of the over-abundant minor wildlife
of the area). In the family areas women could spin and weave, rest and
look after the children. When together,
the family had privacy due to the
shape of bohio and the fires on the
public side. The rectangular, modern
dwellings were designed to admit the
maximum of light on the principle that
light is good while darkness is evil,
and the central cooking area is missing. This seriously disrupted social life,
the division of responsibility and destroyed the intimacy of family life. The
lack of the perpetual half-light has eliminated the needed restful retreat from
the heat, glare and fierce sunlight of
the area. This half-light also provided
a major mechanism of achieving privacy and intimacy, a process helped
by the location of the fires which blocked view into the family areas. With neither relaxation nor intimacy, possible
social and family relations are badly
disrupted.
While the thick thatch and darkness of
14
A d iferenc ia d el estud io antrop olg ic o, aq u los c onc ep tos c om o c alid ad d el entorno d eb en ser c onsid erad os
m ic am ente d esd e el interior d e la c ultura (c om o si
d estac sem os los m ism os asp ec tos q ue tam b in c onsid eraran im p ortantes los m iem b ros d el g rup o), m s q ue
tic am ente d esd e la p ersp ec tiva d e un ob servad or, d esd e fuera. Los estud iosos y los d isead ores norm alm ente
vienen d e fuera, p or lo tanto se ven ob lig ad os a utilizar la
tic a. Entonc es, en la p rc tic a son nec esarias tanto la
tic a c om o la m ic a. Lo esenc ial es c om p rend er la m ic a
a ntes d e d esa rro lla r lo s a sp ec to s tic o s (p o r ejem p lo ,
c onc ep tos y p rinc ip ios c om p arativos, neutros, vlid os
en el c ontexto interc ultural).
Por q u las tres m ejoras q ue he d esc rito tuvieron c onsec uenc ias neg ativas? En el c aso d e la ald ea d el norte
d e fric a, el p rob lem a estab a relac ionad o c on la interac c in soc ial y c om unic ac in (la func in latente d el ac to
d e ir a b usc ar ag ua al p ozo). En la soc ied ad d ond e las
m ujeres estn c onfinad as a p urd ah , es d ec ir, som etid as
a un aislam iento b astante estric to, las visitas p erid ic as al
p ozo d el p ueb lo c onstituan una d e las p oc as (o, p osib lem ente, nic a) oc asin p ara salir d e c asa, c harlar, interac tuar y relac ionarse c on una red soc ial rec ib iend o y
transfiriend o inform ac in. Tod as esas ac tivid ad es y los
m ec anism os d e interac c in se vieron interrum p id os p or
el sim p le hec ho d e llevar el ag ua c orriente a tod as las
viviend as.
En el c aso d el b oho d e los ind ios m otilone , el c ob ertizo
d e p aja no solam ente era relativam ente fresc o, sino q ue
tam b in estab a p roteg id o d e los m osq uitos (y d e la m ayora d e las esp ec ies d e fauna m enor tan ab und ante en
aq uella zona). En el rea fam iliar las m ujeres p od an hilar
y tejer, d esc an- sar y c uid ar d e los nios. Cuand o se reuna tod a la fam ilia, sus m iem b ros p od an d isfrutar d e la
p rivac id ad g rac ias a la form a d el b oho y a las hog ueras
p rxim as al esp ac io p b lic o. Las viviend as m od ernas,
d e form a rec tang ular, estab an d isead as p ara p erm itir el
m xim o ac c eso d e luz, b asnd ose en el sup uesto d e
Intro d uc c i n
the bohio discourage insects, the electric light and openness of the new dwellings attract wildlife. The result is a
deterioration in physical well-being.
The elimination of solid walls so as to
achieve cross-ventilation has another
effect: The heavy rains of the area force people away from the open periphery into the center with an increase
of crowding and further erosion of privacy and intimacy. The lack of individual cooking adjacent to the family
area has destroyed the intimacy of the
family meal.
The substitution of a concrete floor
for the earth floor provides a particularly striking example of the unforeseen consequences which follow changes which fail to consider cultural patterns. The Motilone looms, for example, need to be driven into the floor,
made impossible by concrete. Weaving
became impossible and tattered modern garments replaced traditional
clothing. This has led to a loss of selfrespect and also a deterioration in
physical health. Also children urinate
and defecate on the floors (nappies,
even if one could afford them, are culturally inappropriate, hot and sweaty,
and make children much dirtier.)
Earth floors are extremely easily cleanedconcrete floors impossible to
keep clean: They soon become appallingly dirty. In fact, the introduction
of all sorts of modern, improved elements has generally made life dirtier,
less healthy and more sordid.
Specific examples in this one case
could be continued but, generally,
each detail which was changedclothing, the dwelling, cooking utensils,
the organization of time, activities and
social relationshave all contributed
to the destruction of the culture.
In the case of the Australian Aborigines, I wish to discuss just one mechan-
q ue la luz es un b ien, y la osc urid ad un m al, y el rea

c entral d e c oc ina sim p lem ente no exista. Tod o esto trastornab a seriam ente la vid a soc ial, la d ivisin d e resp onsab ilid ad es, y d estrua la intim id ad d e la vid a fam iliar. El
exc eso d e luz en lug ar d e la p erm anente p enum b ra elim inab a el ac og ed or refug io, tan nec esario p ara p roteg erse d el c alor, resp land or y feroc es rayos d el sol tp ic os
d e la zona. La p enum b ra tam b in ayud ab a a log rar m s
p rivac id ad e intim id ad , a lo q ue c ontrib ua tam b in la situa c i n d e ho g a res q ue b lo q uea b a n la vista ha c ia la s
reas fam iliares. Sin p osib ilid ad d e relajac in ni intim id ad ,
las relac iones soc iales y fam iliares q ued ab an seriam ente
p erjud ic ad as.
M ientras q ue el tejad o d e una g ruesa c ap a d e p aja y la
osc urid ad d el b oho rep elan los insec tos, las nuevas viviend as ab iertas y p rovistas d e luz elc tric a atraan a
los b ic hos. El resultad o fue un d eterioro d el b ienestar fsic o. La elim inac in d e p ared es slid as, p ensad a p ara c onseg uir b uena ventilac in, tuvo unas c onsec uenc ias im p revistas: las lluvias torrenc iales tp ic as d e la zona ob lig ab an a las p ersonas a huir d e la p eriferia d e la viviend a
ag rup nd ose en el rea c entral, q ue se vi saturad a, lo
q ue erosionab a an m s la intim id ad d e los hab itantes.
La ausenc ia d e hog ares ind ivid uales ad yac entes al esp ac io fam iliar d estrua la p rivac id ad d e las c om id as en
fam ilia.
La sustituc in d el suelo d e tierra p or uno d e c em ento es
una m uestra esp ec ialm ente eloc uente d e las c onsec uenc ias im p revisib les d e los c am b ios q ue no tienen en c uenta
los p atrones c ulturales. Por ejem p lo, los telares d e los ind ios m otilone se anc lab an al suelo, lo q ue se hizo im p osib le c on los suelos d e horm ig n. Interrum p id a la fab ric ac in artesanal d e tejid os, la ind um entaria trad ic ional
d ej p aso a unas harap ientas p rend as oc c id entales, c on
la c onsig uiente p rd id a d e autoestim a y el d eterioro d e la
salud fsic a. Los nios solan orinar y d efec ar d irec tam ente
en el suelo (los p aales, inc luso si alg uien se los p ud iera
p erm itir, ap arte d e c ulturalm ente inap rop iad os, d an c alor
15
ism affected by the introduction of electric light: The destruction of privacy

and of a very culture-specific conflictresolving mechanismalthough the
camp, in its spatial organization, has
many other important and significant
relationships to social structure and
interaction, ritual, relationship to the
land and so on.
In the evening, each family in the camp
sits in its own space, around the private
side of the fire. This is the time for ritualized grievingmourning the departed by wailing. This creates a particular auditory environment, elicits a
form of communal empathy and helps
contribute to the welding of the individuals into a tightly knit, supportive
social unit. (This is, of course, reinforced by a large number of other devices, some of which depend on the
camp organization). The darkness and
the spatial organization of the camp
also enable a very important, and a
highly culture-specific, form of conflict
resolution to take place, allowing both
communal issues and personal grievances to be aired and settled. In the
case of a personal dispute the proponent will loudly proclaim his grievance. This may last for several hours
and be repeated over several evenings.
Communal issues are aired in similar
way. In both cases everyone may follow
the argument although not everyone
may wish to participate. Consensual
agreement is eventually reached, as it
must be, because it is always consensus
rather than majority rule which operates.
In this process both the spatial
organization of the camp and, even
more importantly, the level of illumination, play an important role. In fact
the amicable resolution of conflict
might be said to depend on the latter.
Only at dusk or later, when visual displays are impossible, does a person
16
y hac en sud ar, as q ue los b eb s iran m s suc ios c on

ellos). Los suelos d e tierra son extrem ad am ente fc iles
d e lim p iar; en c am b io, los d e c em ento resultaron im p osib les d e m antener lim p ios. M uy p ronto se ensuc iaron
d e fo rm a esp a nto sa . En rea lid a d , lo q ue se c o nsig ui
c on la introd uc c in d e tod a c lase d e elem entos m od ernos y m ejorad os fue b sic am ente hac er la vid a m enos sana, m s suc ia e inc luso srd id a.
Pod ram os seg uir d and o ejem p los, p ero p od em os resum ir el c aso d e la sig uiente m anera: c on c ad a d etalle q ue
se m od ific ab a sea ind um entaria, viviend a, utensilios d e
c oc ina, org anizac in d e tiem p o, ac tivid ad es y relac iones
so c ia le s se c o ntrib ua a la d e struc c i n d e la c ultura
a ut c to na .
Volviend o al c aso d e los ab org enes d e Australia, c om entar solam ente un asp ec to q ue se vio afec tad o p or la introd uc c in d e la luz elc tric a la d estruc c in d e la p rivac id ad y d el m ec anism o d e resoluc in d e c onflic tos m uy
c arac terstic o d e esa c ultura (aunq ue el c am p am ento
c on su org anizac in esp ac ial tiene m uc hos otros c om p o nentes sig nific a tivo s p a ra la estruc tura e intera c c i n
soc iales, los ritos, la relac in c on la tierra, etc .).
Por la noc he c ad a fam ilia d el c am p am ento est sentad a
en su p rop io esp ac io, en sem ic rc ulo, en el lad o p rivad o
d e la hog uera. Es el m om ento d e lam ento ritualizad o
d uelo p or los d ifuntos exp resad o en p laid os. De este
m o d o , se c re a un a m b ie nte so no ro p a rtic ula r q ue fo m enta la em p ata entre los m iem b ros d e la c om unid ad y
ayud a a fund ir a los ind ivid uos en una estrec ha unid ad
soc ial d e m utuo ap oyo (p or sup uesto, este fenm eno se
ve reforzad o p or una serie d e d iversos m ec anism os, alg unos d e los c uales d ep end en d e la org anizac in d el
c am p am ento). La osc urid ad y la org anizac in esp ac ial
d el c am p am ento fac ilitan tam b in una form a d e resolver
los c onflic tos, im p ortantsim a y altam ente esp ec fic a p ara
esta c ultura, q ue p erm ite airear y arreg lar tanto asuntos
c om unitarios c om o q uejas p ersonales. En c aso d e d is-
Intro d uc c i n
give expression to his emotions. It is

possible that this is a ritualized way of
separating visual and aural aggressive
displays and thus avoiding and preventing physical conflict by keeping
the level of conflict low: The additive
effect of more than one sensory channel carrying information, i.e. the redundancy, is reduced. Note that the
darkness is reinforced by the location
of the fires on the space side of the family groups which further isolates people visually from each otherit is almost impossible to see past the blazing
fires as is the case in the Motilone bohio. The physical separation of people
is also reinforced by the spatial organization of the camp, with its relatively
large, central space which makes visual contact more difficult and also by
the custom that after dark people do
not leave their wiltja and the area
around it. This is due to the belief that
malignant spirits (mamu) are about
(Fig 2.).
Thus a number of mechanisms assure
that only the auditory modality can
be used in this process. Even if the
spatial organization is kept, the introduction of artificial light disrupts this
whole set of conflict-resolving mechanisms: People can see each other,
since it is no longer dark they are free
to leave their wiltja and so on. The result is a much higher level of physical
violence, which also tends to be raised
by other changes in the environment
and lifestyle (e.g. increasing density
and non-availability of mobility to
avoid conflicta mechanism much
used by nomads generally).
I am not suggesting that running water,
concrete floors and daylight, absence
of smoke and night lighting are undesirable. What I am suggesting is that
whether they result in better environments depends on lifestyle, rules, social arrangements, stage of acculturat-
p utas p ersonales, el p rop onente anunc ia su q ueja a los

c ua tro viento s. El d isc urso p ued e d ura r va ria s ho ra s y
rep etirse d ura nte va ria s no c hes c o nsec utiva s. A sunto s
c om unales se airean d e una m anera sim ilar. En am b os
c asos, c ad a uno p ued e seg uir c on su arg um entac in,
aunq ue nad ie m s q uiera intervenir. Eventualm ente se
lleg a a un c onsenso, lo q ue es lg ic o, teniend o en c uenta q ue lo q ue siem p re func iona es el c onsenso, y no el
p rinc ip io d e la m ayora.
En este p roc eso jueg an un p ap el m uy im p ortante tanto
la org anizac in esp ac ial d el c am p am ento c om o el g rad o d e ilum inac in (an m s esenc ial). En realid ad , p ued e d ec irse q ue la resoluc in am istosa d el c onflic to d ep e n d e d e e ste ltim o . Es a l a n o c h e c e r o m s ta rd e ,
c uand o uno evita exp onerse visualm ente, c uand o se p ued e d ar riend a suelta a las em oc iones. Es p osib le q ue se
trate d e un m od o ritualizad o d e sep arar las m anifestac iones d e ag resivid ad visual y oral, evitand o y p reviniend o
enfrentam ientos fsic os, al m antener b ajo el nivel d e c onflic tivid ad . As se m inim iza el efec to q ue se p rod uc e al
sum a rse lo s c a na les senso ria les q ue tra nsm iten info rm ac in (el llam ad o efec to d e red und anc ia). Hay q ue
tener en c uenta q ue la osc urid ad se ac enta p or la situac in d e las hog ueras en el lad o d el rea fam iliar c olind ante c on el esp ac io c om n, lo q ue asla visualm ente
an m s a los vec inos: es c asi im p osib le ver a travs d el
resp land or d e las llam as, al ig ual q ue en el c aso d el b oho d e lo s ind io s m otilone . La sep a ra c i n fsic a d e la s
p ersonas se ve reforzad a, ad em s, p or la m ism a org anizac in esp ac ial d el c am p am ento, c on su rea c entral
relativam ente g rand e q ue d ific ulta el c ontac to visual, y
p or la c ostum b re d e no ab and onar a osc uras los w iltja
o la zona alred ed or d e ellos, d eb id o a la c reenc ia en los
m am u
m alos esp ritus (m
u) q ue m erod ean en los alred ed ores [fig . 2].
De este m od o, varios m ec anism os aseg uran q ue en el
p ro c e so d e sc rito se u tilic e n ic a m e n te la m o d a lid a d
aud itiva. Inc luso c onservand o la org anizac in esp ac ial,
17
ion, development of new social mechanisms, values, norms, ideals and

so on. As these change, so will the
evaluation of environments and changes to environmentsand, hence, also
the acceptability and desirability of
environments.
The social and cultural and physical
aspects need to be considered together.
Moreover, a priori (and arbitrarily)
one cannot assume that any given
change to environment (which all design inevitably is) will be an improvement. Environmental quality is always
perceived environmental quality and
is contextual in terms of how people
and environments interactgenerally
and in any given case. In the three examples discussed this interaction is
mediated by cultural mechanisms.
This suggests that in design, among
the various human variables that need
to be considered, cultural variables
play a significant role. This is the topic
of this book.
la introd uc c in d e la luz elc tric a d esb arata tod a una serie d e m ec anism os d e resoluc in d e c onflic tos: las p erso na s p ue d e n ve rse , d a d o q ue ya no ha y o sc urid a d ,
nad a les im p id e salir d e sus w iltja , etc . Com o resultad o,
te ne m o s un nive l m uc ho m s a lto d e vio le nc ia fsic a ,
p rop ic iad o tam b in p or otros c am b ios en el entorno y en
el estilo d e vid a (una c rec iente d ensid ad d e p ob lac in y
falta d e m ovilid ad nec esaria p ara evitar c onflic tos un
m ec anism o am p liam ente utilizad o p or los nm ad as).
N o q uiero d ec ir c on ello q ue ag ua c orriente, suelos d e
c em ento y luz natural, ausenc ia d e hum os e ilum inac in
noc turna sean ind eseab les. Lo q ue s sug iero es q ue el
resultad o d e los c am b ios (si ellos c ontrib uyen o no a c rear
un entorno m ejor) d ep end e d el estilo d e vid a, las norm as y c onvenc iones soc iales, el g rad o d e ac ulturac in,
el d esarrollo d e nuevos m ec anism os soc iales, valores,
norm ativas, id eales, etc . Al m od ific arse estos p arm etros,
vara la evaluac in d e entornos y d e sus c am b ios y, entonc es, tam b in el g rad o d e ac ep tac in y d e d eseab ilid ad
d el entorno.
Los asp ec tos soc iales, c ulturales y fsic os d eb en c onsid erarse en su c onjunto. M s an, a p riori (y arb itrariam ente) no se p ued e asum ir q ue c ualq uier c am b io p rod uc id o en el entorno (tod o d iseo, inevitab lem ente, es
un c am b io) sea p ara m ejor. La c alid ad d el entorno siem p re es una c alid ad p erc ib id a y es c ontextual en trm inos
d e inte ra c c i n d e l ho m b re c o n su e nto rno ta nto e n
g eneral, c om o en c ad a c aso c onc reto. En los tres c itad os ejem p los esta interac c in se realiza a travs d e
unos m ec anism os c ulturales. Ello sug iere q ue en el d iseo, entre d iferentes variab les hum anas q ue d eb en tom arse en c onsid erac in, las variab les c ulturales son las
q ue jueg an un p ap el m uy sig nific ante. Este es el tem a
d el p resente lib ro.
18
Intro d uc c i n
f ig u r a 2
proteccin
del viento
fuego
espacio familiar
Esquema-diagrama de un campamento de aborgenes australianos (basado en una

conversacin personal con P. Hamilton, 1972).
19
La n a tu ra le za y e l p a p e l d e lo s e stu d io s EB R
L a n a t u r a le z a y e l p a p e l d e
lo s e s t u d io s d e la r e la c i n
e n tre e l e n to rn o y e l c o m p o r t a m ie n t o h u m a n o (E B R )
Th e N a t u re a n d R o le o f
En v ir o n m e n t - B e h a v io r S t u d ie s
21
Research on EBR, and this approach

generally are the subject matter of the
field of environment-behavior studies
(EBS), and I will be dealing with the
role of culture in design within that
framework. But before discussing this
I need to discuss the nature of EBS.
The field of EBS is best described by
what I call the three basic questions
(Fig. 3).
Las EBR (relac iones entre el entorno y el c om p ortam iento hum ano) y nuestros p lanteam ientos g eneralm ente se
estud ian d entro d e los EBS (estud ios d e la relac in entre
el entorno y el c om p ortam iento hum ano, o environm entb ehaviour stud ies ) y m i p rop sito aq u es el d e analizar el
p ap el d e la c ultura en el d iseo (p royec to, p lanific ac in)
d entro d e este m arc o. Sin em b arg o, antes d e hac erlo,
c ab e d isc utir la naturaleza d e los EBS.
El c am p o d e EBS se d esc rib e c on lo q ue yo llam o tres
c uestiones b sic as [fig .3]:
f ig u r a 3
comportamiento
entorno
entorno
comportamiento
comportamiento
entorno
mecanismos
1) What bio-social, psychological and cultural characteristics of human beings (as members of a species, as individuals
and as members of various
groups) influence (and, in design should influence) which characteristics of the built environment?
2) What effects do which aspects of which environments have
on which groups of people, under
what circumstances (i.e. in what
context and when), why and
how?
1) Cules son las c arac terstic as b iosoc iales, p sic ol g ic a s y c ultura le s d e lo s se re s hum a no s (e n su
c a lid a d d e re p re se nta nte s d e una e sp e c ie , c o m o
ind ivid uos y c om o integ rantes d e d iferentes g rup os)
q ue ejerc en influenc ia (y en el c aso d el d iseo, d eb en ejerc erla) sob re el entorno c onstruid o y c ules
son los asp ec tos d el entorno c onstruid o q ue se ven
influenc iad os?
2) Qu asp ec tos d e los entornos p rod uc en efec tos
sob re d eterm inad os g rup os d e p ersonas, b ajo q u
c irc unstanc ias (en q u c ontexto y c und o), c m o y
p or q u? Cules son estos efec tos y entornos?
23
3) Given this two-way interaction between people and environments, there must be mechanisms
that link them: What are these
mechanisms?
3) Dad a la naturaleza b id irec c ional d e la interac c in

entre el hom b re y el entorno, d eb en existir m ec anism os q ue los vinc ulen. Cules son estos m ec anism o s?
I now discuss each of these questions

briefly; various other aspects of them,
and their implications, will become
clear and will be developed as we
discuss the specific topic with which
this book is concerned.
Ahora c om entar b revem ente estas c uestiones. Cuand o tratem os el tem a esp ec fic o d e este lib ro, se ac lararn y se d esarrollarn alg unos otros d e sus asp ec tos e
im p lic ac iones.
The first question concerns all that we

already know, are learning and will
learn in the future about human
beings. In other words, our knowledge,
as is the case in all science, is not once
and for all, but is open-ended and
developing. This knowledge is about
all characteristics of human beings
because a priori one does not know
which might be relevant regarding the
built environment even though currently they do not apparently concern
design. This knowledge is, then, about
human evolution, biology, psychology, social relations, cultural attributes, and many other aspects. This
means that EBS researchers need to
keep up with research in a number of
fields that deal with human characteristics.
La p rim era c uestin est relac ionad a c on tod o lo q ue ya

sab em os, estam os ap rend iend o y ap rend erem os en el
futuro sob re los seres hum anos. En otras p alab ras, nuestro sab er, c om o en c ualq uier ram o d e la c ienc ia, no es
d efinitivo, sino q ue est ab ierto y en p roc eso d e d esarrollo. Este sab er c onc ierne a tod as las c arac terstic as d el
ser hum ano, ya q ue a p riori no se p ued e sab er c ules
d e ellas p ued en tener relevanc ia d esd e el p unto d e vista
d el entorno c onstruid o, aunq ue p arezc a q ue alg unas d e
ellas en el p resente ap arentem ente no teng an ning una
relac in c on el d iseo. Por lo tanto, estos c onoc im ientos
a b a rc a n la e vo luc i n d e la e sp e c ie hum a na , b io lo g a ,
p sic olog a, relac iones soc iales, atrib utos c ulturales y m uc hos otros asp ec tos. Eso sig nific a q ue los estud iosos d e
los EBS nec esitan m antenerse al d a en varios c am p os
d e sab er relac ionad os c on el ser hum ano.
The second question directly affect

design. If the effects of the environment
on people are important, then design
efforts may need to be increased; if
they are minimal (as some social scientists believe) then much of the investment of effort and resources by
both researchers and designers may
be inappropriate. The question is also
often put incorrectly. It implies that
somehow people are placed in environments which then have an effect of
them. In reality, under most conditions
people choose and select environments, and this process of habitat
selection (found in all living organ-
La seg und a c uestin afec ta el d iseo d e form a d irec ta.

Si los efec tos q ue p rod uc e el entorno en las p ersonas
p ued en c onsid erarse im p ortantes, entonc es, q uiz, sea
nec esario inc rem entar los esfuerzos d e los d isead ores.
Si, en c am b io, lleg am os a la c onc lusin q ue son m nim os (c om o c reen alg unos estud iosos d e c ienc ias soc iales), p ued e resultar q ue m uc hos d e los esfuerzos y rec ursos invertid os p or investig ad ores y d isead ores hayan
sid o en vano. Ad em s, la c uestin es a m enud o p lantead a errneam ente: c om o si, d e alg una form a, las p ersonas se vieran introd uc id as en unos entornos q ue lueg o
ejerc en una influenc ia sob re ellas. En realid ad , en la m ayora d e los c asos el hom b re esc og e y selec c iona am -
24
isms) is the most important aspect of

effect of environment on people.11
Habitat selection involves both rejecting or leaving undesirable, unsuitable,
unsupportive or inhibiting environments (what are called pushes) and
seeking out desired, suitable and supportive environments (what are called
pulls).
Also, environments are not determining, i.e. they cannot generate behavior
(in the broadest sense of peoples actions, thoughts, feelings, etc.). They can
be either facilitating or inhibiting for
certain behaviors, cognitive processes,
moods and so on. It can be suggested
that inhibiting environments have a
larger effect than facilitating onesit
is easier to block behaviors than to
generate them: In fact, the latter is
impossible (one can bring a horse to
water but not make it drink). Sometimes new behaviors seem to follow
environmental changes, but they are
best understood the result of environments acting as catalysts, they release behaviors that had previously
been blocked by highly inhibiting environments.
In this connection the idea of criticality
is very important. Higher criticality refers to situations where environments
have more effects on people who, in
some way have reduced competencewhether due to illness, age,
excessively rapid culture change and
other factors. For such people, the additional stress and effort needed to
overcome inhibiting effects become
too demanding. In such cases highly
supportive environments become necessary and the role of various specific
elements of the environment in supporting critical social and cultural
patterns, and mechanisms needs to be
discovered and used in planning and
design.
b ientes, y este p roc eso d e selec c in d el hb itat (ob servad o en tod os los seres vivos) c onstituye el asp ec to m s
im p ortante d el efec to p rod uc id o en las p ersonas p or su
ento rno . 1
La selec c in d el hb itat im p lic a tanto un rec hazo o ab and ono d e am b ientes ind eseab les, inad ec uad os, p oc o ac og ed ores o inhib id ores (lo q ue llam am os p ushes o em p ujo nes), c o m o una b sq ued a d e a m b ientes d esea d os, ad ec uad os y ac og ed ores, c ap ac es d e p restar ap oyo (p ulls , o tirones).
A d em s, los entornos no son d eterm inantes, es d ec ir,
no p ued en g enerar c om p ortam ientos (en un sentid o m s
am p lio, ac c iones, p ensam ientos o sentim ientos hum anos). Ellos p ued en ac tuar c om o p otenc iad ores o inhib id o re s d e c ie rto s tip o s d e c o m p o rta m ie n to , p ro c e so s
c o g nitivo s, e sta d o s d e nim o , e tc . Se p o d ra sup o ne r
q ue los am b ientes inhib id ores teng an un efec to m s p ronunc iad o q ue los entornos q ue fac ilitan las c osas es
m s f c il b lo q uea r c o m p o rta m iento s q ue g enera rlo s
(en realid ad , esto ltim o es p rc tic am ente im p osib le: uno
p ued e llevar su c ab allo a un ab revad ero, p ero no p ued e
o b lig a rlo a b e b e r). A ve c e s, nue vo s c o m p o rta m ie nto s
p arec en ir a la zag a d e los c am b ios d el entorno, p ero se
entiend en m ejor c om o un resultad o d e ac c in c ataltic a
d e los entornos q ue lib eran los c om p ortam ientos anteriorm ente b loq uead os p or unos entornos altam ente inhib id ores.
En este c ontexto ad q uiere una esp ec ial im p ortanc ia la
id ea d e la c ritic id ad . Un alto nivel d e c ritic id ad se d a en
situac iones en las q ue los entornos p rod uc en m s efec tos sob re las p ersonas q ue, d e alg una m anera, ven red uc id a su c om p etenc ia (d eb id o a una enferm ed ad , a la
ed ad , a un c am b io c ultural exc esivam ente b rusc o, u otros
fa c to re s). Pa ra e sta s p e rso na s e l e str s a d ic io na l y e l
esfuerzo req uerid o p ara sup erar los efec tos inhib id ores
resultan d em asiad o ap rem iantes. En estos c asos se siente
una esp ec ial nec esid ad d e entornos c ap ac es d e p restar
25
Also, the effects of the environment on

people can be direct (the attributes
and qualities of the environment acting directly on peoples activities,
moods and so on) or indirect. In the
latter case environments provide cues
which are used to interpret a social
situation, and the effects on people
follow from the definition of that situation. In this sense the environment
can be seen as a form of non-verbal
communication. If the cues are noticed and understood, i.e. made clear
enough (e.g. through redundancy)
and are culturally appropriate, the
social contexts can be judged correctly
and behavior adjusted accordingly.
This is the critical aspect of settings
and how they work, to be discussed
later, in Chapter 2). This also implies
the existence of rules, norms, schemata and the like, and hence the important role of culture in that process.
The importance of cultural specificity
in the organization of environments
(what is called design) also follows.
Regarding question three, the importance of identifying mechanisms cannot be over-emphasized. Both in understanding phenomena and in being
able predictably to modify them (i.e.
design) an understanding of the mechanisms involved, in this case linking
people and environments, is absolutely
essential. There has been little, if any
research explicitly directed at identifying mechanisms. However, a first
attempt to list possible mechanisms
proved rather encouraging: There
seem to be a limited number of them
(although in time others may be
identified). Such a first list includes:
Physiology (adaptation, comfort with
regard to temperature, humidity, light
levels, glare, noise, etc.; the need for
variability in temperature, humidity,
etc. (e.g. in air-conditioning, lighting,
etc.))
26
ap oyo [b e sup p ortive], lo q ue nos exig e d efinir el p ap el d e

varios c om p onentes esp ec fic os d el entorno a la hora d e
d ar sop orte a los p atrones soc iales y c ulturales c rtic os,
p ara p od er utilizar tales c om p onentes en la p lanific ac in
y el d iseo.
Los efec tos d el entorno en los hom b res p ued en ser d irec to s (a trib uto s y c ua lid a d es d el ento rno q ue a fec ta n
d irec tam ente las ac tivid ad es hum anas, los estad os d e
nim o, etc .) o ind irec tos. En este ltim o c aso el entorno
p rop orc iona c laves (seas) q ue se utilizan p ara interp retar la situac in soc ial, y d e esta d efinic in situac ional se
d ed uc en los efec tos p rod uc id os en el ser hum ano. En
este sentid o , el ento rno p ued e ser c o nsid era d o c o m o
una form a d e c om unic ac in no verb al. Si las c laves se
tom an en c uenta, se entiend en (p or ejem p lo, a travs d e
la red und anc ia) y son c ulturalm ente ap rop iad as; entonc e s lo s c o nte xto s so c ia le s p ue d e n se r c o rre c ta m e nte
juzg ad os y el c om p ortam iento se ajusta d e form a c orre sp o n d ie n te . Es e l a sp e c to c rtic o d e lo s lu g a re s, o
am b ientes [setting s] y su func ionam iento (q ue d isc utirem os en el Cap tulo 2), q ue im p lic a tam b in la existenc ia
d e reg las, norm as, esq uem as, etc ., lo q ue ap unta a la
relevanc ia d el p ap el q ue jueg a la c ultura en este p roc eso .
Con relac in a la c uestin 3, la m ayor im p ortanc ia rec ae
en los m ec anism os d e id entific ac in. El entend im iento
d e lo s m ec a nism o s q ue vinc ula n a la s p erso na s a su
entorno es ab solutam ente esenc ial, tanto p ara la c om p rensin d e los fenm enos, c om o p ara la c ap ac id ad d e
m od ific arlos (o sea, d isear). Ap enas se han llevad o a
c ab o alg unas investig ac iones exp lc itam ente d irig id as a
los m ec anism os id entific ad ores. Sin em b arg o, el p rim er
intento d e enum erar los p otenc iales m ec anism os result
ser m uy p rom eted or. El nm ero d e tales m ec anism os
p arec e ser lim itad o, aunq ue c on el tiem p o p ued en ser
id entific ad os otros m s). Esta p rim era lista inc luye los sig uientes elem entos:
Anatomy (sizes and heights of elements, e.g. ergonomics and anatomical comfort) (these two have implications for various handicaps and
hence universal design).
Fisiolog a:ad ap tac in, ac om od ac in a las c ond ic iones d e

tem p eratura, hum ed ad , niveles d e luz, ruid o, etc .; nec esid ad d e variar la tem p eratura, la hum ed ad , etc . p or
ejem p lo, aire ac ond ic ionad o, ilum inac in, etc ..
Perception The sensory reception of

information from the environment.
This is essentialwithout perceiving
the external (and even internal!) environment nothing else can happen. This
perception is multi-sensory, although
designers emphasize only vision, neglecting the other sensory modalities,
as do critics. It is also important to
know how the various senses work together, and it is useful to think of perception as the integration of the various senses.
A natom a:d im ensiones y alturas d e los elem entos, p or

ejem p lo: erg onom a y c onfort anatm ic o, q ue tienen tam b i n im p lic a c io n e s n e g a tiv a s p o r c a u s a d e v a r io s
hand ic ap s d el d iseo universal.
Cognition. This concerns the mental

processes that intervene between perception (acquisition of information)
and knowledge about the environment. There is the anthropological
meaning of cognition which concerns
how the world is construed, categorized into domains and schemata and
named, i.e. how one makes sense of
the world. There is also the more common psychological sense of the term,
which concerns how we learn about
the world, construct mental maps,
orient ourselves and navigate, i.e. how
we can operate in the world.
Meaning. This is related to the anthropological aspects of cognition, includes latent aspect and is most important (and discussed later). It involves images, ideals, status, identity
and many other very important aspects of the environment.
Affect. The emotions, feelings moods,
etc., elicited by the environment, its
sensory qualities, its meaning, etc.
Evaluation. This leads to preferences
and choice, based more on wants (and
Perc ep c in: la rec ep c in sensorial d e inform ac in d el entorno. Es esenc ial sin p erc ib ir el entorno exterior (e inc luso interior!) no p ued e oc urrir nad a m s. La p erc ep c in es m ultisensorial, aunq ue los d isead ores se em p een en d estac ar nic am ente la visin, ig norand o otras
m od alid ad es sensoriales, al ig ual q ue los c rtic os. Tam b i n e s im p o rta n te sa b e r c m o a c t a n lo s d ife re n te s
se ntid o s junto s, y e s til p la nte a r la p e rc e p c i n c o m o
integ rac in d e varios sentid os.
Cog nic in: los p roc esos m entales q ue intervienen entre
la p erc ep c in (ad q uisic in d e inform ac in) y el c onoc im iento sob re el entorno. Existe una lec tura antrop olg ic a
d e l t rm ino c o g nic i n, re la tiva a la c o nstruc c i n d e l
m und o, su c ateg orizac in en d iferentes d om inios y nom inac in (o, en otras p alab ras, a la rac ionalizac in d el
m und o p or el ser hum ano). Existe tam b in un sig nific ad o m s c om n p sic olg ic o d e este trm ino, q ue d esc rib e c m o nosotros ap rend em os c osas sob re el m und o, c onstruim os m ap as m entales, nos orientam os y naveg am os, es d ec ir, c m o p od em os op erar en el m undo.
Sig nific ac in [m eaning ]: se refiere a los asp ec tos antrop olg ic os d e la c og nic in, inc luyend o asp ec tos latentes, y
e s su m e c a nism o m s im p o rta nte (lo c o m e nta re m o s
m s ad elante). Im p lic a im g enes, id eales, status, id entid ad , y m uc hos otros im p ortantsim os asp ec tos d el ento rno .
27
related to meaning and effect) than

on needs. It also includes aesthetics,
which I identify with perceptual aspects of environmental quality (to be
discussed later in Chapter 4).
Action and BehaviorThe response
to cognition, meaning, affect and
evaluation.
Supportiveness, which can be physiological, anatomical, psychological,
social, cultural, affective, regarding
choice, activity systems and behavior,
and so on.
Some of the components of culture, to
be discussed in detail later.
Note that I have already had to refer
to culture several times. This is because culture plays and important role
in all three of the basic questions. This
will be discussed in more detail later
(Chapter 2, section 1). However, culture is not the only thing involved,
which is why the relation between culture (and anthropology) and the built
environment needs to be studied within
the framework of EBS.
For example, as we have already seen,
although Question 1 clearly includes
culture, it also includes bio-social
(and hence evolutionary), psychological, physiological and other human
characteristics, all of which need to
be considered in relation to built environments. The number of such characteristics means that no single short
book can cover even a fraction of them.
This book will, therefore, consider a
single, albeit broad and complex topicthe relation between culture and
design. This is why I changed the original suggested title of the bookAnthropology and Architectureto
Culture, Architecture and Design.
This change is also due to the fact that
28
Afec to: em oc iones, estad os d e nim o, etc ., p rovoc ad os

p or el entorno, sus c ualid ad es sensoriales, su sig nific ad o, etc .
Evaluac in: Lleva a la form ac in d e p referenc ias y a la
elec c in, b asnd ose m s en los d eseos (en relac in c on
la sig nific ac in y el afec to) q ue en las nec esid ad es. Im p lic a tam b in la esttic a q ue yo id entific o c on asp ec tos
p erc ep tivos d e nd ole am b iental (se c om entar m s ad elante, en el Cap tulo 4).
Ac c iones y c om p ortam iento: la resp uesta a la c og nic in,
sig nific ac in, el afec to y la evaluac in.
Cap ac id ad d e ap oyo [sup p ortiveness]: p ued e tratarse d e
ap oyo fisiolg ic o, anatm ic o, soc ial, c ultural, afec tivo, relativo a la elec c in, a los sistem as d e ac tivid ad y el c om p ortam iento, etc .
Alg unos d e los c om p onentes d e la c ultura: hab larem os
d e ellos d etallad am ente m s tard e.
Ob serven q ue he tenid o q ue rec urrir al trm ino c ultura
varias vec es. Se d eb e a q ue la c ultura jueg a un p ap el
m uy im p ortante en tod as las tres c uestiones b sic as q ue
sern tratad as m s ad elante (Cap tulo 2, sec c in 1). Sin
em b arg o, la c ultura no es el nic o fac tor, p or lo q ue la
relac in entre la c ultura (y la antrop olog a) y el entorno
c onstruid o nec esita ser estud iad a d entro d el m arc o d e
los EBS.
Por ejem p lo, tal c om o ya hem os visto, la c uestin 1 c laram ente im p lic a la c ultura, p ero tam b in inc luye fac tores
b iosoc iales (y, p or c onsig uiente, evolutivos), p sic olg ic os,
fisiolg ic os y otras c arac terstic as hum anas q ue han d e
ser c onsid erad as en relac in c on los entornos c onstruid os. La varied ad d e estas c arac terstic as im p id e q ue ning n lib ro p ued a ab arc ar ni siq uiera una p arte d e ellas.
Este lib ro, p or lo tanto, p lantear un solo tem a, aunq ue
m uy c om p lejo la relac in entre la c ultura y el d iseo.
no single discipline can cover the full

range of relevant human characteristics. Thus EBS is highly interdisciplinarymany disciplines must be involved. Also, all aspects of design (including research, analysis, programming, design and evaluation) must
draw on all these disciplines. I do no
question the valuable role that anthropology can, and must, play in the
study of EBR. I personally have found
some anthropological concepts and
approaches useful. For example, anthropology can be linked directly to
EBS through ethnographic descriptions and analyses of behavior, built
environments and material culture,
their origins, use, meanings and so
on. Through archaeology great historical depth can be established, the
temporal aspects of a large and diverse body of evidence added to the
cross-cultural aspects emphasized by
ethnography: Ethnoarchaeology links
these two domains. There can also be
indirect links, with which this book is
concernedthrough meaning and
through parts of physical anthropology to evolution and its implications
for understanding humans. Many of
these, and other potentially valuable
linkages and contributions have not
yet been made, or are just beginning
to be made.
However, anthropology is too limited
not only because of the multidisciplinary nature of EBS. Even in dealing
with culture (possibly the defining
concept of anthropology) other disciplines need to be involved. This is
because although when most people
think of anthropology they think of
culture, the term anthropology actually means the study of anthropos
(humans). But anthropology cannot,
and does not, study humans on its
own. There are many other disciplines
that do that, so that anthropology is
just one among them. Without trying
Es p or ello q ue he d ec id id o c am b iar el ttulo inic ialm ente

p ro p ue sto A n tro p o lo g a y a rq u ite c tu ra p o r e l d e
Cultura, arq uitec tura y d iseo.
Este c am b io se d eb e tam b in al hec ho d e q ue ning una
d isc ip lina p or s sola p ued a ab arc ar tod a la g am a d e c arac terstic as hum anas m s relevantes. Por ello, los EBS
son estud ios altam ente interd isc ip linarios y d eb en involuc rar una g ran varied ad d e d isc ip linas. Ig ualm ente, tod os
los asp ec tos d el d iseo (inc luyend o la investig ac in, el
anlisis, la p rog ram ac in, el d iseo y la evaluac in) han
d e b asarse en tod as las d isc ip linas. N o p ong o en c uestin el relevante p ap el q ue la antrop olog a p ued e y d eb e
jug ar en los estud ios d e las EBR. Yo p ersonalm ente he
enc ontrad o tiles alg unos d e los asp ec tos y p lanteam ientos antrop olg ic os. Por ejem p lo, la antrop olog a p ued e
se r vinc ula d a d ire c ta m e nte a lo s EBS a tra v s d e la s
d esc rip c iones etnog rfic as y los anlisis d e c om p ortam iento, entornos c onstruid os y c ultura m aterial, sus org enes, uso, sig nific ad o, etc . La arq ueolog a ayud a a log rar una g ran p rofund id ad histric a, y los asp ec tos tem p orales d e un g ran volum en d e testim onios m s d iversos se aad en a los asp ec tos interc ulturales resaltad os
p or la etnog rafa, vinc uland o estos d os d om inios en la
d isc ip lina d e Etnoarq ueolog a. Pued en existir tam b in unos
vnc ulos ind irec tos d e los q ue nos oc up am os exp resam ente en este lib ro vnc ulos a travs d e la sig nific ac in
y a travs d e los sec tores d e la antrop olog a fsic a relativos a la evoluc in y sus im p lic ac iones p ara la c om p rensin d el ser hum ano. M uc hos d e estos y otros enlac es
y c ontrib uc iones p otenc ialm ente valiosos tod ava no han
sid o estab lec id os o estn en la fase inic ial d e d esc ub rim ie nto .
Sin em b arg o, las lim itac iones d e la antrop olog a no se
exp lic an nic am ente p or el c arc ter m ultid isc ip linario d e
los EBS. Inc luso c uand o hab lam os d e c ultura (p osib lem ente, el asp ec to d eterm inante d e la antrop olog a), es
im p resc ind ib le im p lic ar otras d isc ip linas. Es as p orq ue,
aunq ue m uc hos p iensen en la antrop olog a c uand o p ien-
29
to be exhaustive, it is easy to list a

large number of fields that study anthropos. These are, in no particular
order:
Psychology
Sociology
History
Pre-History
Human (or cultural) geography
Human, landscape and urban
ecology
Evolutionary science
Palaeoanthropology
Sociobiology
Evolutionary psychology
Brain science
Cognitive science
Cognitive neuroscience
Artificial intelligence and computational approaches generally
Behavior genetics
Biobehavioral sciences, psychobiology, etc.
Economics
Political science.
The relevance of some of these fields
only became clear recently, others are
new fields and others yet can be
expected to develop.
All of these, and other disciplines and
their sub-fields play a role in helping
to achieve an understanding of humans, including their interactions with
built environments and material culture and also of the mechanisms
through which these interactions occur.
It is also the case that there are many
sub-fields of anthropology, which
makes it difficult to know what one
means when that term is used. In the
U.S. the major divisions are physical,
cultural and linguistic anthropology
and archaeology;in the U.K.Physical and social anthropology and
archaeology. More concisely the two
30
san en la c ultura, el trm ino antrop olog a ac tualm ente

sig nific a estud io d el anthrop os (ser hum ano). Pero la
antrop olog a no p ued e, ni tam p oc o p retend e, estud iar al
se r h u m a n o e n so lita rio . D e e llo se o c u p a n ta m b i n
m uc has otras d isc ip linas, y la antrop olog a no es m s
q ue una d e ellas. Sin tratar d e ser exhaustivos, p od em os
f c ilm e nte no m b ra r u n g ra n n m e ro d e c a m p o s q u e
estud ian el anthrop os . Sin estab lec er ning n ord en en
p artic ular, c itarem os los sig uientes:
- Psic olog a
- Soc iolog a
- Historia
- Estud io d e la Prehistoria
- Geog rafa hum ana (o c ultural)
- Ec olog a hum ana, d e p aisaje y urb ana
- Estud io d e la evoluc in
- Paleoantrop olog a
- Soc iob iolog a
- Psic olog a evolutiva
- Estud ios d el c ereb ro
- Estud ios d e c og nic in
- Estud ios neurolg ic os d e c og nic in
- Ap roxim ac iones a la intelig enc ia artific ial y la c om p utac in en g eneral
- Gentic a d el c om p ortam iento
- Estud ios d el c om p ortam iento, p sic ob iolog a, etc .
- Cienc ias ec onm ic as
- Cienc ias p oltic as
La relevanc ia d e alg unos d e estos c am p os d el sab er no
se ha p uesto en evid enc ia ha sta lo s tiem p o s m uy rec ientes, otros son c om p letam ente nuevos, y se esp era
p od er d esarrollar otros m s en el futuro.
Tod os ellos, junto c on otras d isc ip linas y sus sub c am p os
c ontrib uyen a log rar una m ejor c om p rensin d e los seres hum anos, inc luid as tanto sus interac c iones c on los
entornos c onstruid os y la c ultura m aterial, c om o los m ec anism os d e estas interac c iones.
main divisions are physical and cultural in U.S. and physical and social
in the U.K. Physical anthropology includes evolutionary anthropology and
palaeoanthropology (i.e. the evolution
of humans) and is increasingly more
scientific using genetics (hence genetic
anthropology), molecular biology and
computer methods. Cultural/social anthropology includes a large number
of more specific domains. For example, in 1994 an English encyclopedia
of anthropology divided the field into
three major areas: Humanity, culture
and social life. Humanity has 11 divisions, including palaeoanthropology; linguistic anthropology; archaeology (tools and material culture);
ecological anthropology (subsistence); nutrition/diet; demographics
and health. Culture comprises 13 divisions, dealing with symbolism
[meaning]; artifacts; technology; the
built environment [which I wrote]; religion; magic and myth; ritual and
performance; art, music and dance,
and so on. Social life [what I will
later call social expressions of culture] has 12 divisions, including sociality among humans and animals;
rules, prohibitions and kinship; sex
and gender; socialization, enculturation and the development of identity;
social aspects of language use; exchange and reciprocity; politics, law
and others. Not included are applied
anthropology, medical anthropology,
economic anthropology, ethnoarchaeology (applying current anthropological research to archaeology)
and others.
Note two things. First, there probably
exist other ways of subdividing the
discipline, but clearly anthropology
includes a great variety of specific subfields (and new ones can, and do develop). Second, these various more specific sub-fields vary in how strongly
and directly they relate to the built
Se d a el c aso d e q ue, tratnd ose d e m uc hos sub c am p os

d e la antrop olog a, es d ifc il sab er exac tam ente lo q ue se
q uiere d ec ir c on este trm ino. En EE.UU. las p rinc ip ales
d ivisiones d e esta c ienc ia se d enom inan Antrop olog a fsic a, Antrop olog a c ultural, Antrop olog a ling ustic a y Arq ueolog a; en el Reino Unid o Antrop olog a fsic a, Antrop olog a soc ial y Arq ueolog a. Con m s c onc isin, p od em os d isting uir d os c am p os p rinc ip ales: la Antrop olog a
fsic a y c ultural en EE.UU. y la fsic a y soc ial en Ing laterra.
La A ntro p o lo g a fsic a inc luye A ntro p o lo g a e vo lutiva y
Paleoantrop olog a (la evoluc in d el ser hum ano) y es c ad a
vez m s c ientfic a, ya q ue utiliza la g entic a (c onvirtind ose as en Antrop olog a g entic a), la b iolog a m olec ular
y los m tod os inform tic os. Antrop olog a c ultural/soc ial
inc luye un g ran nm ero d e d om inios m s esp ec fic os.
Por ejem p lo, en 1994 la Enc ic lop ed ia Ing lesa d e Antrop olog a ed itad a en el Reino Unid o d ivid a este c am p o en
tre s se c c io n e s p rin c ip a le s: Hu m a n id a d , C u ltu ra y
Vid a soc ial. La sec c in Hum anid ad tiene 11 sub d ivisiones, entre ellas Paleoantrop olog a, Antrop olog a ling stic a , A rq ueo lo g a (herra m ienta s y c ultura m a terial), Antrop olog a ec olg ic a (sub sistenc ia), N utric ionism o/Dietolog a, Dem og rafa y Salud . La sec c in Cultura c o nsta d e 1 3 sub d ivisio ne s, c o rre sp o nd ie nte s a
Sim b olism o (sig nific ac in), Artefac tos, Tec nolog a,
Entorno c onstruid o (c ap tulo esc rito p or el servid or), Relig in, M ag ia y M itos, Rituales e Interp retac in, Arte,
M sic a y Da nza , etc . El c a p tulo Vid a so c ia l (c o nc ep to q ue yo llam ar d e aq u en ad elante exp resiones
soc iales d e la c ultura) est c om p uesto p or 12 sec c iones, q ue inc luyen Soc ialid ad en Grup os Hum anos y Anim a le s, Re g u la c io n e s, Pro h ib ic io n e s y Pa re n te sc o ,
Sexo y Gnero, Soc ializac in, Enc ulturac in y Desarrollo d e Id entid ad , Asp ec tos Soc iales d el Uso d el Leng uaje, Interc am b io y Rec ip roc id ad , Poltic a, Ley,
etc . N o estn inc luid as ni la Antrop olog a ap lic ad a, ni la
Antrop olog a m d ic a, ni la Antrop olog a ec onm ic a, ni la
Etnoantrop olog a (q ue ap lic a los resultad os d e las ltim as
investig ac iones antrop olg ic as al c am p o d e arq ueolog a),
ni tam p oc o otras sub d ivisiones d e esta c ienc ia.
31
environment. How useful they are depends on the specific questions about
EBR being considered.
More than one in this range of disciplines that play a role in EBS and study humans, and the sub-fields of anthropology, can potentially help in
understanding the role of culture in
EBS. Dealing with culture rather than
anthropology therefore seems like a
more useful approach. However, before I turn to a discussion of culture,
it is important to clarify the way in
which I use the term environment
(or built environment) so that we are
clear about how culture relates to it.
1. It might even be suggested that blocked or greatly

restricted choice is a major environmental problem,
but this is a different (although important) topic.
32
Ob se rve n d o s c o sa s. Prim e ro , p ro b a b le m e nte e xiste n

otras form as d e sub d ivid ir esta d isc ip lina. Lo q ue s est
c laro es q ue la Antrop olog a c onsta d e una g ran varied ad
d e sub c am p os esp ec fic os (a los q ue en el p roc eso d e
d e sa rro llo se a a d e n o tro s). Se g und o , e sto s va ria d o s
sub c am p os d ifieren en el g rad o y la form a d e su relac in
c on el entorno c onstruid o. El g rad o d e su utilid ad d ep end e d e la s c uestio nes esp ec fic a s rela c io na d a s c o n la s
EB R.
Varias d e las d isc ip linas inc luid as en esta g am a c ontrib uyen a los EBS, estud ian al ser hum ano (al ig ual q ue varios sub c am p os d e la antrop olog a) y p od ran ayud ar a
entend er el p ap el d e la c ultura en los EBS. Por lo tanto,
q uizs, nos sea m s til p lantear el tem a d esd e el p unto
d e vista d e la c ultura, m s q ue d esd e el d e la antrop olog a. Sin em b arg o, antes d e reg resar al d isc urso d e la
c ultura, es im p ortante esc larec er m i m od o d e utilizar
el trm ino entorno [environm ent], o entorno c onstruid o [b uilt environm ent], p ara tener p resente su relac in
c on la c ultura.
1. Es p osib le inc luso sup oner q ue una selec c in b loq uead a o restring id a sea
un serio p rob lem a m ed ioam b iental, p ero es un tem a ap arte (aunq ue ind ud ab lem ente im p ortante).
II
N a t u r a le z a
y t ip o s d e e n t o r n o s
Th e n a t u r e a n d
Ty p e s o f En v ir o n m e n t s
33
Research, to be useful and usable,

cannot remain as a series of independent empirical studies. Sometimes too
many such studies may even make
matter more difficult. As one example,
it seems clear that the extraordinarily
large research literature on housing
has become counterproductive. Even
researchers cannot read it all, students
and practitioners have no chance to
do so. And having read all these studies, one is no further aheadthey do
not add up, nor can one remember
them. The best way of avoiding such
problems is to develop explanatory
theory which, unfortunately, EBS has
not yet developedand has, in fact,
neglected.
The development of explanatory theory is a lengthy process, and one that
cannot be accomplished by an individual; it is a communal task. One can,
however specify some of the requirements necessary before one can begin.1 One major, and essential requirement is to have some minimum amount of data. These, since its formal founding in 1969, EBS has now acquired. These are needed in order to
begin to reveal patterns and regularities. It is those that one tries to explain through research and theory
building;they are the start of explanatory theory.
An intermediate and early step towards
theory is to begin to develop generalizations. In this the patterns and regularities mentioned above are essential.
However, for valid generalizations,
and in order to detect real and meaningful patterns, one needs the largest
and most diverse body of evidence.
This has major implications not only
for how one studies environmental design (in addition to basing it on EBS
research) also for what one studies,
i.e. from what environments one
La investig ac in c ientfic a, p ara ser til y utilizab le, no p ued e p erm anec er siend o un c onjunto d e estud ios em p ric o s ind ep end ientes. A vec es, el vo lum en exc esivo d e
tales estud ios inc luso p ued e d ific ultar las c osas. Para d ar
un ejem p lo, p arec e estar c laro q ue la extraord inariam ente
extensa literatura d ed ic ad a a los tem as relac ionad os c on
la viviend a lleg a ser c ontrap rod uc ente. N i siq uiera los
q ue se d ed ic an p rofesionalm ente a la investig ac in son
c ap ac es leerlo tod o, y los estud iantes o p rac tic antes tienen aun m enos p osib ilid ad es. Y en c aso d e leerlo tod o,
uno d esc ub re q ue no ha avanzad o estos estud ios no
se sum an, ni tam p oc o c onsig ue rec ord arlo. La m ejor m anera d e evitar este tip o d e p rob lem as es d esarrollar una teora exp lic ativa q ue d esafortunad am ente, tod ava no ha sid o c read a en el m arc o d e los EBS, y m s
an, p arec e ser ig norad a p or c om p leto.
El d esarrollo d e una teora exp lic ativa es un p roc eso larg o y no p ued e llevarse a c ab o p or una sola p ersona es
una tarea c olec tiva. Sin em b arg o, es p osib le esp ec ific a r uno s re q uisito s ne c e sa rio s p a ra e m p e za r. 1 Un req uerim iento b sic o y esenc ial es tener un volum en inic ial
d e inform ac in b sic a. Estos d atos, q ue ya han sid o ac um ulad os en el m arc o d e los EBS d esd e su lanzam iento
form al en 1969, son nec esarios p ara c om enzar a d esc ub rir p atrones y reg ularid ad es. Estas leyes son p rec isam ente lo q ue un c ientfic o trata d e exp lic ar a travs d e la
investig ac in y form ac in d e teoras; son el inic io d e la
teora exp lic ativa.
En esta fase inic ial d el c am ino hac ia la teora, el p aso
interm ed io sera el d e inic iar a d esarrollar g eneralizac ione s. Pa ra e llo so n e se nc ia le s lo s a rrib a m e nc io na d o s
p atrones y reg ularid ad es. Aun as, p ara g eneralizac iones
vlid as y p ara p od er d etec tar p atrones reales y d otad os
d e sig nific a d o , se ne c e sita un vo lum e n d e e vid e nc ia s
(p rueb as) lo m s am p lio y m s d iversific ad o p osib le. Esto
tiene inc id enc ias im p ortantes no solam ente en la form a
d e estud iar el d iseo d el entorno, sino tam b in en la razn m ism a d e estos estud ios (es d ec ir, c ules son los
35
learns; and that has major implications for our topic of the relation between culture and the built environment.
e n to rn o s d e lo s q u e se a p re n d e ) y su p o n e m a yo re s
im p lic a c io nes p a ra nuestro tem a la rela c i n entre la
c ultura y el entorno c onstruid o.
More specifically, to enlarge and broaden the evidence used compared with
what has customary, four steps (or
expansions) of the evidence used are
needed. The first is to include the full
range of types of environments, including those of prehistoric, historic,
preliterate and tribal societies, vernacular and popular environments,
spontaneous settlements and so on, to
add to the better known work of professionals (high-style environments).
The second step involves including the
full range of cultures, both present and
past. The third step then involves including the full span of that past (not
merely the Western tradition of the past
few thousand years). This means going
back to prehistory, to our hominid ancestors and possibly even earlier, to
the evolutionary origins of both built
environments and culture. The fourth
step involves dealing with the whole
environment, not just isolated building. This I will elaborate shortly.
M s c onc retam ente, p ara am p liar el volum en d e p rueb as m s all d e lo hab itual, se p rec isan c uatro p asos (o
exp ansiones d e p rueb as). El p rim er p aso sera reunir
tod os los tip os p osib les d e entornos, inc luyend o los d e
las soc ied ad es p rehistric as, antig uas, p reliteratas (anteriores a la introd uc c in d e la esc ritura) o trib ales; entornos
vernac ulares o p op ulares; asentam ientos d e oc up ac in
esp ontnea, etc ., q ue se aad irn a los m ejor c onoc id o s ento rno s c rea d o s p o r p ro fesio na les (ento rno s d e
alto d iseo, o hig h- style ). El seg und o p aso c onsiste en
inc luir tod a la g am a d e c ulturas, tanto las d el p resente
c om o las d el p asad o. El terc er p aso sup ond ra ab arc ar
tod a la historia p asad a (y no solam ente la d e la trad ic in
oc c id ental d e los ltim os m ilenios). Ello sig nific a volver a
la p rehistoria, a nuestros antec esores hom nid os, o inc luso m s a tr s, a lo s o rg enes evo lutivo s d el ento rno
c onstruid o y d e la c ultura m ism a. El c uarto p aso tratar
el entorno en su c onjunto, y no solam ente la c onstruc c in en s. Voy a d esarrollar esta tesis en b reve.
This is clearly a very different body of

evidence than is usually studied in architectural history, or considered in
so-called architectural theory. It
should be noted that the first three steps
clearly involve aspects of culture,
whereas the fourth means that one
cannot study only buildings, but one
must include their inhabitants and their
possessions and furnishing, i.e. much
of material culture. Nor can one just
study buildings in isolation, but needs
to consider how buildings relate, as
part of a system, to open spaces, streets,
other settings, neighborhoods, settlements and sometimes even regions
(and in all cases their furnishings).
As part of that it is also often necessary
36
D ic h o c o n ju n to d e p ru e b a s e s m u y d ife re n te d e l q u e
norm alm ente se estud ia en la historia d e la arq uitec tura,
o en la llam ad a teora arq uitec tnic a. Hay q ue tener en
c uenta q ue los p rim eros tres p asos c laram ente im p lic an
a sp e c to s c ultura le s, m ie ntra s q ue e l c ua rto sub ra ya
q ue no se p ued e estud iar las c onstruc c iones sin inc luir a
lo s ha b ita ntes c o n sus c o rresp o nd ientes p o sesio nes y
m ob iliario, o sea, elem entos d e c ultura m aterial. Tam p o c o se p ued e estud iar c onstruc c iones aislad as, sino q ue
ha y q ue c o nsid e ra r la c ue sti n d e c m o lo s e d ific io s,
fo rm a nd o p a rte d e un siste m a , se re la c io na n c o n lo s
esp ac ios ab iertos, las c alles, otros eq uip am ientos, el p aisaje c irc und ante, las p ob lac iones vec inas o inc luso las
reg iones c olind antes (o, en c ualq uier c aso, su relleno).
En este c ontexto, en m uc has oc asiones es p rec iso estud iar los entornos d e alto d iseo [hig h- style] junto a los
to study high-style and vernacular

environments together, i.e. the relationships between them (often as they
were originally). This greatly helps to
understand both types of environments
and often neither can be understood
in isolation. 2 It follows from the discussion immediately above that one
needs clearly and explicitly to conceptualize what is meant by environment.
Conceptualizing Housing
Before discussing how one might
conceptualize environment in general, I begin by considering a specific
type of environmenthousing. I will
use housing as an example throughout
this book, with only occasional references to other types of settings. This is,
first, because all cultures and groups
possess dwellings of some sort, so that
one can compare them and generalize
from them. Second, the dwelling is the
primary setting for most people, which
makes it most important. Third, it comprises the bulk of the built environment
even when there are many other building types present. Fourth, it is the most
typical product of vernacular design,
hence, the one most influenced by
culture. It also varies with culture, and
the reasons for its extraordinary
variability pose an important question, which leads to the role of culture,
the topic of this book; this will be discussed later (Chapter 5).
I begin by pointing out that in doing
any comparative research, including
cross-cultural, a neutral definition
or conceptualization is essential. If one
wants to study housing (or dwellings)
cross-culturally, historically or in other
comparative ways, one cannot compare the physical artifacts encountered,
because they are not equivalent (Fig.
4).
am b ientes vernac ulares, es d ec ir, investig ar las relac iones entre ellos (a m enud o en su form a p rim aria u orig inal). Es d e g ran ayud a p ara c om p rend er los d os tip os d e
ento rno , y c o n frec uenc ia ning uno d e ello s p ued e ser
entend id o p or s solo, aislad o d el otro. 2 De este d isc urso
se d ed uc e q ue uno nec esita c laram ente y exp lc itam ente c onc ep tualizar lo q ue ha lleg ad o a llam arse entorno.
C o n c e p t u a liz a n d o la v iv ie n d a
A n te s d e p la n te a r la c u e s ti n d e c m o s e p o d r a
c onc ep tualizar los entornos en g eneral, m e p erm itir
em p ezar p or c onsid erar un tip o c onc reto d e entorno la
viviend a. Utilizar la viviend a c om o ejem p lo a lo larg o
d e tod o el lib ro, c on unas oc asionales referenc ias a otros
tip os d e lug ares. Las razones son las sig uientes: Prim ero, tod as las c ulturas y ag rup ac iones hum anas p oseen
viviend as d e uno u otro tip o, d e all q ue se p ued e g eneralizar y estab lec er c om p arac iones entre ellas. Seg und o,
la viviend a es el lug ar p rim ario p ara la m ayora d e las
p ersonas, lo q ue le c onfiere una esp ec ial im p ortanc ia.
Terc ero, la viviend a rep resenta la m ayor p arte d el entorno c onstruid o, aunq ue estn p resentes varios tip os d e
ed ific ios d iferentes. Cuarto, la viviend a es el p rod uc to m s
tp ic o d el d iseo vernac ular y, p or lo tanto, el m s influenc iad o p or la c ultura. La viviend a tam b in vara c on la c ultura y, b usc and o las razones d e esta variab ilid ad , uno se
p lantea la im p ortantsim a c uestin d el p ap el d e la c ultura
d e hec ho, es el tem a d el p resente lib ro (lo c om entarem os m s ad elante, en el Cap tulo 5).
Para em p ezar, p untualizar q ue p ara c ualq uier estud io
c om p arativo, inc luid o el anlisis interc ultural, es esenc ial
la d efinic in o c onc ep tualizac in neutra. Si uno d esea
estud iar la c onstruc c in d e viviend as en el m arc o d e c ulturas d iferentes, en el c ontexto histric o (c ronolg ic o), o
hac iend o uso d e otros p lanteam ientos c om p arativos, no
p ued e sim p lem ente c o ntra rresta r lo s a rtefa c to s fsic o s
em p arejnd olos sin m s, p orq ue ellos, en realid ad , no
son eq uivalentes [fig . 4].
37
f ig u r a 4
edificio A
The reason is that many activities that

take place within the house in one case
(a) may occur in a widely dispersed
system of settings in the case of house
(b) (or in any other cases). The question is what activities take place where. 3 The units to be compared, therefore, are not the two houses but the
systems of settings within which particular systems of activities take place
(both terms will be clarified later). The
same activities are selected in the cases being compared, and one identifies where they occur. Let us assume
that in one case all occur inside the
house (especially during the winter in
areas with severe winters), in the other
edificio B
Es as p orq ue m uc has d e las ac tivid ad es q ue se d esarrollan d entro d e las c asas (llam m oslo c aso a
a) p ued en
tener lug ar en un sistem a d e lug ares [setting s] m s am c aso b ). La c uestin es d nd e se d esap lio y d isp erso (c
rro lla n lo s d iferentes tip o s d e a c tivid a d . 3 Entonc es, los
entes, q ue se han d e c om p arar, no son d os c asas, sino
los sistem as d e lug ares [setting s], d entro d e los c uales se
realizan unos d eterm inad os sistem as d e ac tivid ad es (los
d os trm inos se ac lararn m s ad elante). Para c om p arar los d os c asos, se selec c ionan las m ism as ac tivid ad es y se id entific a d nd e se d esarrollan. Asum am os q ue
en uno d e los c asos tod o oc urre d entro d e c asa (esp ec ialm ente d urante el invierno en zonas c on c lim a severo), y en el otro c aso en el interior d e la viviend a solam ente p ued e llevarse a c ab o una ac tivid ad [fig . 5].
f ig u r a 5
edificio A + actividades
38
edificio B + actividades
case only one might occur in the house

(Fig. 5).
After establishing the extent of the
system of settings involved in case (b),
the comparison is between (a) and (b)
Tra s e sta b le c e r e l a lc a nc e d e l siste m a d e a m b ie nte s

involuc rad os en el c aso (b )), en la tab la (fig . 6) c om p aram os los c asos (a) y (b )). Aq u la viviend a se d efine c om o
un sistem a p artic ular d e am b ientes, y lo q ue se c om p ara son p rec isam ente las viviend as [fig . 6].
f ig u r a 6
vivienda A
in Figure 6. The dwelling is then defined as a particular system of settings

and it is the dwellings that are compared (Fig. 6).
This type of conceptualization makes
a major difference not only to the use
of the dwelling and thus the nature of
housing. It also influences the use of
streets, specialized settings and neighborhoods. It also has implications for
appraisals of density and hence crowding; this, in turn, influences the evaluation of the quality of housing with
major effect on decisions about redevelopment, slum clearance, etc.
For example, in the 1960s a part of
Boston (The West End) was demolished and rebuilt (redeveloped). A maj-
vivienda B (sistema de lugares [settings])
Este tip o d e c onc ep tualizac in no solo hac e m ayor d istinc i n entre lo s uso s d e la viviend a y, p o r lo ta nto , la
na tura leza d e d iferentes viviend a s. Ta m b in im p lic a el
uso d e las c alles, lug ares esp ec ializad os y vec ind arios.
Asim ism o, tiene inc id enc ia en la evaluac in d e la d ensid ad d e p ob lac in y, p or tanto, en la d efinic in d el hac inam iento lo q ue, a su vez, influye en la valorac in d e la
c alid ad d e la viviend a y tiene m ayor efec to sob re las d ec isiones relac ionad as c on rehab ilitac iones, luc ha c on el
b arraq uism o, d errib os, etc .
Po r e je m p lo , e n lo s a o s 6 0 un b a rrio d e Bo sto n (e n
c onc reto, el W est End ) fue d em olid o y rec onstruid o (reurb anizad o). El m otivo p rinc ip al d e tal m ed id a fue la sup uesta exc esiva d ensid ad d e p ob lac in y el hac inam iento d e las viviend as. Aunq ue tal ap rec iac in fuese en p arte resulta d o d e lo s est nd a res y no rm a tiva s a p lic a d o s
39
or reason was that the density was

deemed too high and the dwellings
overcrowded. Although this was partly
due to the norms and standards used
(which themselves are culturally variable), the major issue was a misunderstanding of the system of settings
used by the residents. The planners
evaluations were based on dividing
the area of the apartments by the number of residents in the household.
However, in this particular case many
activities actually took place in a variety of other settings, which were used
regularly. These included stoops, streets, clubs, coffee shops, bars and others
(the whole neighborhood). When one
considered peoples activity systems as
occurring within that larger system of
settings, the dwellings were, in fact,
(q ue son c ulturalm ente variab les d e p or s), el m ayor p rob lem a result ser la falta d e c om p rensin d el sistem a d e
lug ares [setting s] utilizad o p or los resid entes d el b arrio.
Las valorac iones d e los esp ec ialistas en p lanific ac in urb ana se b asab an en un sim p le c lc ulo: la sup erfic ie hab itad a d e los ap artam entos se d ivid a p or el nm ero d e
inq uilinos d e c ad a viviend a. Sin em b arg o, resultab a q ue
en ese c aso p artic ular m uc has d e las ac tivid ad es se d esarrollab an en otros lug ares, usad os d e form a hab itual
(e sc a le ra s, c a lle s, c lu b e s, c a fe te ra s o b a re s [c o ffe e
shop s], etc . (o sea, el rea vec inal en su totalid ad ). Si se
hub iese c onsid erad o los sistem as d e ac tivid ad es hum anas d entro d e un m arc o d e am b ientes m s am p lio, la
d ensid ad d e la viviend a hab ra resultad o no ser tan alta y,
p or c onsig uiente, ya no se p od ra hab lar d e hac inam iento [fig . 7].
f ig u r a 7
definicin del
rea del apartamento por parte
de los urbanistas
rea de uso actual, es decir, la vivienda (incluye escaleras, calles, tabernas,
bares, etc.)
Un clculo errneo de la densidad de una vivienda/hacinamiento en West End de Boston, debido

a desconocimiento de un sistema de lugares [settings] (basado en una descripcin verbal de C.W.
Hartman en su libro Valores sociales y orientacin de la vivienda, Journal of Social Issues, vol.
19, n. 2, abril de 1963). Para ms ejemplos ver: A. Rapoport (1977): Aspectos humanos de la
forma urbana, Oxford, Pergamon, Captulo 5).
40
adequate, density was not too high

and there was no overcrowding (Fig.
7).
The very different evaluation was, of
course, also due to differences in the
definitions, by planners and users, of
environmental quality, privacy, desired
levels of social interaction and so on.
In fact, what planners had defined as
a slum, the residents regarded as an
area of quality and liked living there.
Many chose to live there, and when
relocated after redevelopment they
grieved for a long time. In other words,
the two evaluations of the area and its
environmental quality were different.
This is clearly a function of the two
groups, hence an aspect of culture,
and will be elaborated later4 (Chapter
5).
Furthermore, the system of settings
that is the dwelling is part of a larger
systemthe block or compound,
neighborhood, settlement and even
larger units. These contain other
settings that are important for those
activity systems which are specifically
or directly domestic (Fig. 8).
Thus, once in a particular city (which
is often also chosen) when people
choose housing, they choose not only
the house (or apartment) but the lot
or site, block, street, neighborhood
and area of the city. In fact, one
typically begins with these larger-scale
elements.
For example, a Canadian newspaper
in a special supplement for first-time
house buyers, begins with the area of
the city and neighborhood. Much
space is devoted to many neighborhood characteristics, both positive and
negative. It is pointed out that, due to
resource constraints, tradeoffs must
typically be made between neighbor-
La valorac in tan d isp ar se d eb a, p or sup uesto, tam b in

a las d iferenc ias en la d efinic in d e la c alid ad am b iental
p or p arte d e urb anistas y usuarios y, d e all, en los c onc ep tos tales c om o la naturaleza d e la viviend a, la p rivac id ad ,
los niveles d esead os d e interac c in soc ial, etc . En realid ad , lo q ue los urb anistas d efinan c om o b arriad a d e
b arrac as era p ara los hab itantes un rea d e c alid ad en
la q ue vivan a g usto. M uc hos, d e hec ho, elig ieron vivir
all y, tras ser realojad os, estuvieron lam entnd olo d urante m uc ho tiem p o. En otras p alab ras, las d os valorac iones d e la zona y d e su c alid ad am b iental no p od an ser
m s d iferentes. Esta d iferenc ia se d eb e c laram ente a la
func in d e los d os g rup os y es, p or lo tanto, un asp ec to
c ultural, d e lo q ue hab larem os m s ad elante (en el Cap tulo 5). 4
Ad em s, el sistem a d e lug ares [setting s] q ue es la viviend a form a p arte d e otros sistem as m s am p lios un b loq ue, una m anzana, un vec ind ario, un b arrio, un m unic ip io o inc luso d e entes d e m ayor enverg ad ura, y ellos
c ontienen otros lug ares q ue son im p ortantes p ara los sistem as d e ac tivid ad esp ec fic am ente o d irec tam ente d om stic os [fig . 8].
As, una vez instalad as en una c iud ad d eterm inad a (q ue
tam b in ha sid o eleg id a), las p ersonas escog en una viviend a. Ellas elig en no solam ente la c asa (o ap artam ento),
sino ta m b i n la p a rc e la o urb a niza c i n, b lo q ue , c a lle ,
vec ind ario y b arrio. En realid ad , uno em p ieza p or estos
elem entos d e m ayor esc ala.
Po r e je m p lo , u n d ia rio c a n a d ie n se e n su su p le m e n to
esp ec ial p ara los c om p rad ores d e p rim era viviend a em p ieza p or esp ec ific ar la c iud ad y la zona. M uc ho esp ac io
se d ed ic a a las c arac terstic as d e la zona, tanto p ositivas
c om o neg ativas. Se p untualiza q ue, d eb id o a la esc asez
d e rec ursos, norm alm ente uno tiene q ue eleg ir entre la
c alid ad d e la zona y la c alid ad d e la viviend a. Y solo d esp us d e esta d etallad a d esc rip c in d el em p lazam iento,
p roxim id ad (o d istanc ia) d e una serie d e otros lug ares
41
f ig u r a 8
MICROESCALA (vivienda)
rea similar a la de fig. 7
MESOESCALA (vecindario)
lugares [settings], como escuelas,
instituciones religiosas, etc.
MACROESCALA (asentamiento)
lugares [settings], como oficinas, bancos, comercios y
servicios especializados, instituciones pblicas, etc.
Relaciones entre la vivienda definida como un sistema de lugares [settings] y sistemas ms

extensos de vecindario y asentamiento.
hood quality and house quality. Only

after this detailed discussion of location, proximity to (or distance from) a
variety of other settings (to be defined
below, and which are enumerated),
characteristics of residents, noise pollution, quality of schools, real estate
taxes, crime and rsafety, traffic and so
on and on, are the block and the lot
are evaluated. Only then the house itself and many specific, smaller-scale
components of the house. Clearly it is
the whole system of settings which
42
(q ue se esp ec ific arn m s ad elante), c arac terstic as d e

resid entes d e la zona, g rad o d e c ontam inac in ac stic a,
valorac in d e c alid ad d e esc uelas, im p uestos inm ob iliarios, seg urid ad c iud ad ana y nivel d e d elinc uenc ia, etc .
etc ., se p asa a las c arac terstic as d el b loq ue o p arc ela. A
c ontinuac in, y solo ahora, se inform a d e la viviend a en
c u e sti n y d e la g ra n va rie d a d d e su s c o m p o n e n te s
m enores. Est c laro q ue se trata d e tod o un sistem a d e
lug a res [setting s] q ue a lo s c o m p ra d o res se les rec o m iend a tom ar en c onsid erac in. Tam b in se d em uestra
q ue las elec c iones, las evaluac iones y las d ec isiones fi-
buyers are recommended to evaluate.

It is also made clear that the trade
offs, evaluations and choice made will
vary for different people, i.e. among
members of different groups (which,
as we will see later in Chapter 5) are
themselves defined by culture.
Given that systems of activities occur
within such systems of settings, what
happens (or does not happen) in some
settings influences what does, or does
not happen in others. This is closely
related to rules about what is appropriate (or inappropriate) behavior in different settings (who does what, where,
when, including/excluding whom, and
why)and such rules are part of culture. In any case, it should be clear
that not only cannot the two houses in
Figure 4 be compared, but that one
cannot just consider isolated, single
buildings but must consider the larger
environment. The extent of that environment, defined by the extent of the
relevant system of settings, needs to
be discovered (not assumed): How far
it extends, for whom, what specific settings are involved, the various rules
operating, etc. This applies not only
to house choice, but to any specific
activity. As one example, in a case
where a childrens playground in a
housing project was not being used,
the researchers began with the activityplayand traced the system of
settings where children actually played; it was quite extensive.
This conceptualization of the environment as a system of settings is just one
of four conceptualizations which I find
most useful; undoubtedly others could
be developed. They are listed starting
with the most abstract, and hence most
complex, to the most concrete and,
therefore simplest; all are influenced
by culture. They are also complementary, not conflicting or contradic-
nales p ued en variar p ara d iferentes p ersonas, es d ec ir,

p a ra m ie m b ro s d e d istinto s g rup o s, lo s c ua le s (c o m o
verem os en el Cap tulo 5) son d efinid os p or la c ultura.
Dad o q ue sistem as d e ac tivid ad es se d esarrollan en un
m arco d e tales sistem as d e lug ares [setting s], lo q ue ocurre
(o d eja d e oc urrir) en alg unos lug ares, influye en lo q ue
oc urre, o d eja d e oc urrir, en otros sistem as. Esto g uard a
una estrec ha relac in c on las norm as d e c om p ortam iento
ap rop iad o (o inap rop iad o) p ara los d eterm inad os am b ientes (q uin hac e q u, d nd e, c und o, inc luyend o/exc luyend o a q uin(es) y p or q u) y estas norm as form an
p a rte d e la c ultura . En c ua lq uier c a so , d eb e q ued a r
c la ro q ue e n la fig ura 4 no so la m e nte se tra ta d e no
p od er c om p arar d os viviend as, sino q ue tam p oc o es p osib le c onsid erar d os ed ific ios aislad os: uno d eb e tom ar
en c onsid erac in un entorno m s am p lio. El alc anc e d e
este entorno, d efinid o p or la esc ala d el sistem a vig ente
d e lug ares [setting s], ha d e ser d esc ub ierto (y no asum id o, sin m s): Hasta d nd e se extiend e, a q uin est
d estinad o, q u am b ientes en c onc reto estn im p lic ad os,
q u reg las lo rig en, etc .? Esto no solam ente es vlid o
p ara la elec c in d e la viviend a, sino tam b in p ara c ualq uie r a c tivid a d e n p a rtic ula r. Pa ra d a r un e je m p lo , lo s
investig ad ores em p ezaron a estud iar el c aso d e un rea
d e jueg os infantiles en un c om p lejo resid enc ial q ue estab a siend o infrautilizad a, p or estud iar la ac tivid ad el jueg o y trazaron un sistem a d e lug ares [setting s] d ond e
lo s nio s rea lm ente jug a b a n (q ue result ser b a sta nte
extenso).
La c onc ep tualizac in d el entorno c om o un sistem a d e
lug ares [setting s] no es m s q ue uno d e los c uatro tip os
d e c onc ep tualizac in q ue yo c onsid ero m s tiles (sin
d ud a, los tres restantes p od ran tam b in ser d esarrollad os). Los enum ero aq u, em p ezand o p or el m s ab strac to y, p or c onsig uiente, el m s c om p lejo, y term inand o p o r e l m s c o n c re to y, p o r ta n to , e l m s se n c illo ;
tod os ellos se enc uentran b ajo la influenc ia d e la c ultura. Son frm ulas c om p lem entarias, y no enfrentad as o
43
tory; which is most useful depends

on whether one is doing research or
designing, the question being considered, etc. The environment can be
understood as:
(a)
c ontrad ic torias. Cul d e ellas es m s til, d ep end e d e

nuestra finalid ad (investig ac in o d iseo), d e la c uestin
c onsid erad a, etc . Entonc es, el entorno p ued e ser c om p rend id o c om o:
The organization of space,

time, meaning and communication.
A system of settings (already briefly discussed)
The cultural landscape
Consisting of fixed, semifixed and non-fixed elements
(a ) Org a niza c i n d e e sp a c io , tie m p o , sig nific a d o y

c o m u n ic a c i n
(b ) Sistem a d e lug ares [setting s] (b revem ente c om entad o arrib a)
( c ) Paisaje c ultural
(d ) Entid ad c om p uesta p or elem entos fijos, sem ifijos
y no fijos.
Despite the different levels of abstraction and complexity of these formulations they can be unified. The most
fundamental and abstract formulation
(the environment as the organization
of space, time, meaning and communication) is expressed physically as
cultural landscapes at various scales,
from the region, through townscape
to the housescape. Cultural landscapes
consist of systems of settings, within
which systems of activities take place.
The cultural landscape, the elements,
comprising settings and their cues,
and activity systems are made up of
fixed and semi-fixed elements, and
both created by, and occupied by, nonfixed elements (mainly people). Thus
the four formulations are not only
complementary but closely linked.
However, each of the formulations (or
conceptualizations) needs to be discussed briefly.
A p esar d e las d iferenc ias en niveles d e ab strac c in y la

c om p lejid ad d e estas d efinic iones, p ued en ser unific ad a s. L a fo rm u la c i n m s fu n d a m e n ta l y a b stra c ta (e l
entorno c om o org anizac in d e esp ac io, tiem p o, sig nific ad o y c om unic ac in) se exp resa fsic am ente c om o p aisajes c ulturales a d iferentes esc alas, d esd e la esc ala reg ional, p asand o p or el p aisaje urb ano, hasta el p aisaje
d e la viviend a. Paisajes c ulturales estn c om p uestos p or
sistem as d e lug ares [setting s], d entro d e los q ue d isc urren sistem as d e ac tivid ad es. Tanto el p aisaje c ultural (lug ares y sus seas) c om o los sistem as d e ac tivid ad estn
c om p uestos p or elem entos fijos y sem ifijos y han sid o
c read os y hab itad os p or elem entos no fijos (p rinc ip alm ente, p ersonas). As vem os q ue las c uatro frm ulas no solam ente son c om p lem entarias, sino estrec ham ente vinc ulad as. Sin em b arg o, c onsid eram os op ortuno c om entar b revem ente c ad a una d e estas frm ulas (o tip os d e
c onc ep tualizac in) p or sep arad o.
(a) The importance of this formulation is that it goes beyond merely

space which designers tend to emphasize to the exclusion of other
aspects.5 It introduces time, which is
most important, because people live
in time as much as in space. Human
activities are organized in time (day/
night, weekday/weekend, workday/
(a )
(b)
(c)
(d)
44
La im p ortanc ia d e esta frm ula resid e en el hec ho d e q ue va m s all d el p uro c onc ep to d e esp ac io q ue tiend en a d estac ar los d isead ores en
d etrim ento d e ortos asp ec tos. 5 Esta d efinic in introd uc e el c onc ep to d e tiem p o, q ue es d e sum a relevanc ia, ya q ue las p ersonas viven en el tiem p o, al
ig ual q ue en el esp ac io. Las ac tivid ad es hum anas
e st n o rg a niza d a s e n e l tie m p o (d a /no c he , e ntre
rest-day, mundane/sacred, etc.). Many

consequences follow: Images of the
same city differ at different times; privacy can be achieved by organizing
activities in time as well as through
spatial separation, physical devices
and other (culturally specific) mechanisms. Cultural differences in the organization of time may lead to more conflicts or difficulties than space organization (late dinner and hence late
noise among early-to-bed people; the
effect of siesta on the closure of shops
or banks at other peoples working
time, etc.).
Also introduced is meaning (normally
neglected or seen as something added
to function rather than a (the?) most
important aspect of function and a
critical element in wants, evaluation
and preference of environments and
may of it characteristics (ambience,
color, materials, styles and so on).
Human activities and interaction (i.e.
communication) also follow naturally,
and hence also boundaries, cues, transitions, rule systems, inclusion/exclusion of certain people, etc. These are
part of, but separable from, space organization. Also included is the specific nature of the rules (based on ideals, norms, etc.) used in organizing
communication; these vary, particularly with culture. In fact, rules partly
help to define groups (people who
share rules) that, as we will see later,
are an important aspect of culture.
Rules also guide behavior and play a
central role in lifestyles and activity
systems. They are reflected in the choices made in the design process [the
choice model of design discussed later
(Chapter A]). How settings work is also
determined by the relevant rules and
communicated by cues. Rules also explain how cultural landscapes come
to be, as I will discuss below. Note also
that conceptualizing the environment
se m a n a /fin d e se m a n a , la b o ra b le s/fe stivo s, fie sta

lic a/fiesta relig iosa, etc .). Esto trae varias c onsec uenc ias. Im g enes d e la m ism a c iud ad varan en hora s, d a s o esta c io nes d iferentes; la p riva c id a d se
p u e d e c o n se g u ir n o so lo m e d ia n te se p a ra c io n e s
e sp a c ia le s, a rte fa c to s fsic o s y o tro s m e c a nism o s
c ulturalm ente esp ec fic os, sino tam b in org anizand o ac tivid ad es en el tiem p o. Las d iferenc ias c ulturales en org anizac in tem p oral p ued en g enerar m s
c onflic tos o d ific ultad es q ue las d e org anizac in esp ac ial (una c ena tard a c on su ruid o p ara las p ersonas q ue se ac uestan p ronto; el efec to d e c ierre al
m ed iod a d e c om erc ios o b anc os sob re los horarios
d e trab ajo d e otras p ersonas, etc .).
Ta m b i n se ha intro d uc id o e l c o nc e p to d e sig nific a d o
[m eaning ], ob viad o norm alm ente c om o alg o aad id o a
la fu n c i n , e n ve z d e se r tra ta d o c o m o e l a sp e c to
(m s?) im p ortante d e la func in y un elem ento c ruc ial
d e d e se o s, e stim a c io n e s y p re fe re n c ia s e n c u a n to a
entornos y sus c arac terstic as (atm sfera, c olor, m ateriales, estilos, etc .). Las ac tivid ad es hum anas y la intera c c i n (c o m unic a c i n) so n sus c o nsec uenc ia s na tura les, al ig ual q ue las fronteras, transic iones, sistem as d e
n o rm a s, in c lu si n /e xc lu si n d e c ie rta s p e rso n a s, e tc .
Form an p arte d e org anizac in esp ac ial, p ero son sep arab les d e ella. En la d efinic in tam b in se inc luye la naturaleza esp ec fic a d e las reg las (b asad as en los id eales,
las norm as, etc .) q ue se em p lean al org anizar la c om unic ac in; stas varan, p artic ularm ente, en func in d e la
c ultura. De hec ho, las reg las ayud an hasta c ierto p unto
a d efinir los g rup os (ind ivid uos q ue c om p arten las m ism as reg las), q ue son, c om o verem os m s ad elante, un
asp ec to im p ortante d e la c ultura. Las reg las tam b in d irig en el c om p ortam iento hum ano y jueg an el p ap el c entral en la form ac in d e estilos d e vid a y sistem as d e ac tivid ad . Tienen su reflejo en las elec c iones q ue se hac en
en el p roc eso d e d isear (d el m od elo d e elec c in en el
d iseo se hab lar en el Cap tulo 4). La c uestin d e c m o
func io na n lo s a m b ie nte s vie ne a sim ism o d e te rm ina d a
45
in this way cuts across scalesfrom

regions to the furnishing of interiors.
(b) An example of the conceptualization of the environment as a system of
setting has already introduced in the
discussion about the nature of dwellings. It now needs to be generalized
and developed, beginning with the
concept of setting.
A setting comprises a milieu which defines a situation within which ongoing (i.e. regular and predictable) behavior occurs. The boundaries of that
milieu, how they are marked, by whom
penetrated and so on vary with culture. Settings are thus culturally variable. By using what is called the dramaturgical analogy one can also
think of a setting as a stage on which
people act and play various roles. The
milieu and the behavior in it are linked
by rules as to what is appropriate and
expected in the setting. These rules are
specific to the setting and the situation that it defines; appropriate behavior is defined by the situation. All
of these phenomena are culturally extremely variable. Thus, activities which
occur in settings which are clearly
separated in, say the United States,
may all occur in a single setting in
many traditional cultures. These
work because of clear, consistent and
strong rules about location and seating patterns for various peoplecues
can be very subtle, or knowledge alone
may be sufficient (Fig. 9).
The link between rules, behavior and
culture, means that as cultural rules
change, so do the activities appropriate to various settings and also the
cues. This is important both for understanding cultural differences and
for situations of culture change (especially rapid culture change) common
today and therefore for design, for
46
p or las reg las m s relevantes y se c om unic a m ed iante

seas. Las norm as tam b in exp lic an c m o lleg an a form arse los p aisajes c ulturales, lo q ue c om entarem os m s
tard e. Ob serven tam b in q ue c onc ep tualizand o el entorno d e esta m anera, nosotros ab arc am os tod as las esc alas d e p aisaje d e g eog rafa d e una reg in a d ec orac in d e interiores.
(b ) Un ejem p lo d e c onc ep tualizac in d e entorno c om o
sistem a d e lug ares [setting s] ya nos ha introd uc id o
en el d isc urso d e la naturaleza d e la viviend a. Ahora
nec esita ser g eneralizad o y d esarrollad o, em p ezand o p or el c onc ep to d e lug ar [setting ].
Un lug ar es, antes q ue nad a, un m ed io [m ilieu] q ue d efine la situac in en la q ue se realiza el c om p ortam iento
ord inario (es d ec ir, reg ular y p red ec ib le). Los lm ites d e
este m ed io, la form a d e m arc ar estos lm ites, las p ersona s q ue p ued en p enetra rlo , etc . va ra n c o n la c ultura .
De esta m anera, los am b ientes son c ulturalm ente variab les. Usand o lo q ue se llam a analog a d ram atrg ic a,
uno p ue d e ta m b i n p e nsa r e n un a m b ie nte c o m o un
esc enario sob re el q ue las p ersonas ac tan e interp retan
d iversos p ap eles. El m ed io y el c om p ortam iento d entro
d e l son vinc ulad os p or las reg las resp ec to a lo q ue es
ap rop iad o y lo q ue se esp era en el d eterm inad o lug ar.
Estas reg las son esp ec fic as d e c ad a lug ar y la situac in
q ue ste d efine; el c om p ortam iento ap rop iad o viene, a
su vez, d efinid o p or la situac in. Tod os esto fenm enos
so n e xtre m a d a m e nte va ria b le s c ultura lm e nte . A s, la s
ac tivid ad es q ue se d esarrollan en lug ares q ue estn c laram ente sep arad os en Estad os Unid os, p ued en oc urrir
en un lug ar anlog o en m uc has d e las c ulturas trad ic ionales. Estas c ulturas func ionan g rac ias a las reg las c laras, fuertes y c onsistentes q ue rig en la c oloc ac in y la
form a d e sentarse d e p ersonas d iferentes las seales
p ued en ser m uy sutiles, o inc luso p ued e b astar el c onoc im iento p or s solo [fig . 9].
El vnc ulo entre reg las, c om p ortam iento y c ultura c onsis-
f ig u r a 9
el exterior
el lugar reservado al
hombre-cabeza de familia y
visitas importantes
el pequeo rincn
situado al norte
el rincn del norte

(hombres)
el rincn
del oeste
la puerta
el without del hogan rea
de transicin interior-exterior
el centro
el pequeo rincn
(mujeres)
el pequeo rincn situado al este
Zonas o lugares [settings] con significado simblico o ritual, en las que se divide simblicamente una vivienda india tipo hogan (en el mejor de los casos, apenas estn sealados). Todo
el hogan es consagrado y estructurado siguiendo direcciones sagradas (puntos cardinales),
movimientos sagrados, etc., en suma, significaciones sagradas (ver: A. Rapoport Los indios
pueblo y el hogan en P. Oliver (editor) Refugio y sociedad, Londres, Barrie & Rockliff,
1969, pgs. 66-79, especialmente pg. 75).
example in housing. Changes in rules

may be temporary as when a street
changes from a setting for traffic into
one for a street (or as it is called in the
U.S. block) party, a setting for play,
games, social interaction, cooking,
eating and drinking and so on. Similarly, an open space can be an outdoor market, a soccer field, a playground, a venue for a political rally;
te en q ue, al c am b iarse norm as c ulturales, c am b ian tam b in las ac tivid ad es ap rop iad as p ara d iferentes am b ientes y la s c o rresp o nd ientes sea s. Es im p o rta nte ta nto
p ara c om p rend er las d iferenc ias c ulturales c om o p ara
la s situ a c io n e s d e c a m b io c u ltu ra l (e sp e c ia lm e n te u n
c am b io b rusc o) tan c om unes hoy d a y, p or c onsig uiente, p ara el d iseo (p or ejem p lo, en la c onstruc c in d e
viviend a). Cam b ios en las reg las p ued en ser tem p orales,
c o m o c ua nd o una c a lle p a sa d e se r una a rte ria p a ra
c analizar el trfic o a ser un esc enario d e fiesta d e b arrio,
47
only the rules change. Many permanent differences in rules account for
the major contrasts among street activities, for example, between, say, the
United States (especially in suburbs)
as compared to Spain and, even
moreIndia.
For example, in many areas of the
United States (especially residential
areas where other uses are excluded)
empty quiet streets are the ideal and
the norm. Very few, if any activities,
except children playing, or jogging
and walking are appropriate and, in
some areas even the latter two are
frowned upon. In India there is a dense, bewildering mix of activities at a
very fine grain and correspondingly
diverse sounds, smells and sights. There is a mixture of animals, people, bicycles, rickshaws, cars, trucks and
buses. The streets are full of a great
variety of people in all sorts of costumes not only walking or riding, but
standing, sitting, squatting and lying
down; sleeping, cooking, eating, getting their hair cut or being shaved,
doing laundry, fixing bicycles or tires,
manufacturing things, sewing, playing, chanting, arguing, begging, performing, bargainingeven praying.
It is important to emphasize that settings are not the same as spaces. One
space may contain many settings, i.e.
a space may contain different settings
at one time (Fig. 10).
The same space can also become different settings at different times, as with
the temporary changes in rules already
discussed; timetables and scheduling
of rooms, for example, like at a university. Settings are also not the same
as neighborhoods, streets, buildings
or even rooms. Any one of these may
contain a number of settingsat larger scales many hundreds. For ex-
48
lug ar p ara jueg os, d iversiones, interac c in soc ial, d ond e

se c o c in a , c o m e , b e b e , e tc . D e u n m o d o sim ila r, u n
esp ac io ab ierto p ued e c onvertirse en un m erc ad o al aire
lib re, un c am p o d e ftb ol, una p ista d e jueg os, un lug ar
d e m anifestac in p oltic a. Solo las reg las c am b ian. M uc has d iferenc ias p erm anentes en las reg las d eterm inan
m ayores c ontrastes entre las ac tivid ad es c allejeras p or
ejem p lo , si c o m p a ra m o s Esta d o s Unid o s (so b re to d o ,
los sub urb ios) y Esp aa (o, aun en m ayor m ed id a, EE.UU.
y la Ind ia).
As, en m uc has zonas d e Estad os Unid os (esp ec ialm ente, reas resid enc iales d ond e otros usos d el entorno estn exc luid os) las c alles tranq uilas y vac as son el id eal y
la norm a. Exc ep to los nios jug and o o, q uizs, alg uien
hac iend o footing o p aseand o, m uy p oc as ac tivid ad es son
ap rop iad as, inc luso ning una (en alg unas zonas hasta las
d os ltim as ac tivid ad es m enc ionad as rec ib en m irad as
d e rep rob ac in). En la Ind ia enc ontram os un b ullic io d enso
y d esc onc ertante d e ac tivid ad es c on sus ruid os, olores y
vistas. Hay una m ezc la d e anim ales, g ento, b ic ic letas,
ric k sha w s , c o c he s, c a m io ne s y a uto b use s. La s c a lle s
estn llenas d e p ersonas d e tod a c lase c on la ind um entaria m s variop inta, y no solam ente p aseand o o c ond uc iend o un vehc ulo, sino tam b in d e p ie, sentad as, en c uc lillas
o inc luso tum b ad as; d urm iend o, c oc inand o, c om iend o,
hac ind ose un c orte d e p elo o afeitnd ose, hac iend o la
c olad a, arreg land o b ic ic letas o neum tic os, c onfec c iona nd o c o sa s, c o siend o , jug a nd o , c a nta nd o , d isc utiend o, p id iend o lim osna, reg ateand o y hasta rezand o.
Es im p ortante p untualizar q ue un lug ar no es lo m ism o
q ue un esp ac io. Un esp ac io p ued e ser m ultiam b iental,
e s d e c ir, c o n te n e r d ife re n te s a m b ie n te s , o lu g a re s
[setting s] al m ism o tiem p o [fig . 10].
El m ism o esp ac io p ued e tam b in lleg ar a c onvertirse en
d istinto s lug a re s e n d ife re n te s m o m e n to s d e l tie m p o ,
c om o p asa c on los arrib a ind ic ad os c am b ios tem p orales d e las reg las: p or ejem p lo, horarios d e d istrib uc in d e
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denoting a frame which in turn elicits a scripta repertoire of appropriate actions and behaviors. This is a
process whereby people constantly
change their behavior as they move
among settings (dwelling, restaurant,
library, concert, etc.) and as their roles
changehost or guest in a house, diner or waiter in a restaurant. In order
to be effective, i.e. to work, cues need
first to be noticedthey cannot be too
subtle, a frequent failing in design (so
that perception, redundancy, etc. need
to be considered). In traditional societies, because the rules are so clear,
very subtle cues (or even just knowledge) are enough. Today, however, very clear and strong cues are necessary
in order to work. Second, cues then
need to be understoodthis is an aspect of culture. Cues which do not
match cultural schemata and draw on
tacit cultural knowledge are meaningless and do not work. Of course, those
involved must also be prepared to
obeyi.e. to follow the expected and
appropriate behavior. Although this
is not as automatic as in traditional
societies, it is still surprisingly common, as is shown by cultural differences and changed behavior by individuals as they change settings. In any
case, unlike noticing and understanding, which designers can ensure using
knowledge from EBS, whether people
obey cues is outside designers control.
As we have already seen in the case of
dwellings, settings cannot be considered singly but are organized into systems (within which systems of activities take place). The organization of
both is culturally variable. Thus settings are connected in varying complex ways not only in space, in terms
of their proximities, linkages and separations boundaries, etc., but also in
timein terms of their sequential ordering (Fig. 11).
50
m unic an m ed iante seas, o ind ic ios [c ues] q ue son elem entos fsic os d el lug ar y su relleno [furnishing s], q ue
se d e sc rib ir n m s a d e la n te , e n e l p u n to (d )). A c ta n
c om o seales m nem otc nic as, rec ord and o a las p ersonas c ul es la situac in y, entonc es, el c om p ortam iento
ap rop iad o, fac ilitand o as una efic az c oop erac in entre
los oc up antes. Se p ued e p ensar en las seas c om o alg o
q ue d enota el m arc o, lo q ue, a su vez, d eterm ina el
g uin un rep ertorio d e ac c iones y c om p ortam ientos
ap rop iad os. Es un p roc eso en el c ual las p ersonas c am b ian c onstantem ente su c om p ortam iento, a m ed id a d e
q ue se van m oviend o entre lug ares [setting s] (viviend a,
restaurante, b ib liotec a, c onc ierto, etc .) y c onform e c am b ia su p ap el anfitrin o invitad o en c asa, c om ensal o
c am arero en un restaurante. Para ser efic ac es, o func ionar, las seas, ante tod o, han d e ser visib les ellas
no p ued en ser d em asiad o sutiles, d e lo q ue p ec a frec uentem ente el d iseo (as q ue d eb en tom arse en c onsid era c i n la p erc ep c i n, el efec to d e la red und a nc ia ,
etc .). En soc ied ad es trad ic ionales, d eb id o a la c larid ad
d e las reg las, son sufic ientes unos ind ic ios m uy sutiles (o
inc luso el sim p le c onoc im iento). Hoy en d a, sin em b arg o, las seas nec esitan ser m uy c laras y p otentes p ara
p od er func ionar. En seg und o lug ar, las seas tienen q ue
ser c om p rend id as es uno d e los asp ec tos d e la c ultura. Las seas q ue no se ajustan a esq uem as c ulturales y se b asan en un tc ito c onoc im iento c ultural c arec en d e sig nific ad o y no func ionan. Por sup uesto, los ind ivid uos involuc rad os han d e ser tam b in p rep arad os p ara
ob ed ec er es d ec ir, seg uir un c om p ortam iento esp era d o y a p ro p ia d o . A unq ue e ste p ro c e so no se a ta n
autom tic o c om o en las soc ied ad es trad ic ionales, es,
sin e m b a rg o , so rp re n d e n te m e n te c o m n , ta l y c o m o
d em uestran las d iferenc ias c ulturales y los c am b ios d e
c om p ortam iento ind ivid ual q ue ac om p aan los c am b ios
d e am b iente. En c ualq uier c aso, a d iferenc ia d e visib ilid ad y c om p rensib ilid ad d e las seas q ue los d isead ores
p ued en aseg urar hac iend o uso d e los estud ios EBS, lo
q ue s q ued a fuera d e su c ontrol es la ob ed ienc ia a las
seas p or p arte d e las p ersonas.
Also variable is their centrality, the

rules that apply, who is included or
excluded, how deeply one penetrates,
etc. These are, once again, culturally
variable. It follows that the extent of
the system, the settings of which it is
composed and its organization cannot be assumed but need to be discovered. It also follows (as we have seen
in the discussion of housing) that what
happens, or does not happen, in some
settings greatly influences what happens, or does not happen in others.
It is also important to note that the
complexity of systems of settings
evolves. This happens with so-called
modernization of developing countries and, more generally as societies
become larger and more complex and
the number of distinct, separated specialized settings goes up. In a tribal
society a single house space may be
many settings and, in addition to
houses there may be a very few other
settings. In modern cities, as we have
already seen, there are large numbers
of very specialized settingsmany
kinds of buildings, dining places,
shops, offices, classrooms and so on.
Even in houses (let alone dwellings)
there are many distinct settings
porch, entry, corridor, living room, dining room, master bedroom, bedroom,
study, family room, kitchen, bathroom, laundry, toilet, pantry, closets
and other storage, basement (itself
subdivided), attic and so on (Note the
presence of such settings and their
names are culture-specific). How settings are related in space and time
also becomes more complex.
(c) The concept cultural landscape
comes from cultural geography. It
refers to the results of the interaction
between human actions and the primeval landscape over time. One can
ask at what point primeval becomes
cultural, i.e. how much human im-
Com o ya hem os ob servad o en el c aso d e la viviend a,

los lug ares [setting s] no p ued en ser c onsid erad os p or sep arad o, sino estn org anizad os en sistem as (d entro d e
los c uales se d esarrollan los sistem as d e ac tivid ad es). La
o rg a niza c i n d e a m b o s tip o s d e sistem a s es c ultura lm ente variab le. As vem os q ue los lug ares [setting s] estn c onec tad os d e form a variab le y c om p leja no solam ente en el esp ac io (en trm inos d e su p roxim id ad , vinc ulac in y lm ites d e sep arac in, etc .), sino tam b in en
el tiem p o (en trm inos d e su ord enac in sec uenc ial) [fig .
1 1 ].
Ig ua lm ente va ria b les so n su c entra lid a d , la s reg la s vig entes, la inc lusin/exc lusin d e d eterm inad as p ersonas,
el g rad o d e p enetrac in d e c ad a uno, etc . De aq u se
d ed uc e q ue el alc anc e d e un sistem a, los lug ares q ue lo
c om p onen y su org anizac in no p ued en ser asum id os
sin m s, sino q ue nec esitan ser d esc ub iertos. Tam b in
resulta q ue (c om o hem os p od id o ver al c om entar el tem a
d e la viviend a) lo q ue suc ed e o d eja d e suc ed er en alg unos lug ares [setting s] influye enorm em ente en lo q ue suc ed e (o no) en otros lug ares.
Tam b in es im p ortante ob servar q ue la c om p lejid ad d e
sistem as d e lug ares [setting s] evoluc iona. Eso p asa c on
la llam ad a m od ernizac in d e los p ases en vas d e d esarrollo y, d e form a m s g eneralizad a, a m ed id a q ue las
soc ied ad es c rec en y se hac en m s c om p lejas, c on lo
q ue surg e una serie d e d iversos lug ares esp ec ializad os,
sep arad os entre s. En una soc ied ad trib al el esp ac io d e
una sola c asa p ued e c ontener varios am b ientes o lug ares [setting s] y existirn m uy p oc os lug ares m s, ap arte
d e viviend as. En m etrp olis m od ernas, c om o ya hem os
o b s e rva d o , h a y u n n m e ro m s g ra n d e d e lu g a re s
[setting s] m uy esp ec ializad os ed ific ios d e d iferentes tip os, estab lec im ientos d e c om id a p b lic a, tiend as, ofic inas, esc uelas, etc .. Inc luso en las c asas (y m s an
e n la s vivie n d a s ) h a y m u c h o s a m b ie n te s o lu g a re s
[setting s] d istintos: p orc he, entrad a, p asillo, saln, c om ed o r, d o rm ito rio p rinc ip a l, o tro s d o rm ito rio s, d e sp a c ho ,
51
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pact is necessary before some threshold or transition is reached. Clearly,

the more modified by humans the more cultural does a landscape become.
Those most modifiedsettlements
are cultural landscapes par excellence.Yet even hunters and gatherers modify the landscape considerablythrough hunting, gathering, fire, etc. Thus
Australia before contact and the Amazon jungle represent cultural landscapes. Similarly, pastoralists have shaped
landscape, for example through the
impact of goats in the Mediterranean
region, or of cows on high Alpine meadows in Switzerland.
Human modification of the landscape,
however, became much clearer after
the advent of agriculture. The gardens of the New Guinea highlands,
the rice terraces of Asia, the olive tree
terraces of parts of the Mediterranean
region, the date tree oasis of North Africa and the Middle East are as much
cultural landscapes as the dwellings
and settlements in their midst; moreover, they form a single system. This
emphasizes the importance of relationships in the environment at various
scales: natural landscape, settlements areas, neighborhoods, buildings, open spaces, etc. In places like
New Zealand (and parts of Australia)
the whole landscape was transformed
through the introduction not only of
buildings and settlements, but exotic
plants, transforming the country. This
was reinforced by many introduced
names referring to Europe. Thus, what
we typically call natural landscapes
are really cultural, but are composed
of natural materialsplants, soil,
rocks, water, etc., whereas settlements
consist mainly of man-made materials or elements, and even vegetation
and water often appear to be more
cultural. The difference is the degree
of modification, but they are all cultural landscapes. This also emphasizes
c oc ina, c uarto d e b ao, c uarto d e lavad ora, lavab o, d esp ensa, trastero y otros lug ares d e alm ac enam iento, stano (tam b in sub d ivid id o en am b ientes), tic o, etc . (ob serven q ue la existenc ia d e tales am b ientes y sus nom b res so n c ultura lm ente esp ec fic o s). M s c o m p leja se
vu e lve ta m b i n la re la c i n d e a m b ie n te s o lu g a re s
[setting s] en el esp ac io y en el tiem p o.
( c ) El c onc ep to p aisaje c ultural p roviene d e la g eog rafa c ultural. Se refiere a los resultad os d e interac c in entre ac c iones hum anas y el p aisaje p rim ario q ue se d esarrolla en el tiem p o. Uno p ued e p reg unta r en q u m o m ento lo p rim a rio p a sa a ser
c ultural, es d ec ir, q u g rad o d e im p ac to hum ano
es nec esario p ara lleg ar a este um b ral d e transic in.
Claram ente, c uanto m s m od ific ad o est el p aisaje
p or los hom b res, tanto m s c ultural es. Los p aisajes m s m od ific ad os p ob lac iones son c ulturales
p ar exc ellenc e . Pero inc luso los c azad ores y rec olec tores ya m od ific ab an c onsid erab lem ente el p aisaje
en el p roc eso d e c aza o rec olec ta, al enc end er el
fueg o, etc . As, Australia antes d e su c olonizac in y
la jung la am aznic a son p aisajes c ulturales. De m od o
sim ilar, los p ueb los g anad eros han id o form and o los
p aisajes (c ra d e c ab ras en el M ed iterrneo o d e vac as en los p rad os alp inos d e Suiza).
Sin em b arg o, la m od ific ac in hum ana d el p aisaje se hizo
m s evid ente c on la lleg ad a d e la ag ric ultura. Los jard ines en las m ontaas d e N ueva Guinea, los arrozales
esc alonad os en Asia, las terrazas d e olivares en alg unas
zonas d el M ed iterrneo, oasis d e p alm eras d e d tiles en
el norte d e fric a y en Oriente M ed io son p aisajes c ulturales en la m ism a m ed id a q ue las viviend as y p ob lac iones situad as en m ed io d e ellos (m s q ue eso, form an un
nic o sistem a). De all la esp ec ial relevanc ia d e relac iones q ue se d esarrollan en el entorno a d iferente esc ala:
p aisaje natural, reas hab itad as, vec ind arios, ed ific ios,
esp ac ios ab iertos, etc . En zonas c om o N ueva Zeland a
(y alg unas reg iones d e Australia) el p aisaje se transform
53
the unity of designlandscape architecture, urban design, architecture and

interior design merely deal with different parts of a single system. An important aspect of cultural landscapes
is that they are not designed in the
traditional sense of the term, or only
small parts of them are. They are the
result of innumerable independent decisions by many people over long periods of time. Yet they have distinct character and, if one knows the cues, a
single image may be enough to identify them. A most important question
is how these apparently independent
decisions can form such clearly recognizable wholes. The most likely answer is that people make their choices,
i.e. modify the landscape, following
shared schemata, notions of ideal
people leading ideal lives in ideal environments. hese schemata are cultural.
(d) The most concrete, and hence simplest conceptualization of environment is that it is composed of fixed,
semi-fixed and non-fixed elements.
Fixed elements are infrastructure, buildings, walls, floors, ceilings, columns,
etc.although they do change, they
do so relatively infrequently and hence
slowly. Semi-fixed elements are the
furnishings of the environmentinterior or exterior. At the urban scale
they are trees and gardens, fences,
signs, billboards, lights, benches, kiosks, etc.; in buildingsfurniture,
decorations and ornaments, plants,
curtains or blinds, etc. Non-fixed elements are typically people and their
activities, behaviors, clothing and hairstyles, and also vehicles and animals.
This again immediately includes behavior, social interaction and communication, activity systems, rule systems, etc., as part of the environment
(and, indirectly relates environments
to values, ideals, tastes, wants, etc.).
54
p or c om p leto c om o c onsec uenc ia d el ad venim iento no

solam ente d e ed ific ios y p ob lac iones, sino tam b in d e
unas p lantas extic as q ue c am b iab an la flora silvestre.
Este c am b io se vio reforzad o p or la introd uc c in d e top nim os q ue hac an referenc ia a Europ a. As, resulta q ue
los p aisajes q ue solem os llam ar naturales son, en realid ad , c ulturales, p ero c om p uestos p or elem entos naturales p lantas, tierra, roc as, ag ua, etc ., m ientras q ue
las p ob lac iones se c om p onen p rinc ip alm ente d e elem entos o m ateriales fab ric ad os p or el hom b re, e inc luso la
veg etac in y el ag ua p arec en m s c ulturizad os. Siend o am b os p aisajes c ulturales, la d iferenc ia est en el g rad o
d e m od ific ac in. Esto no hac e m s q ue p oner en relieve
la unid ad d el d iseo arq uitec tura p aisajstic a, urb anism o, arq uitec tura y d iseo d e interiores sim p lem ente se
oc up an d e d iferentes p artes d e un nic o sistem a. Un
asp ec to im p ortante d e los p aisajes c ulturales c onsiste en
q ue ellos no estn d isead os en el sentid o ac ostum b ra d o d el trm ino , o b ien nic a m ente una s p eq uea s
p artes d e ellos lo estn. Estas p artes son resultad o d e
innum e ra b le s d e c isio ne s ind e p e nd ie nte s to m a d a s p o r
m uc has p ersonas a lo larg o d e unos p erod os m uy extend id os en el tiem p o. An as, tienen c arc ter d iferente
y, si uno c onoc e los ind ic ios (o seas), una im ag en p ued e b astar p ara id entific arlas. La c uestin m s im p ortante
es: c m o estas d ec isiones ap arentem ente ind ep end ientes p ued en form ar unid ad es tan c laram ente rec onoc ib les?
La resp uesta m s p rob ab le sera q ue las p ersonas hac en sus elec c iones, es d ec ir, m od ific an su p aisaje, sig uie nd o una s e sq ue m a s c o m p a rtid o s, una s no c io ne s
d el hom b re id eal viviend o una vid a id eal en un entorno
id eal. Estos esq uem as son, sin d ud a, c ulturales.
(d )
La c onc ep tualizac in m s c onc reta y, p or c onsig uiente, m s sim p le d el term ino entorno c onstata q ue
el entorno se c om p one d e unos elem entos fijos, sem ifijos
y no fijos. Los elem entos fijos son la infraestruc tura, los
ed ific ios, los m uros, los p avim entos, los tec hos, las c olum nas, etc . aunq ue ellos c am b ien, lo hac en c on relativam ente p oc a frec uenc ia y, p or tanto, lentam ente.
It also links settlements and buildings

to all landscapes and to all kinds of
outdoor and indoor furnishings at all
scales.
Note that settings guide behavior (i.e.
the non-fixed elements (us!)) not only,
or even principally, through the fixedfeature elements of architecture, but
through semi-fixed elements which
provide essential (and increasingly important) cues. Other people present,
and their activities and behaviors are
also very important cues (often used
when the fixed and semi-fixed elements
are not noticed (too subtle, not redundant enough) or not understood
(culturally inappropriate)). The importance of semi-fixed elements has
important design implication: Built
environments (whether at the urban
or building scale) will always contain
many semi-fixed elements and these
need to be allowed for (see the discussion of open-endedness later in the
postscript). Also, since few people create their own environments now, or
have them created, they possess, define and modify settings through manipulating semi-fixed elements. This
process is often called personalization, and the culture (group)-specific
nature of such elements often gives
places their ambience (if the people
are homogeneous in their values,
tastes, etc.i.e. in their culture). Also,
the elements used, and their organization, is often at odds with designers
tastes or values, leading to conflicts.
This can be at small scales, such as
interior decorations, garden ornaments (gnomes, pink flamingo) or at
large scalessigns and billboards.
Note that in my earlier example of an
open space becoming an outdoor market, minimally there is knowledge related to temporal organization: At a
given time people congregate to play
Los elem entos sem ifijos son el relleno, o m ob iliario

[furnishing s] d el entorno tanto exterior c om o interior.
A esc ala urb ana se trata d e rb oles y jard ines, vallas,
seales, letreros, c arteles, farolas, b anc os, q uiosc os, etc .;
d entro d e los ed ific ios d e m ob iliario, ob jetos d e d ec orac in y ad ornos, p lantas, c ortinas o p ersianas, etc .. Los
elem entos no fijos son norm alm ente p ersonas y sus ac tivid ad es, c om p ortam ientos, vestuario y p einad os, y tam b in vehc ulos y anim ales. Aq u se inc luyen d irec tam ente e l c o m p o rta m ie n to , la in te ra c c i n y c o m u n ic a c i n
soc ial, los sistem as d e ac tivid ad y d e norm as, etc ., c om o
p arte d el entorno. Ind irec tam ente, los elem entos no fijos
relac ionan entornos c on valores, id eales, g ustos, d eseos,
etc . Ellos tam b in vinc ulan p ob lac iones y ed ific ios c on
tod os los p aisajes y tod os los tip os d el m ob iliario urb ano e
interior a c ualq uier esc ala.
Ob serven q ue los entornos d eterm inan el c om p ortam iento
hum ano (es d ec ir, g uan los elem entos no fijos [a noso tros!] no solam ente, o inc luso p rinc ip alm ente, a travs
d e elem entos arq uitec tnic os fijos, sino tam b in m ed iante
elem entos sem ifijos q ue p rop orc ionan las seas esenc iales [y c ad a vez m s im p ortantes]). Otras p ersonas p resentes, c on sus ac tivid ad es y c om p ortam iento, son p or
s m ism as seas m uy im p ortantes, a m enud o utilizad as
c uand o los elem entos fijos y sem ifijos no se notan son
d em asiad o sutiles o no sufic ientem ente red und antes o
no son c om p rend id os [son c ulturalm ente inap rop iad os]).
La im p ortanc ia d e elem entos sem ifijos tiene una im p lic ac in im p ortante p ara el d iseo: los entornos c onstruid os (a esc ala urb ana o a nivel d e un ed ific io) siem p re
c ontend rn m uc hos elem entos sem ifijos, y ellos d eb en
ser tenid os en c uenta (ver el c om entario sob re la ausenc ia d e lm ites fijos en la p ostd ata). Ad em s, d ad o q ue
ho y d a p o c a s p e rso na s c re a n su p ro p io e nto rno o lo
hac en c rear a su m ed id a, ellas p oseen, d efinen y m od ific an lug ares m anip uland o los elem entos sem ifijos. Este
p roc eso se suele llam ar p ersonalizac in, y la naturaleza c ulturalm ente esp ec fic a (o esp ec fic a d el g rup o) d e
e sto s e le m e nto s m uc ha s ve c e s c o nfie re a lug a re s su
55
their appropriate roles in the situation market. However, the very presence of displays of goods for sale
semi-fixed elementsinevitably provides cues. Even more frequently, however, other semi-fixed elements play
an important role as cues: Awnings,
umbrellas, stands, carts, etc. When these (and the people) disappear, the space is ready to become another setting
with different rulesplayground, soccer game, performance, etc., often
again marked by semi-fixed elements.
The importance of semi-fixed elements
in defining settings and thus guiding
behavior can be shown through examples. I will give two.
Consider a classroom. First, note that
one needs cultural knowledge even to
know the concept of classroom and
its usesand thus how to behave. By
rearranging the furniture, and adding other cues the same room (fixed
features) can become different settings,
including ones not commonly identified with classroomsbehaviors will
change accordingly. This is a kind of
mental experiment (Fig. 12).
Consider a house and the many specialized settings already described.
Some are identified by locationin a
given culture there is a consistent arrangement and ordering of such settings. But, importantly it is semi-fixed
elements that provide the cues that
identify the various settings and communicate (highly culture-specific)
rules about appropriate behavior. In
another mental experiment take a
room and change its furnishings; it is
those that clearly identify the various
settings (Fig. 13).
In all these cases one needs to have
the schema for living room, dining
room, etc. (as for classroom), and
56
p rop ia atm sfera (si las p ersonas son hom og neas, o

c oherentes, en sus valores, g ustos, etc . es d ec ir, en
su c ultura). A vec es, los elem entos utilizad os y su org anizac in no c oinc id en c on los valores y g ustos d e los d isead ores, d and o lug ar a c onflic tos. Esto p ued e p asar a
p eq uea esc a la , c o m o en el interio rism o , o rna m enta c in d e jard ines (c on fig uras d e enanitos o sim ilares), o a
esc ala m s g rand e en el c aso d e letreros y c arteles
Ob serven q ue en el ejem p lo d e un esp ac io ab ierto, c onvertid o en un m erc ad o al aire lib re, est p resente, p or lo
m enos, el c onoc im iento relativo a la org anizac in tem p oral: en un m om ento d ad o las p ersonas se c ong reg an
p ara jug ar sus p ap eles ap rop iad os en la situac in m erc a d o . Sin em b a rg o , la m ism a p resenc ia d e m erc a nc as exp uestas p ara su venta elem entos sem ifijos inevita b le m e nte p ro p o rc io na p ista s. C o n m s fre c ue nc ia
tod ava, la func in d e seas la d esem p ean otros elem entos sem ifijos: told os, som b rillas, m ostrad ores, c arritos, etc . Cuand o stos (y c on ellos la g ente) d esap arec en, el esp ac io est p rep arad o p ara c onvertirse en otro
lug ar [setting ] c on otras reg las d iferentes en una p ista
d e jueg os, un c am p o d e ftb ol, un esc enario, etc ., a
m enud o m arc ad o tam b in p or unos elem entos sem ifijos.
La im p ortanc ia d e elem entos sem ifijos p ara d efinir lug ares [setting s] y as g uiar el c om p ortam iento p ued e ser
ilustrad a c on m uc hos ejem p los. Yo m e lim itar a p oner
d o s.
Tom em os c om o ejem p lo una c lase (aula). Prim ero, no ten q ue hay q ue tener c onoc im ientos c ulturales inc luso
p ara averig uar el c onc ep to d e aula y su utilid ad . Reag rup and o los m ueb les y aad iend o otras seas, la m ism a ha b ita c i n (e le m e nto fijo ) p ue d e tra nsfo rm a rse e n
lug ares d iferentes, inc luid os alg unos q ue no son hab itu a lm e n te a so c ia d o s c o n a u la s c o n e l c o n sig u ie n te
c am b io d e c om p ortam iento. Es una esp ec ie d e exp erim ento m ental [fig . 12].
f ig u r a 1 2
aula - conferencia
aula - seminario
aula - fiesta de fin de curso
these schemata vary cross-culturally,

as does the nature and arrangement
of the semi-fixed elements. Also, in my
discussion so far I have mentioned
cultural variability in connection with
many aspects of the environment.
Thus, the time has come to begin to
discuss culture and its importance,
role, etc.; how one might define or
conceptualize culture, and how one
can use the concept. I begin with the
importance of culture.
Consid erem os una c asa y la varied ad d e am b ientes o

lug ares [setting s] esp ec ializad os q ue hem os ind ic ad o. Alg unos d e ellos se id entific an p or su ub ic ac in en una
c ultura siem p re est en m arc ha un p roc eso d e ajuste y
sistem atizac in d e tales am b ientes. Pero es notorio q ue
son los elem entos sem ifijos los q ue p rop orc ionan las seas q ue id entific an varios am b ientes y c om unic an sus
no rm a s (m uy esp ec fic a s c ultura lm ente) d e c o m p o rta m ie nto a p ro p ia d o . Dura nte o tro e xp e rim e nto m e nta l
c am b iem os el m ob iliario d e una hab itac in y verem os
q ue son los m ueb les q ue id entific an c on c larid ad los d iferentes am b ientes [fig . 13].
En tod os estos c asos es p rec iso tener un esq uem a vlid o p ara un saln (o sala d e estar), un c om ed or (al
ig ual q ue p ara una aula), y estos esq uem as varan en
la s d ife re nte s c ultura s, c o m o va ra n la na tura le za y la
57
f ig u r a 1 3
habitacin
cocina
comedor
sala de estar
cuarto de bao
despacho
Observen que los lugares [settings] son culturalmente especficos de por s. Adems,
la organizacin de los elementos semifijos y su naturaleza, que definen cualquier
lugar [setting] dado, tambin vara interculturalmente.
58
ord enac in d e elem entos sem ifijos. En el p resente lib ro

ya hem os m enc ionad o la variab ilid ad c ultural en c onexin
c on m uc hos d e los asp ec tos d el entorno. A hora es el
m om ento d e analizar la c ultura y su im p ortanc ia, su p ap el, etc .; c m o se p od ra d efinir o c onc ep tualizar la c ultura, y c m o p ued e uno utilizar el c onc ep to. Em p ezarem os p or c om entar la im p ortanc ia d e la c ultura.
1. This is not the place to deal with the question of theory development, although I have discussed in several
publications, most recently Rapoport, A. (2000) Science, explanatory theory and environment-behavior
studies, in S. Wapner et al. (Eds): Theoretical Perspectives in Environment-Behavior Research, New
York, Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers, p. 107140.
2. Rapoport, A. (1992) On cultural landscapes, Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review, vol. 3, No.
2, (spring), p. 33-47; Rapoport, A. (1990): History and
Precedent in Environmental Design, New York, Plenum.
3. The more general, extremely important question is:
Who does what, where, when, including/excluding
whom (and why).
4. Density and crowding are themselves culturally
relative, so that high density in the U.S., Spain and
Hong Kong clearly mean very different things. Also
dwellings seen as overcrowded in one culture may not
be so evaluated in another. This has major effects on
preference and choice, as we will see later.
5. It should also be emphasized that the concept space
is rather more complex than is usually thought. There
are many kinds (or types) of space, and one needs
to be specific about which is meant.
1. N o e s e l m o m e n to d e d is c u tir la c u e s ti n d e d e s a rro llo d e u n a te o ra ,

a u n q u e yo la tra t e n va ria s o c a s io n e s , la m s re c ie n te e n RA PO PO RT,
A . (2000): Sc ienc e, exp lanatory theory and environm ent- b ehaviour stud ies
(C ie n c ia , te o ra e xp lic a tiva y e s tu d io s d e c o m p o rta m ie n to h u m a n o e n
re la c i n c o n e l e n to rn o ) e n S. W a p n e r y o tro s e d ito re s : Th e o re tic a l
Pe rsp e c tive s in En viro n m e n t- Be h a vio u r Re se a rc h (Pe rsp e c tiva s te o r tic a s
e n e l e stu d io d e la s re la c io n e s e n tre e l c o m p o rta m ie n to h u m a n o y e l
e n to rn o ), N u e va Yo rk , Klu w e r A c a d e m ic /Ple n u m , p g s . 1 0 7 - 1 4 0 .
2 . RA PO PO RT, A . (1 9 9 2 ): O n c u ltu ra l la n d s c a p e s (So b re p a is a je s
c u ltu ra le s), e n Tra d itio n a l D w e llin g s a n d Se ttle m e n ts Re vie w (Re vista d e
V ivie n d a y Po b la d o Tra d ic io n a l), vo l. III, n . 2 , (p rim a ve ra ), p g s . 3 3 - 4 7 ;
RA PO PO RT, A . (1 9 9 0 ): His to ry a n d Pre c e d e n t in En viro n m e n ta l D e s ig n
(Histo ria y p re c e d e n te s e n e l d ise o d e l e n to rn o ), N u e va Yo rk , Ple n u m .
3 . L a c u e s ti n m s g e n e ra l, e x tre m a d a m e n te im p o rta n te , e s : Q u i n
h a c e q u , c u n d o e in c lu ye n d o /e x c lu ye n d o a q u i n ?
4 . D e n s id a d y s u p e rp o b la c i n s o n c u ltu ra lm e n te re la tiva s d e p o r s , a s
q u e la a lta d e n s id a d d e p o b la c io n e n lo s EE.U U ., Es p a a y Ho n g Ko n g
c la ra m e n te s ig n ific a n a lg o m u y d ife re n te . Ig u a lm e n te , la s vivie n d a s c o n s id e ra d a s h a c in a d a s e n u n a c u ltu ra p u e d e n n o s e r e va lu a d a s a s e n
o tra . To d o e llo tie n e m a yo r in c id e n c ia e n la s p re fe re n c ia s y e le c c io n e s ,
ta l y c o m o ve re m o s m s a d e la n te .
5. Hay q ue sub rayar tam b in q ue el c onc ep to d e esp ac io es b astante
m s c om p lejo d e lo q ue norm alm ente se p iensa. Existen m uc hos tip os
(o c lases) d e esp ac io, y siem p re hay q ue esp ec ific ar d e c ul d e ellos se
trata.
59
III
L a im p o r t a n c ia d e la c u lt u r a
Th e Im p o r t a n c e o f C u lt u r e
61
La im p o rta n c ia d e la c u ltu ra
The major premise of this book is that,

within an EBS context, a consideration
and an understanding of culture are
extremely important in many domains, including environmental design.
It should be emphasized that this is a
hypothesis. In reality the importance
of culture cannot be assumed or asserted, but needs to be tested empirically.
Moreover, it also needs to be established how important culture is in various
domains, how important relative to
other considerations in environmental
design, for whom, under what circumstances, for which environments and
so on. These are all empirical questions, but I will provisionally accept
this hypothesis because it seems to be
well supported by the available evidence.
Este lib ro se b asa en la sig uiente p rem isa: en el c ontexto

d e lo s EBS (e stud io s d e c o m p o rta m ie nto hum a no e n
relac in c on el entorno) la c onsid erac in y la c om p rensin d e la c ultura son extrem ad am ente im p ortantes p ara
m uc ho s c a m p o s, inc luid o e l d e d ise o a m b ie nta l. Es
p rec iso sub rayar q ue se trata d e una hip tesis. En realid ad , la im p ortanc ia d e la c ultura no p ued e ser asum id a
o afirm ad a sin m s, sino q ue d eb e ser d em ostrad a em p ric a m e nte . A d e m s, e s ne c e sa rio a na liza r la im p o rtanc ia d e la c ultura en d iferentes d om inios, su im p ortanc ia en relac in c on otros asp ec tos d el d iseo am b iental,
d esc ub rir p ara q uin es im p ortante, b ajo q u c irc unstanc ias, p ara q u am b ientes y p or q u. Son p reg untas em p ric as, p ero nosotros p rovisionalm ente asum irem os esta
hip tesis, ya q ue p arec e estar firm em ente ap oyad a en
tod as las evid enc ias d e las q ue d isp onem os.
The general importance of culture. In

connection with EBS, culture is important in two ways. First, in identifying
the role of culture in various explanations, models and, eventually theories
of EBR, i.e. its role in the discipline as
a whole. Second, more closely related
to environmental design, how important culture is in understanding particular, specific user groups, situations
and environments. Regarding the first,
I have already suggested that culture
clearly seems to play a role in all three
of the basic question of EBS and is,
therefore inescapable (a point I will
elaborate shortly). As a result, and in
response to the role in specific issues
of design, there has been and continue
to be major growth in the interest in
culture, and a growing awareness of
its importance or, at least of investigating it (e.g. since House Form and
Culture in 1969). Similarly, a concern
with culture has become ever more
important in many other fields:
Im p ortanc ia g eneral d e c ultura. Resp ec to a los EBS, la

c ultura es im p ortante en d os asp ec tos. Prim ero, id entific and o el p ap el d e la c ultura a travs d e d iferentes d efinic io nes, m o d elo s y, eventua lm ente, teo ra s d e la s EBR
(relac iones entre el entorno y el c om p ortam iento hum ano), lleg am os a su relevanc ia c om o d isc ip lina en g eneral. Seg und o, y en relac in m s estrec ha c on el d iseo
d e l e nto rno , p o d e m o s ha b la r d e la im p o rta nc ia d e la
c ultura p ara c om p rend er los g rup os d e usuarios, lug ares
y situac iones p artic ulares y esp ec fic os. Resp ec to al p rim er asp ec to, ya hem os hec ho una sup osic in d e q ue la
c ultura p arec e jug ar un p ap el p rim ord ial en tod as las tres
c uestiones b sic as d e los EBS y, p or c onsig uiente, resulta im p resc ind ib le (una afirm ac in q ue arg um entarem os
en b reve). Com o resultad o, y en resp uesta a su p ap el en
las c uestiones esp ec fic as d el d iseo, se reg istr un notab le y c ontinuo aum ento d el inters p or la c ultura y una
c rec iente c onc ienc ia d e su im p ortanc ia o, p or lo m enos,
se m anifest una voluntad d e investig ar el tem a (en c onc reto, d esd e la p ub lic ac in en 1969 d e House Form and
Culture (Form as d e la viviend a y la c ultura)). De m od o
sim ilar, la p reoc up ac in d e la c ultura ha aum entad o en
m uc hos otros c am p os:
Developmental psychology
Adolescence
63
Developmental disorders
Language development
Counseling
Education (learning and teaching)
Psychology
Sport
Economics
Business
Organizational behavior
Work/employment
Marketing and advertising
Product development and packaging
Law
Politics
Strategy and military and security
studies
Third world development (economic,
social, physical)
Psychiatry
Substance abuse
Medicine and health generally
Human ecology, use of resources and
sustainability
Aging, etc.
A number of these have potential links
to environmental design. For example,
once health and medicine are studied
in different groups (and, as we shall
see, groups are a key aspect of culture)
this leads to a concern with ideals,
values, lifestyle, religion, sex- and
other roles, etc. We will see that these
are closely related to what we call culture. They also suggest the need to
design specific health delivery systems,
sometimes considering the potential
role of traditional medicine and healers and, possibly the need to design
health facilities (clinics, hospitals, etc.)
differently for different groups.
Returning to the general importance
of culture in EBS, I will elaborate the
role that culture plays in the three basic
questions. It is that role which made
me suggest earlier that a consideration
of culture is inescapable in EBS and
environmental design. First of all, the
64
- Psic olog a d el d esarrollo hum ano

- Psic olog a d e la ad olesc enc ia
- Estud io d e d esrd enes d e d esarrollo
- Estud io d e d esarrollo d el leng uaje
- A sesoram iento
- Ed uc ac in (ap rend izaje e instruc c in)
- Psic olog a
- Dep orte
- Ec o n o m a
- N eg oc ios
- Estud io d e c om p ortam iento org anizativo
-Trab ajo/em p leo
- M arketing y p ub lic id ad
- Desarrollo d e p rod uc tos y em b alaje
- D e re c h o
- Poltic a
- Estrateg ia m ilitar y estud ios d e seg urid ad
-Tem as d e d esarrollo (ec onm ic o, soc ial y m aterial) d el
llam ad o terc er m und o
- Psiq uiatra
- Luc ha c on d rog od ep end enc ia
- M ed ic ina y salud en g eneral
- Ec olog a hum ana, ap rovec ham iento d e rec ursos naturales y sostenib ilid ad
- Gerontolog a, etc .
Varios d e estos c am p os tienen vnc ulos p otenc iales c on
el d iseo am b iental. Por ejem p lo, c uand o los tem as d e
salud y m ed ic ina son estud iad os p or g rup os d iferentes
d e p ersonas (c om o verem os, los g rup os son un asp ec to
c lave d e la c ultura), se tiend en a sub rayar d iferentes p riorid ad es: id eales, valores, estilos d e vid a, relig iones, roles
sexuales o d e otro tip o, etc . Com o verem os, tod as ellas
estn estrec ham ente relac ionad as c on lo q ue solem os
llam ar c ultura. Tam b in im p lic an la nec esid ad d e d isear sistem as d e sanid ad esp ec fic as, a vec es tom and o
en c uenta el p ap el p otenc ial d e m ed ic ina trad ic ional y
sus sanad ores, y, p rob ab lem ente, tam b in la nec esid ad
d e d isear unos eq uip am ientos sanitarios (c lnic as, hosp itales, etc .) d istintos, d estinad os a d istintos g rup os d e
p ob lac in.
possession of culture is what is generally taken to define humans: Since EBS

involves humans one must consider
culture. At the same time the specifics
of culture lead to major difference
among various groups. This results in
a paradox: The possession of culture
makes us all human and defines our
species, yet it also divides us by language, religion, food habits, rules and
many other specific aspects of culture,
to the extent that one can speak of
pseudo-species. It follows that many
important characteristics of people
(Question 1) are related to culture.
Similar environments can have very
different effects on people (Question
2), depending on their specific characteristics many of which, as we have
just seen are cultural or influenced by
culture. For example, for sedentary
groups being displaced presents severe
problemsfor nomads it is being settled. High-rise apartments have very negative effect on members of some groups but work well for others. Density
and crowding mean very different
things to members of different groups,
so that the same standards cannot be
used, and similar numbers of dwellings
per unit area, or people per dwelling
will be evaluated very differently and,
therefore have different consequences.
The contexts or circumstances also
play an important role in the effects
environments have on people, and
many of these are related to culture.
For example, rates of cultural change
are important, with rapid change often
presenting problems. Another factor
is the cognitive distance among groups, so that urbanization is easier for
settled people than nomads, and migration easier when cultures are more
similar. Another important contextual
variable, related to the two just mentioned, is what is called reduced competence and hence higher criticality.
Volviend o a la im p ortanc ia g eneral d e la c ultura en los

EBS, analizarem os el p ap el q ue jueg a la c ultura en las
tres c uestiones b sic as. Este p ap el nos ha llevad o anteriorm ente a la c onc lusin d e q ue tom ar en c onsid erac in la c ultura es im p resc ind ib le en los estud ios EBS y en
el d iseo am b iental. Ante tod o, lo q ue g eneralm ente d efine a los seres hum anos es su p osesin d e la c ultura, y
p uesto q ue los EBS se oc up an d e los hum anos, tenem o s q ue te ne r e n c o nsid e ra c i n la c ultura . A l m ism o
tiem p o, las exp resiones esp ec fic as d e la c ultura d eterm inan g rand es d iferenc ias entre los d istintos g rup os. Esto
d esem b oc a en una p arad oja: la p osesin d e la c ultura
nos hac e hum anos y d efine nuestra esp ec ie; sin em b arg o, al m ism o tiem p o la c ultura nos sep ara p or c riterios
d e id iom a, relig in, hb itos alim entic ios, norm as soc iales
y m uc hos otros asp ec tos esp ec fic os d e la c ultura hasta
el p unto en el q ue se p ued a hab lar d e p seud oesp ec ies.
De ah se d ed uc e q ue m uc has c arac terstic as esenc iales d el ser hum ano (c uestin 1) estn relac ionad as c on
la c ultura.
Entornos sim ilares p ued en p rod uc ir efec tos m uy d iversos en las p ersonas (c uestin 2), d ep end iend o d e sus
esp ec fic as c arac terstic as, m uc has d e las c uales, c om o
ac ab am os d e c om p rob ar, son c ulturales o estn influenc iad as p or la c ultura. Por ejem p lo, p ara g rup os sed entarios los d esp lazam ientos c onstituyen un serio p rob lem a,
m ientras q ue p ara p ueb los nm ad as lo es la p erm anenc ia en el m ism o lug ar. Ap artam entos situad os en ed ific ios altos tienen efec tos m uy neg ativos sob re m iem b ros
d e alg unos g rup os, p ero func ionan m uy b ien p ara otros.
Trm inos d ensid ad y sup erp ob lac in sig nific an alg o
m uy d iferente p ara c om p onentes d e d istintos g rup os, as
q ue no p od em os em p lear los m ism os estnd ares: el m ism o nm ero d e viviend as p or unid ad d e sup erfic ie o el
m ism o nm ero d e hab itantes p or viviend a se evaluaran
d e m anera m uy d istinta y tend ran d iferentes c onsec uenc ias. Los c ontextos y las c irc unstanc ias tam b in jueg an
un p a p e l im p o rta nte e n e l im p a c to q ue p ro d uc e n lo s
entornos en las p ersonas, y m uc hos d e ellos estn relaA R Q U I TE C TO N I C S
65
Reduced competence (a technical

term) refers to the notion that people,
due to age, illness, extremely rapid
and, hence disruptive, rates of cultural and social change with the consequent need to acculturate to very
different lifestyles, work, time organization, etc., have fewer resources available to them than others. This reduces
their ability to cope with the additional
demands imposed by unsuitable, unsupportive environments. Such demands with which fully competent people can deal easily may become destructive for more vulnerable people,
who have already reached (or even
exceeded) the limit of their ability to
cope. It follows that environments
have much larger effects on people
like these. This may be because they
cannot leave unsuitable environments
and seek out others (blocked habitat
selection). It may also be because they
cannot rely on various customary social and cultural mechanisms. In either
case, the criticality of environments is
increased and highly supportive
(possibly, even prosthetic) environments are needed. Note that such supportiveness is often indirect (as discussed in Chapter 1 regarding basic
question 2), and often through various
social and other expressions or components of culture to be discussed later
(in Chapter 5).
Note also that many of the mechanisms
linking people and environments
(question 3) are cultural, are related
to culture or vary with culture. This
variability differs for different mechanisms, I have already suggested that
there seems to be a limited number of
such mechanisms. A first attempt to
list possible mechanisms, knowledge
of which is essential for explanation
of EBR (and hence explanatory
theory) has already been given in
Chapter 1.
66
c ionad os c on la c ultura. Por ejem p lo, son im p ortantes

los ritm os d el c am b io c ultural (un c am b io rp id o a m enud o p resenta p rob lem as). Otro fac tor es la d istanc ia
c og nitiva entre g rup os (p or ejem p lo, el p roc eso d e urb anizac in se d esarrolla c on m s fac ilid ad en p ueb los
sed entarios q ue en g rup os nm ad as, y la m ig rac in es
tanto m s fc il c uanto m s sim ilares son las c ulturas).
Otra im p ortante variab le c ontextual, en relac in c on las
d os q ue ac ab am os d e m enc ionar, es lo q ue se d enom in a c o m p e te n c ia re d u c id a , e s d e c ir, u n g ra d o d e
c ritic id ad m s alto.
El trm ino tc nic o c om p etenc ia red uc id a d esig na una
situac in c uand o unas p ersonas, d eb id o a su ed ad , enferm ed ad , c am b ios c ulturales o soc iales exc esivam ente
b ru sc o s y, e n c o n se c u e n c ia , d e so rg a n iza d o re s, q u e
c onllevan una nec esid ad d e ad ap tarse a estilos d e vid a,
c ond ic iones d e trab ajo u horarios m uy d iferentes, tienen
m enos rec ursos a su d isp osic in q ue otras. Por tanto, se
ve m erm ad a su c ap ac id ad d e estar a la altura d e las
exig enc ias ad ic ionales im p uestas p or los entornos inc m od os u hostiles. Tales d em and as, a las q ue p ersonas
en su p lena c ap ac id ad resp ond en fc ilm ente, p ued en
resultar d estruc tivas p ara ind ivid uos m s vulnerab les q ue
ya han lleg ad o al lm ite d e su c ap ac id ad d e sup erac in
(o inc luso lo ha n so b rep a sa d o ). To d o ello no s p erm ite
d e d uc ir q ue lo s e nto rno s c a usa n e fe c to s m uc ho m s
p ronunc iad os en este tip o d e p ersonas. La exp lic ac in
p rob ab lem ente rad ic a en q ue ellas no p ued an ab and onar los entornos inc m od os y b usc ar otros (selec c in d e
hb itat b loq uead a). Es tam b in p osib le q ue estas p ersonas no p ued an ap oyarse en una serie d e m ec anism os
soc iales y c ulturales a los q ue estn hab ituad os. En c ualq uier c aso, la c ritic id ad d e los entornos se ve inc rem entad a, p ues se nec esitan entornos altam ente favorab les,
q ue p resten ap oyo (o, p osib lem ente, hasta p rotsic os).
Ob serven q ue tal c ap ac id ad d e d ar ap oyo es a m enud o
ind irec ta (c om o hem os c om entad o en el Cap tulo 1 en
relac in c on la c uestin b sic a 2), y m uc has vec es se
m anifiesta a travs d e varias exp resiones soc iales u otros
Two things need to be noted. First,

some of these mechanisms vary much
more with culture than others. For
example, whereas perception is largely
unaffected by culture, cognition varies
significantly with culture, and meaning and evaluation are culturally extremely variable. Second, some of these
mechanisms interact and work together, for example, affect, meaning and
evaluation. Also, this list is a first effort
and can be expanded (or modified) if
necessary, i.e. as and if new mechanisms are discovered and new knowledge obtained. Also, the mechanisms
listed can be further subdivided, for
example, meaning into different levels
and types, the ideal images involved,
etc., or by listing the specifics of cultural aspects of supportiveness. This
implies that even more specific and
concrete mechanisms can be introduced, often on the basis of new findings. One example is specific brain
mechanisms for various cognitive
tasks, such as way-finding, orientation,
memory, learning, affect, etc., discovered by cognitive neuroscience,
which is developing extremely fast.
Another example is that new theoretical developments can also make
mechanisms more specific. Thus my
interpretation of one behavioral mechanism, how settings communicate
expected behaviors via cues, is clarified by frame/script theory from computation science, which shows how this
process actually works.1
There is another formulation of the
domain of EBS.2 This suggest that EBS
is concerned with settings and places,
user groups and socio-behavioral phenomena. This formulation can be derived from that based on the three basic
questions which, therefore I see as
more basic and fundamental. More
important, for the present topic, is the
fact that all three are, once again, re-
c om p onentes d e la c ultura q ue exam inarem os m s ad elante (en el Cap tulo 5).

Ob serven tam b in q ue m uc hos d e los m ec anism os q ue
vinc ula n a la s p erso na s c o n sus ento rno s (c uesti n 3 )
son c ulturales, estn relac ionad os c on la c ultura o varan
en func in d e ella. La variab ilid ad c am b ia p ara d iferentes m ec anism os. Ya hem os sug erid o q ue el nm ero d e
estos m ec anism os p arec e ser lim itad o. El p rim er intento
d e enum erarlos (su c onoc im iento es esenc ial p ara la exp lic ac in d e las EBR) ha sid o em p rend id o ya en el Cap tulo 1.
Hay q ue tener en c uenta d os fac tores. Prim ero, alg unos
d e estos m ec anism os varan c on la c ultura en m uc ho
m a yo r g ra d o q ue o tro s. Po r e je m p lo , m ie ntra s q ue la
p erc ep c in b sic am ente no se ve afec tad a p or la c ultura, la c og nic in s vara sig nific ativam ente, y el sig nific ad o
y la eva lua c i n so n ya extrem a d a m ente va ria b les c ultu ra lm e n te . Se g u n d o , a lg u n o s d e e sto s m e c a n ism o s
interac tan y c oop eran: p or ejem p lo, el afec to, el sig nific ad o y la evaluac in. Hay q ue tener en c uenta q ue la
lista d e m ec anism os p resentad a no es m s q ue un esb ozo inic ial y, ob viam ente, p ued e ser am p liad a (o m od ific ad a), si es nec esario, en el c aso d e d esc ub rir nuevos
m ec anism os y ad q uirir nuevos c onoc im ientos. Los m ec anism os enum erad os p od ran tam b in ser sub d ivid id os,
p or ejem p lo, en d iferentes niveles y tip os, p untualizad as
las im g enes id eales relac ionad as c on la sig nific ac in, o
enum erad as las c arac terstic as esp ec fic as d e los asp ec tos c ulturales d e la c ap ac id ad d e ap oyo [sup p ortiveness]
d el entorno. Ello im p lic a la p osib ilid ad d e introd uc ir m s
m ec anism os esp ec fic os y c onc retos, m uc has vec es en
b a se d e n u e vo s d e sc u b rim ie n to s. C o m o e je m p lo , se
p ued en c itar los m ec anism os esp ec fic os d el c ereb ro d estina d o s a d e se m p e a r va ria s ta re a s c o g nitiva s, c o m o
rec onoc im iento d el terreno, orientac in, m em oria, ap rend izaje, afec to, etc ., d esc ub iertos p or la c ienc ia neuroc og nitiva q ue se est d esa rro lla nd o c o n extrem a ra p id ez.
Otro ejem p lo : el d esa rro llo d e nueva s teo ra s ta m b in
67
lated to culture. Different groups subdivide the world into different domains
and settings, and use them differently
(this also applies to places, but that
is a term which I believe has many
problems and which I will therefore
not use). User groups are generally,
and most usefully, defined through
culture (as we will see later) and
many (most?) socio-behavioral phenomena are related to, influenced by
or defined by culture.
The discussion thus far suggests, as
already pointed out that groups seem
to be the key. For example, users as a
whole are very different indeed to designers, and this difference between
these two groups (which, in effect are
different (sub)cultures) creates many
of the problems EBS is meant to
alleviate (and which are discussed
below). Also, users are not one
groupthere are many user groups,
defined by various specific characteristics important for culture-specific
environmental design; this bears on
the specific importance of culture in
EBS, as opposed to its general importance which I have been discussing.
The nature of relevant groups is an
under-researched topic, but those
often used in design and even in EBS
(e.g. the elderly, children, patients, the
urban poor of the Third World, etc.)
are not useful, because they are much
too broad. This topic will be discussed
in detail later (in Chapter 6) and is an
important aspect of this book.
The Variability of Environments

There is a very important question
why there should be such an extraordinary variety of built environments,
especially houses and dwellings and
also settlement forms. This variety has
not previously been explicitly noted
nor emphasized. The recent publica-
68
p ued e c ontrib uir a aum entar el g rad o d e esp ec ific id ad

d e los m ec anism os. De este m od o, nuestra interp retac in d e uno d e los m ec anism os d e c om p ortam iento (los
lug ares [setting s] c om unic an el c om p ortam iento esp erad o m ed iante seas, o ind ic ios) se ve c larific ad a p or la
teora d e m arc o/g uin, p roc ed ente d e la inform tic a, q ue
d em uestra c m o, en realid ad , func iona el p roc eso. 1
Existe o tra d e finic i n d e l d o m inio d e lo s EBS. 2 Seg n
ella, los EBS se oc up an d e am b ientes y lug ares [setting s],
g rup o s d e usua rio s y fe n m e no s d e c o m p o rta m ie nto
soc ial. Esta form ulac in p ued e d ed uc irse d e la d efinic in
b asad a en las tres c uestiones p rim ord iales, la q ue c onsid ero, p or lo tanto, m s b sic a y fund am ental. M s relevante p ara nuestro tem a es el hec ho d e q ue estas tres
c uestiones estn relac ionad as c on la c ultura. Diferentes
g rup os d e p ersonas d ivid en el m und o en d iferentes d om inios y lug ares, o am b ientes [setting s], a los q ue utilizan
d e m anera d istinta (esto es tam b in vlid o p ara sitios o
lug a re s [p la c es], p e ro e ste t rm ino , e n nue stra o p inin, tiene m uc hos p rob lem as, p or lo q ue no lo vam os a
usar). Los g rup os d e usuarios, p or lo g eneral, se d efinen
(lo q ue es m s til p ara nosotros) a travs d e la c ultura
(c om o verem os m s tard e), y m uc hos d e los fenm enos d e c om p ortam iento soc ial estn relac ionad os c on la
c ultura, influenc iad os o d efinid os p or ella.
Tod o nuestro d isc urso d esarrollad o hasta ahora ind ic a,
c om o ya ha sid o p untualizad o, q ue los g rup os p arec en
ser el fac tor c lave. Por ejem p lo, los usuarios en g eneral
son m uy d istintos d e los d isead ores, y esta d iferenc ia
entre los d os g rup os (q ue, en realid ad , rep resentan d os
sub c ultura s d iferentes) es la c a usa d e m uc ho s d e lo s
p rob lem as q ue los EBS d eb eran tratar d e aliviar (se c om entarn m s ad elante). Tam b in es c ierto q ue los usuarios no c onstituyen un g rup o hom og neo hay un g ran
nm ero d e g rup os d e usuarios, d efinid os p or varias c arac terstic as esp ec fic as relevantes p ara el d iseo am b ienta l, c ultura lm ente esp ec fic o . Ello c o nlleva la im p ortanc ia esp ec fic a d e la c ultura en los EBS, op uesta a
tion of the Encyclopedia of Vernacular

Architecture of the World suggest the
possibility of an estimate. In it I counted 1278 areas/groups, each with its
own distinct environments. Others
exist, because the coverage, although
extraordinary, is not complete. Also,
the coverage is by groups and areas,
some of which comprise more than
one type (and form) of environment.
Other classifications are also possible
which might further increase the number of house types, settlement forms,
non-domestic buildings, significant
outdoor settings, etc. Moreover, any
one of the entries in the encyclopedia
could be studied at a finer grain or
scale, leading to more types.
This extraordinary variety is puzzling
because, after all, people do a much
more limited set of things in such environments, and the number of climatic zones, materials and techniques
is also smaller. The reference above to
doing things in environments, and
the definition of housing in Chapter
1, suggest that it is something about
activities that results in this variety. The
answer follows from the fact that
activities can, and need, to be dismantled. In fact, activities (and this
also applies to function) can be
dismantled into four components:
The activity itself
How it is carried out
How it is associated with other activities to form systems of activities
The meaning of the activity.
The first is the instrumental or manifest (i.e. obvious, self-evident) aspect
of the activity; the lastits latent
aspects. The important thing to note
is that variability goes up as one moves
from the instrumental/manifest to the
latent aspects of an activity (or
function) (see Fig. 14).
la im p ortanc ia g eneral q ue hem os estad o c om entand o.

La naturaleza d e los g rup os relevantes es un tem a p oc o
estud iad o, p ero la tip olog a frec uentem ente utilizad a en
el d iseo e inc luso en los EBS (p or ejem p lo, p ersonas
m ayores, nios, enferm os, los p ob res d e las c iud ad es
d el Terc er M und o, etc .) no sirve, ya q ue son g rup os d em a sia d o a m p lio s. Este te m a un a sp e c to im p o rta nte
d el p resente lib ro se tratar am p liam ente en el Cap tulo 6.
V a r ia b ilid a d d e e n t o r n o s
Hay una c uestin m uy im p ortante: Por q u existe una
varied ad ten enorm e d e entornos c onstruid os, esp ec ialm e nte c a sa s, vivie nd a s y nc le o s d e p o b la c i n? Esta
varied ad no ha sid o exp lc itam ente ob servad a ni d estac ad a. La p ub lic ac in rec iente d e la Enc ic lop ed ia d e arq u ite c tu ra ve rn a c u la r d e l m u n d o [En c yc lo p e d ia o f
Vernac ular Arc hitec ture of the W orld ] sug iere una p osib ilid ad d e su revalorizac in. En este lib ro hem os p od id o
c o nta r ha sta 1 .2 7 8 re a s/g rup o s d ife re nte s, c a d a uno
d e las c uales c uenta c on sus p rop ios y d iversos entornos.
Existen m s, ya q ue la c ob ertura d e este estud io, aunq ue extraord inaria, no es c om p leta. Ig ualm ente, el c ontenid o se estruc tura en g rup os y reas, alg unos d e los
c uales c ontienen, en realid ad , m s d e un tip o (y form a)
d e entorno. Son p osib les otras c lasific ac iones d iferentes
q ue p od ran inc rem entar an m s el nm ero d e tip os d e
c asas, form as d e asentam iento, ed ific ios no d estinad os
a la viviend a, instalac iones sig nific ativas al aire lib re, etc .
Ad em s, c ualq uiera d e las entrad as d e la Enc ic lop ed ia
p od ra ser estud iad a a esc ala m s p orm enorizad a, c reand o m s ram ific ac iones d e la tip olog a.
Esta extraord inaria varied ad es d esc onc ertante, ya q ue,
d esp us d e tod o, en tales entornos las p ersonas hac en
una serie d e ac tivid ad es m uc ho m s lim itad a, y el nm ero d e zo na s c lim tic a s, m a teria les y tc nic a s ta m b i n e s m e no r. La re fe re nc ia a l ha c e r c o sa s e n lo s
entornos y la d efinic in d e la viviend a d ad a en el Cap tulo 1 sug ieren q ue esta varied ad est d e alg una form a
69
Several examples of such an analysis

of activities may help to clarify this
point. Consider cooking. At its simplest, most instrumental level, cooking
is the transformation of raw food into
cooked (as the title of Lvi-Strauss
well-known book suggests). It is a particularly useful activity to consider for
several reasons. First, because it is a
human universal, and hence useful for
cross-cultural comparison. This universality is why Lvi-Strauss used
cooking as a major discriminant be-
relac ionad a c on las ac tivid ad es. La resp uesta p roviene

d el hec ho d e q ue las ac tivid ad es p ued en y nec esitan ser
d isg reg ad as. En realid ad , p od em os seg reg ar las ac tivid ad es (lo m ism o se ap lic a a las func iones) en c uatro
c o m p o nentes:
- La ac tivid ad en s
- Cm o se realiza
- Cm o se asoc ia c on otras ac tivid ad es p ara form ar sistem as d e ac tivid ad es
- El sig nific ad o d e la ac tivid ad
El p rim er c om p onente es el asp ec to instrum ental o m anifiesto (es d ec ir, ob vio o evid ente) d e la ac tivid ad ; el ltim o su asp ec to latente. Ob serven una c osa im p ortante: la variab ilid ad va en aum ento a m ed id a d e q ue
uno p asa d e los asp ec tos instrum entales/m anifiestos d e
la a c tivid a d a sus a sp ec to s la tentes func io nes [fig .
1 4 ].
f ig u r a 1 4
instrumental/manifiesto
actividad misma
la variabilidad
incrementa
cmo es llevada a cabo
cmo se asocia con otras actividades para formar sistemas
latente
el significado de la actividad
desglose/disgregacin de una actividad
70
tween culture and nature, between

human and non-human. This is an
apparently simple activity but, because
activities are an expression of lifestyle
(and ultimately of culture) and because they vary as one moves from
their instrumental/manifest to their
latent aspects, even this apparently
simple activity is highly variable and,
therefore, leads to highly variable design requirements. How food is transformed already varies a great deal:
Roasting, boiling, frying, baking and
other ways of applying heat (burying
with rocks, throwing on the fire, a great
variety of oven types even in one
country (e.g. Egypt)). There are also
other ways of transforming food: Fermenting, pickling (e.g. Kimchi in
Korea), marinating, etc. Cooking containers and appliances vary a great
deal, also does their location and
hence ergonomics, body positions (e.g.
squatting).
Associated activities vary even more.
Cooking can be a solitary activity, carried out by servants, a communal activity, a social activity, a teaching activity for offspring. It may be accompanied by radio, music, TV or socializing. It may be highly private, done
out of sight (as in the kitchens described as hidden rooms in Kenya)
or central in the dwelling as a place
for social interaction, hospitality and
entertaining, eating and other activities, they then need to be large as
in the family room in U.S. dwellings.
It can also be a principal locale for
most activities, including childrens
homework, as among the English
working class. It takes on added importance when cooking becomes a
hobby (gourmet cooking), becomes a
way of establishing identity, or even a
status symbol.
Consider the latter in somewhat more
Hay alg unos ejem p los d e tal anlisis d e ac tivid ad es q ue

p od ran ayud ar a esc larec er este p unto. Consid erem os
la p rep arac in d e la c om id a. A su nivel m s senc illo e
instrum ental, no es m s q ue transform ac in d e alim entos c rud os en alim entos c oc id os (c om o sug iere el ttulo
d el c onoc id o lib ro d e Lvi- Strauss). Es una ac tivid ad q ue
se p resta exc ep c ionalm ente b ien a nuestro anlisis p or
varias razones. Prim ero, p orq ue es una ac tivid ad hum an a u n ive rs a l, lu e g o , id n e a p a ra u n a c o m p a ra c i n
interc ultura l. Esta universa lid a d es la ra z n p o r la q ue
Lvi- Strauss ha utilizad o la c oc ina c om o un im p ortante
fac tor d e d istinc in entre la c ultura y la naturaleza,
entre lo hum ano y lo no- hum ano. Es una ac tivid ad ap arentem ente sim p le, p ero, d ad o q ue las ac tivid ad es son
una exp resin d el estilo d e vid a (y, en ltim a instanc ia, d e
la c ultura) y q ue ellas varan en c uanto uno p asa d e sus
asp ec tos instrum entales/m anifiestos a los asp ec tos latentes, inc luso esta ac tivid ad ap arentem ente senc illa resulta ser extrem ad am ente variab le y, p or lo tanto, c ond uc e a unos req uerim ientos d e d iseo altam ente variab les. El m od o d e transform ar la c om id a ya es m uy variad o d e p or s: los alim entos p ued en ser asad os, hervid os, fritos, hor- nead os, o se les p ued e ap lic ar otro tip o
d e tratam iento trm ic o (c ub rir c on p ied ras c alientes, ec har
en el fueg o vivo, etc .) q ue p ued e c am b iar m uc ho inc luso d entro d e un m ism o p as (p or ejem p lo, Eg ip to). Tam b in hay otras m aneras d e transform ar alim entos: ferm entar, enc urtir (p or ejem p lo, kim c hi en Corea), m arinar, etc . Rec ip ientes y utensilios d e c oc ina varan b astante, al ig ual q ue su c oloc ac in y, en c onsec uenc ia, su
erg onm ic a, la p osic in d el c uerp o (p or ejem p lo, c oc inar en c uc lillas).
Las ac tivid ad es asoc iad as varan an m s. La p rep arac in d e la c om id a p ued e ser una ac tivid ad solitaria, una
tarea enc om end ad a a los sirvientes, una ac tivid ad c om unal, soc ial, o d e enseanza (transm itiend o la exp erienc ia a la joven g enerac in). Pued e ir am enizad a p or la
rad io, m sic a, televisin o c onversac in c on otras p ersonas. Pued e ser estric tam ente p rivad a, d esem p ead a
71
detail. One study of Puerto Rican immigrants in New York, did a redesign
of tenement apartments based on
architectural criteria. Since the apartments were small, efficiency kitchens
were used. The activities involved were
then analyzed. In this particular case
kitchens needed to be large, because
a specific way of cooking in front of
female guests establishes female status hierarchies. In effect, cooking becomes a performance and effort is emphasized. Also, large groups are entertained. The large kitchen size is also
made necessary by the presence of many appliances which also help establish status. The initial design of an efficiency kitchen was totally inappropriate, and an expression of AngloAmerican culture where food magically appears without apparent effort3
(Fig. 15).
Cooking may also be linked to specific
rituals (as among the Apache) or religion more generally, for example,
through purity laws in India and Indians elsewhere (e.g. Singapore),
which influence the relation of the kitchen to other spaces. Other examples
include Orthodox Judaism where, because of requirements for separating
meat and milk, kitchens need two sets
of everything; polygamous Mormons
require multiple kitchens, one for each
wife, as do many traditional African
polygamous groups.
As we have already seen, all these variations are directly related to, and
influence the settings involved. These
can be part of a single, multi-setting
space (also used for many other activities, either simultaneously or organized
in time), they can be a separate structure, or be part of the dwelling in the
winter and separated in the summer
(as in North Africa and the Middle
East). They can be outdoors, or can
72
fuera d el alc anc e d e los ojos ajenos (en Kenia las c oc inas se d efinen c om o hab itac iones esc ond id as), o ser
la ac tivid ad c entral d e la vid a d om stic a, sm b olo d e hosp italid ad ; ocasin p ara relaciones sociales y entretenim iento, a la q ue se d estina el lug ar p rivileg iad o en la viviend a.
Estas situac iones req uieren una c oc ina esp ac iosa, c om o
la s fa m ily ro o m s e n la s c a sa s no rte a m e ric a na s. L a
c oc ina p ued e inc luso servir c om o lug ar p rinc ip al p ara la
m ayora d e las ac tivid ad es d om stic as, inc luid os los d eb eres d e los nios, c om o en las fam ilias ing lesas d e c lase ob rera, o ad q uiere una esp ec ial im p ortanc ia c uand o
la g astronom a se c onvierte en un hob b y (arte c ulinario
p ara g ourm ets ), en una form a d e estab lec er id entid ad o
hasta en un sm b olo d e status soc ial.
Analizarem os este ltim o p unto m s d etenid am ente. Un
estud io d e inm ig rantes p uertorriq ueos en N ueva York
hizo p atente la nec esid ad d e c am b iar el d iseo d e ap artam entos d e alq uiler b asad o en los c riterios exc lusivam ente arq uitec tnic os. Dad o q ue los ap artam entos eran
p eq ueos, se p royec taron las m insc ulas c oc inas am eric anas [effic ienc y kitc hens]. Al analizar las ac tivid ad es
q ue ib an a d esarrollarse all, se d esc ub ri q ue en aq uel
c a so c o nc reto la s c o c ina s tena n q ue ser g ra nd es, ya
q ue la form a esp ec fic a d e c oc inar d elante d e las m ujeres invitad as estab lec a las jerarq uas fem eninas. De hec h o , la p re p a ra c i n d e la c o m id a se c o n vie rte e n u n
esp ec tc ulo [p erform anc e] d ond e se p one en evid enc ia
y se a p re c ia e l e sfue rzo y a l q ue a siste , a d e m s, un
c onsid erab le nm ero d e p ersonas. La c oc ina d e d im ensiones g enerosas, ad em s, era nec esaria p ara alb erg ar
un g ran nm ero d e utensilios q ue tam b in ayud ab an a
estab lec er status. El d iseo inic ial d e c oc ina, totalm ente
inad ec uad o, era una exp resin d e c ultura ang loam eric ana, en la q ue la c om id a ap arec e c om o p or arte d e
m ag ia, sin ning n esfuerzo ap arente 3 [fig . 15].
La p rep arac in d e la c om id a p ued e tam b in estar lig ad a
a unos rituales esp ec fic os (c om o entre los ind ios ap ac he ) o a la relig in en g eneral, p or ejem p lo, seg n las
f ig u r a 1 5
cocina que se necesita

cocina funcional
Una cocina culturalmente adecuada para los emigrantes puertorriqueos en Nueva

York (basada en la descripcin verbal dada por J. Zeisel en su artculo Significado
simblico de espacio y la dimensin fsica de relaciones sociales, en J. Walton y D.E.
Carns (editores), Ciudades en estado de cambios de la condicin urbana, Boston, Allyn
& Bacon, 1973, pgs. 252-263).
be demarcated within the dwelling by

walls as a kitchen, itself a culturespecific concept. This latter is an
example of the point already made
that, in general the number of specialized settings increases as societies become more complex. The size, nature
and organization of kitchens clearly
varies depending on the more latent
aspects of cookingspecific ways of
cooking, associated activities and the
meaning of cooking.
One could elaborate the analysis of
this single activity further and give ma-
leyes d e p ureza en la Ind ia y en las c om unid ad es hind es d e tod o el p laneta (c om o en Sing ap ur), lo q ue influye en la relac in d e la c oc ina c on otros esp ac ios d e la
c asa. Entre otros ejem p los se p od ra c itar el jud asm o
ortod oxo q ue, d eb id o a la sep arac in reg lam entaria d e
c arne y lec he, ob lig a a tener en la c oc ina c asi tod os los
utensilios p or d up lic ad o; los M orm ones p olg am os nec esitan varias c oc inas una p or c ad a esp osa, al ig ual
q ue en m uc ha s trib us a fric a na s d o nd e ta m b in existe
p olig am ia.
Com o ya hem os p od id o ver, tod as estas variac iones estn
d irec tam ente relac ionad as c on los lug ares [setting s] im A R Q U I TE C TO N I C S
73
ny examples. The point is, however,

that lifestyle and the latent aspects of
activities (both a function of culture)
can easily be linked to the built environment and design. It follows that as
meanings and lifestyles change (and
even as new appliances appear) kitchens change. Thus it was recently
pointed out that in South Korea, due
to changes in lifestyle, kitchens needed
to change in major ways. The main
point is that lifestyle and the latent
aspects of apparently simple activities
clarify reasons for the organization of
built environments, and are easily
linked to design. This applies to all
activities, no matter how apparently
simple.
Eating, another universal, is also
highly variable, in terms of foods acceptable and used (usually only a portion of those available). In fact, the
choices made are often used to establish cultural, religious, ideological and
other forms of group identity. The order
in which dishes are eaten also has latent meaning, so that the anthropologist Mary Douglas was able to speak
of deciphering a meal. Eating can
be done by individuals at odd times,
by various individuals in sequence or
can become a social, family or even
ritual occasion. Who eats with whom,
where, when, including/excluding
whom varies with culture, and plays
an important role in the enculturation
(socialization) of children, i.e. the
transmission of culture (as does the
organization and use of dwellings and
other settings). It also greatly influences the design of dwellings. Thus, in
Kenya and other parts of Africa, eating
is also a hidden activity, whereas
among the Apache, for example, not
only does the kitchen need to be large
(in one case 22x15 (i.e.~7x5 meters),
as in the case of Puerto Ricans) since
cooking involves numbers of women,
74
p lic ad os y ejerc en influenc ia sob re ellos. Estos lug ares

[setting s] p ued en form ar p arte d e un nic o esp ac io m ultiam b iental (utilizad o tam b in p ara otras m uc has ac tivid ad es, tanto sim ultneas c om o org anizad as en el tiem p o),
form ar una estruc tura aislad a o integ rarse en la viviend a
e n invie rno y se g re g a rse d e e lla e n ve ra no (c o m o e n
fric a d el N orte y Oriente M ed io). Pued en ser al aire lib re
o estar d elim itad os p or p ared es d entro d e la viviend a,
form and o una c oc ina, c onc ep to d e p or s c ulturalm ente
esp ec fic o. Este ltim o c aso c onfirm a nuestra sup osic in,
seg n la c ual el nm ero d e lug ares [setting s] esp ec ializad os se inc rem enta a m ed id a d e q ue las soc ied ad es se
hac en m s c om p lejas. El tam ao, el c arc ter y la org anizac in d e la c oc ina ob viam ente varan, d ep end iend o
d e asp ec tos m s latentes d e la p rep arac in d e c om id a
m a nera s esp ec fic a s d e c o c ina r, a c tivid a d es a so c ia d as y el sig nific ad o d el p roc eso d e g uisar.
Uno p ued e seg uir c on el anlisis d e esta ac tivid ad y d ar
m uc hos m s ejem p los. Sin em b arg o, la c uestin es q ue
el estilo d e vid a y asp ec tos m s latentes d e las ac tivid ad es hum anas (tanto unos c om o otros son func iones d e
la c ultura) p ued en fc ilm ente ser vinc ulad os al entorno
c onstruid o y al d iseo. Entonc es, y d ad o q ue los sig nific a d o s y el estilo d e vid a c a m b ia n (e inc luso se c rea n
nuevos utensilios), las c oc inas tam b in c am b ian. As, rec ientem ente se d esc ub ri q ue en Corea d el Sur, d eb id o
a los c am b ios d el estilo d e vid a, las c oc inas tuvieron q ue
m od ific arse sustanc ialm ente. Lo p rinc ip al es q ue el estilo
d e vid a y los asp ec tos latentes d e las ac tivid ad es ap arentem ente m s senc illas esc larec en las razones d e la
org anizac in d e entornos c onstruid os y p ued en vinc ularse fc ilm ente al d iseo. Esta afirm ac in se p ued e ap lic ar
a tod as las ac tivid ad es, p or m uy senc illas q ue p ued an
p a re c e r.
La c om id a, otra ac tivid ad universal, es tam b in altam ente
variab le, en trm inos d e alim entos ac ep tab les o utilizad os (hab itualm ente se lim itan a una p arte d e los alim entos d isp onib les). En realid ad , la elec c in d e c om id a se
but also the living/dining room (and

the distinction or separation is undesirable). The anthropologist George
Esber points out that in the Apache
case, three variables are involved
the extent of conversation, social distance and the presence or absence of
food. He describes complex and, for
Anglo-Americans, unusual patterns
that require very different organization
and allocation of space, based on the
behavior in settings involved. Communal meals are very important culturally and socially. Arriving guests
sit on the periphery of the room, at
large personal distances and remain
largely silent, observing each other.
Small rooms interfere with this pattern,
making normal (i.e. expected) social
interaction impossible. As a sign of
welcome, women begin to prepare
food. When the food is served, people
gather at the table and conversation
begins (Fig. 16).
Similarly, living rooms, their size, significance and formality vary depending on latent aspects of activities. In
some cases, the living room has been
described as a sacred space, and
plans in which entry is directly into
the living rooms are unsuitablethe
living room needs to be distant from
entry. In the Danish outdoor museum
of vernacular architecture there is a
very small sea-captains cottage, half
of which is a formal living room used
rarely. Currently, at the same time as
house sizes in the U.S, are going up
(while family sizes goes down) living
rooms tend to disappear or become
mere vestiges. The way living rooms
are furnished may become symbols of
identity, as in what has been described
(by Jopling) as a culture-specific aesthetic complex among Puerto Rican
immigrants in Boston.
Consider another activity, buying and
utiliza a m enud o p ara estab lec er d iversas form as d e id entid ad d e g rup o: c ultural, relig iosa, id eolg ic a u otras. El
ord en d e ing estin d e p latos tam b in tiene un sig nific ad o
latente, hasta el p unto d e q ue el antrop log o M ary Doug las
hab le d el d esc ifrar la c om id a. La c om id a p ued e ing erirse ind ivid ualm ente y a c ualq uier hora, p or varios ind ivid u o s u n o p o r u n o , o p u e d e lle g a r a se r u n a o c a si n
soc ial, fam iliar e inc luso ritual. Quin c om e c on q uin,
d nd e, c und o e inc luyend o/exc luyend o a q uin? Tod as
estas c irc unstanc ias varan en d iferentes c ulturas y jueg an un p ap el im p ortante en la enc ulturac in (soc ializac in) d e nios, es d ec ir, en la transm isin d e c ultura (al
ig ual q ue en la org anizac in y el uso d e viviend as y otros
lug ares [setting s]). Tam b in influyen c onsid erab lem ente
en el d iseo d e las c asas. As, en Kenia y otros p ases
afric anos la ing estin d e c om id a es un asunto tam b in
p rivad o, esc ond id o, m ientras q ue la c oc ina d e los ind ios ap ac he no solam ente d eb e ser g rand e (en alg unos
c asos hasta 7 x 5 m etros) al ig ual q ue la d e los p uertorriq ueos, ya q ue la p rep arac in d e la c om id a rene a
g ran nm ero d e m ujeres, sino tam b in estar integ rad a
en el saln/c om ed or (d ond e es ind eseab le c ualq uier d istinc in o sep arac in). El antrop log o Georg e Esb er seala q ue en el c aso d e los ind ios ap ac he intervienen tres
va ria b les el a lc a nc e d e la c o nversa c i n, la d ista nc ia
soc ial y la p resenc ia o ausenc ia d e la c om id a. l d esc rib e unos p atrones c om p lejos y, p ara nosotros, inusuales, q ue req uieren una org anizac in y d istrib uc in d e
esp ac io b asad as en el c om p ortam iento en los lug ares
[setting s] en c uestin. Las c om id as c olec tivas son c ultura lm ente y so c ia lm ente m uy im p o rta ntes. Lo s invita d o s, a l lleg a r, se sienta n en la p eriferia d e la esta nc ia
g uard and o consid erab les d istancias interp ersonales, y p erm a ne c e n la rg o ra to e n sile nc io o b se rv nd o se m utua m ente. Ha b ita c io nes p eq uea s interfieren en este p a trn, hac iend o im p osib le una interac c in soc ial norm al
(es d ec ir, sup uesta o esp erad a). Com o seal d e b ienvenid a, las m ujeres em p iezan a c oc inar. Cuand o se sirve
la c o m id a , lo s p re se n te s se re n e n e n la m e sa y se
entab la una c onversac in [fig . 16].
75
f ig u r a 1 6
tiempo 1
tiempo 2
tiempo 3
Uso culturalmente especfico de la cocina entre los indios apache (basado en la

descripcin verbal, en G.S. Esber Una vivienda india para los indios, The Kiva,
37, primavera de 1972, pgs. 141-147).
selling, including shopping. At its most

instrumental, it involves exchanging
goods for other goods, in our case
(and often elsewhere) through some
medium of exchange (money). It can
be carried out by mobile vendors, in
outdoor markets, bazaars or shops.
Bargaining may be central or not
acceptable. It may be associated with
important social interactions, as in
specialized shops for various immigrant groups, which become central
so-cial settings in the system. They
may also play a critical (latent) role
of in-formation exchange. Thus, in a
case of Mexico which I have described
else-where, periodic (e.g. weekly)
outdoor markets involving mobile
vendors were replaced by shops and
supermarkets by planners. For often
illiterate resi-dents, the vendors acted
as major sour-ces of information, and
maintained communication among
family mem-bers and friends. As a
76
De form a sim ilar, las salas d e estar (o salones) su tam a o , im p o rta nc ia y g ra d o d e fo rm a lid a d va ra n e n
func in d e los asp ec tos latentes d e las ac tivid ad es. En
alg unos c asos, el saln ha sid o d esc rito c om o un esp ac io sa g ra d o y lo s p ro ye c to s q ue p re v n una e ntra d a
d irec tam ente en el saln resultan inviab les: esta estanc ia
tiene q ue estar situad a lejos d e la entrad a. En Dinam arc a, en el m useo d e arq uitec tura vernac ular al aire lib re,
se p ued e ver la viviend a d e un c ap itn d e b arc o, una
c asa m uy p eq uea, la m itad d e la c ual est oc up ad a
p or una sala d e estar form al raram ente utilizad a. Ac tualm ente y a l m ism o tiem p o q ue la s d im ensio nes d e viviend a en EE.UU. c rec en (m ientras q ue las fam ilias son
c ad a vez m enos num erosas), las salas d e estar tiend en
a d esap arec er o q ued arse en m eros vestig ios. Las form a d e am ueb lar el saln p ued en lleg ar a ser un sm b olo
d e id entid ad , tal c om o vem os en el c aso d e los inm ig rantes p uertorriq ueos en Boston, d esc rito (p or Jop ling ) en
trm inos d e un c om p lejo esttic o c ulturalm ente esp ec fic o .
result, they could not be dispensed

with; a combination of such markets
and shops/supermar-kets (to foster
competition) proved to be the best
solution.
Shopping may be combined with entertainment (e.g. story and fortune
tellers, musicians, snake charmers,
jugglers, etc.) as in outdoor markets
in India or the Jemaa el Fna Square
in Marrakesh (Morocco). It may be
an unimportant (servants doing it) or
a very important activity in terms of
status or as in itself a form of entertainment (going shopping) and combined with lunch, afternoon tea and the
like. Shopping may be done by women, or not allowed to women and
done by men (as in certain Islamic
countries).
The settings are equally variable, and
again increase in number and specialization with increasing social complexity. There may only be periodic outdoor markets, or shops of many kinds:
Groceries, butchers, hardware and
many others, supermarkets, department stores, discount stores, boutiques
and so on and on. They may be organized in bazaars, along streets or as
shopping centers. These latter then often take on latent functionsplaces
to hang out by teenagers or elderly
for exercise (e.g. walking), places to
eatthey have been described as new
downtowns.
In this last example I have moved from
the single dwelling to other settings in
the system. The shop can be a social
center (as in the Bodegas in Hispanic
immigrant areas in the U.S.). The pub
(U.K.) or tavern (U.S.) become central settings in working class mens
housing systemsin effect, their living room. Similar is the centrality of
small wine-drinking settings in Aus-
Consid erem os otra ac tivid ad el c om erc io, inc luid o el

shop p ing . A su nivel m s instrum ental, im p lic a un interc am b io d e b ienes, en nuestro c aso (m uy extend id o
en el m und o) a travs d e un eq uivalente d e c am b io (el
d inero). Pued e llevarse a c ab o p or vend ed ores am b ulantes, en m erc ad illos al aire lib re, m erc ad os (o b azares)
o tiend as. El reg ateo p ued e ser una ac tivid ad c lave o, al
revs, resultar inac ep tab le. La c om p raventa p ued e ser
asoc iad a c on im p ortantes interac c iones soc iales, c o- m o
tie n d a s e s p e c ia liz a d a s p a r a d ife r e n te s g r u p o s d e
inm ig rantes q ue se c onvierten en lug ares [setting s] c entrales d e un sistem a soc ial. Estos c om erc ios p ued en tam b in jug ar un p ap el c rtic o (latente) d e interc am b io d e inform ac in. As, en M xic o (es un c aso q ue yo he d esc rito en varias oc asiones) los esp ec ialistas d e p lanific ac in
urb ana sustituyeron los m erc ad illos p erid ic os (d ig am os,
sem anales) al aire lib re, form ad os p or vend ed ores am b ula ntes, p o r tiend a s y sup erm erc a d o s. Pa ra lo s resid entes, a m enud o analfab etos, los vend ed ores ac tuab an
c om o im p ortantes fuentes d e inform ac in y m antenan
la c om unic ac in entre varios m iem b ros d e fam ilia y am ig os. Al final, no se p ud o p resc ind ir d e esos vend ed ores:
la m ejor soluc in result ser una c om b inac in d e d ic hos
m e rc a d illo s y tie n d a s/su p e rm e rc a d o s (q u e , a d e m s,
avivab a la c om p etenc ia entre ellos).
La c o m p ra p ue d e c o m b ina rse c o n e l e ntre te nim ie nto
(p or ejem p lo, c on ac tuac iones d e narrad ores, ad ivinos,
m sic os, enc antad ores d e serp ientes, m alab aristas, etc .),
c om o en los m erc ad os al aire lib re d e la Ind ia o en la
p laza Jem aa el Fna en M arraq uec h (M arruec os). El hac er la c om p ra p ued e ser una ac tivid ad sin im p ortanc ia
(d e la q ue se enc arg an los sirvientes), un asunto m uy
im p ortante en trm inos d e status, o b ien ser p or s m ism a una fo rm a d e e ntre te nim ie nto (ir d e c o m p ra s) y
c om b inarse c on una c om id a, un t d e la tard e o c osas
sim ila res. Pued e sea una o b lig a c i n d e la s m ujeres o
esta r, a l c o ntra rio , p ro sc rita a la s m ujeres y lleva rse a
c ab o p or los hom b res (c om o en c iertos p ases islm ic os).
77
trian villages, tea rooms in Korea and

coffee shops in many locales. All of
these become essential parts of the
housing (and other) systems and play
unexpected roles and unexpected
activities take place in them.
It follows that in all cases the settings
involved, and activities in them need
to be discovered, especially since they
are frequently counter-intuitive. Frequently, settings for socialization may
not be those designed. Thus, in housing for the elderly, clotheslines may
play that role, or mail boxes. In student
housing, laundry rooms and mail
boxes are used, not lounges; to sit in a
lounge is to admit that one lacks social links. Similarly, instead of singles
bars and the like, laundromats are often used to meet members of the opposite sex, with frequent small loads maximizing opportunities. For other lifestyle groups bookshops, galleries and
museums play similar rolestheir latent aspects become important. The
main purpose of gardening in front of
a house may be to meet and interact
with people without seeming to need
it (as Gehl found in Melbourne, Australia). In all these cases the latent aspects of activities, which are most influenced by culture, greatly influence
the use of settings, their location, relationships among them and the extent
of the system. This type of analysis
helps answer the important question:
Who does what, where, when, why and
including/excluding whom.
Consider two particularly counterintuitive examples in somewhat more
detail. In Hungarian villages it was
found (by Fel and Hofer) that important male gatherings, at which most
important decisions were made, took
place in the stables of various important men. The social system of the village was crucially linked with the pres-
78
Los lug ares d estinad os al c om erc io son ig ualm ente variab les, y su nm ero y g rad o d e esp ec ializac in tam b in
c rec en c on el aum ento d e la c om p lejid ad soc ial. La p osib ilid ad d e c om p rar p ued e lim itarse a un m erc ad illo p erid ic o al aire lib re o am p liarse a tiend as d e d iferentes tip os:
c o lm a d o s, c a rnic e ra s, fe rre te ra s y un la rg o e tc te ra ;
s u p e r m e r c a d o s , g r a n d e s a lm a c e n e s , tie n d a s tip o
d isc o unt [d e sc ue nto ], b o utiq ue s , e tc . e tc . L a s tie nd a s
p ued en estar org anizad as en b azares, c entros o g aleras
c o m e rc ia le s, o sim p le m e n te situ a rse e n la c a lle . L o s
c entros c om erc iales c on frec uenc ia asum en otras func iones latentes c om o lug ares d ond e se renen los ad olesc entes o p asean los anc ianos; sitios p ara c om er se
los lleg a llam ar inc luso nuevos c entros urb anos [new
d ow ntow ns].
En este ltim o ejem p lo he p asad o d e una viviend a ind ivid ual a otros lug ares [setting s] d el sistem a. La tiend a p ued e ser un c entro soc ial (c om o las b od eg as en las zonas hab itad as p or inm ig rantes hisp nic os en Estad os Unid os). El p ub (Reino Unid o) o la tab erna (EE.UU.) se c onvierten en p untos c entrales d e los sistem as resid enc iales
d e los hom b res d e c lase ob rera en realid ad , lleg an a
ser sus salas d e estar. Una c entralid ad sim ilar enc ontram os en p eq ueos estab lec im ientos d e b eb id as en
los p ueb los d e Austria, c asas d e t en Corea y c afeteras
[c offee shop s] en m uc hos lug ares d el p laneta. Tod os ellos
son una p arte esenc ial d e los sistem as resid enc iales (y
otros) y jueg an unos p ap eles inesp erad os, c on ac tivid ad es tam b in inesp erad as q ue se d esarrollan en ellos.
De ah q ue los lug ares [setting s] im p lic ad os y las ac tivid ad es q ue se d esem p ean en ellas nec esiten en tod os los
c a so s ser d esc ub iertos, sob re tod o p orq ue a m enud o
son c ontraintuitivos. M uc has vec es la g ente se relac iona
en los lug ares [setting s] q ue no estab an inic ialm ente d estinad os p ara la soc ializac in. As, en las viviend as p ara la
terc era ed ad p ued en serlo los tend ed eros d e rop a o los
b uzones d e c orreo. En una resid enc ia d e estud iantes se
suele relac ionarse m s en las lavand eras o al lad o d e
ence and location of these stables, and

they were used in systematic sequence.
Without knowing that, the system of
settings could not be understood, and
it is highly unlikely that a priori this
critical role of stables would be considered. In Nantucket (USA) the garbage dump served as the main social
center of the community, as was discovered when the dump was closed.
Finally consider an activity (play) to
emphasize the importance not only of
latent functions and their settings, but
of identifying the extent of the system.
Both examples to be discussed begin
with the observation that the settings
designed for play are not being used.
In one, in an Italian-American neighborhood, basketball courts were not
being used. Teenage boys played basketball near shops. The reason was
that prowess in basketball was important in impressing teenage girls. These,
in turn, were expected by their mothers
to mind babies and did that while socializing outside shops. Basketball thus
had the latent function of male status,
courtship, etc., and its location depended on the location of a particular female-activity subsystem. In the second
case in a housing project, playgrounds
were not being used. To analyze the
situation, the activity systemchildrens playwas studied in terms of
where it occurred. It was found that
children used a wide variety of settingsstreets, ditches, empty lots,
wooded areas, creeks and parking lots.
The activity could only be understood
by discovering the extent of the system
of settings in which the system of
activities (play) took place.
The extent of such systems varies with
culture. For example, in some situations men and women have systems of
very different extent, in other there may
be no difference. Typically the systems
los b uzones d e c orreo q ue en los salones [loung es]: sentarse en un saln sig nific ara ad m itir q ue uno c arec e d e
c ontac tos soc iales. De m od o p arec id o, en lug ar d e b ares d e am b iente o sim ilares, m uc has p ersonas enc uentran p areja frec uentand o lavand eras d e autoservic io [laund rom ats], hac iend o intenc ionad am ente c olad as p eq ueas p ero frec uentes p ara m axim izar sus op ortunid ad es.
Para los g rup os d e p ersonas c on otros estilos d e vid a,
p ap eles sim ilares p ued en ser asum id os p or otros lug ares [setting s] : lib reras, g aleras d e arte o m useos su
asp ec to latente asum e un p ap el im p ortante. El p rinc ip al ob jetivo d e arreg lar el jard n d elante d e la c asa p ued e
ser el d e c onoc er a otras p ersonas y relac ionarse c on
ellas sin ap arentar nec esitarlo (el c aso d esc rito p or Gehl,
en M elb ourne, Australia). En tod os estos c asos los asp ec tos latentes d e las ac tivid ad es, los m s influenc iad os
p or la c ultura, tienen el m ayor im p ac to sob re el uso d e
lug ares [setting s], su ub ic ac in, su relac in c on otros lug ares y el alc anc e (am p litud ) d el sistem a. El anlisis d e
este tip o ayud a a hallar la resp uesta a las sig uientes e
im p ortantes p reg untas: Quin hac e q u, d nd e, c und o, p or q u e inc luyend o o exc luyend o a q uin?
Estud iem os d os ejem p los esp ec ialm ente c ontraintuitivos
c on m s d etalle. Los investig ad ores Fel y Hofer d esc ub rieron q ue en las ald eas hng aras las reuniones d e p ob lac in m asc ulina, en las q ue se tom ab an las d ec isiones
d e m ayor im p ortanc ia, tenan lug ar en los estab los en
p rop ied ad d e alg unos d e los hom b res m s resp etad os
en el p ueb lo. El sistem a soc ial d e la ald ea estab a vinc ulad o d e form a ind isolub le a la p resenc ia y la ub ic ac in d e
estos estab los q ue se utilizab an d e form a sistem tic a.
Sin sab erlo, es im p osib le entend er el sistem a d e lug ares
[setting s] y es altam ente im p rob ab le q ue este p ap el c rtic o d e los estab los sea tom ad o en c onsid erac in a p riori.
En N antuc ket (EE.UU.) el verted ero m unic ip al c um p la la
func in d e p rinc ip al c entro d e la c om unid ad , tal c om o se
d esc ub ri al c errarse este rec into.
Por ltim o, analizarem os una ac tivid ad el jueg o p ara
79
of girls are smaller than those of boys.

There are age differences, the extent
of systems reaching a peak at certain
ages, being smaller at earlier and later
ages. The nature of the environment
plays a rolecurrently the extent of
childrens play in neighborhoods in
large cities is smaller than in the past,
because of traffic and safety concerns.
Generally, such systems of settings tend
to be larger in small towns. Occupation, income, education, lifestyle and
the like influence the extent of systems
of settings. In some cases (e.g. in the
U.S.) higher income groups use more
extensive systems, in others (e.g. some
developing countries) it is low-income
people who do so.
To summarize, it is the great variability of latent aspects of activities that
leads to the variety of settings for these
activities and of systems of settings for
systems of activities. This, in turn, leads
to the variability of environments such
as dwelling types. In responding to
the latent aspects of activity systems
they are also responding to those most
closely linked to, and most affected by
culture. Since meaning is the most
latent aspect of any activity, this means
that meaning is not something added
to function, but that meaning itself
is a most (if not the most) important
function, in the sense that the form of
the environment responds to it. This
helps explain why wants are often more
important than needs, why apparently
irrational choices are made by users.
This helps clarify the cases of North
Africa, the Motilone and Australian
Aborigines discussed in the introduction. It also plays a major role in helping to explain the major differences in
evaluation and preference, and thus
choices, between users as a whole and
designers, and among different groups
of users in any one country or city.
More generally, as already discussed,
80
sub rayar la im p ortanc ia no solam ente d e las func iones

latentes y sus lug ares [setting s], sino la d e id entific ar el
alc anc e (la am p litud ) d el sistem a. En los d os c asos q ue
vam os a exam inar el lug ar d isead o p ara los jueg os estab a siend o inutilizad o. En el p rim ero d e ellos, no se utilizab an las p istas d e b alonc esto d e una vec ind ad italoam eric ana. Los c hic os ad olesc entes jug ab an al b alonc esto
d elante d e las tiend as. La razn rad ic ab a en q ue la d estreza en este d ep orte era una form a efic az d e im p resionar a las c hic as. stas, a su vez, estab an ob lig ad as p or
sus m ad res a c uid ar d e los herm anos m enores, y m ientras tanto se relac ionab an entre s vig iland o a los p eq ueos a la entrad a d e las tiend as. As vem os q ue el b asq uet
tena una func in latente d e afirm ac in d e status m asc ulino, c ortejo, etc ., y su am b ientac in d ep end a d e la ub ic ac in d e un sub sistem a p artic ular d e ac tivid ad fem enina. En el seg und o c aso, no se usab an unas reas d e
jueg os infantiles d e un c om p lejo resid enc ial. Para analizar esta situac in, el sistem a d e ac tivid ad jueg o infantil se estud i en trm inos d e su ub ic ac in real. Se d esc ub ri q ue los nios utilizab an p ara jug ar una g ran varied ad d e lug ares [setting s] c alles, zanjas, d esc am p ad os,
arb oled as, arroyos e inc luso ap arc am ientos. La ac tivid ad no p ud o ser entend id a hasta d esc ub rir el alc anc e
d el sistem a d e lug ares [setting s] en los q ue se d esarrollab a el sistem a d e ac tivid ad es (jueg os).
El alc anc e d e tales sistem as vara c on la c ultura. Por
ejem p lo, en alg unas situac iones hom b res y m ujeres tienen sus p rop ios sistem as, m uy d isp ares en el g rad o d e
su am p litud , en otras situac iones p ued e no hab er ning una d iferenc ia . N o rm a lm ente lo s sistem a s d e la s nia s
suelen ser d e m enor alc anc e q ue los d e los nios. Hay
d ife re nc ia s e ntre e d a d e s: la a m p litud d e siste m a s d e
ac tivid ad lleg a a su p ic e a unas ed ad es d eterm inad as,
teniend o m enos alc anc e a ed ad es tem p ranas y avanzad as. La naturaleza d el entorno tam b in c ontrib uye (norm alm ente el alc anc e d e jueg os infantiles en los b arrios
d e g rand es c iud ad es es m enor q ue en el p asad o, d eb id o al trfic o y p rob lem as d e seg urid ad ). En g eneral, es-
it helps to explain the otherwise puzzling large number of different built environments, such as dwellings.
In addition to the latent aspect of
activities, the various expressions and
components of culture, to be discussed in Chapter 7, also play a role in
generating environmental variability.
One is the variability of norms and
hence of standards. For example, in
some work I did with a colleague in
the late 60s, we found that anthropometric standards vary cross-culturally
based not only on stature but on how
activities are carried out. Major differences were found in stair design
(riser/tread relation), storage, recommended temperatures, both generally
and for specific rooms, acoustic standards and lighting standards. Recommended lighting standards for the
most difficult seeing tasks were 10 to
20 times higher in the U.S. than in
Sweden, Finland or Switzerlandall
highly developed technologically advanced countries.4 Similarly, what is
considered an acceptable housing density in Hong Kong is about 40-50 times higher than in the United States.
Significant differences are also found
between the U.S. and Western Europe,
and this also applies to the minimum
amount of space required per person.
It follows that high density in one
cultural context can mean something
completely different in another. Since
crowding is the negative evaluation
of particular densities (and some densities may be evaluated as too low),
both at the site level and within dwellings, culture plays a significant role
in definition of density and space
standards.
Culture can play that role in different
ways and through different mechanisms. Among these are definitions of
desired interactions versus undesired
ones, for example, among kin or stran-
to s siste m a s d e lu g a re s [se ttin g s] tie n d e n a se r m s

am p lios en c iud ad es m s p eq ueas. Fac tores c om o p rofesin, ing resos, ed uc ac in, estilo d e vid a y sim ilares influyen ta m b in en la a m p litud d e sistem a s d e lug a res
[setting s]. En alg unos c asos (p or ejem p lo, en EE.UU.),
lo s g rup o s c o n m s p o d er a d q uisitivo tienen sistem a s
m s extensos, en otros c asos (p or ejem p lo, en alg unos
p ases en vas d e d esarrollo). Lo m ism o oc urre c on los
g rup os c on b ajo nivel d e ing resos.
Para resum ir, d irem os q ue la g ran variab ilid ad d e asp ec tos latentes inherentes a las ac tivid ad es c ond ic iona la varied ad d e lug ares d ond e se d esem p ean estas ac tivid ad es. Esto, a su vez, c ond uc e a la variab ilid ad d e entornos,
p or ejem p lo, tip os d e viviend as. Al resp ond er a los asp ec tos latentes d e los sistem as d e ac tivid ad , estos entornos resp ond en tam b in a los asp ec tos m s estrec ham ente lig ad os a la c ultura y en m ayor g rad o afec tad os
p or la m ism a. Dad o q ue el sig nific ad o es el asp ec to m s
latente d e c ualq uier ac tivid ad , se p ued e afirm ar q ue no
es alg o aad id o a la func in, sino q ue es d e p or s una
func in m uy im p ortante (o q uizs la m s im p ortante), en
el sentid o d e q ue la form a d el entorno c orresp ond e a
este entorno. Esto nos ayud a a exp lic ar p or q u los d eseo s a m enud o im p o rta n m s q ue la s nec esid a d es y
p or q u los usuarios hac en a vec es elec c iones ap arentem ente irrac ionales. N os p erm ite esc larec er los c asos c om o el d el norte d e fric a, el d e los ind ios M otilone
y los ab org enes australianos m enc ionad os en la introd uc c in. Es tam b in esenc ial p ara p od er exp lic ar las c onsid erab les d iferenc ias en valorac in y p referenc ias y, p or
c o nsig uiente, en sus elec c io nes, entre lo s usua rio s en
g eneral y los d isead ores, as c om o entre los d iferentes
g rup os d e usuarios d el m ism o p as o c iud ad . En trm inos m s g enerales, c om o ya ha sid o c om entad o, nos
a yu d a a d a r u n a e xp lic a c i n p a ra la d e sc o n c e rta n te
m ultitud d e d iferentes entornos c onstruid os, p or ejem p lo,
viviend as.
Ad em s d el asp ec to latente d e las ac tivid ad es, la varieA R Q U I TE C TO N I C S
81
gers. The definition of kin also varies

cross-culturally. Also variable are the
various defenses used to cope, which
can be physical elements, organization of activities in time, manners and
rules regarding interaction, hence privacy mechanisms and others. We have
already seen that the specific systems
of settings used greatly change what
is considered to be crowded (see Fig.
7).
The negative effects of density, crowding, occur because such situations lead
to stress. In this connection, culture
needs to be considered in two respects.
Firstly, most models of stress include
two elementssituations and individuals (Fig. 17).
However, stress is the outcome of an
evaluation or matching of a situation
against certain norms, desired levels,
the meaning of the situation, etc.
and one is dealing with perceived
stress. For example, the view that density and crowding (itself the result of a
negative evaluation of density) lead
to stress due to exposure to strangers,
depends on who are defined as strangers, as well as the defenses available.
The stressor is then subjectively defined, and depends on some norms, expectations, schemata, etc., and these,
as we will see, are aspects of culture.
One, therefore, needs to use a threeelement model of stress which considers the role of culture (Fig. 18).
The second way in which culture plays
a role in considerations of stress is
through the variability of what are
considered to be stress-relieving
settings (what have been called restorative environments).11 Although
the literature has emphasized natural
environments, and they do seem important, in reality a wide range of settings and behaviors are used, which
82
d ad d e entornos se g enera c on la p artic ip ac in d e varias

exp resiones y c om p onentes d e la c ultura d e los q ue
hab larem os en el Cap tulo 7. Uno d e estos fac tores es la
va ria b ilid a d d e la s no rm a s y, en c o nsec uenc ia , d e lo s
estnd ares. Por ejem p lo, en alg unos trab ajos q ue llev a
c ab o c on m is c oleg as en los aos 60, d esc ub rim os q ue
los estnd ares antrop om tric os variab an c on la c ultura,
d ep end iend o no solam ente d e la estatura o talla d e las
p ersonas, sino d e c m o se d esem p eab an las ac tivid ad es. Las d iferenc ias m s g rand es se reg istraron en el
d iseo d e las esc aleras (relac in entre huella y c ontrahuella), las soluc iones d e alm ac enaje, las tem p eraturas
rec o m end a d a s (ta nto en g enera l c o m o p a ra una s estanc ias d eterm inad as), los estnd ares ac stic os y los d e
ilum inac in. Los estnd ares d e ilum inac in rec om end ad os p ara las tareas m s d ifc iles p ara la vista eran 10 a
20 vec es m s altos en EE.UU. q ue en Suec ia, Finland ia
o Suiza los tres p ases tec nolg ic am ente d esarrollad os. 4 De m anera sim ilar, la d ensid ad d e p ob lac in c onsid erad a ac ep tab le en Hong Kong es 40 a 50 vec es m ayor
q ue la d e Estad os Unid os. Sig nific antes d iferenc ias fueron enc ontrad as tam b in entre EE. UU y Europ a Oc c id ental, lo q ue p ued e ap lic arse ig ualm ente al req uerid o
esp a c io m nim o p o r ha b ita nte. Sg uese q ue lo q ue se
d enom ina alta d ensid ad en un d eterm inad o c ontexto
c ultural, p ued e sig nific ar un c onc ep to c om p letam ente d iferente en el otro. Puesto q ue sup erp ob lac in es una
evaluac in neg ativa d e unas d ensid ad es d e p ob lac in
d eterm inad as (y alg unas d ensid ad es p ued en ser estim ad as d em asiad o b ajas), tanto en g eneral c om o a nivel d e
viviend as, la c ultura jueg a un p ap el sig nific ante en la
d efinic in d e la d ensid ad y los estnd ares esp ac iales.
La c ultura p ued e d esem p ear este p ap el d e d iferentes
m aneras y m ed iante d iferentes m ec anism os. Entre ellos
estn las d efinic iones d e las interac c iones d esead as frente
a las no d esead as (p or ejem p lo, entre p rop ios o extraos). La d efinic in d e p rop io (alleg ad o, c erc ano) tam b in va ra interc ultura lm ente. Ig ua lm ente va ria b les so n
las d istintas d efensas utilizad as p ara am old arse a las c ir-
vary with culture. This variation is found among individuals, based on

their lifestyle (see Chapter 7) and groups within countries. Some of the mechanisms used, and the related settings
may vary significantly, although I am
c unstanc ias, q ue p ued en ser elem entos fsic os, org anizac in d e ac tivid ad es en el tiem p o, m aneras y reg las d e
interac c in (p or lo tanto, m ec anism os d e p rivac id ad ), etc .
Ya hem os c om p rob ad o q ue los sistem as esp ec fic os d e
lug ares [setting s] utilizad os c am b ian enorm em ente el m ism o c onc ep to d e hac inad o o sup erp ob lad o [ver fig .
7 ].
Los efec tos neg ativos d e la d ensid ad exc esiva o el hac inam iento se d eb en a q ue estas situac iones c ond uc en a
estrs. En esta c onexin, la c ultura ha d e ser c onsid erad a d esd e d os p untos d e vista. Prim ero, la m ayor p arte
d e m od elos d e estrs inc luyen d os elem entos situac iones e ind ivid uos [fig . 17].
situacin
factores ambientales
individuo
f ig u r a 1 7
estrs
factores fisiolgicos
Un modelo de estrs de dos elementos, habitualmente utilizado (basado en: A.

Rapoport La cultura y los efectos subjetivos del estrs, en Ecologa Urbana, vol. 3,
n. 3, noviembre de 1978, fig. 1, pg. 244.)
situacin
factores ambientales
individuo
factores culturales
estrs
factores fisiolgicos
Un modelo de estrs de tres elementos (basado en op. cit., fig. 3, pg. 249).
83
not aware of research on this topic.

Here also the nature of the system of
settings needs to be considered. In cases where all the settings in the system
are stressful (including the dwelling),
i.e. there are no stress-relieving settings,
the problem is far more serious. In
any case, the relationship between the
primary setting (the dwelling) and the
other settings used (in culture-specific
ways) within the larger system must
always be considered.
filtros:
-culturales
-subculturales
-personales
-temporales
Sin e m b a rg o , e l e str s e s un re sulta d o d e l he c ho d e

evaluar o c ontrastar la situac in c on c iertas norm as o niveles d esead os, el sig nific ad o d e la situac in, etc . entonc es, se trata d e un estrs p erc ib id o. Por ejem p lo, el
p lanteam iento seg n el c ual la d ensid ad y la sup erp ob lac in (este trm ino d e p or s p roviene d e una valorac in
neg ativa d e la d ensid ad d e p ob lac in) c ond uc en al estrs
c om o c onsec uenc ia d e la exp osic in d e la vid a d e un ind ivid uo a los extraos d ep end e d e q uines se c onsid eran extraos, al ig ual q ue d e las d efensas d e las q ue
d isp one el ind ivid uo. Entonc es, el fac tor d el estrs es d efinid o sub jetivam ente y d ep end e d e unas d eterm inad as
norm as, exp ec tac iones, esq uem as, etc ., y ellas, c om o
verem os, son asp ec tos d e la c ultura. Por c onsig uiente,
uno ha d e utilizar un m od elo d e estrs q ue c onsta d e
tres elem entos y tom a en c onsid erac in el p ap el d e la
c ultura [fig . 18].
-imgenes
-normas
-valores
-ideales
-espectativas
-estado actual
situacin
percibida
-mximo
estrs
respuestas al
estrs tras
superarlo
-grados
variados
situacin
factores ambientales:
-entorno construido
-entorno fsico
-entorno bitico
-entorno qumico
-entorno psicosocial
-entorno cultural
etc.
-sin estrs
compatibles
o evaluados nivel de
en compara- adaptacin,
cin
etc. de individuos o grupos
Una versin ms detallada del modelo de tres elementos mostrado en fig. 17

(basada en op. cit., fig. 2, pg. 246).
84
f ig u r a 1 8
resultados,
entre ellos el
estrs
-diseo de entorno
-traslado
-cambios de conducta
-aceptacin de la situacin
-cambio de espectativas
-cambio de normas
etc.
El seg und o m od o d e d efinir el estrs, teniend o en c uenta

la c ultura, p asa a travs d e la variab ilid ad d e lo q ue se
c onsid eran lug ares relajantes [stress- relieving setting s] ,
q ue q uitan el estrs. Tam b in p ued en llam arse entornos rec onstituyentes [restorative environm ents]. 11 Aunq ue la litera tura siem p re ha ya d esta c a d o lo s ento rno s
naturales y aunq ue ellos p arezc an im p ortantes, en realid ad , se trata d e una g ran varied ad d e lug ares [setting s] y
c om p ortam ientos q ue varan c on la c ultura. Esta variab ilid ad se ob serva entre los ind ivid uos, b asnd ose en su
estilo d e vid a (ver Cap tulo 7), y entre los d iferentes g rup os d entro d el m ism o p as. Alg unos d e los m ec anism os
utilizad os y lug ares [setting s] relac ionad os varan sig nific ad am ente, aunq ue no nos c onste ning n estud io sob re
este tem a. En esta c onexin se ha d e tom ar tam b in en
c onsid erac in la naturaleza d el sistem a d e lug ares [setting s]. En los c asos en q ue tod os los lug ares d e un sistem a so n estresa ntes (inc luid a la viviend a ), es d ec ir, no
existen lug ares [setting s] rec onstituyentes, el p rob lem a
e s m uc ho m s g ra ve . En c ua lq uie r c a so , sie m p re se
d eb e tener en c uenta la relac in entre el lug ar p rim ario
(la vivie nd a ) y lo s d e m s lug a re s utiliza d o s (d e fo rm a
c ulturalm ente esp ec fic a) d entro d e un sistem a m s g rand e.
1. This is developed in the Epilogue to the 1990 edition

of my The Meaning of the Built Environment, Tucson,
University of Arizona Press. Briefly, it is the idea that
cues elicit a frame (e.g. a restaurant). The frame, in
turn, elicits a script, a repertoire of appropriate actions,
their sequence, etc. Note also that culture plays a role
unless restaurants are known, the frame doesnt appear
and there is no script. Also, the specific actions, their
sequence, etc., may vary in different cultures.
1. Esta tesis est d esarrollad a en el Ep log o a la ed ic in d el 1990 d e m i lib ro

The M eaning of the Built Environm ent (El sig nific ad o d el entorno c onstruid o ),
Tuc son, University of Arizona Press. En p oc as p alab ras, la id ea es q ue las
seas evoc an un m arc o (p or ejem p lo, un restaurante). El m arc o, a su vez,
evoc a un g uin, un rep ertorio d e ac c iones ap rop iad as, su sec uenc ia, etc .
Ob serven tam b in q ue la c ultura jueg a un p ap el im p ortante hasta q ue se
c onozc an los restaurantes, el m arc o no ap arec e, y no hay g uin. Tam b in,
la s a c c io nes esp ec fic a s, su sec uenc ia , etc . p ued en va ria r en d iferentes
c ulturas.
2. This is proposed in G. T. Moore, D.P. Tuttle and S.C.

Howell (1985): Environmental Design Research Directions, New York, Praeger.
2. Est p rop uesta en: M OORE G.T., TUTTLE D.P. y HOW ELL S.C. (1985):
Environm ental Desig n Researc h Direc tions (Las d irec c iones d el estud io d el
d iseo d el entorno ), N ueva York, Praeg er.
85
3. In this case (Zeisel, J. (1973) Symbolic meaning

of space and the physical dimension of social
relations, in J. Walton and D.E. Carns (Eds.) Cities in
Change: Studies on the Urban Condition, Boston, Atlyn
and Bacon, p. 252-263) virtually every aspect of the
dwell-ing had to be redesigned because of latent
aspects of activities: Entrance, living room and its
location, rela-tion of rooms to the street through
windows (because of particular uses of windows) and
so on and on.
4. Available data made it impossible to identify differences among smaller groups in those countries.
5. This concept was developed by Stephen and Rachel
Kaplan, University of Michigan and their collaborators.
86
3. En este c aso (ver ZEISEL, J. (1973): Sym b olic m eaning of sp ac e and the
p hysic al d im ension of soc ial relations (Sig nific ad o sim b lic o d el esp ac io y la
d im ensin fsic a d e relac iones soc iales), en J . W ALTON y D.E. CA RN S
(Ed s.): Cities in Chang e: Stud ies of the Urb an Cond ition (Ciud ad es en el p roc eso d e c am b io: Estud ios d e c ond ic in urb ana ), Boston, Atlyn and Bac on, p g s.
252- 263) tuvieron q ue ser m od ific ad os p rc tic am ente tod os los elem entos d e
las viviend as, d eb id o a los asp ec tos latentes d e las ac tivid ad es hum anas: los
rec ib id ores, el saln y su ub ic ac in, la relac in d e las hab itac iones c on el
exterior a travs d e las ventanas (d eb id o a los usos p artic ulares q ue se d ab an
a las ventanas), etc .
4. Los d atos d isp onib les no p erm itieron trazar d iferenc ias entre g rup os m s
p eq ueos en aq uellos p ases.
5. Este c onc ep to fue d esarrollad o p or Step hen y Rac hel Kap lan d e la Universid ad d e M ic hig an (EE.UU.) y sus c olab orad ores.
IV
L a s p r e f e r e n c ia s ,
la e le c c i n y e l d is e o
Pr e fe r e n c e , C h o ic e a n d
D e s ig n
87
La s p re fe re n c ia s, la e le c c i n y e l d ise o
We have seen that housing, neighborhoods and other environments are different or are used differently by different groups. There are also cases where
one finds evidence of attempts to make
environments different (modification
and transformations, especially in developing countries where enforcement
of codes is often weak). The reason is
that such environments need to be supportive for the various groups, to be
congruent with their culture. This
means that one size does not fit everyone as the modern movement thought,
and most designers still assume implicitly. That means that if there is
choice (i.e. constraints do not dominate), different environments are preferred (or they wouldnt have come
into being) or would be preferred. In
this connection it is useful to the use of
the conceptualization of the built environment as cultural landscapes, partly
because they include all the scales
discussed earlier.
Hem os ob servad o q ue las viviend as, los vec ind arios y

otros entornos son d iferentes o se utilizan d e form a d istinta p or d iversos g rup os d e p ersonas. Tam b in hay c asos en los q ue se ob servan unos esfuerzos p or hac er
d iferentes los entornos (m od ific ac iones y transform ac iones, sob re tod o en los p ases en vas d e d esarrollo, d ond e el c um p lim iento d e los c d ig os es a m enud o p rob lem tic o). La exp lic ac in rad ic a en q ue tales entornos nec esita n ser fa vo ra b les [sup p ortive] p a ra va rio s g rup o s,
c ong ruentes c on su c ultura. Esto sig nific a q ue la m ism a m ed id a no vale p ara tod os, tal c om o c rean los id elog os d el m ovim iento m od erno y sig uen c reynd ose al
p ie d e la letra la m ayora d e los d isead ores. Por lo tanto,
si hub iera elec c in (es d ec ir, si las c oac c iones o lim itac io nes [c o nstra ints] no fuera n el fa c to r d o m ina nte), se
p referiran (o se hab ran p referid o) entornos d iferentes (d e
lo c ontrario, no hab ran existid o). Eso nos sirve p ara la
c onc ep tualizac in d el entorno c onstruid o c om o una serie d e p aisajes c ulturales, en p arte p orq ue estos ltim os
ab arc an tod as las esc alas m enc ionad as anteriorm ente.
An even more important reason for

the utility of this concept in the context
of culture-environment relations is that
such landscapes are not designed in
the usual sense of the word.1 They are
the outcome of many individual decisions of numerous people over long
periods of time. The question then becomes how one can explain the systematic and hence recognizable nature
of such landscapes, the remarkable
fact that if one knows the cues, cultural landscapes are remarkably easy
to identify. In fact, often a single
glance at an image is sufficient. It
seems to me that the only, or at least
most likely explanation is that such
landscapes express the preferences
shared by groups, based on shared
ideals, images and the like, expressed
in schemata (see Chapter 7). These
then guide the choices made so that
the apparently independent actions of
Una razn tod ava m s im p ortante p or la q ue este c onc ep to es m uy til en el c ontexto d e relac iones entre la
c ultura y el entorno c onsiste en q ue tales p aisajes no son
d isead os en el sentid o hab itual d e la p alab ra. 1 Son
resultad o d e m uc has d ec isiones ind ivid uales tom ad as p or
un g ran nm ero d e p ersonas d urante extensos p erod os
d e tie m p o . La c ue sti n q ue surg e a ho ra e s c m o se
p ued e exp lic ar el c arc ter sistem tic o y, p or tanto, rec onoc ib le, d e d ic hos p aisajes, o el hec ho notab le d e q ue si
uno c onoc e las seas, p ued e id entific ar los p aisajes c ulturales c on una g ran fac ilid ad . Inc luso a m enud o es sufic iente una b reve visualizac in d e una im ag en. Parec e
q ue la nic a o, p or lo m enos, la m s p rob ab le exp lic ac in c onsiste en q ue los p aisajes exp resan las p referenc ias c om p artid as p or g rup os y b asad as en id eales, im g enes, etc . tam b in c om p artid os y exp resad os en esq uem as (ver Cap tulo 7). Estos ltim os g uan las elec c iones, as q ue las ac c iones ap arentem ente ind ep end ientes d e m uc has p ersonas efec tuad as a lo larg o d e m uA R Q U I TE C TO N I C S
89
many people over long time periods

add up to a recognizable whole.
c ho tiem p o se sum an p ara form ar un c onjunto rec onoc ib le.
As I will shortly elaborate, this consistent application of a particular system

of rules for making choices among
the alternatives available (or perceived as being available) not only leads
to cultural landscapes, including vernacular, but also defines design as
more commonly understood. In fact,
what is called style in art, environmental design and other fields is the
outcome of just such a process of making choices. Such systematic choices
in architecture lead to the styles of
ancient Egypt, Greece, Rome, Romanesque vs. Gothic, Renaissance vs. Baroque and so on. Choice also leads to
migration at all scales from international to regional, urban to intraurban
(i.e. the neighborhood and dwelling
chosen). Like design, migration responds to negative and positive evaluation, the so-called pushes and pulls
already discussed. Underlying all
these, I suggest, is a single process
which can be illustrated as follows
(and which, as we have already seen,
is also relevant to stress) (Fig. 19).
Com o c om entar en b reve, esta ap lic ac in reg ular d e

un sistem a p artic ular d e reg las p ara efec tuar una elec c in entre las op c iones d isp onib les (o p erc ib id as c om o
d isp onib les) no solo c ond uc e a p aisajes c ulturales, inc luid os los vernac ulares, sino tam b in d efine el d iseo en
el sentid o m s c om n. De hec ho, lo q ue se llam a estilo en el arte, el d iseo d el entorno y otros c am p os, es
un resultad o d e este m ism o p roc eso d e elec c in. Tales
elec c iones sistem tic as en la arq uitec tura d esem b oc aron en la ap aric in d e los estilos d e Antig uo Eg ip to, Grec ia, Rom a, el estilo rom nic o enfrentad o c on el g tic o, el
estilo re- na c entista c o ntra el b a rro c o , etc . La elec c i n
tam b in c ond uc e a la m ig rac in a c ualq uier esc ala d e
la internac ional a la reg ional, d e la urb ana a la intraurb ana
(es d ec ir, el vec ind ario y la viviend a eleg id os). Al ig ual
q ue el d iseo, la m ig rac in se p resta a una valorac in
tanto neg ativa c om o p ositiva (los ya c om entad os em p ujo ne s y e stiro ne s). Sub ya c e nte a to d o e llo no s
atrevem os a sug erir est un nic o p roc eso q ue p ued e
ser ilustrad o d e la form a sig uiente (y q ue, c om o ya hem os ob servad o, m erec e ser p uesto en relieve) [fig . 19]:
The filters express the fact that one is

always dealing with, perceived environments and their attributes. Group
filters are the result of enculturation
at the largest scale, a culture region
(Western Europe or North America)
or country (Spain or the United States).
Subgroups are discussed in Chapter
6; there are usually many, and more
specific enculturation or acculturation
leads to a variety of filters. Individual filters reflect the results of personal experiences and the effects can be
identified through what have been
called residential histories or environmental autobiographies, describing the environments one has lived in,
experienced, those most memorable,
Los filtros exp resan el hec ho d e q ue uno siem p re trata c on entornos p erc ib id os y sus atrib utos. Los filtros
d e g rup o son resultad o d e enc ulturac in a m ayor esc ala
a nivel d e reg in c ultural (Europ a Oc c id ental, o Am ric a d el N o rte) o p a s (Esp a a o Esta d o s Unid o s). Lo s
sub g rup os (norm alm ente son num erosos) se estud iarn
en el Cap tulo 6, y las enc ulturac iones o ac ulturac iones
m s esp ec fic as c ond uc en a la existenc ia d e una g ran
varied ad d e filtros. Los filtros ind ivid uales reflejan los
resultad os d e exp erienc ias p ersonales, y los efec tos p ued en ser id entific ad os a travs d e lo q ue se lleg a llam ar
historias resid enc iales [resid ential histories], o autob iog rafas d e entorno [environm ental autob iog rap hies] q ue
d esc rib en los entornos en los q ue uno ha vivid o, sus exp erienc ias, los ac ontec im ientos m s m em orab les, etc .
90
f ig u r a 1 9
entorno construido, como:

-organizacin de espacio,
tiempo, significado y
comunicacin
-sistema de lugares
[settings]
-paisaje cultural
-entorno construido como
conjunto de elementos
fijos, semifijos y no fijos
grupo
cultural
otros
personal
filtros
criterios de
evaluacin
entorno
percibido
limitaciones:
-traslado
polticas, econmicas, -rendicin
de informacin, etc. -accin
-diseo de nuevo
preferencias
entorno
-modificacin del
entorno existente
-ideales
-imgenes
-valores
-normas
-estndares
-expectativas
-significados
-nociones de
calidad ambiental
etc.
limitaciones:
legales, falta de movilidad, prejuicios, etc.
no considerado
en este libro
Modelo de proceso de evaluacin que, con mnimas modificaciones, puede ser aplicado a muchas
situaciones (por ejemplo, ver fig. 18) (basado en: A. Rapoport: Ciencia, teora explicativa y
estudios del comportamiento humano en su relacin con el entorno en S. Wapner y otros editores:
Perspectivas tericas en el estudio del comportamiento humano en relacin con el entorno,
Nueva York, Kluwer/Plenum, 2000, Fig. 3, pg. 131 y A. Rapoport: Teora, cultura y vivienda,
en Vivienda, teora y sociedad, vol. 17, n. 4, 2000.
etc. Individual variety tends to be

much greater today than in traditional
societies, but cannot play a role in research or design except in the case of
the single family housealthough
even there conflicts and negotiations
among family members often occur,
as a result of their various experiences.
There may also be filters resulting
from what have been called cohort
effects, commonalities among aggregations of individuals due to, for
example, being born at a given time.
Examples, in the U.S. are baby boomers or generation X. All of these
differences not only influence the
La varied ad ind ivid ual suele ser m uc ho m s g rand e ac tualm ente q ue en las soc ied ad es trad ic ionales, p ero no
p ued e jug ar el p ap el p rinc ip al en una investig ac in o un
p royec to, exc ep to en el c aso d e la viviend a unifam iliar
aunq ue inc luso all a m enud o surg en c onflic tos y d isc usiones entre los m iem b ros d e la m ism a fam ilia, c om o
c onsec uenc ia d e la varied ad d e sus exp erienc ias. Pued en existir tam b in filtros resultantes d e lo q ue se d eno m in e fe c to s d e c o ho rte [c o ho rt effec ts] ra sg o s
c om unes entre ag rup ac iones d e ind ivid uos b asad as, p or
e je m p lo , e n e l m ism o a o d e na c im ie nto . Pa ra d a r
alg unos ejem p los, c itar los b ab y b oom ers o la g enerac in X en EE.UU. Tod as estas d iferenc ias no sola-
91
nature of the perceived environment,

but the nature of the ideals, images,
schemata, norms, etc., against which
the perceived environments are
evaluated.2
m ente afec tan el c arc ter d el entorno p erc ib id o, sino

tam b in la m ism a naturaleza d e los id eales, im g enes,
esq uem as, norm as, etc ., q ue sirven d e referenc ia p ara
p od er evaluar los entornos p erc ib id os. 2
In effect, when people choose an

environment, such as housing, they
choose not only the particular system
of settings and its larger context (discussed earlier) but also the particular
environmental quality of those systems
(to be discussed shortly), in a particular location (making various tradeoffs
between travel time and dwelling size
or type, neighborhood vs. dwelling
quality), the social characteristics of
neighbors and so on. If at all possible,
they also frequently modify that
environment in various ways, most
often by manipulating semi-fixed
elements (personalization). They do
however also change fixed-feature
elements, if that is not too difficult or
expensive, with important implications
for the need for open-ended design
(to be discussed later). It should also
be reiterated that wants often play a
much more important role than needs
in preference and choice (including
the choices made in design) and that
wants are closely related to meaning
and hence to culture. This is clear if
one examines advertisements related
to housing, which emphasize meanings and quite frequently do not even
show the dwelling, but vegetation,
views, butterflies, sunsets, human relationships, recreation and so on.3
En efec to, c uand o las p ersonas elig en un entorno p or

ejem p lo, una viviend a, elig en no solam ente el sistem a
p artic ular d e lug ares y su c ontexto m s am p lio (anteriorm ente c om entad o), sino tam b in la p artic ular c alid ad d el
entorno d e esos sistem as (d e lo q ue hab larem os m s
a d ela nte), en una ub ic a c i n c o nc reta (ha c iend o va ria s
c onc esiones al d ec id ir, p or ejem p lo, entre el tiem p o d e
lleg ar al trab ajo y tam ao o tip o d e la viviend a, o sea,
entre la zona y la c alid ad d e la viviend a), c arac terstic as
so c ia les d e lo s vec ino s, etc . Si p ued en, lo s ind ivid uo s
tam b in m od ific an ese entorno d e d iferentes m aneras,
siend o m s frec uente una m anip ulac in d e elem entos
sem ifijos (p ersonalizac in). Sin em b arg o, se c am b ian
tam b in alg unos elem entos fijos, siem p re q ue no resulte
d em asiad o d ifc il y c ostoso, lo q ue im p lic a una g ran nec esid ad d e d iseo ab ierto [op en- end ed ] d el q ue hab larem os m s tard e. Hay q ue reiterar tam b in q ue los d eseos a m enud o jueg an un p ap el m uc ho m s im p ortante
q ue las nec esid ad es en la form ac in d e p referenc ias y
elec c iones (inc luyend o las elec c iones q ue se efec tan
en el p roc eso d e p lanific ac in) y q ue los d eseos estn
estrec ham ente relac ionad os c on la viviend a, p oniend o
nfasis en los sig nific ad os q ue m uc has vec es ni siq uiera
ap untan d irec tam ente a la viviend a, sino hab lan d e veg etac in, vistas, m arip osas, p uestas d el sol, relac iones
hum a na s, rec rea c i n, etc . 3
For example, at the moment in the

U.S. the size of houses is going up significantly at the same time that family
size is decreasing. The detached house
and its location in a particular landscape (called suburban) are also
wants rather than needs. These landscape themselves vary with culture
and change as culture changes. As
Por ejem p lo, ac tualm ente en Estad os Unid os el tam ao

d e las c asas va en aum ento, al m ism o tiem p o q ue se
red uc e el nm ero d e m iem b ros d e fam ilia. Las c asas
unifam iliares y su ub ic ac in en un p aisaje d eterm inad o
(llam ad o sub urb ano) tam b in rep resentan d eseos, m s
q ue nec esid ad es. Estos p aisajes en s varan c on la c ultura y c a m b ia n a m e d id a d e q ue c a m b ia la c ultura .
Pa ra d a r un e je m p lo , e n e xte nsa s zo na s d e A m ric a
92
one example, in large areas of Latin

American, there has been a reversal
of what is regarded as a desirable
residential environment (Fig. 20).
In effect an environment previously
evaluated negatively, because it was
considered disordered is now evaluated positivelythere has been a reversal. I have suggested elsewhere that
this is due to a widespread acceptance
of the (mainly U.S.) suburban image.
These two orders, which result from
choices based on values, ideals, images, etc., i.e. wants, can be described
as a geometric order (often found in
Western countries and elite areas in
Latin America) as opposed to a social
order as found, for example, in precontact Africa and North America
(Fig. 21).
The latter is often misunderstood by
members of other groups who see it as
representing a lack of order, as being
disorderly or chaotic. This is impossible, since all environments reflect
culturebeing cultural landscapes,
and culture is orderly, being a system,
and leads to the systematic choices
which result in cultural landscapes.
More generally, one finds members of
particular groups describing environments as chaotic when they cannot
understand the order, do not like it or
find it unsuitable. Examples include
French authors describing U.S. cities
as chaotic, U.S. authors similarly
describing Islamic cities, and designers
and planners describing various
environments (roadside strips, spontaneous settlements, etc.) as chaotic.
Such differences in preference for different orders can still be found, as will
be discussed later in Chapter 6. An
order may even be selected which will
be seen as a disorder by other groups,
to communicate a particular meaning
or message, as in the case of a counter-
Latina se reg istr una inversin d e lo q ue se c onsid era

un entorno resid enc ial d eseab le [fig . 20].
De hec ho, un entorno p reviam ente valorad o c om o neg ativo p or ser d esord enad o, ahora se evala p ositivam ente se efec tu una inversin. He sug erid o en varias oc asiones q ue ello se d eb a a una ac ep tac in c om n d e la im ag en sub urb ana (m ayoritariam ente norteam eric ana). Los d os tip os d e org anizac in q ue d erivan
d e las elec c iones b asad as en valores, id eales, im g enes, etc . (es d ec ir, d eseos) p ued en ser d esc ritas c om o
un ord en g eom tric o (frec uente en los p ases oc c id entales y zonas d e elite en Am ric a Latina) en op osic in a un
ord en soc ial (existente, p or ejem p lo, en fric a o Am ric a
d el N orte en las p oc as p revias al c ontac to c on la c ivilizac in oc c id ental) [fig . 21].
La seg und a fo rm a d e o rg a niza c i n es a m enud o m a l
entend id a p or m iem b ros d e g rup os q ue la c onsid eran
una rep resentac in d e d esord en p or ser alb orotad a o
c atic a. Pero esto no tiene sentid o, ya q ue tod os los
entornos reflejan la c ultura son p aisajes c ulturales, y
la c ultura, siend o un sistem a, rep resenta ord en y c ond ic iona las elec c iones sistem tic as q ue c ontrib uyen a form ar los p aisajes c ulturales. Generalizand o, se p ued e afirm ar q ue m iem b ros d e unos d eterm inad os g rup os llam an c atic os alg unos entornos p rec isam ente c uand o
no son c ap ac es d e entend er el ord en, no lo q uieren, o lo
e nc ue ntra n inc m o d o . Lo s e je m p lo s no fa lta n hub o
autores franc eses q ue llam ab an c atic as las c iud ad es
norteam eric anas, autores estad ounid enses q ue op inab an lo m ism o d e las c iud ad es d e los p ases m usulm anes, y d isead ores y urb anistas q ue d esc rib an d iferentes entornos (b ord es d e c arreteras, c am p am entos esp ontneos) c om o c atic os. Tal d isp arid ad en las p referenc ias p or uno u otro ord en tod ava p ued e enc ontrarse
hoy en d a, lo q ue analizarem os en el Cap tulo 6. Un ord en visto c om o d esord en p or otros g rup os p ued e inc luso ser esc og id o p ara c om unic ar un sig nific ad o o un
m e n s a je d e te rm in a d o , c o m o e n e l c a s o d e l g ru p o
93
un continuo muro urbano,

materiales artesanales, tejados
planos o de teja, o parapetos
-caminos de tierra
irregulares
-vegetacin
natural
calles pavimentadas,
trazadas en cuadrcula
-paja y materiales
naturales; animales
plaza
estrado para
la orquesta
vegetacin
controlada
-casas irregularmente
ubicadas; cobertizos
vegetacin restringida
a patios traseros, no
visibles desde la calle
(s desde la plaza)
tradicional imagen positiva
paisaje mestizo
tradicional imagen negativa

paisaje indio
-casas separadas entre s;

materiales artesanales
-vegetacin seminatural
bien cuidada
-algunas calles
curvilneas
modificacin del
entorno existente
-cesped
-calles trazadas
en cuadrcula
-vallas/muretes bajos
nueva imagen positiva
paisaje suburbano
Paisajes culturales latinoamericanos (Mxico). Basados en parte en A.
Rapoport: El significado del entorno construido, Tucson, University of
Arizona Press, 1990, Fig. 23, pg. 146.
94
f ig u r a 2 0
f ig u r a 2 1
orden social -grupo Aorden social

-grupo C-
orden social
-grupo B-
orden social
-grupo D-
orden social -grupo E-
orden social
-grupo F-
orden geomtrico -puede ser percibido-
orden social -ha de ser previamente conocido-
Orden social contra orden geomtrico. (basado en parte en

A. Rapoport: El significado del entorno construido, Tucson,
University of Arizona Press, 1990, Fig. 25, pg. 149).
culture group in California.4
c ontrac ultural en California. 4
Related are evaluations of certain arrangements and space use as slums,

and the use of certain materials can
also define areas as slums. In one case,
the use in the U.S. of plastic brickwork
led architects to condemn an area.
More generally, one finds an unselfconscious negative evaluation of traditional materials (adobe, mud bricks,
thatch) and traditional forms. All represent meanings intimately related
to culture and hence evaluations, preferences and choicesi.e. wants rather
than needs.
De form a sim ilar se valoran c iertas form as d e org anizac in esp ac ial, c om o b arrios d e c hab olas [slum ], e inc luso el uso d e d eterm inad os m ateriales p ued e llevar a
d efinir alg unas zonas c om o b arriad as. En un c aso, el
uso d e lad rillo d e im itac in (d e p lstic o) en EE.UU. llev a
los arq uitec tos a c ond enar tod a la zona. M s c om n es
la inc onsc iente evaluac in neg ativa d e los m ateriales (ad ob e, lad rillos d e b arro, p aja) y form as trad ic ionales. Tod os
ellos rep resentan unos sig nific ad os ntim am ente relac ionad os c on la c ultura, o sea, c on evaluac iones, p referenc ias y elec c iones; p or lo tanto, se trata d e d eseos m s
95
Environmental quality. Before turning

to the role of choice in design, the issue of evaluation and preference needs
to be discussed, clarified and made
more usable. The many characteristics
(or attributes) of environments that
respond to wants, and are preferred
(chosen) or rejected, together constitute environmental quality, and positive environmental quality (better
environments) is the goal of all design.
It is linked to culture through the
need to ask: What is better? Better for
whom? How do we know it is better?
And so on. It also becomes important
to understand what is meant by environmental quality (i.e. to define it),
and also important to make it operational, so that it can be studied, analyzed, compared, specified, etc.i.e.
used.
q ue d e nec esid ad es.
Note that there are at least two major

meanings or interpretations of this
concept. One is related to phenomena
such as air and water quality, consequences of overpopulation, radiation, thermal and noise pollution and
the like. They are what one could call
the physical-chemical-ecological
qualities of the environment, and are
those emphasized by environmentalists and various environmental protection agencies. The second meaning,
which is the one with which this book
is mainly concerned are the more variable qualities of environments which,
when positive, provide satisfaction to
people and which they then choose,
rejecting environments with negative
attributes. These are the psychological,
bio-social and cultural qualities of
environments. Although EBS has
mainly been concerned with the latter,
the two aspects of environmental quality interact, designers are (or should
be) concerned with both, and attempts
are being made to link them by including components of both in the
Se d eb e tener en c uenta q ue este c onc ep to tiene al m enos d os p rinc ip ales sig nific ad os o interp retac iones. Uno
est relac ionad o c on fenm enos c om o c alid ad d el aire y
d el ag ua, c onsec uenc ias d e sup erp ob lac in, rad iac in,
c ontam inac in trm ic a y ac stic a y sim ilares. Son lo q ue
p od ra d enom inarse c ualid ad es fsic as, q um ic as y ec ol g ic a s d e l e nto rno , d e sta c a d a s p o r lo s e c o lo g ista s
(environm entalists ) y varias asoc iac iones d e p rotec c in
d el m ed io am b iente. El seg und o sig nific ad o, ob jeto d e
esp ec ia l inters p a ra este lib ro , a b a rc a la s c ua lid a d es
m s variab les d el entorno q ue, al ser p ositivas, satisfac en a las p ersonas y a las q ue las p ersonas elig en, rec ha za nd o ento rno s c o n a trib uto s neg a tivo s. sta s so n
las c ualid ad es p sic olg ic as, b iosoc iales y c ulturales d el
entorno. Aunq ue los EBS (estud ios d el c om p ortam iento
hum ano en relac in c on el entorno) se oc up an en m ayor m ed id a d e este ltim o, am b os asp ec tos d e la c alid a d d e l e nto rno inte ra c ta n, lo s d ise a d o re s e st n (o
d eb eran estar) p reoc up ad os p or los d os, y se estn llevand o a c ab o intentos d e vinc ular estos d os asp ec tos,
inc luyend o c om p onentes d e am b os en los m ism os p erfiles d e c alid ad d el entorno. En el p roc eso d e m ejorar
96
Calid ad d el entorno. Antes d e hab lar d el p ap el d e la elec c in en el d iseo, es nec esario c om entar, ac larar y hac er m s d ig erib le la c uestin d e evaluac iones y p referenc ias. Las num erosas c arac terstic as (o atrib utos) d e los
entornos q ue resp ond en a los d eseos y son p referid os
(eleg id os) o rec hazad os, form an en su c onjunto una c alid ad d el entorno (o c alid ad am b iental), y el ob jetivo d e
tod o d iseo es una c alid ad am b iental p ositiva (un entorno m ejor). Est vinc ulad o a la c ultura m ed iante las inelud ib les p reg untas: q u es m ejor? m ejor p ara q uin?
c m o sa b em o s q ue es rea lm ente m ejo r?, etc . Ta m b in es im p ortante c om p rend er lo q ue se d enom ina c alid ad d el entorno (es d ec ir, d efinir el trm ino) y hac erlo
op erac ional, p ara q ue se le p ued a estud iar, analizar, c om p arar, esp ec ific ar, etc . utilizarlo.
same environmental quality profiles.

In making better environments the
two meanings of environmental quality need to be combined, and designers
need to manipulate both.
These attributes, or components, of
environmental quality can be identified (through dismantling), studied,
listed, ranked and communicated.
They are best described, and most
easily communicated by an environmental quality profile. Four aspects
of these attributes can vary:
The nature of the components showing
which components are included or excluded (Fig. 22).
los entornos es nec esario c om b inar am b os sig nific ad os

d e la c alid ad d el entorno y los d isead ores d eb en m anip ular los d os.
Estos atrib utos, o c om p onentes, d e la c alid ad d el entorno p ued en ser id entific ad os (m ed iante su d isg reg ac in),
estud iad os, c lasific ad os y c om unic ad os a otras p ersonas. Es a travs d e un p erfil d e c alid ad d el entorno c om o
m e jo r se d e sc rib e n y m s f c ilm e n te se c o m u n ic a n .
Cuatro asp ec tos d e estos atrib utos p ued en variar:
La naturaleza d e los c om p onentes q ue m uestra c ules
d e ellos se inc luyen o se exc luyen [fig . 22].
f ig u r a 2 2
Perfil de calidad de entorno variaciones de sus componentes (basado

en A. Rapoport Calidad de entorno y sus perfiles, en A. Rapoport:
Treinta y tres escritos sobre el estudio de la relacin entre el entorno y el
comportamiento humano), Newcastle (Reino Unido), Urban
International Press, 1995, Fig. 1, pg. 481).
97
The ranking of these components (i.e.

the relative importance of the same
components) (Fig. 23).
La c lasific ac in (ranking ) d e estos c om p onentes (es d ec ir, la im p ortanc ia relativa d e los m ism os c om p onentes)
[fig . 23].
The absolute importance (or magnitude of these components vis--vis

other things that are not aspects of
environmental quality, but affect quality of life, and therefore play a role in
choice. Recall that I emphasize choice
as the most important aspect of the
effect of environment on people (basic
question 2). Thus people may deliberately choose worse environmental
quality in favor of factors such as income, education, their childrens future, etc. This is common in developing
countries with regard to urbanization
(Fig. 24). Thus, for example, and surprisingly, the pavement dwellers of
La im p ortanc ia ab soluta (o la m ag nitud d e estos c om p onentes vis- - vis c on otras c osas q ue no son asp ec tos
d e la c alid ad d el entorno, p ero q ue afec tan la c alid ad d e
vid a y, p or tanto, p artic ip an en la elec c in). Rec uerd en
q ue hem os d estac ad o la elec c in c om o el asp ec to m s
im p ortante d e la influenc ia q ue ejerc e el entorno sob re
las p ersonas (c uestin b sic a 2). As, las p ersonas p ued en eleg ir p eor c alid ad d el entorno en favor d e fac tores
c o m o ing re so s, e d uc a c i n, e l futuro d e lo s hijo s, e tc .
Esto p asa d e form a g eneralizad a resp ec to al p roc eso d e
urb anizac in en los p ases en vas d e d esarrollo [fig . 24].
Por ejem p lo, varios estud ios revelaron q ue los sin te-
f ig u r a 2 3
Perfil de calidad de entorno una variacin en el ranking de

los mismos componentes (basado en op. cit., Fig. 2, pg. 481).
98
no forman parte del

perfil de calidad del
entorno
forman parte del perfil de calidad del entorno
no forman parte del

entorno
f ig u r a 2 4
Perfiles de calidad de entorno una variacin en la importancia frente

a otros aspectos de la vida (basado en op. cit., Fig. 3, pg. 481).
Calcutta have been shown in several

studies not to be as dissatisfied as one
would expect. They see their children
as having the possibility of becoming
urbanized. In a study in Jogjakarta
(Indonesia) rural immigrants in spontaneous settlements attached no importance to environmental quality. After 15 years, and having become part
of the formal economy, environmental
quality became most important. It is
c ho d e Calc uta sorp rend entem ente no se m ostrab an

tan d esc ontentos c om o uno p od a sup oner. Vean en su
situac in una futura p osib ilid ad , la d e c onvertirse en hab itantes d e c iud ad , p ara sus hijos. Seg n otro estud io, los
inm ig rantes rurales en Jog iakarta (Ind onesia), q ue vivan
en im p rovisad os c am p am entos, no d ab an im p ortanc ia
a la c alid ad d el entorno. Quinc e aos m s tard e la c alid ad d el entorno, al lleg ar a form ar p arte d e la ec onom a,
ad q uiere m xim a im p ortanc ia. Es este fenm eno el q ue
99
this phenomenon which led Peter

Lloyd to ask whether spontaneous
settlements in developing countries
were slums of hope, as opposed to
the objectively higher standards of the
slums of despair in developed
countries.
The components can be positive or
negative. These are the pulls and
pushes respectively of migration (or
habitat selection), the attributes liked
or disliked, sought or avoided/rejected
(Fig. 25).
These four can be combined allowing
the graphic representation in the form
of a profile of any particular example
of environmental quality (Fig. 26).
llev a Peter Lloyd a p lantearse la p reg unta d e si los asentam ientos (o p ob lad os) esp ontneos en los p ases en vas
d e d esarrollo no eran, en realid ad , c hab olas d e la esp eranza, op uestas a las c hab olas d e la d esesp erac in
d e los p ases d esarrollad os.
Los c om p onentes p ued en ser p ositivos o neg ativos. Son
los resp ec tivos tirones y em p ujones d e la m ig rac in
(o d e la elec c in d el hb itat), los atrib utos q ue ag rad an o
d esag rad an, son b usc ad os o evitad os/rec hazad os [fig .
2 5 ].
Estos c uatro asp ec tos p ued en c om b inarse, p erm itiend o
as una rep resentac in g rfic a en form a d e p erfil d e c ualq uier ejem p lo c onc reto d e la c alid ad d el entorno [fig . 26).
f ig u r a 2 5
Perfiles de calidad de entorno los componentes pueden ser

positivos o negativos (basado en op. cit., Fig. 4, pg. 482).
100
The components referred to in the figures are only examples. One is dealing with classes of components. The
specifics can change, components can
be added or subtracted, rankings
changed and so on. Conceptually the
general components are more useful,
because they are likely to be more invariant than the specifics, whatever
these might be at a given time and
place: they can then be plugged in.
Los c om p onentes rep resentad os num ric am ente no son

m s q ue e je m p lo s. Uno d e lo s e je m p lo s m ue stra la s
c lases d e c om p onentes. Los d atos esp ec fic os p ued en
c am b iar, se les p ued en aad ir o sustraer c om p onentes,
variar sus ranking s , etc . Conc ep tualm ente los c om p onentes g enerales son m s tiles, ya q ue tiend en a ser
m s invariab les q ue los c om p onentes esp ec fic os, c ualesq uiera q ue sean en un m om ento y lug ar d ad os: p ued en ser aad id os (enc hufad os) lueg o.
f ig u r a 2 6
entorno C
entorno D
entorno A
entorno B
Perfiles de calidad de entorno

tambin pueden ser trazados en
forma radial (ver O. Khattab
Asesoramiento sobre la calidad de
entorno: un intento de evaluar los
proyectos gubernamentales de
viviendas, Open House
International, vol. 18, n. 4, 1993,
pgs. 41-47).
Perfiles de calidad de entorno correspondientes a entornos concretos (basado en op. cit., Fig. 5 y 6, pg. 482).
101
This formulation and the evaluation/

choice model (Fig. 19) are general,
applicable to all situations and at many scales. This has the advantage of
linking the large literature on international, interregional and interurban migration to intraurban habitat
selectionthe choice of neighborhood, block, lot and dwelling. This
also relates to the earlier discussion of
housing as a system of settings embedded in larger systems. What is chosen is a particular system of settings
and its associated environmental quality profile; this results in a particular
ambience. This is the sum-total of the
multisensory experience of the perceptual aspects of the environment. This is
commonly called aesthetics which,
when considered not just visually but
as involving all sense modalities, is
more usefully identified as ambience.5
Esta form ulac in y el m od elo evaluac in/elec c in [fig . 19]

son g enerales y, p or tanto, ap lic ab les a tod as las situac iones y a d iferentes esc alas. Eso tiene una ventaja: nos
p erm ite vinc ular la extensa literatura existente sob re la
m ig rac in internac ional, interreg ional e interurb ana, c on
la selec c in d e hb itat intraurb ana la elec c in d e b arrio, zona, solar y viviend a. Tam b in se relac iona c on
el p lanteam iento anterior d e la viviend a c om o sistem a d e
lug ares enc astrad os en sistem as d e m ayor enverg ad ura. Lo q ue se elig e es un sistem a p artic ular d e lug ares y
el p erfil d e c alid ad d el entorno asoc iad o c on l. Ellos form a n u n a a tm sfe ra p a rtic u la r, su m a d e exp e rie n c ia s
m ultisensoriales y los asp ec tos p erc ep tivos d el entorno,
c o m n m e n te d e n o m in a d a e s t tic a . Sin e m b a rg o ,
c uand o la c onsid eram os no solo visualm ente, sino c om o
alg o q ue im p lic a tod as las m od alid ad es sensoriales, resu lta m s p r c tic o id e n tific a rla c o m o a m b ie n ta c i n
[a m b ienc e] 5 .
This bundle of attributes that makes

up environmental quality is the link
between choice and the specifics of
particular environments, of all kinds
and at all scales. Components of all
aspects of environmental quality can
be represented, studied and ranked
locationed, physical (climate, topography, views, vegetation, water, noise,
pollution, etc.), social (homogeneity,
status, family structure, etc.), perceptual (e.g. ambience), cultural (discussed in detail in Chapter 6), concerning
meaning (latent aspects, symbolism)
and so on. An important characteristic
of profiles is their ability to help organize and condense large amounts of
information, and many diverse specific variables, including both the physical/chemical/ecological and psychological/bio-social/cultural. This is largely due to the fact that such profiles
can be drawn, i.e. represented graphically. Note also that such profiles are
open-ended, and allow new data to
be introduced. These can be new re-
Este c m ulo d e a trib uto s q ue c o m p o ne la c a lid a d d el

entorno es el vnc ulo entre la elec c in y tod os los rasg os
esp ec fic os d e entornos p artic ulares, d e tod os tip os y a
c ualq uier esc ala. Los c om p onentes d e tod os los asp ec tos d e la c alid ad d el entorno p ued en ser rep resentad os,
estud iad os y c lasific ad os su ub ic ac in, c arac terstic as
fsic as (c lim a, top og rafa, vistas, veg etac in, ag ua, ruid os, c ontam inac in, etc .), soc iales (hom og eneid ad , status, estruc tura fam iliar, etc .), p erc ep tivas (p or ejem p lo,
atm sfera), c ulturales (analizad as d etallad am ente en el
Cap tulo 6), las q ue son relativas al sig nific ad o (asp ec tos
latentes, sim b olism o), etc .. Un rasg o im p ortante d e los
p erfiles es su c ap ac id ad d e org anizar y c ond ensar g rand es volm enes d e inform ac in, al ig ual q ue m uc has y
d iversas variab les esp ec fic as, inc luyend o tanto las fsic as, q um ic as y ec olg ic as, c om o p sic olg ic as, b iosoc iales y c ulturales. Esto se d eb e en m ayor p arte al hec ho
d e q ue tales p erfiles p ued en ser d ib ujad os, o sea, rep rese n ta d o s g r fic a m e n te . O b se rve n ta m b i n q u e e sto s
p erfiles son ab iertos y p erm iten introd uc ir nuevos d atos:
nuevas investig ac iones, c am b ios en el tiem p o d eb id os a
102
search findings, changes over time due

to culture change, cross-cultural variations among groups and so on.
transform ac in c ultural, variac iones interc ulturales entre

g rup os, etc .
Since much EBS research deals with

evaluation and preference, and hence
environmental quality, and all design
has as its purpose the improvement of
environmental quality, the use of profiles allows the integration of much of
the research literatureit can be integrated and synthesized, represented
and studied by using profiles. It is also
very useful in post-occupancy evaluation, because it allows one to describe
negative as well as positive environmental quality, what is disliked and
rejected, as what as is liked and
chosen.
Dad o q ue m uc hos d e los estud ios EBS tratan d e la evaluac in y la p referenc ia y, p or c onsig uiente, d e la c alid ad
d el entorno, y d ad o q ue el ob jetivo d e tod a p lanific ac in
es el d e m ejorar esa c alid ad , el uso d e los p erfiles p erm ite integ rar g ran p arte d e la literatura c ientfic a q ue p ued e ser integ rad a y sintetizad a, rep resentad a y estud iad a. Son tam b in m uy tiles p ara la evaluac in p osterior a la oc up ac in d el lug ar, ya q ue p erm iten d esc rib ir
tanto la c alid ad d el entorno neg ativa c om o p ositiva, tanto
lo q ue d isg usta y se rec haza c om o lo q ue g usta y es
eleg id o.
I have already discussed the extraordinary variety of environments, and

suggested that it is due to latent aspects, i.e. wants. These reflect both positive and negative evaluations of components of environmental quality by
their designers (in the broad sense
described earlier). They also reflect the
role of constraints (to be discussed
later). Profiles can then describe, and
make possible the comparison of the
environmental quality of different types
of environments: Sacred vs. secular,
traditional vs. contemporary, highstyle vs. vernacular or popular, and
so on.
Although the environmental quality
profile is analytical (etic) developed
by the researcher, one is concerned
with its specifics, i.e. perceived environmental quality of users (emic).
These evaluations tend not to be
analytical: People react to environments globally and affectively, in terms
of I like it/I do not like it (although
that rationale should not be used by
designers!). The analysis is the researchers! This is why housing games,
Hem os c om entad o ya la extraord inaria varied ad d e entornos y sup uesto q ue esto se d eb a a los asp ec tos latentes, es d ec ir, d eseos. Ellos reflejan las valorac iones p ositivas o neg ativas d e los c om p onentes d e la c alid ad d el
entorno p or p arte d e los d isead ores (en el sentid o am p lio, c om o ha sid o ind ic ad o anteriorm ente). Tam b in reflejan el p ap el d e las lim itac iones, o c oac c iones (lo q ue
se estud iar m s ad elante). Los p erfiles, entonc es, p ued en d esc rib ir la c alid ad am b iental d e d istintos tip os d e
entornos y hac er p osib le la c om p arac in entre ellos: los
sag rad os c ontra los laic os, los trad ic ionales c ontra los
c ontem p orneos, los hig h- style c ontra los vernac ulares
(p op ulares), etc .
Aunq ue el p erfil d e c alid ad d el entorno sea una herram ienta analtic a d esarrollad a p or el investig ad or (tic a),
uno se interesa p or su esp ec fic a, es d ec ir, la c alid ad d el
entorno p erc ib id a p or los usuarios (m ic a). Estas evaluac iones tiend en a no ser analtic as: las p ersonas reac c io na n a sus e nto rno s d e fo rm a g lo b a l y a fe c tiva , e n
trm inos d e m e g usta o no m e g usta (aunq ue los
d isead ores no d eb eran usar estas c ateg oras! Lo suyo
es el anlisis). sta es la razn p or la q ue func ionan los
jueg os q ue p rop onen los investig ad ores p ara analizar
la viviend a o el vec ind ario en g eneral. Las p ersonas, a
103
which also include neighborhoods,

work. In them, given choices among
alternatives, people are able quickly
and easily to make such choices, so
that their ideals are reflected. When
monetary limits are imposed and constrain choice, the order in which various components of environmental
quality are eliminated provide a ranking of their importance, from least to
most important, from the periphery
to their core.
Because profiles are able to analyze
users, designers and others preferences, their use also makes possible the
identification and comparison of the
profiles of different groups. This is particularly important in the context of
this book, which deals with cultural,
i.e. group differences (and, of course,
also similarities). The basic process
involves identifying the environmental
quality profiles of various actors in
the design process, and thus identify
ecologistas
promotores
las q ue se les p rop one la p osib ilid ad d e esc og er entre

varias op c iones, se m uestran c ap ac es d e hac er estas
elec c iones (en las q ue se reflejan sus id eales) c on fac ilid ad y rap id ez. Al im p oner lm ites d e c arc ter ec onm ic o
q ue c oac c ionan en el p roc eso d e elec c in, el ord en en
el q ue van siend o elim inad os varios c om p onentes d e la
c alid ad d el entorno p rop orc iona a los estud iosos el ranking d e su im p ortanc ia, d el m enos im p ortante al m s
im p ortante, d e su p eriferia a su nc leo.
Puesto q ue los p erfiles ayud an a analizar las p referenc ias
d e los usuarios, d isead ores, etc ., su utilizac in tam b in
ha c e p o sib le la id entific a c i n y la c o m p a ra c i n d e lo s
p erfiles d e los d iferentes g rup os. Es esp ec ialm ente im p ortante en el c ontexto d e este lib ro, q ue trata d e d iferenc ias c ulturales, o sea, las d e g rup o (y, p or sup uesto,
tam b in d e sim ilitud es). El p roc eso b sic o im p lic a la id entific ac in d e p erfiles d e c alid ad d el entorno d e los d iferentes p artic ip antes d el p roc eso d e p lanific ac in p ara loc alizar d e este m od o los d esac uerd os, las reas d e c onflic to, etc . [fig . 27].
f ig u r a 2 7
diseador
Perfiles hipotticos de calidad de entorno de diferentes personas que

actan en el mismo entorno (basado en parte en: A. Rapoport: Desarrollo, cultura y diseo favorable (capaz de prestar apoyo), en Habitat
International, vol. 7, n. 5/6, 1983, Fig. 9, pg. 263).
104
usuarios
(descubiertos)
usuarios
(expresados)
disagreements, areas of conflict and

so on. (Fig. 27).
Many examples are possible, and it is
relatively easy to do such analyses,
and to interpret a large body of research in these terms. I will give just a
few, both hypothetical and actual.
Thus, considering spontaneous (squatter) settlements synchronically one
can identify the different profiles of
international agencies (for example,
negative), designers (Romantic profile)
and users (both revealed and expressed profiles). Diachronically, over time,
one can study changes in such profiles
so that the highly negative evaluations
of spontaneous settlements by various
agencies have become highly positive
(excessively so according to some critics).
In the case of Elizabeth New Town, in
South Australia, the ranking of the importance of four recreational activities
(socializing, semi-socializing activities,
sport and specialized activities) was
different among planners and teenagers, i.e. the provision did not match
preferences. Three of the four were incongruent (to varying extents, with one
reversed) and only one was a match.
The verbal display I used in 1977 is
more effectively shown as two profiles.
Moreover, one could identify preferences for additional activities, differences
among sub-groups of teenagers, and
changes over time since the new town
was built. In the case of another new
town, Milton Keynes in the U.K., critics
suggested major changes, on the basis
of negative evaluations of a number
of attributes. Among them: Difficulties
in way-finding by visitors, the lack of
urbanity and the isolation and
village-like quality of the neighborhoods. Fortunately, research was done
before making any changes. Users
agreed about the attributes of the city,
Se p ued en d ar num erosos ejem p los, y resulta relativam ente fc il analizar e interp retar el g ran volum en d e investig ac in c ientfic a en estos trm inos. Aq u p ond rem os
unos p oc os ejem p los, tanto hip ottic os c om o reales. As,
a n a liz a n d o lo s a s e n ta m ie n to s e s p o n t n e o s ile g a le s
[sq uatters] sinc rnic am ente, es p osib le id entific ar los d iferentes p erfiles: el d e las ag enc ias internac ionales (p or
ejem p lo, neg ativo), el d e los d isead ores (el p erfil rom ntic o) y los p erfiles d e los usuarios (tanto revelad os p or
investig a d o res c o m o exp resa d o s p o r lo s interesa d o s).
D ia c r nic a m e nte , uno p ue d e a na liza r lo s c a m b io s d e
tales p erfiles p or ejem p lo, las op iniones d e los m ed ios
d e c om unic ac in ac erc a d e las b arriad as esp ontneas
evoluc ionaron d e la evaluac in franc am ente neg ativa a
la altam ente p ositiva (inc luso exc esivam ente, seg n alg unos c rtic os).
En el c aso d e Elizab eth N ew Tow n, en el Sur d e Australia, la c lasific ac in seg n im p ortanc ia [ranking ] d e c uatro
ac tivid ad es rec reativas relac iones soc iales, ac tivid ad es
rela c io na d a s c o n el tra to so c ia l, d ep o rte y a c tivid a d es
esp ec ializad as era d iferente p ara los esp ec ialistas d e
p lanific ac in y p ara los ad olesc entes. Eso sig nific ab a q ue
la oferta no c orresp ond a c on la d em and a (c on las p referenc ias). Tres d e los c uatro p untos d iverg an (en d iferente
g rad o, c on uno inc luso literalm ente invertid o), m ientras
q ue c oinc id a solo uno. El d esp lieg ue [d isp lay] verb al q ue
utilic en 1977 se p resenta m s efic azm ente en form a
d e d os p erfiles. Ad em s, uno p ued e id entific ar p referenc ias p or ac tivid ad es ad ic ionales, d iferenc ias entre sub g rup os d e ad olesc entes y c am b ios en el tiem p o transc urrid o d esd e la c onstruc c in d e la nueva c iud ad . En el
c a so d e o tra c iud a d re c i n c o nstruid a , M ilto n Ke yne s
(EE.UU.), los c rtic os sug irieron introd uc ir m s c am b ios,
b asnd ose en las evaluac iones neg ativas d e varios atrib utos (entre ellos estab an las d ific ultad es d e los visitantes
p ara enc ontrar el c am ino, la falta d e urb anid ad , el aislam iento y un c ierto tinte rural q ue tenan las zonas resid enc ia les). A fo rtuna d a m ente, a ntes d e intro d uc ir c ua lq uier c am b io, se realiz un estud io, reveland o q ue los
105
but saw them as highly positive. 6 In

effect, these components of the profile
were uniformly positive for users and
negative for designers and planners.
Major differences in evaluations by
designers and users as a whole (although there are numerous difference
among groups of users (see Chapter
7)) have been identified in the research
literature. These can usefully be described by profiles. In one case, Maiden Lane, a housing project in London
won architectural awards, and was
greatly praised in The Architectural
Review. In a research study, tenants
evaluated it extremely negatively,
comparing it to a concentration
camp.7 The components of the positive
and negative evaluations are also
completely different: There is a complete mismatch between the two. There
have also been studies about the very
different evaluations of competition
entries by a professional jury and the
public.8
Many other examples can be found of
group differences between designers
and users, among different groups of
users, insiders vs. outsiders views
about neighborhoods, cross-cultural
differences, changes over time in evaluations in a single culture. All can be
described by means of environmental
quality profiles and compared as suggested in figure 27. In fact, it might
even be possible to define groups in
terms of their environmental quality
profiles.
Environmental quality profiles are
useful not only in research, they are
also useful in design. This is because
they make it possible to describe, indeed to specify the positive and negative attributes of the environment
to be designed. In other words, profiles
enable one to deal with the critical
106
usuarios, aunq ue estuvieran d e ac uerd o c on la d esc rip c in d e los atrib utos d e la c iud ad , los c onsid erab an m uy
p ositivos. 6 Efec tivam ente, estos c om p onentes d el p erfil
eran al m ism o tiem p o p ositivos p ara los usuarios y neg ativos p ara los d isead ores y p lanific ad ores.
M a yo re s d ife re nc ia s e n la s e va lua c io ne s p o r p a rte d e
d isead ores y usuarios (a p esar d e q ue se hub iesen reg istrad o varias d iferenc ias entre g rup os d e usuarios ver
el Cap tulo 7) se d etec taron en la literatura c ientfic a.
Estas d iferenc ias p ued en ser efic azm ente d esc ritas a travs d e los p erfiles. Analic em os el c aso d e un p royec to
resid enc ial en Lond res M aid en Lane g anad or d e p rem ios d e arq uitec tura y m uy alab ad o p or The Arc hitec tural
Review . Los inq uilinos entrevistad os p or los investig ad o res d ieron al c om p lejo una evaluac in extrem ad am ente
neg ativa, c om p arnd olo c on un c am p o d e c onc entrac in. 7 Los c om p onentes d e la evaluac in p ositiva y neg ativa son c om p letam ente d iferentes: entre ellas existe
un total d esajuste. Estn tam b in los estud ios sob re valorac iones m uy d iferentes d e p royec tos p resentad os a
c o nc urso s, p o r p a rte d e lo s jura d o s p ro fesio na les y el
p b lic o. 8
Se p ued en enc o ntra r o tro s m uc ho s ejem p lo s d e d iferenc ias d e g rup o en las op iniones sob re la zona resid enc ial: entre d isead ores y usuarios, entre d istintos g rup os
d e usuarios, entre los p rop ios y extraos, entre d iferentes c ultura s o d entro d e la m ism a c ultura , p ero en
d iferentes m om entos d e su historia. Tod as estas d iferenc ias p ued en ser d esc ritas c on la ayud a d e los p erfiles d e
c alid ad d el entorno y c om p arad as, seg n he sug erid o
en la fig ura 27. En realid ad , se p od ra inc luso d efinir los
g rup os en trm inos d e sus p erfiles d e c alid ad d el entorno.
Los p erfiles d e c alid ad d el entorno son tiles no solam ente p ara la investig ac in, sino tam b in p ara el d iseo.
Esto se d e b e a q ue e llo s p e rm ite n d e sc rib ir, o , m e jo r
d ic ho, esp ec ific ar, los atrib utos p ositivos y neg ativos d e
design questions of what to do (and

why, the rationale which is programming); the question of how then involves a consideration of ways to reach
the desired state, and the means available. Evaluation then becomes a way
of finding out if one has, in fact achieved the goal, or to what extent. In that
connection one begins to consider various constraints, e.g. of affordability,
and here also profiles can help in leaving out components of environmental
quality and would clearly begin with
those ranked lowestreflecting group
(cultural) differences in evaluation
and preference.
Design. It may seem strange that, in
a book dealing with design, I have
discussed in some detail peoples preferences and choices often in terms of
migration and buying (or renting)
housing. But this is linked to design in
two ways.First, users rarely get to design their environments (unlike in most
preliterate and vernacular situations).
Typically they move into, or use already existing environments, at best
personalizing them by means of semifixed elements.9 But I have suggested
that design is for users. Therefore,
designers are surrogates for users, doing what the latter cannot, or do not
wish to do. Users preferences are paramount, and the choices users make
is the best way to identify revealed preferences; other research identifies expressed preferences (see the two righthand profiles in Figure 27). There is,
however, a second and more fundamental reason to approach design in
this way. This is that design itself can
be seen as a process of choosing
among alternatives. In this sense, as
when users choose habitats, design also
involves tradeoffs, i.e. ranking components of environmental quality.
This means that design can be visual-
los entornos p or d isear. En otras p alab ras, los p erfiles

ayud an a resolver las c uestiones c rtic as d el d iseo: q u
hac er (y p or q u) d e la razn fund am ental q ue es la p rog ram ac in. Entonc es, la c uestin d el c m o im p lic a la
nec esid ad d e c onsid erar las m aneras d e alc anzar el estad o d esead o, al ig ual q ue los m ed ios d isp onib les. En
este p unto la evaluac in p erm ite revelar si uno ha alc anzad o realm ente la m eta, y hasta q u p unto. En esta c onexin uno em p ieza a c onsid erar alg unas lim itac iones:
p o r e je m p lo , e l fa c to r d e a c c e s ib ilid a d e c o n m ic a
[afford ab ility], p ero los p erfiles p ued en ayud ar tam b in
aq u a ir om itiend o los c om p onentes d e la c alid ad d el
entorno, em p ezand o p or los d e c lasific ac in m s b aja,
reflejand o las d iferenc ias d e g rup o (c ulturales) en la evaluac in y en las p referenc ias.
El d iseo. Pued e p arec er extrao q ue en un lib ro d ed ic ad o al d iseo hem os realizad o un anlisis b astante d etallad o d e las p referenc ias y elec c iones p ersonales, inc luso en trm inos d e m ig rac in y c om p ra (o alq uiler) d e
viviend a. Pero existe una c onexin c on el d iseo, y es
una c onexin d ob le. Prim ero, los usuarios raras vec es
lleg an a d isear sus p rop ios entornos (a d iferenc ia d e las
so c ie d a d e s p re hist ric a s o la a rq uite c tura ve rna c ula r).
Com o norm a g eneral, entran a vivir en los entornos ya
existentes (o los utilizan), en el m ejor d e los c asos p ersonaliznd olos m ed iante el uso d e elem entos sem ifijos. 9
Pero yo sosteng o q ue el d iseo est a servic io d e los
usuarios. Por lo tanto, los d isead ores sustituyen al usuario
hac iend o lo q ue este ltim o no es c ap az d e hac er o no
d esea hac er. Las p referenc ias d e los usuarios son las
q ue p rim a n y la s elec c io nes q ue lo s usua rio s rea liza n
son la m ejor p ista p ara id entific ar sus p referenc ias revelad as; otros estud ios id entific an las p referenc ias exp resad as (ver los d os p erfiles d e la d erec ha en la fig . 27). Sin
em b arg o, existe una seg und a y m s fund am ental razn
p ara p lantear el d iseo d e esta m anera. Consiste en q ue
el m ism o d iseo p ued e ser c onsid erad o un p roc eso d e
elec c in entre d iversas alternativas. En este sentid o, al
ig ual q ue c uand o los usuarios elig en su hb itat, el d iseo
107
ized as what I call the choice model of

design. This heuristic model applies
to all types of design (in the sense of
any modification of the physical environment)traditional and contemporary, tribal, vernacular and highstyle. It applies to the creation of cultural landscapes (as discussed earlier).
It also applies to what students do in
studio (or designers in offices)they
generate many alternative, eliminate
most using various criteria (which are
often as subjective as I dont like this
(although that is unfortunate)), finish
up with one which is then drawn-up
and presented. In the case of a practice
it is built. In all these cases the important question (usually not sufficiently
considered) is what to do (and why);
how comes later. What varies in all
these different kinds of design are: The
alternatives considered, who makes the
choices, over how long a period of
time, the criteria used in eliminating
alternative, the ideal model one is trying to reach (however imperfectly) and
the rules used in applying the criteria.
We have already seen that rules apply
both in the creation of cultural landscapes and in how settings are used,
for what, by whom, when, etc. Recall
the general question: Who does what,
where, when, including/excluding
whom and why. Rules thus link behavior and design.
ta m b i n im p lic a e l c o m p ro m iso [tra d eo ff] , e s d e c ir, la

nec esid ad d e c lasific ar los c om p onentes d e la c alid ad
d el entorno p or ord en d e su im p ortanc ia.
Most of these, and other aspects of

this model of design are closely related
to culture. This will become clearer
if I now develop this model step by
step, beginning with the alternatives
considered: These are constrained and
defined by culture (Fig. 28).
Esto sig nific a q ue el d iseo p ued e ser visualizad o (seg n

m i d efinic in) c om o un m od elo elec tivo d el d iseo [c hoic e
m od el of d esig n ). Este m od elo heurstic o es ap lic ab le a
to d o tip o d e d ise o (e n te n d ie n d o c o m o ta l c u a lq u ie r
m od ific ac in d el entorno fsic o) d iseo trad ic ional y c ontem p orneo, trib al, vernac ular y hig h- style. Se ap lic a a
la ya c om entad a c reac in d e p aisajes c ulturales y a lo
q ue hac en los estud iantes en sus aulas (o los d isead ores
en sus estud ios) ellos g eneran varias alternativas, elim inan la m ayora d e ellas utilizand o d iferentes c riterios
(q ue p ued en inc luso ser tan sub jetivos c om o esto no
m e g usta, aunq ue ste sea un arg um ento d esafortunad o) y ac ab an teniend o una sola op c in q ue ellos form ulan y p resentan. En el d iseo p rc tic o este m od elo
se c onstruye. En tod os los c asos m enc ionad os la c uestin m s im p ortante (a la q ue norm alm ente no se c onc ed e la c onsid erac in q ue ella m erec e) es q u hac er?
(y p o r q u ?) e l c m o ? ve nd r d e sp u s. Lo q ue
c am b ia en tod as las variantes d el d iseo son las alternativas c onsid erad as, las p ersonas q ue elig en, el tiem p o
req uerid o p ara la elec c in, los c riterios utilizad os al elim inar las alternativas, el m od elo id eal q ue uno est intentand o alc anzar (aunq ue sea d e m od o im p erfec to) y las
reg la s em p lea d a s p a ra a p lic a r lo s c riterio s. Ya hem o s
visto q ue las reg las se ap lic an tanto en la c reac in d e
p aisajes c ulturales c om o en el uso d e los lug ares (c m o,
p ara q u, p or q uin, c und o, etc .). Rec uerd en la p reg unta g eneral: q uin hac e el q u, d nd e, c und o, inc luyend o/exc luyend o a q uin y p or q u. De este m od o, las
reg las estab lec en un vnc ulo entre el c om p ortam iento y
el d iseo.
Consider a few examples. There was

once a full page advertisement, by an
environmental organization, showing
an aerial view of Central Park (in New
York City) as a parking lot, covered by
La m ayor p arte d e estos asp ec tos y otros asp ec tos d e

d ic ho m od elo d e d iseo son estrec ham ente relac ionad os c on la c ultura. Este p unto q ued ar m s c laro si yo
ahora d esarrollo este m od elo p aso a p aso, em p ezand o
108
cars. I had a slide made and showed

it in lectures at various schools of
architecture. It was always greeted
with uneasy, almost embarrassed
laughter. The reason, I would suggest
is that no architect, landscape architect
or planner could conceive of this as a
viable alternative. When one considers
the traditional dwellings of the Pueblo Indians and Navaho in the Southwestern United States, they are very
different indeed, although the geographic setting is the same and the
two groups have been in contact for a
p or las alternativas c onsid erad as: estn c ond ic ionad as y

d efinid as p or la c ultura [fig . 28].
C o n sid e re m o s u n o s c u a n to s e je m p lo s. Re c u e rd o u n
anunc io a tod a p g ina, c oloc ad o p or una org anizac in
ec olog ista, c on una vista area d e Central Park d e N ueva York p resentad o c om o un ap arc am iento lleno d e c oc hes. Hic e una d ia p o sitiva y ense esta fo to d ura nte
m is c o n fe re n c ia s e n va ria s e sc u e la s d e a rq u ite c tu ra .
Sie m p re fue re c ib id a c o n una s risa s inc m o d a s, c a si
m olestas. Sup ong o q ue la razn d e ello rad ic a en q ue
ning n arq uitec to, p aisajista o urb anista p ud iera c onc e-
f ig u r a 2 8
nica opcin
considerada
por el grupo A
nmero moderado de
alternativas consideradas
por el grupo B
alternativas
gran nmero de alternativas

consideradas por el grupo C
Limitaciones culturales de las alternativas de eleccin (ver fig. 32 y 33).
109
very long time (they are clearly expression of culture).10 In the case of
Pueblos, the choices are among various forms of clustered dwellings,
among the Navaho the pattern is of
scattered dwellings separated by considerable distances.
This is also the case with hospitals,
office buildings, supermarkets and
other building types. In all these cases there is an implicit unexamined
schema which is the starting point of
design. It is important to identify, examine and make it explicit, because it
is typically highly constrained by cultural presuppositions which may not
be appropriate in other cultural contextsoften because of the latent
aspects of functions and activities (Fig.
29).
b irlo c om o una alternativa viab le. Lo m ism o p asa c on

los hosp itales, ed ific ios d e ofic inas, sup erm erc ad os y otros
tip os d e ed ific ios. En tod os estos c asos sub yac e un esq uem a im p lc ito y sin exam inar q ue c onstituye, en realid ad , un p unto d e p artid a p ara el d iseo. Es m uy im p ortante id entific arlo, exam inarlo y hac erlo exp lc ito, ya q ue
est norm alm ente m uy c ond ic ionad o p or las p resup osic iones c ulturales q ue p ued en no ser ap rop iad as en otros
c ontextos c ulturales m uc has vec es d eb id o a los asp ec tos latentes d e las func iones y ac tivid ad es. Cuand o
uno estud ia las viviend as trad ic ionales d e los ind ios p ueb lo o na va jo (Sud o e ste d e EE.UU.), d e sc ub re q ue e n
realid ad son m uy d iferentes, aunq ue el c ontexto g eog rfic o se a e l m ism o y lo s d o s g rup o s ha ya n e sta d o e n
c ontac to d urante m uc ho tiem p o (estas viviend as son c laram ente una exp resin d e la c ultura). 10 En el c aso d e
los ind ios p ueb lo , las elec c iones se efec tan entre las
d istintas form as d e viviend as ag rup ad as [c lustered ], m ientras q ue entre los navajo el p atrn es el d e las viviend as
esp arc id as [sc attered ] , c on una d istanc ia c onsid erab le
entre ellas.
f ig u r a 2 9
viviendas agrupadas (indios pueblo)

La nica alternativa tradicional considerada por cada de ambos grupos
110
viviendas esparcidas (los hogan de los indios navajo)
f ig u r a 3 0
trazados alternativos de los pueblo
formas alternativas de los hogan

(pueden ser de piedra, adobe, troncos)
Variaciones resultantes de la eleccin realizada dentro de los

lmites de una sola alternativa bsica
With the what predetermined, as it

were, choices are made regarding
shape or materials (the how) (Fig.
30).
In the case of some areas, e.g. the
Middle East, it is known that the
dwelling in traditional situations
would face inwards, be a courtyardhouse; in Western Europe it will be
outward facing. The choices are about
size, shape, materials, etc.11 (Fig. 31).
It is important to note that the basic
decision is almost pre-determined, the
group shares a single model the set of
alternatives is effectively one, which is
then an important part of its culture,
sometimes even a symbol of identity
some nomads in central Asia are
Lo m ism o es vlid o p ara hosp itales, b loq ues d e ofic inas,

sup erm erc ad os y otros tip os d e ed ific ios. En tod os estos c asos hay un im p lc ito esq uem a no exam inad o q ue
c onstituye el p unto d e p artid a p ara el d iseo. Es im p orta nte id entific a rlo , exa m ina rlo y ha c erlo exp lc ito , d a d o
q ue norm alm ente se ve altam ente c ond ic ionad o p or p resup osic iones c ulturales q ue p ued en no ser ap rop iad as
en otros c ontextos c ulturales a m enud o d eb id o a los
asp ec tos latentes d e las func iones y ac tivid ad es [fig .
2 9 ].
Al enc ontrar resp uesta a la p reg unta q u, las elec c iones sig uientes c onc iernen a la form a y los m ateriales (el
c m o) [fig . 30].
En alg unas zonas, c om o, p or ejem p lo, Oriente M ed io,
se c onoc e q ue la viviend a trad ic ional m ira hac ia el inA R Q U I TE C TO N I C S
111
known as the people of the black tent,

and most traditional groups can be
identified with a dwelling (as well as
dress, food and many other aspects of
material culture). This is different at
present, where the initial set of alternatives is extensive. Also, the means
availablematerials, technology, environmental controls are limited in
most traditional situations and very
extensive today (within affordability
constraints). This change over historical time is most significant in studying
and understanding environments, and
can be seen happening, and very fast
in developing countries. It is an aspect
of modernization or westernization,
better understood as an aspect of culture change.12
terior, se estruc tura alred ed or d el p atio; en Europ a Oc c id ental las c asas d an al exterior. Las elec c iones p or hac er tienen q ue ver c on el tam ao, la form a, los m ateriales, etc . 11 [fig . 31].
Es im p ortante d arse c uenta d e q ue la d ec isin b sic a
est c asi p red eterm inad a. El g rup o c om p arte un nic o
m od elo el c onjunto d e alternativas es efec tivam ente el
m ism o, lo q ue es una p arte im p ortante d e su c ultura, a
vec es inc luso un sm b olo d e id entid ad (unos nm ad as
en Asia Central son c onoc id os c om o el p ueb lo d e las
tiend as neg ras) y los g rup os m s trad ic ionales p ued en ser id entific ad os c on su viviend a (al ig ual q ue c on la
vestim enta , la c o m id a y o tro s elem ento s d e la c ultura
m aterial). En el p resente las c osas han c am b iad o y el
c onjunto inic ial d e alternativas es m s extenso. Tam b in
los m ed ios d isp onib les los m ateriales, la tec nolog a y
los c ontroles m ed ioam b ientales eran lim itad os en las
soc ied ad es m s trad ic ionales y, en c am b io, son am p lia-
f ig u r a 3 1
casa orientada al interior
casa orientada al exterior
La nica alternativa tradicional considerada en dos regiones culturales
112
f ig u r a 3 2
la opcin escogida
gama de alternativas
consideradas (por ejemplo
por el grupo C en fig. 28)
alternativas
crietrios de eleccin (pueden ser arbitrarios,
estticos, tecnolgicos, econmicos, basados en la
moda, en E.B.S., etc.)
Criterios de eleccin (A, B, C N) utilizados para eliminar alternativas hasta reducirlas a una (el modelo
electivo de diseo), basado en parte en: A. Rapoport: Aspectos humanos de la forma urbana, Oxford,
Pergamon, Fig. 1.7, pg. 17).
Alternatives are eliminated from the

set available (i.e. considered) by applying various choice criteria. These
reflect images, schemata, etc., expressing the ideals of groups, i.e. the notion
of ideal people living ideal lives in
ideal environments. Through successive elimination one alternative remains as the final choice (Fig. 32).
Who applies the criteria, i.e. designs,
is a function of the cultural system. In
traditional societies (especially tribal
and preliterate societies) they may be
the users themselves, either men or
women (or both) depending on the
group. In some cases men and women
are responsible for different aspects
m ente d isp onib les hoy d a (c on ob vias lim itac iones d e

ac c esib ilid ad ). El c am b io en el tiem p o en el transc urso
d e la historia es m uy sig nific ante p ara el estud io y la c om p rensin d e entornos y p ued e ob servarse, a ritm os m uy
veloc es, en los p ases en vas d e d esarrollo. Es un asp ec to d e m od ernizac in o oc c id entalizac in, m ejor
entend id o c om o un asp ec to d el c am b io c ultural. 12
Las alternativas se elim inan d el c onjunto d isp onib le (es
d ec ir, tom ad o en c onsid erac in) al ap lic ar varios c riterios
d e selec c in. stos reflejan los id eales d e g rup o, es d ec ir, la noc in d e unas p ersonas id eales q ue viven una
vid a id eal en un entorno id eal. A travs d e las elim inac iones suc esivas q ued a una alternativa c om o elec c in final
[fig . 32].
113
and components of buildings. In peasant societies they may be part-time

specialist, or they may be full-time
specialists. Both may co-exist in the
same group, so that as in parts of
Oceania houses may be built by users,
whereas chiefs and canoe houses,
which have ritual connotations, may
be built by specialists; this is also the
case in Northern Nigeria where, unlike
houses, religious buildings (mosques)
are built by specialists, and in the
Sepik River area of Papua/New Guinea where mens houses (Haus Tambaran) unlike other structures involve
specialists. Similar differences still
persist, although users rarely design
except in developing countries. Unlike
popular environments, high-style
buildings are designed by specialist
professional designers (architects) or,
as increasingly the case, especially for
major buildings and projects, by large
teams of specialist professionals. In
all these cases on can expect that the
different actors will use different criteria and make different choices, reflecting different preferences based on
different ideals, images and schemata,
leading to different environmental
quality profiles.
The time over which the choice criteria
are applied also varies greatly with
culture. In pre-literate/tribal and vernacular design the process is selectionist, i.e. evolutionary, the environment
gradually changing as successive
choices are made. This progressively
makes the environment more congruent with users, more supportive. The
time scale is rather long. In such cases it has generally been held that the
rules behind the criteria involved in
the choice process are usually implicit,
informal and unwritten. (This is, of
course, the case in the creation of cultural landscapes, as discussed earlier).
Although generally the case, there are,
114
Quin ap lic a los c riterios, o sea, q uin d isea, es una

func in d el sistem a c ultural. En soc ied ad es trad ic ionales
(sob re tod o, trib ales y p reliteratas) p ued en serlo los m ism os usuarios, tanto hom b res c om o m ujeres (o am b os),
d ep end iend o d el g rup o . En a lg uno s c a so s ho m b res y
m ujeres son resp onsab les d e d iferentes asp ec tos y c om p onentes d e los ed ific ios. En soc ied ad es ag rc olas p ued en ser esp ec ialistas a tiem p o p arc ial o a tiem p o c om p leto. Los d os p ued en c oexistir en el m ism o g rup o, c om o
en alg unas p artes d e Oc eana (d ond e las vivend as p ued en ser c onstruid as p or sus usuarios, m ientras q ue las
c asas d e los jefes y los hang ares d e las c anoas, q ue
tienen c onnotac iones rituales, p ued en ser erig id os p or
p rofesionales). El m ism o c aso se d a en el norte d e N ig eria,
d ond e, a d iferenc ia d e las viviend as, los ed ific ios relig iosos (m ezq uitas) se c onstruyen p or esp ec ialistas, y en la
zona d e Sep ik River en Pap ua- N ueva Guinea, en la q ue
las c asas d e los hom b res (Haus Tam b aran), a d iferenc ia
d e las d em s estruc turas, involuc ran el trab ajo esp ec ializad o. Diferenc ias sim ilares an p ersisten, aunq ue los
usuarios raras vec es realizan el d iseo, exc ep to en los
p ases en vas d e d esarrollo. Al c ontrario d e los entornos
p op ulares, los ed ific ios d e alto d iseo [hig h- style] son
id ead os p or d isead ores p rofesionales y esp ec ializad os
(arq uitec tos) o, c ad a vez m s, esp ec ialm ente en el c aso
d e ed ific ios y p royec tos d e g ran enverg ad ura, p or g rand es eq uip os d e p rofesionales esp ec ializad os. En tod os
estos c asos uno p ued e esp erar q ue los d iferentes ac tores utilic en d iferentes c riterios b asad os en d istintos id eale s, im g e ne s y e sq ue m a s q ue c o nd uc e n a d ive rso s
p erfiles d e c alid ad d el entorno.
El tiem p o em p lead o en ap lic ar los c riterios d e la elec c in
ta m b i n va ra c o nsid e ra b le m e nte c o n la c ultura . En
c ontextos p reliteratos, trib ales o vernac ulares el p roc eso
es selec tivo (es d ec ir, evolutivo) y el entorno va c am b iand o g rad ualm ente a m ed id a d e q ue se efec tan las suc e siva s e le c c io n e s. Esto h a c e q u e e l e n to rn o vu e lva
m s c ong ruente c on los usuarios, m s favorab le p ara
ellos. La esc ala c ronolg ic a es b astante extensa. En ta-
however instances where the rules in

vernacular design are written and explicit, although even in the best documented case they are modified by informal, traditional rules. 13 Although
there has been little research on such
rule systems, it seems possible to identify such rules.14
In professional design today, the
process is instructionistexperts on the
large teams involved produce sets of
instructions (drawings, specifications,
models) for other expert teams to execute, and the time-scale is rather short.
There are many formal, explicit, written, legalistic (and legally enforceable)
ruleszoning, setbacks, site coverage,
health, safety, fire, union, lending agency, insurance, aesthetic and many
others, which greatly constrain design.
They are, in effect a set of choice criteria not under designers control, and
they become major determinants of
built environments. Identifying such
differences among rule systems is very
useful in identifying characteristics of
different forms of design.
In more general terms, the criteria used in the choice process of design are
of many kinds. They may be religious as in many tribal, vernacular and
traditional contexts; without considering them, may traditional environments cannot be understood. Although they generally weaken and disappear with modernization, they may
persist in certain cultures and even
spread into new onesas is currently
the case with the Chinese system of
Feng Shuei. Criteria may be pragmatic, for example instrumental (protection from animals, other people, climate), technological, aesthetic, economic, based on EBS research, status
oriented and so on. Different cultures
tend to use, or emphasize, different
criteria, since typically many are used.
les c asos se ha d ad o g eneralm ente p or sup uesto q ue

las reg las en las q ue se b asan los c riterios involuc rad os
en la elec c in son, c om o norm a g eneral, im p lc itas, inform ales y no esc ritas (este c aso se d a, sin d ud a, en la
c re a c i n d e p a isa je s c ultura le s, c o m o he c o m e nta d o
anteriorm ente). Aunq ue sta sea la norm a g eneral, existen ejem p los en los q ue las reg las d el d iseo vernac ular
s son esc ritas y exp lc itas, a p esar d e ser susc ep tib les d e
ser m od ific ad as p or las reg las inform ales o trad ic ionales
(inc luso en los c asos m ejor d oc um entad os). 13 Por m uy
p oc o estud iad os q ue estn tales sistem as d e reg las, p arec e p osib le p od er id entific ar estas reg las. 14
En el d iseo p rofesional d e hoy el p roc eso es instruc tivo
unos exp ertos q ue form an p arte d e g rand es eq uip os
d e p rofesionales elab oran un c onjunto d e instruc c iones
(p lanos, esp ec ific ac iones, m od elos) p ara q ue stas sean
ejec uta d a s p o r o tro s eq uip o s d e exp erto s, y la esc a la
c ronolg ic a es b astante c orta. Hay m uc has reg las form ales, exp lc itas, esc ritas, leg alistas (y leg alm ente ejec utab les) lm ites d el terreno, d istanc ia a la c alle, sup erfic ie
ed ific ab le, norm ativas d e seg urid ad , salub rid ad , antiinc end ios, seg uros, norm as esttic as y m uc has otras q ue
c ond ic ionan enorm em ente el d iseo. En realid ad , no son
otra c osa q ue un c onjunto d e c riterios d e elec c in q ue
no estn b ajo el c ontrol d e los d isead ores y q ue se c onvierten en fac tores d eterm inantes d el entorno c onstruid o. Id entific ar las d iferenc ias entre los sistem as d e reg las
es m uy til p ara p od er id entific ar las c arac terstic as d e
d iferentes form as d e d iseo.
En trm inos m s g enerales, existen varios tip os d e c riterio s e m p le a d o s e n e l p ro c e so d e e le c c i n q ue fo rm a
p arte d el p roc eso d e d iseo. Pued en ser relig iosos (c om o
en m uc hos c ontextos trib ales, vernac ulares y trad ic ionales): sin c onsid erar tales c riterios, m uc hos entornos trad ic ionales resultan inc om p rensib les. Aunq ue norm alm ente se d eb ilitan y d esap arec en c on la m od ernizac in,
p ued en p ersistir en c iertas c ulturas e inc luso extend erse a las c ulturas m s m od ernas c om o en el c aso d e
115
The criteria used, their ranking, the

underlying schemata and ideals, and
rules systems in many cases can be
used to identify and understand cultural differences among groups and
environmentsthey help explain how
different environments come to be
(process).
Different criteria lead to different
results, for example, the subjective
aesthetic criteria of high-style architects vs. the economic criteria of developers, or EBS based culturallyspecific criteria. But even when the
same, or similar criteria are applied,
their ranking or order of application
makes a major difference. Assume, for
simplicity, that only three criteria are
being used: A economic, B Technological and C EBS based. Which
criterion is applied first defines the
search-space to which subsequent
criteria are applied and subsequent
choices made. Yet these subsequent
criteria may require choices to be
made in a totally different part of the
search space. Since the first choice
pre-cludes those it is, therefore, critical
(Fig. 33).
Consider two examples. In the design
of housing for Navaho it has been
shown that modern houses are desired
(preferred, wanted). Hogans, which
are still important in connection with
ceremonies and rituals, can be built if
and when needed. The settlement
pattern however, remains most important.15 That pattern can be represented
thus: (Fig. 34)
Once such an EBS based (in this case
cultural) criterion is applied, the layout of services and infrastructure, such
as access, water, waste and electricity
need to be decided upon, i.e. technological and economic criteria applied.
Such criteria then become constraints
116
la d oc trina c hina Feng Shui. Los c riterios p ued en ser

p rag m tic os, instrum entales (la nec esid ad d e p roteg erse d e los anim ales, d e los extraos, d e las c ond ic iones
c lim tic a s), te c no l g ic o s, e st tic o s, e c o n m ic o s, p ue d en b asarse en los estud ios EBS u orientarse hac ia el
status, etc . Diferentes c ulturas tiend en a utilizar o, p or
lo m enos, d estac ar d iferentes c riterios (norm alm ente los
c riterios son m uy num erosos). Los c riterios em p lead os,
su ranking , los esq uem as e id eales sub yac entes y los
sistem as d e reg las en m uc hos c asos p ued en ayud ar a
id entific ar y a c om p rend er las d iferenc ias c ulturales entre
g rup os y entornos, exp lic nd onos c m o lleg an a d efinirse
los d istintos entornos (su p roc eso d e form ac in).
Diferentes c riterios c ond uc en a d iferentes resultad os: p or
ejem p lo, los sub jetivos c riterios esttic os d e la arq uitec tura hig h- style q ue no c oinc id en c on los c riterios ec onm ic os d e los p rom otores inm ob iliarios o c on los c riterios
c ulturalm ente esp ec fic os b asad os en los EBS. Pero aun
al ap lic arse los m ism os o sim ilares c riterios, su ranking ,
u ord en d e ap lic ac in, resulta ser m uy d iferente. A sum am os, p ara m ayor sim p lic id ad , q ue se utilic en solo tres
c riterios: A ec onm ic o, B tec nolg ic o y C b asad o en los estud ios EBS. La p riorid ad d e los c riterios
(c ul d e ellos se ap lic a antes) d efine el rea d e b sq ued a
a la q ue se ap lic an los sub sig uientes c riterios y en la q ue
se efec tan las sub sig uientes elec c iones. Aun as, estos
sub sig uientes c riterios p ued en req uerir elec c iones q ue
d eb an hac erse en una p arte c om p letam ente d iferente
d el rea d e b sq ued a. Puesto q ue la p rim era elec c in
es c ap az d e im p osib ilitarlo, resulta ser la elec c in c ruc ial
[fig . 33].
Consid erem os d os ejem p los. Al d isear unas viviend as
p ara los ind ios navajo , se d esc ub ri q ue las c asas m s
d esead as (p referid as, q uerid as) eran las m od ernas. Las
tiend as trad ic ionales [hog an], q ue an c onservan su im p ortanc ia, d eb id o a su vinc ulac in a c iertas c erem onias
y rituales, p ued en c onstruirse en c aso d e nec esid ad . Sin
em b arg o, el p lano trad ic ional d el p ob lad o sig ue siend o
fig ura 33
A (por ejemplo, esttico)
ubicacin inicial en
el rea de bsqueda
criterios subsiguientes
(incluso basados en los
E.B.S.) no pueden llevar
a las elecciones que sean
vlidas segun los
criterios E.B.S.
B (por ejemplo,
basado en E.B.S.)
C (por ejemplo,
tecnolgico)
La importancia del orden de aplicacin de varios criterios de eleccin
is of a compound type (i.e. a group of

dwelling elements sharing a more or less
common priv-ate space) then a layout
elem ento d e c alid ad d el entorno. Sin em b arg o, c om o es

m uy frec uente (o inc luso hab itual), los c riterios ec onm ifig ura 34
grupo emparentado
agrupacin familiar
separacin
0,5 a 1 km.
separacin
0,5 a 1 km.
agrupacin familiar
grupo emparentado
Ubicacin de casas segn los criterios culturales y sociales

(han de ser diseados los correspondientes servicios)
117
to those commonly used (roads, gutters, waterpipes, sewers, and the like).
The importance of such services vis-vis lot size, spacing, social networks,
etc., may also vary, i.e. their importance as part of environmental quality
needs to be discovered. If however, as
is often (usually) the case economic
and technological criteria are applied
first, then roads, pipes and wires determine the layout, which is not
supportive of cuture-specific needs
(Fig. 35).
Even if one then tries to allocate houses
to related groups on the basis of EBS
knowledge (which is not usually done)
the results may be, and have often
been highly unsatisfactory.
Certain other decisions at the scale of
project location, cluster or neighborhood definition, lot sizes and shapes
circulation patterns, open space dis-
Cuand o los c riterios b asad os en los EBS (en este c aso,

c ulturales) ya han sid o ap lic ad os, hay q ue d ec id ir la d isp osic in d e los servic ios y las infraestruc turas, tales c om o
ac c esos, ag ua, c analizac in y elec tric id ad , o sea, ap lic a r lo s c riterio s tec no l g ic o s y ec o n m ic o s. Ento nc es,
estos c riterios, en lug ar d e ser d eterm inantes, se c onvierten en c oac c iones (lim itac iones). Pued en req uerir el
em p leo d e otras tec nolog as, a m enud o altam ente innovad oras y m uy d iferentes d e las d e uso c om n (c arreteras, alc antarillas, tub eras, c analizac iones, etc .). La im p ortanc ia d e tales servic ios resp ec to al tam ao d e la p arc ela, org anizac in esp ac ial, infraestruc turas soc iales, etc .
ta m b in p ued e va ria r. Es d ec ir, d eb e ser eva lua d a su
im p ortanc ia c om o elem ento d e c alid ad d el entorno. Sin
em b arg o, c om o es m uy frec uente (o inc luso hab itual),
lo s c rite rio s e c o n m ic o s y te c no l g ic o s se a p lic a n e n
p rim er lug ar. Entonc es, los c am inos, tub eras y c ab les
d eterm inan el trazad o g eneral d el entorno, lo q ue c iertam ente no es favorab le p ara las nec esid ad es c ulturalm ente
esp ec fic as [fig . 35].
calle
f ig u r a 3 5
Ubicacin de casas basada en el trazado de servicios (por ejemplo,

red de alcantarillado). Una distribucin de casas culturalmente
y socialmente apropiada es imposible.
118
tribution as well as the location of services discussed above, may block important relationships. For example, although in developing countries it is
often the case that self-built dwellings
tend to provide culturally-valid settings
and spatial organization. If, however,
the above larger-scale decisions, based on non-EBS criteria, are inappropriate, such appropriate organization
may become difficult or impossible to
achieve. For example, if the required
organization is of a compound type
(i.e. a group of dwelling elements
sharing a more or less common private space) then a layout based on individual lots arranged along linear
roads will make such an organization
impossible16 (Fig. 36).
It is clear, even from this rather brief
discussion, that the criteria used, and
how they are applied, reflect some ideal, some notion of ideal people, leading ideal lives in ideal environments.
These are embodied in images and
schemata, often (or usually) unarticulated, beyond awareness and implicit
(although research can identify them).
These, in turn, (as will be seen in Chapter 6) are linked to norms, standards,
etc. All of these, through the choices
made, lead to particular notions of
environmental quality (described by
profiles) including aestheticsthe
perceptual aspects of environmental
quality. Given the importance of latent
aspects, meaning plays an important
role so that environmental quality is
intimately related to status, identity,
etc. The rules used to apply the choice
criteria are, as already suggested several times, cultural and, once again,
groups (cultures) can be defined at
least partly by their rules, schemata
and ideals.
As cultures change, so do the ideals
and images. They may become more
Inc luso si uno trata d e asig nar viviend as a unos g rup os

relac ionad os d e p ersonas b asnd ose en los c onoc im ientos ad q uirid os p or los EBS (lo q ue no se suele hac er), los
resultad os p ued en ser, y m uc has vec es han sid o, extrem ad am ente insatisfac torios.
Ciertas d ec isiones a m ayor esc ala, c om o ub ic ac in d e
p royec to, d efinic in d e un c om p lejo o g rup o d e viviend as, tam ao y form a d e p arc elas, p atrones d e c irc ulac in, d istrib uc in d e esp ac ios lib res o d isp osic in d e servic ios anteriorm ente d esc ritos, p ued en b loq uear alg unas
rela c io nes rea lm ente im p o rta ntes. Po r ejem p lo , en lo s
p ases en vas d e d esarrollo es frec uente q ue las viviend as c onstruid as p or los p rop ietarios tiend an a c rear lug ares y org anizac in esp ac ial c ulturalm ente vlid os. A un
a s, si la s d ec isio nes a m a yo r esc a la , b a sa d a s en lo s
c riterios ajenos a los EBS, son inap rop iad as, la org anizac in ad ec uad a p ued e ser d ifc il o inc luso im p osib le d e
alc anzar. Por ejem p lo, si la org anizac in req uerid a es d e
tip o c o m p uesto (un g rup o d e elem ento s resid enc ia les
c om p artiend o un esp ac io p rivad o m s o m enos c om n),
entonc es una d istrib uc in b asad a en p arc elas ind ivid uales c oloc ad as a lo larg o d e c alles lineares im p osib ilitara
tal org anizac in 16 [fig . 36].
Qued a c laro, inc luso en este c om entario b astante b reve,
q ue lo s c rite rio s e m p le a d o s, a l ig ua l q ue e l m o d o d e
em p learlos, reflejan alg n id eal, alg una noc in d e unas
p ersonas id eales q ue llevan una vid a id eal en un entorno
tam b in id eal. Estos id eales se p ersonific an en im g enes y esq uem as, a m enud o (o hab itualm ente) no artic ulad os, inc onsc ientes e im p lc itos (aunq ue el estud io p ued e id entific arlos). Estos ltim os, a su vez (c om o se ver
en el Cap tulo 6), estn lig ad os a norm as, estnd ares.
etc . Tod os ellos, a travs d e las elec c iones realizad as,
c ond uc en a unas noc iones p artic ulares d e la c alid ad d el
entorno (d esc ritas m ed iante p erfiles), inc luid a la esttic a asp ec tos p erc ep tivos d e la c alid ad d el entorno.
Dad a la im p ortanc ia d e los asp ec tos latentes, la sig nific ac in jueg a un p ap el im p ortante, as q ue la c alid ad d el
119
f ig u r a 3 6
agrupacin de
viviendas
ubicacin lineal de
casas unifamiliares
parcelacin requerida
la parcelacin hace la
agrupacin imposible
Diferentes esquemas de ubicacin de viviendas y su correspondiente parcelacin
120
different, for example, to reinforce

group identity, changing ideologies,
in the response known as defensive
structuring17a response to cultural
and social stressand other reasons.
However, as cultures change, they
may begin to converge to common
ideals, images and, consequently, environments. A particularly striking current example is the spread of what one
could term the suburban image
detached single-family dwel-lings, at
relatively low perceived densities with
much vegetation and greenery and
with other uses segregated. 18 This is
happening all over the worldexamples can be found in Thailand, Russia, Turkey, Italy, France, many African
countries and Latin America. In fact,
it is difficult to find places where suburbanization is not occurring and, as
is often the case, this is documented
better in the mass media than in the
research literature.19 There seems to
be a clear tendency for housing to become suburban as soon as resources
increase, i.e. when constraints weaken.
This suggests that such environments
reflect wants, they represent choice
previously blocked. As in the case of
Milton Keynes discussed earlier, there
is evidence that some of the characteristics of suburbs criticized by designers
and othersanonymity, lack of public
spaces, lack of other usesare those
seen as highly positive and desirable
by residents.20Clearly this is an instance
of conflicting environmental quality
profiles (see Fig. 27).
Several examples should help clarify
the intimate link between the suburban
image, environmental quality and
choice. One is the Australian Green
Streets Project (New Choices in Housing). It has been government policy
in Australia for some time to encourage densification, although there is
some professional opposition. Public
entorno est estrec ham ente relac ionad a c on el status, la

id entid ad , etc . Las reg las em p lead as p ara ap lic ar los c riterios d e elec c in son, c om o ya ha sid o reiterad am ente
sug erid o, c ulturales y, una vez m s, los g rup os (c ulturas) p ued en ser d efinid os, p or lo m enos en p arte, a
travs d e sus reg las, esq uem as e id eales.
Al ig ual q ue las c ulturas, los id eales y las im g enes tam b in c am b ian. Pued en d iferenc iarse, p or ejem p lo, p ara
reforzar la id entid ad d el g rup o y las c am b iantes id eolog as, en una resp uesta c onoc id a c om o estruc turac in
d efensiva17 una resp uesta al estrs c ultural y soc ial,
o p or otras razones. Sin em b arg o, d ad o q ue las c ulturas c am b ian, ellas p ued en lleg ar a c onverg er en unos
id eales, im g enes y, p or c onsig uiente, entornos c om unes. Un ejem p lo c otid iano p ero m uy eloc uente es la d im ensin d e lo q ue p ued e d enom inarse la im ag en sub urb ana viviend as unifam iliares aislad as, c on una d ensid ad d e p ob lac in p erc ib id a d el entorno relativam ente
b aja, ab und ante veg etac in, q ue tiene otros usos seg reg ad os. 18 Este fenm eno est extend id o en el m und o
entero: p od em os enc ontrarle ejem p los en Tailand ia, Rusia, Turq ua, Italia, Franc ia, en m uc hos p ases afric anos
o en Am ric a Latina. En realid ad , es d ifc il enc ontrar lug a re s d o n d e n o e s t e n m a rc h a e l p ro c e s o d e
sub urb anizac in y, c om o es frec uente, est m ejor d oc um entad o en los m ed ios d e c om unic ac in q ue en la
literatura c ientfic a. 19 La viviend a p arec e m ostrar una c lara tend enc ia a c onvertirse en sub urb ana a m ed id a q ue
aum entan los rec ursos, es d ec ir, c uand o se d eb ilitan las
lim itac iones (c oac c iones). Esto sug iere q ue tales entornos
reflejan los d eseos, rep resentan la elec c in q ue p reviam ente hab a sid o b loq uead a. Com o en el ya c om entad o
c aso d e M ilton Keynes, existe la evid enc ia d e q ue alg unas d e las c arac terstic as d e los sub urb ios c ritic ad as p or
los d isead ores y los d em s anonim ato, falta d e esp ac ios p b lic os, ausenc ia d e otros usos sean c onsid erad as altam ente p ositivas y d esead as p or sus resid entes. 20
Es un c laro ejem p lo d e c onflic to d e p erfiles d e c alid ad d el
entorno [ver fig . 27].
121
opposition is very strong. Ignoring for

the moment the validity of this policy,
the intention of the Green Streets Project is to reduce public opposition and
to influence the public to accept densification as desirable. One approach
has been to use marketing organizations to try and discover, for the relevant government department, which
components are acceptable and which
are not, e.g. the minimum street width,
spacing of dwellings, lot size and the
like. The intention is to retain acceptable attributes and eliminate those
that are not acceptable. In my terms,
to eliminate negative components of
the environmental quality profile. Of
particular interest is a series of posters
meant to convince the public about
the merits of the program. The striking
thing about these posters is that they
emphasize trees, lawns, planting and
open space to the extent that buildings
tend to recede into the background.
The image of these denser developments is clearly that of suburbia and
of low perceived density; there is little
doubt about the environmental quality
profile being communicated.
In Quebec (Canada) the provincial
government is funding a research project to identify those modifications to
1950s suburban developments (now
becoming obsolescent) that are acceptable to inhabitants, i.e. trying to identify their environmental quality profiles
to guide policy and design.
Another striking example comes from
Mexico (in the case I know, the area
near Guadalajara), although it is relevant in large areas of Spanish Latin
America. In that tradition two cultural landscapes are found: One characterizing the mestizo, and hence
high-status environment, the other the
Indian, hence low-status environment.
In the newly developed, prestigious
122
Hay varios ejem p los q ue nos ayud aran a esc larec er la

e stre c ha re la c i n e xiste nte e ntre la im a g e n sub urb a na, la c alid ad d el entorno y la elec c in. Uno d e ellos es
e l A u stra lia n Gre e n Stre e ts Pro je c t (N e w C h o ic e s in
Housing ) [Proyec to Australiano d e Calles Verd es (N uevas Alternativas d e la Viviend a)]. Esa p oltic a g ub ernam ental trat d urante un tiem p o d e fom entar la d ensific a c i n d e p o b la c i n e n A ustra lia . El p ro g ra m a to p
c on c ierta op osic in p or p arte d e los p rofesionales y una
op osic in m uy fuerte p or p arte d e la p ob lac in. Desc onoc iend o en aq uel m om ento la valid ez real d e esa p oltic a, los autores d el Green Street Projec t d ec id ieron tratar
d e red uc ir la o p o sic i n e influenc ia r la o p ini n p b lic a
p ara log rar la ac ep tac in d e la d ensific ac in c om o una
c osa d eseab le. Uno d e los p lanteam ientos d e un im p ortante d ep artam ento g ub ernam ental c onsista en enc arg a r a la s e m p re sa s d e m a rk e ting la ta re a d e inte nta r
d esc ub rir q u c o m p o nentes era n a c ep ta b les y c u les
d e ellos no lo eran: el anc ho m nim o d e las c alles, d istanc ia entre viviend as, tam ao d e p arc ela, etc . La intenc in
era la d e c onservar los atrib utos d eseab les y elim inar los
q ue susc itab an rec hazo. Utilizand o m i term inolog a, se
tratab a d e elim inar los c om p onentes neg ativos d el p erfil
d e c alid ad d el entorno. Esp ec ialm ente interesante es una
serie d e p sters c read os c on el ob jetivo d e c onvenc er al
p b lic o d e las ventajas d el p rog ram a. Lo m s sorp rend ente en esos p sters es q ue d estaq uen los rb oles, el
c sp ed , la veg etac in y los esp ac ios ab iertos hasta tal
p unto q ue los ed ific ios c asi se p ierd en en el fond o. O
sea, la im ag en d e esas zonas m s p ob lad as tena c laram ente tod as las c arac terstic as d e un sub urb io c on su
b aja d ensid ad p erc ib id a. Qued an p oc as d ud as resp ec to
al p erfil d e c alid ad d el entorno q ue se estab a c om unicand o.
El Gob ierno Provinc ial d e Queb ec (Canad ) est financ iand o un p royec to d e investig ac in c on el ob jetivo d e
id e ntific a r la s m o d ific a c io ne s p a ra intro d uc ir e n la s ya
ob soletas zonas sub urb anas d e los aos 50 q ue sean
ac ep tab les p ara sus hab itantes, es d ec ir, trata d e id enti-
suburban developments it is effectively

the Indian landscape which is the
model, although it is clear from the
sales literature that the model is really
the United States (See Fig. 20).
This Mexican example is particularly
telling because, in effect, there is a
reversal in the evaluation of the image
involved and its corresponding environmental quality profile. It is a result of a new ideals and the corresponding culture change. The highly
positive image of the suburban image
is also clear from an analysis of new
housing developments in Jogjakarta
(Indonesia) and around Istanbul (Turkey). In those cases English names and
facilities typical of U.S. developments
are also present. It would be interesting and useful to discover whether
there are any culture-specific differences in plans, style, color, materials,
site layout, etc. No such research exists,
as far as I know. The suburban image
is certainly not universal, and there
are countervailing (although I believe
much weaker) trends toward densification, co-housing, communal housing
and downtown living. The best-known
reaction is traditional neighborhood
design, but it still retains many elements of the suburban image. Moreover, it still forms a very small part of
new construction.
A Cautionary Note
Much of the literature on cultureenvironment relations, including
mine, has emphasized the importance
of culture and its role in understanding
and designing environments. In this
chapter I have continued this tradition. But how important culture is vis-vis other human characteristics is
an empirical question. So is the nature
of the situations when it is important,
fic ar sus p erfiles d e c alid ad d el entorno q ue p ued an g uiar

la p oltic a y la p lanific ac in.
Otro ejem p lo im p a c ta nte p ro viene d e M xic o (el c a so
c onc reto q ue yo c onozc o se d io en la reg in d e Guad alajara), aunq ue es extensivo a vastas reas d e la Am ric a Latina hisp anohab lante. En esta trad ic in se p ued en
enc ontrar d os tip os d e p aisaje c ultural: uno c arac teriza el
entorno m estizo, d e alto stand ing , y el otro, el entorno
ind io y, p or lo tanto, d e status m s b ajo. En las p restig io sas zonas sub urb anas rec in urb anizad as se tom c om o
m od elo el p aisaje ind io, aunq ue la p rop ag and a c om erc ial d eja c laro q ue el m od elo real es EE.UU [ver fig . 20].
Este ejem p lo es esp ec ialm ente eloc uente, ya q ue aq u
ob servam os una c lara inversin d e evaluac in d e im ag en im p lic ad a y el c orresp ond iente p erfil d e c alid ad d el
entorno. Es el resultad o d e un nuevo id eal y d el c orresp ond iente c am b io c ultural. La im ag en altam ente p ositiva
d el sub urb io se d ed uc e tam b in c laram ente al analizar
las nuevas reas resid enc iales en Jog jac arta (Ind onesia)
y en los alred ed ores d e Estam b ul (Turq ua). En estos d os
c asos tam b in estn p resentes los top nim os ing leses y
las instalac iones tp ic as d e las urb anizac iones norteam eric anas. Sera interesante y til d esc ub rir si hay d iferenc ias c ulturalm ente esp ec fic as en su p lanific ac in, estilo,
c olor, m ateriales, trazad o d el lug ar, etc . Que yo sep a, no
existen estud ios sob re este tem a. Seg uram ente, la im ag en sub urb ana no es universal, y existen tend enc ias
c ontrarias (aunq ue yo c reo q ue son m uc ho m s d b iles)
ha c ia d ensific a c i n, a g rup a c i n d e viviend a s, resid enc ias c om unales y viviend as d entro d el c asc o urb ano. La
reac c in m s c onoc id a es el trad ic ional d iseo d el vec ind ario, p ero ste tam b in an c onserva m uc hos elem e n to s d e la im a g e n su b u rb a n a . A d e m s, to d a va
c o nstituye una p a rte m uy insig nific a nte d e la s nue va s
ed ific ac iones.
N o t a d e a d v e r t e n c ia
En una g ran p arte d e la literatura sob re las relac iones
123
and for which groups of people. I have

already suggested that it is rapid culture change (e.g. developing countries
or immigrant populations), threats to
identity and other social, cultural, economic and other forms of stress. It is
then that defensive structuring and
supportiveness become especially importantin situations of what I call
high criticality.21 One also needs to discover empirically the environments for
which culture is more or less important. Hypotheses are, however, possible. My assumption in this book is
that housing (in the broad sense described) is where culture is most important. It is likely that shopping, which
often has major latent functions, is
significantly influenced by culture (although possibly not in its image, and
hence appearance) in terms of latent
functions. There is also evidence of a
role for culture in hospitals and clinics
although, once again, this may be in
non-visual aspects not the visual characteristics emphasized by architects.
Attempts to provide culture-specific visual elements in the case of high-rise
office buildings have been criticized
and seem wrong. That is, I would argue also the case of airports, universities, high-tech industry (biomedical,
electronic) and so on. In all those cases there may, of course, be significant
non-visual cultural specifics (in privacy, status, penetration gradients,
relationships, etc.)I have suggested
above that this may even be the case
in housing, where a modern image
and traditional organization and use
may be the preferred solution.
In all these, and other cases, however,
empirical research is essentialwhich
is the role of EBS. Scales could be
produced, based on research, showing
when culture is most important and
when least important. If such data are
not available, these scales could be
124
entre la c ultura y el entorno, inc luid os m is p rop ios esc ritos, se ha d estac ad o la im p ortanc ia d e la c ultura y su
p ap el en la c om p rensin y p lanific ac in d e entornos. En
este c ap tulo he seg uid o esta trad ic in. Pero la im p ortanc ia d e la c ultura e n re la c i n c o n o tra s c a ra c te rstic a s
hum a na s e s una c ue sti n e m p ric a . Ta m b i n lo e s la
naturaleza d e las situac iones en las q ue la c ultura ad q uiere im p ortanc ia (y los g rup os soc iales p ara los q ue
ad q uiere im p ortanc ia). Ya he sug erid o q ue son las situac iones d e b rusc os c am b ios c ulturales (p or ejem p lo, en
los p ases en vas d e d esarrollo o entre la p ob lac in inm ig rante), las am enazas a la id entid ad u otras form as soc iales, c ulturales o ec onm ic as d e estrs. Es entonc es
c u a n d o lle g a n a s e r e s p e c ia lm e n te im p o rta n te s la
estruc turac in d efensiva y la c ap ac id ad d el entorno d e
d a r a p o yo a la s p erso na s en la s situa c io nes q ue yo
llam o altam ente c rtic as. 21 Uno nec esita tam b in d esc ub rir em p ric am ente los entornos p ara los q ue la c ultura
tiene m s o m enos im p ortanc ia. An as, es p osib le c onstruir hip tesis. Yo asum o en este lib ro q ue la c ultura ad q uiere una esp ec ial im p ortanc ia en la viviend a (en el sentid o m s am p lio d e la p alab ra). Es p rob ab le q ue la c om p ra, q ue a m enud o tiene im p ortantes func iones latentes,
est influenc iad a c onsid erab lem ente p or la c ultura (aunq ue p osib lem ente no en su im ag en ni ap arienc ia) en trm ino s d e func io ne s la te nte s. Existe n e vid e nc ia s d e la
relevanc ia d e la c ultura tam b in en el d iseo d e hosp itales y c lnic as, aunq ue, d e nuevo, en asp ec tos m s b ien
no visuales, o en c arac terstic as visuales enfatizad as p or
los arq uitec tos. Los intentos d e ap ortar a los ed ific iosrasc ac ielos d e ofic inas elem entos visuales c ulturalm ente
esp ec fic os han sid o d uram ente c ritic ad os y p arec en errneos. Yo d ira q ue lo m ism o es vlid o p ara aerop uertos,
universid ad es, ed ific ios ind ustriales d el ram o d e alta tec nolog a (ind ustria b iom d ic a, elec trnic a), etc . En tod os
estos c asos, p or sup uesto, p ued e existir una c onsid erab le e sp e c ific id a d c u ltu ra l n o visu a l (e n c u e stio n e s d e
p riva c id a d , sta tu s, g ra d o d e a c c e sib ilid a d , re la c io n e s
hum a na s, e tc .) yo he sug e rid o , d e he c ho , q ue e ste
c aso p ued e d arse inc luso en las viviend as, d ond e una
hypotheses to be tested. In any case

they are all empirical questions.
But however important culture is, either generally or in any given case,
and despite a growing interest and
literature on the subject, culture has
been little used in design. As I like to
put it, paraphrasing Mark Twain, culture in design is like the weather: everyone talks about it, but no one does
anything about it. Why that is the case
is a very important question, and my
answers to it are central to this book.
I think that there are two major reasons
why culture has not been used in design, and these are related.22 The first is
that the nature of the concept of culture
has been very unclear and not
discussed explicitly. It is therefore necessary to review and discuss definitions of culture and clarify which definition(s) might be most useful in environmental research and design. This
I do in the next two chapters (5 and
6). The second reason, and the one
which I regard as the main conclusion
of this book, leads to the suggestion
that a new and different approach to
culture is needed in order to make it
possible to use culture in research, programming, design and evaluation.
This is the subject of Chapter 7.
im a g en m o d erna en c o njunto c o n una o rg a niza c i n y

utilizac in trad ic ional b ien p od ran c onvertirse en la soluc in p referid a.
Sin em b arg o, en tod os estos y otros c asos es esenc ial la
investig ac in em p ric a es el p ap el q ue c orresp ond e a
los EBS. Las p riorid ad es p ued en d efinirse en el p roc eso d e estud io, m ostrand o c und o la c ultura ad q uiere m s
im p ortanc ia y c und o esa im p ortanc ia es m enor. Si no
se p ued e d isp oner d e d atos d e este tip o, las esc alas d e
valores p ued en form arse a m od o d e hip tesis q ue d eb en ser lueg o d em o stra d a s. En c ua lq uier c a so , to d a s
estas c uestiones son em p ric as.
Pero p or m uy im p ortante q ue sea la c ultura, en g eneral
o en c ua lq uier c a so c o nc reto , y a p esa r d el c rec iente
inters y el aum ento d e volum en d e estud ios sob re el
tem a, el c onc ep to d e la c ultura no se ha utilizad o m uc ho en el d iseo. Yo d ira, p arafraseand o a M ark Tw ain,
q ue la c ultura en el d iseo es c om o el tiem p o: Tod o el
m und o hab la d e ella, p ero nad ie hac e nad a c on ella. El
p orq u d e esta situac in es un asunto m uy im p ortante, y
m is resp uestas a la c uestin c onstituyen el tem a c entral
d e este lib ro. Creo q ue las p rinc ip ales razones p or las
q ue la c ultura no ha sid o utilizad a en el d iseo son d os y
estn relac ionad as entre s. 22 La p rim era razn c onsiste
en q ue la naturaleza d el m ism o c onc ep to d e c ultura ha
sid o m uy p oc o c lara y no se ha d isc utid o exp lc itam ente.
Entonc es, es nec esario revisar y d isc utir las d efinic iones
d e la c ultura y ac larar c ul(es) d e ellas p od ra(n) sernos
til(es) p ara el estud io d el entorno y el d iseo. Es lo q ue
yo tratar d e hac er en los d os sig uientes c ap tulos (5 y 6).
La seg und a razn, q ue yo c onsid ero la p rinc ip al c onc lusin d el lib ro, c ond uc e a la sup osic in d e q ue se nec esite una a p ro xim a c i n nue va y d ife re nte a la c ultura ,
p ara p od er utilizar la c ultura en la investig ac in, la p lanific ac in, el d iseo y la evaluac in. Es el tem a d el Cap tulo
7.
125
1. It raises a most important question about the nature

of design, although that is a different topic I have
discussed elsewhere. For the most recent see Rapoport,
A. (1995) On the nature of design, Practices, Issue
3/4 (spring), p. 32-43.
2. The general method of dismantling discussed earlier
is applicable here as well. A first list of the components
of ambience can be found in Rapoport, A. (1992) On
regions and regionalism, in N.C. Markovich et al.
(Eds.) Pueblo Style and Regional Architecture, New
York, Van Nostrand-Reinhold (paperback) (p. 272294) p. 276-280.
3. Other terms used, and found in the literature are
unpack and umbundle. Note that implicitly, and
in a rather weak form, this is already present in
Rapoport, A. (1969) House Form and Culture,
Englewood Cliffs, NJ, Prentice-Hall, where I use
religion, basic needs, family, position of women,
privacy and social intercourse as ways of trying to
link housing and culture.
4. See Barnett, R. (1977) The libertarian suburb:
Deliberate disorder, Landscape. Volume 22
(summer) p. 44-48.
5. See Rapoport, A. (1992) On regions and
regionalism, in N.C. Markovich et al. (Eds.) Pueblo
Style and Regional Architecture, New York, Van
Nostrand-Reinhold (paperback) (p. 272-294), p. 276280.
6. Bishop, J. (1984) Passing in the night: Public and
professional views of Milton Keynes, Places, vol. 1,
No. 4, p. 9-16.
7. Hunt Thompson Associates (1988) Maiden Lane:
Feasibility Study (January), London, Hunt Thompson
Associates.
8. Nasar, J.L. and J. Kang (1989) A post-jury
evaluation: The Ohio State University competition for
a Center for the visual arts, Environment and
Behavior, vol. 21, No. 4 (July) p.464-484.
126
1. De aq u surg e una m uy im p ortante c uestin sob re la naturaleza d el d iseo,

aunq ue es un tem a ap arte q ue yo he tratad o en varias oc asiones. El esc rito
m s rec iente sob re el tem a se p ued e enc ontrar en RAPOPORT, A. (1995): On
the N ature of Desig n ( Sob re la naturaleza d el d iseo ), en Prac tic es, Ed ic in
3/4 (p rim avera), p g s. 32- 43.
2. El anteriorm ente d esc rito m tod o g eneral d e d isg rerac in es ap lic ab le
tam b in en esta situac in. Una lista p relim inar d e c om p onentes d e lug ar
p ued e ser c onsultad a en RAPOPORT, A. (1992): On reg ions and reg ionalism
( Sob re reg iones y reg ionalism o ) en M ARKOVICH, N .C. y otros ed itores:
Pueb lo Style and Reg ional Arc hitec ture (El estilo d e los ind ios p ueb lo y la
arq uitec tura reg ional), N ueva York, Van N ostrand - Reinhold (p ap erb ac k [ed ic in d e b olsillo]), (p g s. 272- 294), p g s. 276- 280.
3. Otros trm inos q ue se p ued en enc ontrar en la literatura sob re el tem a son
d esem p aq uetar (unp ac k ) y d esenvolver (um b und le ). Ob serven q ue im p lc itam ente y d e m anera b astante tenue, este tem a ya est p resente en el lib ro:
RAPOPORT, A. (1969): House Form and Culture (Form as d e c asas y la c ultura ),
Eng elw ood Cliffs, N J, Prentic e- Hall, d ond e yo utilizo la relig in, las nec esid ad es b sic as, la fam ilia, la p osic in d e la m ujer, la p rivac id ad y el trato soc ial
c om o asp ec tos q ue ayud an vinc ular la viviend a c on la c ultura.
4. Ver: BARN ETT, R. (1977): The lib ertarian sub urb : Delib erate d isord er ( El
sub urb io lib ertino: d esord en d elib erad o ), en Land sc ap e (Paisaje ). Vol. XXII
(sum m er [verano]), p g s. 44- 48.
5. Ver RAPOPORT, A. (1992): On reg ions and reg ionalism ( Sob re reg iones
y reg ionalism o ), en M ARKOVICH, N .C.y otrosed itores: Pueb lo Style and Reg ional Arc hitec ture (El estilo d e los ind ios p ueb lo y la arq uitec tura reg ional),
N ueva York, Van N ostrand - Reinhold (p ap erb ac k [ed ic in d e b olsillo]), p . 272294 y 276- 280.
6. BISHOP, J. (1984): Passing in the nig ht: Pub lic and p rofessional view s of
M ilton Keynes ( Paseand o p or la noc he: Op inin p b lic a y p rofesional sob re la
c iud ad d e M ilton Keynes ), en Plac es, vol. I, n. 4, p g s. 9- 16.
7. Hunt Thom p son Asooc iates (1988): M aid en Lane: Feasib ility Stud y (January)
(M a id e n L a ne : Estud io d e via b ilid a d (e ne ro )), L o n d re s, Hu n t Th o m p so n
A sooc iates.
8. N ASAR, J.L. y KAN G, J. (1989): A p ost- jury evaluation: The Ohio State
University c om p etition for a Center for the visual arts ( Una evaluac in p ostjurad o: el c onc urso p ara el p royec to d el Centro d e Artes Visuales llevad o a
c ab o en la Universid ad Estatal d e Ohio ), en Environm ent and Behaviour
(Entorno y Com p ortam iento ), vol. XXI, n. 4 (julio), p g s. 464- 484.
9. Ver RAPOPORT, A. (1990): The M eaning of the Built Environm ent (El sig nific ad o d el entorno c onstruid o ), Tuc son, University of Arizona Press (ed ic in
revisad a).
9. See Rapoport, A. (1990) The Meaning of the Built

Environment, Tucson, University of Arizona Press
(revised edition).
10. See Rapoport, A. (1969) The Pueblo and the
Hogan: A cross-cultural comparison of two responses
to an environment, in P. Oliver (Ed.) Shelter and
Society, London, Barrie and Rockliffe, p. 66-79.
11. See Rapoport, A. (1969) House, Form and Culture,
Engelwood Cliffs, NJ, Prentice-Hall, Chapter 1.
12. See Rapoport, A. (1983) Development, culture
change and supportive design, Habitat International,
vol. 7, No. 5/6, p. 249-268; Rapoport, A. (1988)
Spontaneous Settlements as vernacular design, in
C.V. Patton (Ed.) Spontaneous Shelter, Philadelphia,
Temple University Press, p. 51-77; Rapoport, A.
(1994) Sustainability, Meaning and Traditional
Environments, Berkeley, CA, IASTE/Center of
Environmental Design Research, Traditional
Dwellings and Settlements Working Paper Series, No.
75, vol. 75/IASTE 75-94.
13. See Hakim, B.S. (1986) Arabic-Islamic Cities:
Building and Planning Principles, London, KPI;
Hakim, B.S. (1994) The Urf and its role in
diversifying the architecture of traditional Islamic
cities, Journal of Architectural and Planning
Research, vol. 11, No. 2 (summer) p. 108-127.
14. E.g. Akbar, J. (1988) Crisis in the Built Environment
(The Case of the Muslim City), Singapore, Mimar
Books; Rapoport. A. (1992) On Regions and Regionalism, in N.C. Markovich et al. (Eds.) Pueblo Style
and Regional Architects, New York, Van NostrandReinhold (paperback edition) p.272-294, and references therein to Essex County Council (1973), Ostorwetsky and Bordreuil (1980), Vernez Moudon (1986)
and Williams et al. (1987).
10. Ver RAPOPORT, A. (1969): The Pueb lo and the Hog an: A c ross- c ultural
c om p arison of tw o resp onses to an environm ent ( Los ind ios p ueb lo y sus
tiend as trad id ionales (hog an ): una c om p arac in interc ultural d e d os resp uestas al entorno ), en Oliver, P. (Ed .): Shelter and Soc iety (El refug io y la soc ied ad ),
Lond res, Barrie and Roc kliffe, p g s. 66- 79.
11. Ver RAPOPORT, A. (1969): House, Form and Culture (Casa, form a y
c ultura ), Eng elw ood Cliffs, N J, Prentic e- Hall, Cap tulo 1.
12. Ver RAPOPORT, A. (1983): Develop m ent, c ulture c hang e and sup p ortive
d esig n ( Desarrollo, c am b io c ultural y d iseo c ap az d e p restar ap oyo ), en
H a b ita t In te rn a tio n a l, vo l. V II, n . 5 /6 , p g s .2 4 9 - 2 6 8 ; RA PPO PO RT, A .
(1988): Sp ontaneous Settlem ents as vernac ular d esig n ( Pob lad os esp ontneos c om o form a d e d iseo vernac ular ), en PATTON , C.V. (Ed .): Sp ontaneous
Shelter (Refug io esp ontneo ), Filad elfia, Tem p le University Press, p g s. 51- 77;
RAPOPORT, A. (1994): Sustainab ility, M eaning and Trad itional Environm ents
(Sostenib ilid ad , sig nific ad o y entornos trad ic ionales ), Berkeley, CA, IASTE/
Center of Environm ental Design Research, Traditional Dw ellings and Settlem ents
W orking Pap er Series (Centro d e Estud ios d e Diseo Del Entorno, una serie d e
p ub lic ac iones d e los estud ios d e viviend a trad ic ional y asentam ientos ), n. 75,
vol. 75/IASTE 75- 94.
13. Ver HAKIM , B.S. (1986): Arab ic - Islam ic Cities: Build ing and Planning
Princ ip les (Ciud ad es rab es islm ic as: p rinc ip ios d e c onstruc c in y p lanific ac in ), Lond res, KPI; HAKIM , B.S. (1994): The Urf and its role in d iversifying
the arc hitec ture of trad itional Islam ic c ities ( El Urf y su p ap el en la d iversific ac in d e la arq uitec tura d e las c iud ad es islm ic as trad ic ionales ), en Journal
of Arc hitec tural and Planning Researc h, vol. XI, n. 2 (verano), p g s. 108- 127.
14. Por ejem p lo, AKBAR, J. (1988): Crisis in the Built Environm ent (The Case
of the M uslim City) (Crisis en el entorno c onstruid o (el c aso d e la c iud ad
m usulm ana)), Sing ap r, M im ar Books; RAPOPORT, A. (1992): On Reg ions
and Reg ionalism ( Sob re reg iones y reg ionalism o ), en M ARKOVICH, N .C. et
al. (Ed s.) Pueb lo Style and Reg ional Arc hitec ture (El estilo d e los ind ios p ueb lo
y la arq uitec tura d e la reg in ), N ueva York, Van N ostrand - Reinhold (p ap erb ac k
[ed ic in d e b olsillo]), p g s. 272- 294, y all las referenc ias a Essex County
C o u n c il (e l C o n se jo d e l C o n d a d o d e Esse x ) (1 9 7 3 ), O STRO W ETSKY y
BORDREUIL (1980), VERN EZ M OUDON (1986) y W ILLIAM S y otros autores
(1987).
127
15. See Sadalla, E.K. et al (1977) House form and

culture revisited, in P. Suedfeld and J. A. Russell (Eds.)
The Behavioral Basis of Design (EDRA 7), Stroudsburg, PA Dowden, Hutchinson and Ross, Book 2, p.
279-284.
16. For more examples and more detail see Rapoport,
A. (1995 (1980)) Culture, site-layout and housing,
in A. Rapoport, Thirty-three Papers in EnvironmentBehavior Research, Newcastle (UK) Urban
International Press, p. 313-324.
17. This term is from Siegel, B.J. (1970) Defensive
structuring and environmental stress, American Journal of Sociology, vol. 76, p. 11-46.
18. Suburb can be defined in several ways: By location, politically, in terms of the characteristics of the
population and in terms of a set of specific attributes
of the cultural landscape. I am using only the last of
these in this discussion.
19. See Rapoport, A. (1998) Using culture in housing
design, Housing and Society, vol. 25, no. 1 & 2, p. 120, especially p. 15.
15. Ver SADALLA, E.K. y otros autores (1977): House form and c ulture
revisited ( La form a d e la c asa y la c ultura revisitad a ) en SUEDFELD, P. y
RUSSELL, J.A. (Ed s.): The Behaviourial Basis of Desig n (Com p ortam iento
hum ano com o base del diseo ) (EDRA 7), Stroudsburg, PA Dow den, Hutchinson
and Ross, p g s. 279- 284.
16. Para m s ejem p los y m s d etalles ver RAPOPORT, A. (1995 (1980)):
Culture, site- layout and housing ( Cultura, d isp osic in d e lug ar y c onstruc c in d e viviend as ) en A. RAPOPORT: Thirty- three Pap ers in Environm entBehaviour Researc h (Treinta y tres esc ritos sob re la investig ac in d e la relac in entre el entorno y el c om p ortam iento hum ano ), N ew c astle (Reino Unid o),
Urb an International Press, p g s. 313- 324.
17. Este trm ino p roc ed e d e SIEGEL, B.J. (1970): Defensive struc turing and
enviro nm enta l stress ( Estruc turac in d efensiva y estrs am b iental ), en
Am eric an Journal of Soc iolog y, vol. LXXVI, p g s. 11- 46.
18. Sub urb io p ued e d efinirse d e d iferentes m aneras: p or su ub ic ac in,
p oltic am ente, en trm inos d e las c arac terstic as d e la p ob lac in, o en trm inos d e un c onjunto d e atrib utos esp ec fic os d el p aisaje c ultural. Estoy utilizand o solam ente el ltim o d e estos p lanteam ientos en m i d isc urso.
19. Ver RAPOPORT, A. (1998): Using c ulture in housing d esing ( Utilizand o
la c ultura en el d iseo d e la viviend a ), en Housing and Soc iety ( Viviend a y
Soc ied ad ), vol. XXV, n. 1 & 2, p g s. 1- 20, esp ec ialm ente p g . 15.
20. See Baumgartner, M. P. (1988) The Moral Order

of the Suburb, New York, Oxford University Press.
20. Ver BAUM GARTN ER, M .P. (1988): The M oral Ord er of the Sub urb (El ord en
m oral d el sub urb io ), N ueva York, Oxford University Press.
21. See Rapoport, A. (1983) Development, culture

change and supportive design, Habitat International,
vol. 7, No. 5/6, p. 249-268.
21. Ver RAPOPORT, A. (1983): Develop m ent, c ulture c hang e and sup p ortive
d esig n ( Urb anizac in, c am b io c ultural y d iseoc ap az d e p restar ap oyo ), en
Hab itat International, vol. VII, n. 5/6, p g s. 249- 268.
22. These are internal reasons. I ignore external

reasons such as ideology, politics, economics and the
like.
2 2 . sta s so n la s ra zo nes interna s . Yo ig no ro la s ra zo nes externa s :

id eolg ic as, p oltic as, ec onm ic as, etc .
128
L a n a t u r a le z a d e la c u lt u r a
Th e N a t u r e o f C u lt u r e
129
130
La n a tu ra le za d e la c u ltu ra
The first thing to note is that culture

is not a thing, but an idea, a concept,
a constructa label for the many
things people think, believe, doand
how they do them. It was, in fact first
proposed and used in its current anthropological sense in 1871 in England by E. B. Tylor, who is often considered to be the first anthropologist.
In this sense the term culture did not
appear in English dictionaries, i.e. was
not in general use until the 1920s. In
some languages the concept, in its anthropological (or technical) sense is
still lacking; it is used rather in its more
traditional sense of civilization, of being a cultured person, in terms of
manners, knowing food and wine,
music, art and literaturehaving cultivated taste. But the anthropological
use of the term is spreading.
Lo p rim ero q ue hay q ue tener en c uenta es q ue la c ultura no es una c osa, sino una id ea, un c onc ep to, un
invento c onc ep tual una etiq ueta p ara ind ic ar lo q ue m uc ha s p e rso na s p ie nsa n, c re e n, ha c e n, y c m o lo ha c en. En realid ad , fue inic ialm ente p rop uesta y utilizad a
en su sig nific ad o antrop olg ic o ac tual en 1871 en Ing laterra p or E. B. Tylor, c onsid erad o el p rim er antrop log o.
En este sentid o el trm ino c ultura no ap arec i en los
d ic c ionarios d e la leng ua ing lesa, es d ec ir, no era d e uso
g eneral hasta los aos veinte. En alg unos id iom as el c onc ep to tod ava no existe en su sentid o antrop olg ic o (o
tc nic o); se em p lea m s b ien en su sentid o m s trad ic ional, el d e c ivilizac in, o b ien, hab land o d e p ersona s c ulta s: la s d e b uena s m a nera s, c o no c ed o res d e
g astronom a y vinos, m sic a, arte y literatura o sea, las
q ue tienen g ustos c ultivad os. Pero el em p leo antrop olg ic o d el trm ino se est ab riend o c am ino.
Tylors original 1871 definition was

that culture is the complex whole
which includes knowledge, belief, art,
law, morals, customs and any other
capabilities and habits acquired by
man as a member of society. This is
still a useful definition but it seems
clear that it includes (almost) everything that characterizes humans. Since
then there have been hundreds of definitions, and by 1952 a 436-page book
reviewed the numerous definitions and
concepts of culture,1 this process has
continued since. This clearly makes
matters difficult and confusing. Fortunately, I believe that it is possible to
simplify the problem by identifying
and dealing with types or classes of
definitions. It is possible to identify
three types (or classes) of definitions
that address the question of what culture is and, more recently and therefore
less known and with fewer examples,
three types (or classes) of definitions
that address the question of what culture doesi.e. what it is for. This is a
useful approach which is being used
La d efinic in orig inal d e Tylor q ue vio la luz en 1871 rezab a q ue c ultura es una c om p leja unid ad q ue c om p rend e el c onoc im iento, la fe, el arte, las leyes, la m oral, las
c ostum b res y c ualq uier otra hab ilid ad o hb ito ad q uirid os
p o r e l h o m b re c o m o m ie m b ro d e la so c ie d a d . Esta
d efinic in es tod ava til, p ero p arec e evid ente q ue inc luye (c asi) tod o lo q ue c arac teriza a los seres hum anos.
Desd e entonc es se form ularon c ientos d e d efinic iones, y
en 1952 se ed it un lib ro q ue reuna en sus 436 p g inas
las num erosas d efinic iones y c onc ep tos d e la c ultura. 1
Este p roc eso ha seg uid o su c urso. N o es d e extraar
q ue la c uestin sea d ifc il y c onfusa. Afortunad am ente,
yo c reo q ue es p osib le sim p lific ar el p rob lem a id entific and o y tratand o tip os y c lases d e d efinic iones. Es p osib le
id entific ar tres tip os (c lases) d e d efinic iones q ue resp ond en a la p reg unta: Qu es la c ultura? y tres tip os d e
d efinic iones, m s rec ientes y, p or tanto, m enos c onoc id as y m enos num erosas, q ue resp ond en a la p reg unta:
Qu ha c e la c ultura ? o , e n o tra s p a la b ra s, Pa ra
q u sirve la c ultura? Es un p lanteam iento til c uyo uso
se est extend iend o, ab arc and o nuevos c am p os. Yo no
m e voy a oc up ar d e esta c uestin g eneral (d e q u sirve
131
increasingly in a number of fields. I

will not be dealing with that general
question of what culture is for, but that
essentially asks why humans should
have culture in the first place. It clearly
must have had some advantage(s) or
it would not have evolved under selection pressures.
Concerning the question of what
culture is, one type of definition describes it as the way of life of a people,
including their ideals, norms, rules,
routinized behaviors, etc. A second
class of definitions defines it as a system of schemata transmitted symbolically across generations, through the
enculturation (or socialization) of children and acculturation of immigrants.
This transmission occurs through language, example, etc., but also through
the built environment, the way settings
are used. The third type of definitions
defines culture as a means of ecological adaptations, use of resources, the
principal attribute that enables humans to make a living by exploiting
various eco-systems. Although the correspondence is not as clear as might
seem, one could say that cultural anthropology and ethnography emphasize the way of life of groups, cognitive
and symbolic anthropology the symbolic role of culture, and ecological
anthropology they economic role of
culture.
Concerning the question of what culture does, one can also identify three
types of answers, i.e. definitions. The
first is that the purpose of culture is to
provide a design for living through
various rules as to how things should
be done. One metaphor then compares it to a blueprint for assembling
components, a second to a set of instructions (like DNA) which is more
useful because it is dynamic. On the
second view, the purpose of culture is
132
la c ultura), sino q ue tratar d e d esc ub rir p or q u, en un

p rinc ip io, los hum anos han d e tener c ultura. La c ultura
seg uram ente d eb e tener alg una(s) ventaja(s), d e lo c ontrario no se hab ra d esarrollad o b ajo las p resiones d e la
se le c c i n.
Contestand o a la p reg unta Qu es la c ultura?, el p rim er tip o d e d efinic iones la d esc rib e c om o un m od o d e
vid a d e las p ersonas q ue inc luye sus id eales, norm as,
re g la s, c o m p o rta m ie n to s h a b itu a le s, e tc . L a se g u n d a
c lase d e d efinic iones d efine la c ultura c om o un sistem a
d e esq uem as transm itid os sim b lic am ente d e g enerac in en g enerac in m ed iante enc ulturac in (o soc ializac in) d e nios y ac ulturac in d e inm ig rantes. Esta transm isi n se re a liza a tra v s d e l le ng ua je , e je m p lo , e tc .,
p ero tam b in p or m ed io d el entorno c onstruid o el m od o
d e utilizar los lug ares. El terc er tip o d e d efinic iones c arac teriza la c ultura c om o un m ed io d e la ad ap tac in ec olg ic a y el uso d e rec ursos, c om o el atrib uto p rinc ip al
q ue p erm ite a lo s hum a no s ha c er su vid a exp lo ta nd o
varios ec osistem as. A unq ue la c orresp ond enc ia no es
tan c lara c om o p ued e p arec er, se p od ra d ec ir q ue la
antrop olog a y la etnolog a c ulturales se c entran en la vid a
d e g rup os, la antrop olog a c og nitiva y sim b lic a en el p ap el sim b lic o d e la c ultura, y la antrop olog a ec olg ic a en
el p ap el ec onm ic o d e la m ism a.
Contestand o a la p reg unta Qu hac e la c ultura?, uno
p ued e id entific ar tam b in tres tip os d e resp uestas o d efinic iones. Seg n el p rim er tip o, el ob jetivo d e la c ultura es
p ro p o rc io n a r u n p ro ye c to d e vid a [d e sig n fo r living ]
m ed iante varias reg las ac erc a d e c m o d eb en hac erse
las c osas. Una m etfora lo c om p ara lueg o c on un c onjunto d e esq uem as d e ensam b laje d e p iezas, otra m etfora c on un m anual d e instruc c iones (tip o DN A), lo q ue
es m s til, p o rq ue es d in m ic o . Seg n el seg und o
p unto d e vista, el p ap el d e la c ultura c onsiste en c rear un
entram ad o [fram ew ork] q ue d ota d e sig nific ad o los d etalles: las c osas tienen sentid o nic am ente en una relac in
entre ella s q ue d isc urre en un m a rc o d eterm ina d o . El
to provide the framework that gives

meaning to particularsthings only
meaning in relation to each other in
some framework. The third type of answer is that the purpose of culture is to
define groupsthe many groups
(pseudospecies) of which or single
biological species is composed. In that
sense its purpose is to separate groups,
to make them distinct and different
from one another.
It is important to emphasize that these
various classes of definitions should
not be taken as right or wrong. Rather, different definitions (or conceptualizations) of culture are useful for
different concerns, i.e. in different domains or subdomains, and in dealing
with various questions. Moreover, these
classes of definitions are not conflicting
or contradictorythey are complementary, so that the first three are easily linked among themselves, so are
the second three, and finally all six.
For example, culture evolved as a way
of making a living, exploiting the resources of eco-systems. That leads to
particular ways of doing things, i.e. a
way of life. Through symbolic transmission this way of life is perpetuated
across generations. Similarly, the design for living leads to the development
of frameworks within which particulars
take on meaning. The different frameworks then lead to group differences.
Rather than linking all six, I would
suggest that readers do it; a useful
way is to list them and use arrows to
relate them among each other.
It is also most important to emphasize
that culture is not free, that there is
not complete relativism, which was the
usual view in anthropology during
most of the 20th century and is still the
most dominant. It is, however, starting
to change, albeit slowly, and with major disagreements and, sometimes,
terc er tip o d e resp uesta d efine el p ap el d e la c ultura c om o

el d e d efinir g rup os los num erosos g rup os (p seud oesp ec ies) d e los q ue se c om p one una sola esp ec ie b iolg ic a. En este sentid o, su p ap el c onsiste en sep arar
los g rup os, en hac erlos d iferentes entre s.
Es im p ortante sub rayar q ue las d iferentes c lases d e d efinic iones no d eb en p lantearse c om o c orrec tas o errneas. M s b ien, las d istintas d efinic iones (o c onc ep tualizac iones) d e la c ultura son tiles p ara d iferentes p rop sitos, es d ec ir, en d istintos d om inios o sub d om inios, y p ara
tratar d iferentes c uestiones. Ad em s, estas c lases d e d efinic iones no entran en c onflic to ni en c ontrad ic c in son
c om p lem entarios, d e ah q ue los tres p rim eros tip os
p ued an ser fc ilm ente vinc ulad os entre s, al ig ual q ue
las tres d el seg und o tip o, y finalm ente tod os, los seis. Por
ejem p lo , la c ultura evo luc io n c o m o un m o d o d e vivir
exp lotand o los rec ursos d e los ec osistem as, d e ah surg ieron las m aneras c onc retas d e hac er las c osas o, en
otras p alab ras, los m od os d e vid a. M ed iante las transm isiones sim b lic as, este m od o d e vid a se p erp eta a travs d e las g enerac iones. De form a sim ilar, el p royec to
d e vid a c ond uc e a la c reac in d e entram ad os (estruc turas) en el seno d e los c uales las p artic ularid ad es ad q uieren sig nific ad o. Los d iferentes entram ad os entonc es
llevan a las d iferenc ias entre los g rup os. M s q ue vinc ular los seis tip os d e d efinic iones, yo p rop ond ra q ue lo
hic ieran los m ism os lec tores. Una form a p rc tic a d e hac erlo es ord ennd olos en una lista y relac ionnd olos g rfic am ente m ed iante flec has.
Tam b in es m uy im p ortante d estac ar q ue la c ultura no
es lib re, q ue no existe un relativism o c om p leto (un p unto
d e vista hab itual d e la antrop olog a d urante g ran p arte d el
sig lo XX y to d a va p re d o m in a n te ). Esta situ a c i n e st
em p ezand o a c am b iar, aunq ue lentam ente y c on m uc hos d esac uerd os, q ue a vec es levantan ac alorad as d isc usiones entre los q ue c reen q ue la c ultura est som etid a a unos c ond ic ionantes d e c arc ter b iolg ic o y evolutivo y, p or lo tanto, m antienen su naturaleza universal y
133
very heated arguments between those

who believe that there are evolutionary biological constraints on culture,
and hence universals and human
nature, and those who still support
the view that culture is free and, therefore, that relativism reigns. It does
seem clear, however, that there is a
gradually growing realization that
biological and evolutionary constraints exist and, as a result, increasing
awareness over the past few decades
of the existence of human universals,
human nature and hence constancies.
The issue is not, however constancy or
differenceboth clearly exist and play
a role. Once again, it is rather the relative importance (or contribution) of
constancy and specificity in various
contexts and situations. These should
not be assumed a priori but should be
seen as empirical questions, leading
to a more nuanced view, with constancy, universals, and human nature
as well as cultural specifics and differences being recognized and needing
to be discovered.
In any case, this is an important issue
that one needs to know about, and
one needs to keep up with developments and change in the evidence as
research continues (and accelerates).
It is also important to realize that culture itself has evolved and can be traced back to animal origins, through
proto-cultures(s). How far back it can
be traced is still being vigorously debated. There are also some suggestions that with the development of culture in humans it, in turn, may have
influenced evolutionbut this does not
concern us here.
The possible existence of universals is,
however important, especially in connection with the concerns of this book.
This is because it may reduce the extent
of variability, making EBS research
134
hum ana, y los q ue tod ava m antienen q ue la c ultura

es lib re y el relativism o su p rinc ip io d om inante. N o ob sta nte , p a re c e q ue g ra d ua lm e nte va ya a um e nta nd o la
c onsc ienc ia d e q ue los c ond ic ionantes b iolg ic os y evolutivos realm ente existen. Com o resultad o, d urante las
ltim as d c ad as se reg istr un rec onoc im iento c ad a vez
m ayor d e la existenc ia d e los p rinc ip ios hum anos y universales, d e la naturaleza hum ana y d e las c onstantes
c ulturales. Pero la c uestin no c onsiste en d ec id ir entre
c onstantes (sim ilitud es) o d iferenc ias tanto unas c om o
otras c laram ente existen y d esem p ean su p ap el. Una
vez m s, p od em os afirm ar q ue la im p ortanc ia (o c ontrib uc in) d e la c onstanc ia o la esp ec ific id ad en varios c ontextos o situac iones es b astante relativa. N o p ued en ser
asum id as a p riori, sino q ue d eb en tratarse c om o c uestiones em p ric as, p ara d ar lug ar a p lanteam ientos m s
ric os en m atic es, q ue rec onozc an la existenc ia y la nec esid ad d e d esc ub rim iento d e las c onstantes y los p rinc ip io s u n ive rs a le s , d e la n a tu ra le za h u m a n a , d e la s
esp ec ific id ad es y las d iferenc ias c ulturales.
En c ualq uier c aso, es un p unto m uy im p ortante q ue tener en c uenta, al ig ual q ue el d e m antenerse al tanto d el
a va nc e d e la c ie nc ia , a p o rta nd o nue va s e vid e nc ia s a
m ed id a d e q ue c ontine (y se ac elere) la investig ac in.
Tam b in es im p ortante ser c onsc iente d e q ue la c ultura
en s ha evoluc ionad o y p ued e ser rem ontad a hasta los
org enes anim ales d e la esp ec ie hum ana, p asand o p or
la(s) p rotoc ultura(s). Hasta d nd e se p ued e rem ontar?
Esta c uestin an es ob jeto d e ac alorad os d eb ates. Existen tam b in alg unas ap ortac iones q ue sug ieren q ue c on
el d esarrollo d e la c ultura en los hum anos ella, a su vez,
p ued a hab er influid o en la evoluc in p ero no vam os a
oc up arnos d e esta c uestin aq u.
Con tod o, la p osib ilid ad d e q ue existan unos p rinc ip ios
universales es una c uestin im p ortante, esp ec ialm ente
en relac in c on el tem a d e este lib ro. Es as p orq ue tales
p rinc ip ios son c ap ac es d e red uc ir el g rad o d e variab ilid ad , fac ilitand o la lab or d e investig ac in d e los EBS y el
and design easier. If culture is strictly

relative, we have the following situation (Fig. 37).
p roc eso d e d iseo. Si la c ultura fuera estric tam ente relativa, tend ram os la sig uiente situac in [fig . 37]:
f ig u r a 3 7
grupo A
grupo B
grupo C
grupo D
grupo E
grupo N
La cultura como factor completamente variable
If, however, there is some constancy,

then variability is reduced, the extent
of that reduction depending on the
degree of constancy (Fig. 38).
Sin em b arg o, al existir una c ierta c onstanc ia c ultural, la

variab ilid ad se ve red uc id a y el alc anc e d e tal red uc c in
d ep end e d el g rad o d e c onstanc ia [fig . 38].
f ig u r a 3 8
grupo A
grupo B
grupo C
grupo D
grupo E
grupo N
Posibles aspectos constantes y variables de la cultura
135
It also appears increasingly likely that

different human phenomena show varying degrees of constancy and also
varying rates of change. Thus, it has
been suggested that among the most
conserved cultural characteristics are
family structure, early learning, the
family (enculturation) and so on. Perception is more constant them cognition and much more constant than
evaluation and preference, although
there are constraints and some constancy. Traits that depend on the degree
of social evolution, e.g. socio-economic characteristics do not change rapidly, so that no only the extent of constancy but the rates of change in any
given characteristics needs to be discovered. For our purposes it is important to note that the form and structure
of dwellings also tend not to change
rapidly when considered historically,
seems to be accelerating at the moment
and it is the synthesis (or syncretism)
between constant, slowly changing elements and rapidly changing elements
that is important, as discussed earlier.
There is also a possibility that some
apparent similarities are actually differences. Possibly even important is that
some apparent variability may in fact
be different expressions of constancy
(Fig. 39).
One example is privacy. At first glance
different groups seem to have very different needs for, and forms of privacy.
However, privacy is in fact, a human
universal in the sense that there is always some avoidance of unwanted
interaction, i.e. control of interaction
and information flows. What varies is
the definition of interaction and unwanted, (i.e. between who and whom,
when, where and why), the different
sense modalities emphasized and the
mechanisms involved. These later include rules and manners, organization
136
Tam b in p arec e c ad a vez m s p rob ab le q ue los d iferentes fenm enos hum anos m uestren g rad os variab les d e
c onstanc ia y ritm os d e c am b io ig ualm ente variab les. As,
se ha sup uesto q ue entre las c arac terstic as c ulturales
m ejor c onservad as se enc uentren la estruc tura fam iliar,
el tem p rano ap rend izaje (enc ulturac in) en el seno d e la
fam ilia, etc . La p erc ep c in es m s c onstante q ue la c og nic in y m uc ho m s c onstante q ue la evaluac in y las
p referenc ias, aunq ue en los d os c asos estn p resentes
tanto las lim itac iones c om o alg n g rad o d e c onstanc ia.
Los fac tores q ue d ep end en d el g rad o d e evoluc in soc ial, p or ejem p lo, las c arac terstic as soc ioec onm ic as,
no c am b ian rp id am ente, p or lo tanto aq u hay q ue d eterm inar no solam ente el g rad o d e c onstanc ia, sino tam b in los ritm os d e c am b io en c ualq uiera d e las c arac terstic as d ad as. Para nuestros p rop sitos es im p ortante
tener en c uenta q ue la form a y la estruc tura d e las viviend as, q ue tam b in tienen una tend enc ia a c am b iar
c o n m e no s ra p id e z a l c o nsid e ra rlo s e n la p e rsp e c tiva
histric a, ltim am ente p arec en estar ac elerand o el ritm o
d e c am b io. Com o ya he c om entad o, lo q ue nos im p orta
a q u e s la snte sis (o sinc re tism o ) e ntre lo s e le m e nto s
c onstantes, d e c am b io lento, y los q ue c am b ian a una
m ayor veloc id ad .
Existe tam b in una p osib ilid ad d e q ue alg unas sim ilitud es
resulten ser, en realid ad , d iferenc ias. Es p osib le q ue inc luso q ue una ap arente variab ilid ad p ued a m ostrar, en
realid ad , d iferentes exp resiones d e la c onstanc ia [fig . 39].
Un ejem p lo es la p rivac id ad . A p rim era vista, los d iferentes g rup os p arec en tener nec esid ad es d iferentes en m ateria d e p rivac id ad y req uerir form as d e p rivac id ad d istinta s. Sin em b a rg o , la p riva c id a d rea lm ente es un va lo r
universal d e la hum anid ad , en el sentid o d e q ue siem p re
ha existid o el anhelo d e evitar una interac c in ind esead a
o, en otras p alab ras, el c ontrol d e interac c iones y d e los
flujos d e inform ac in. Lo q ue vara es la d efinic in d e la
interac c in y d e lo ind esead o (es d ec ir, la c uestin
d e q uin(es), c und o, d nd e y p or q u), las d iferentes
f ig u r a 3 9
grupo A
grupo B
grupo C
grupo D
grupo E
grupo N
Aspectos constantes y variables de la cultura, con la posibilidad de las expresiones

especficas de las constantes (basado en parte en A. Rapoport: Historia y precedente del
diseo de entorno, Nueva York, Plenum, 1990, Fig. 3.12, pg. 111; Utilizando la cultura
en el diseo residencial, en Housing and Society, vol. 25, n. 1 & 2, 1998, Fig. 7, pg. 14;
Antropologa arquitectnica o estudios del comportamiento en relacin con el entorno, en
M. J. Amerlink (editor): Antropologa arquitectnica, Westport, Connectucut, Bergin &
Garvey, 2001, Fig. 2.1, pg. 32.
of time (temporal), spacing, the use

of physical elements, psychological
(withdrawal) and so on.2 As a result,
what appear to be very different urban
fabrics, can be shown to be just different ways of controlling unwanted interaction3 (Fig. 40).
m od alid ad es sensoriales y los m ec anism os im p lic ad os.

Esto s ltim o s inc luyen reg la s y m a nera s, o rg a niza c i n
tem p oral y esp ac ial, uso d e elem entos fsic os, p sic olg ic os (retraim iento), etc . 2 Com o resultad o, los tejid os urb anos en ap arienc ia m uy d iferentes p ued en ser p resentad os sim p lem ente c om o d istintos m od os d e c ontrolar la
interac c in ind esead a 3 [fig . 40].
137
fig ura 40
fuerte identidad y homogeneidad

de grupo (basado en las variables
de fig. 43, 44, 45.)
dispositivos fsicos (muros,

puertas, mamparas, etc.)
espacio y distancia
tres modos/mecanismos comparables y equivalentes (entre otros) de

control de interaccin indeseable (privacidad).
ellos conducen a tejidos urbanos aparentemente

muy diferentes, que tienen la misma finalidad.
agrupaciones tipo Compound

(por ejemplo, en Africa)
casas con patio interior
una vecindad o agrupacin
basada en fuertes lazos tnicos,
de parentesco u otros, a menudo
reforzada por su forma fsica
(como acceso limitado o controlado).
ciudad orientada hacia adentro
un rea de baja densidad (suburbios, zonas coloniales europeas en la India, Africa, etc.) a menudo
reforzada por la vegetacin como pantalla visual.
Diferentes expresiones especficas de un principio universal cultural la necesidad de controlar la

interaccin indeseable (o sea, lograr la privacidad). Basado en parte en A. Rapoport: Aspectos humanos de
la forma urbana, Oxford, Pergamon, 1977, Fig. 6.1, pg. 377; Fig. 6.2, pg. 339; pgs. 289-298.
138
Finally, it should be noted that whatever the final verdict is on these rather
theoretical but important matters, it
will be regarding the analysis of environments, the design of culture-specific, supportive environments and the
evaluation of how supportive given
environments are for various groups,
it is generally the specifics of the group
in question that are most important.
1. Kroeber, A.L. and C. Kluckhohn (1952) Culture: A

critical Review of Concepts and Definitions, New York,
Vintage Books.
Fina lm e nte , se d e b e te ne r e n c ue nta q ue , c ua lq uie ra

q ue sea el vered ic to final d e estos p lanteam ientos b astante teortic os p ero sum am ente im p ortantes, tend r q ue
ver c on el anlisis d e los entornos, c on el d iseo d e elem entos c ulturalm ente esp ec fic os y c ap ac es d e p restar
ap oyo y c on la evaluac in d el g rad o d e c ap ac id ad d e
ap oyo [sup p ortiveness] d e unos entornos d eterm inad os
p ara varios g rup os hum anos, y la c uestin c entral rad ic a
norm alm ente en la esp ec ific id ad d el g rup o c onsid erad o.
1. KROEBER, A.L. y KLUCKHOHN (1952): Culture A Critical Review of Concep ts

and Definitions (La c ultura: un resum en c rtic o d e c onc ep tos y d efinic iones),
N ueva York, Vintag e Books.
2. See Rapoport, A. (1977) Human Aspects of Urban

Form, Oxford, Pergamon Press, especially p. 289298; Altman, I. (1975) The Environment and Social
Behavior, Monterey, CA, Brooks/Cole, Chapters 2 and
3.
2. Ver RAPOPORT, A. (1977): Hum an Asp ec ts of Urb an Fo rm (Asp ec tos

hum anos d e la form a urb ana ), Oxford , Perg am on Press, sob re tod o p g s.
289- 298; ALTM AN , I. (1975): The Environm ent and Social Behaviour (El entorno
y el c om p ortam iento soc ial), M onterey, California, Brooks/Cole, Cap tulos 2 y
3.
3. See Rapoport, A. (1977) Human Aspects of Urban

Form, Oxford, Pergamon Press, p. 333-345.
3. Ver RAPOPORT, A. (1977): Hum an Asp ec ts of Urb an Fo rm (Asp ec tos

hum anos d e la form a urb ana ), Oxford , Perg am on Press, p g s. 333- 345.
139
VI
L a e s c a la d e la c u lt u r a
Th e S c a le o f C u lt u r e
141
La e sc a la d e la c u ltu ra
I have already suggested that although

an important role of culture is to define groups, the nature of the groups
that are relevant in culture-environment relations is a badly underresearched topic in EBS. At issue is
the very important question as to the
scale at which culture operates, i.e.
the size of relevant groups. This has
generally not been considered, discussed or researched. Yet in designing for
culture the first step is clearly to identify
the number and nature of the relevant
groups.
Although there has been no explicit
discussion of the size of groups, it seems
clear that in discussions concerning
culture-environment relations, the implicit assumption is that these groups
are large. For example, they are often
equated with countries, even large and
heterogeneous countries like the U.S.,
and it is, of course, also the case that
in many countries, e.g. Western Europe, the heterogeneity of populations
is increasing. In fact, the evidence that
I have recently collected suggests that
such groups may actually be rather
small. 1 This relatively small size of
groups is a general phenomenon not
sufficiently emphasized in discussions
of culture or society, or in dealing
with groups such as the elderly,
children, the homeless, the urban
poor of the Third World, etc. These
latter, used in EBS typically comprise
numbers of sub-groups, which need
to be discovered. The small size of
group means that there are many different groups, as one would suspect,
given the variety of environments discussed earlier.
In Guatemala, 60% of the approximately 4.5 million inhabitants are Mayan. However, they are divided in 21
different languages and language is
a good indicator of groups, since it
He sug erid o q ue, a p esar d e lo im p ortante q ue sea la

c ultura a la hora d e d efinir g rup os, la naturaleza d e los
g rup os q ue tienen relevanc ia en las relac iones entre la
c ultura y el entorno es tod ava un tem a m uy p oc o estud iad o d entro d el c am p o d e los EBS (estud ios d e la relac in entre el entorno y el c om p ortam iento hum ano). En
esta relac in se nos p lantea una p reg unta d e sum a im p ortanc ia: A q u esc ala op era la c ultura, es d ec ir, c m o
es el tam ao d e los g rup os relevantes? Generalm ente
esta c uestin no ha sid o c onsid erad a, d isc utid a o investig ad a. Pero si se q uiere d isear p ara la c ultura, el p rim er
p aso sera, sin d ud a, el d e id entific ar el nm ero d e g rup os relevantes y su naturaleza.
A unq ue no se haya p rod uc id o ning n d eb ate exp lc ito
ac erc a d el tam ao d e los g rup os, p arec e evid ente q ue
en los d eb ates sob re las relac iones entre la c ultura y el
entorno se asum a im p lc itam ente q ue los g rup os sean
g ra nd e s. Po r e je m p lo , se e q uip a ra n c o n fre c ue nc ia a
p ases enteros, inc luso a p ases tan g rand es y heterog n e o s c o m o EE.U U . (d e h e c h o , e n m u c h o s p a se s,
p or ejem p lo, en Europ a Oc c id ental, la heterog eneid ad
d e la p ob lac in va en aum ento). En realid ad , los testim onios q ue he reunid o rec ientem ente sug ieren q ue tales
g rup os p ued en ser b astante red uc id os. 1 Este tam ao relativam ente p eq ueo d e los g rup os es un fenm eno g eneral al q ue no se le c onc ed e la relevanc ia q ue se m erec e e n lo s d e b a te s a c e rc a d e la c ultura o la so c ie d ad , o c uand o se op era c on g rup os c om o las p ersonas m ayores, los nios, los sin tec ho, los p ob res
d e las c iud ad es d el Terc er M und o, etc . Estos g rup os,
siend o ob jeto d e estud io d e los EBS, se c om p onen d e
num erosos sub g rup os q ue han d e ser d eterm inad os. El
ta m a o re d u c id o d e lo s g ru p o s sig n ific a q u e lo s h a y
m uc hos y d iferentes, lo q ue no es d ifc il d e d ed uc ir, d ad a
la varied ad d e entornos c om entad a anteriorm ente.
En Guatem ala, el 60% d e sus c asi c uatro m illones y m ed io d e hab itantes son d e etnia m aya. Sin em b arg o, estn sub d ivid id os en 21 leng uas d iferentes (y el leng uaje
143
defines and separates them. The average size of these groups is 130,000. I
would add that in connection with
housing, this number can probably
be subdivided further by degree of modernization, education, occupation,
place of residence (e.g. size and location of settlement), sex, age, etc., further reducing group size. The nonMaya part of the population, with its
subdivision would further increase the
potential number of groups in this one
relatively small country.
In larger countries, the number of
groups is larger, and there is also more
uncertainty about the figures.
Thus in the case of India, in a population of 920 million, it is suggested that
there are 4,200 distinct communities,
1,652 dialects, 18 official languages
and 9 major religions; there are also
26 states. Another source refers to
4,635 distinct human communities,
such as castes, tribes and the like. These
use 324 functioning languages employing 25 different scripts. Characteristics such as those discussed in the
case of Guatemala might well result
in many more lifestyle groups which
are relevant for design (This will be
discussed in Chapter 7).
There is also uncertainty regarding
Nigeria. There, in addition to the three
major groups (Yoruba, Hausa/Fulami
and Ibo) some estimates refer to 250
and others to 300 additional ethnic/
tribal groups, i.e. the actual number
is uncertain. There, as elsewhere in
the world, this leads to conflicts. These
are particularly severe in the Niger
delta where, in a small area, the grain
is extraordinarily finein the number
of groups, their languages and their
spatial arrangements. Once again,
when the other attributes I mentioned
earlier are considered, the number of
144
es un b uen ind ic ad or d e g rup os, ya q ue los d efine y los

sep ara). El tam ao m ed io d e estos g rup os es d e 130.000
p ersonas. Yo aad ira q ue, tratnd ose d e la viviend a, este
nm ero p rob ab lem ente p ued a ser sub d ivid id o en func in d e su g rad o d e m od ernizac in, ed uc ac in, p rofesin, lug ar d e resid enc ia (tam ao y ub ic ac in d el p ob lad o), sexo, ed ad , etc ., red uc iend o el tam ao d e los g rup os an m s. La p arte d e la p ob lac in no p ertenec iente
a la etnia m aya c ontrib uira c on su sub d ivisin al aum ento d el nm ero p otenc ial d e g rup os en un p as q ue es,
ad em s, relativam ente p eq ueo.
En p ases m s g rand es el nm ero d e g rup os es m ayor,
y tam b in m ayor es la inc ertid um b re ac erc a d e los nm e ro s.
Es el c aso d e la Ind ia, c on su p ob lac in d e 920 m illones,
d ond e se sup one la existenc ia d e 4.200 c om unid ad es
d istintas, 1.652 d ialec tos, 18 id iom as ofic iales y 9 relig iones d e p rim er ord en; tam b in estn los 26 estad os fed erales. Otras fuentes hab lan d e 4.635 d iferentes c om unid a d e s h u m a n a s, ta le s c o m o c a sta s, trib u s, e tc . q u e
ha b la n 3 2 4 le ng ua s viva s e m p le a nd o 2 5 siste m a s d e
esc ritura. Las c arac terstic as sim ilares a las c om entad as
en relac in c on el c aso d e Guatem ala p od ran sig nific ar
un nm ero d e estilos d e vid a sup erior al q ue es relevante
p ara la c ausa d el d iseo (este p unto se tratar en el Cap tulo 7).
La inc ertid um b re reina tam b in en el c aso d e N ig eria.
All, ap arte d e los tres p rinc ip ales g rup os (Yorub a , Hausa /
Fulan e Ib o ), se estim a la existenc ia d e otros 250 a 300
g rup os tnic os o trib ales, es d ec ir, el nm ero real es ind eterm inad o. En este p as, c om o en c ualq uier otro lug ar
d el m und o, esta c om p lejid ad c ond uc e a c onflic tos, esp ec ialm ente g raves en el d elta d el N g er, d ond e en un
red uc id o territorio se c onc entra una varied ad extraord ina ria m e nte g ra nd e e n c ua nto a nm e ro d e g rup o s,
sus leng uas y su org anizac in esp ac ial. Una vez m s,
al c onsid erar otros atrib utos q ue yo he m enc ionad o an-
groups relevant to physical environments, especially housing is likely to

increase.
te rio rm e n te , e l n m e ro d e g ru p o s re le va n te p a ra lo s
entornos fsic os, sob re tod o las viviend as, ap unta al alza.
This extremely fine grain is also found

in Burma (Myanmar). There, in a
small area of 20km x 6km (Nyaungshwe) in the south of Shan state, there
are six minority groups (i.e. in addition to the majority which is not discussed). These speak four languages
and inhabit very different house and
settlement forms. Once again the number could go up if the variables discussed above are considered. However, it should be pointed out that the
contrary process is also possible, that
of acculturation/assimilation/modernization, voluntary or forcible. In that
case national and even global patterns
may be adopted (as in the case of the
suburban image discussed earlier),
where global, Western norms, values
and schemata may lead to similar
house and settlement forms, materials,
etc. Technological and economic forces, as well as policy and politics may
also lead to convergence, i.e. reduce
the number of groups relevant for design. On the other hand the number
may increase as roots, and ethnic
and other identity are sought and reestablished and, as a result new groups
may emerge based on the specifics of
the processes of syncretism/synthesis.
Clearly these phenomena are dynamic
and complex, need research to provide
empirical dataspecifics need to be
discovered not assumed.
En Birm ania (M yanm ar) enc ontram os tam b in un entram ad o extrem ad am ente d enso. All, en una p eq uea rea
d e 20 p or 6 Km (N yaung - shw e) c onviven nad a m enos
q ue seis g rup o s m ino rita rio s (es d ec ir, ad em s d e los
g rup os m ayoritarios) q ue hab lan c uatro id iom as d iferentes y viven en c asas y p ob lac iones d e tip olog a m uy d istinta. De nuevo, el nm ero d e g rup os p od ra aum entar si
c onsid eram os las variab les ya c om entad os. Sin em b arg o, hay q ue p untualizar q ue es ig ualm ente p osib le el p roc eso c ontrario, el d e ac ulturac in /asim ilac in/m od ernizac in, tanto voluntario c om o forzad o. Entonc es se ad op tan unos p atrones nac ionales e inc luso g lob ales (c om o
en el c aso d e la im ag en sub urb ana q ue hem os analizad o). El resultad o d e la asim ilac in d e d ic hos valores,
esq uem as y norm as g lob ales (oc c id entales) b ien p od ra
ser la ap aric in d e viviend as y asentam ientos sim ilares
en sus form as, m ateriales, etc . Las fuerzas tec nolg ic as
y ec onm ic as, al ig ual q ue la p oltic a y los p oltic os, p ued en llevar tam b in a la c onverg enc ia, es d ec ir, a red uc ir
el nm ero d e g rup os relevantes p ara el d iseo. Por otra
p arte, el nm ero d e g rup os p ued e m ultip lic arse a m od o
d e rac es, en un p roc eso d e b sq ued a y restab lec im iento d e id entid ad es tnic as o d e otro tip o. Com o resultad o, surg iran nuevos g rup os b asad os en la esp ec fic a d e los p roc esos d e sinc retism o o sntesis. Est c laro
q ue estos fenm enos son d inm ic os y c om p lejos y nec esitan ser estud iad os c on el fin d e ob tener d atos em p ric os la esp ec ific id ad ha d e ser d esc ub ierta, no asum id a .
Dynamics apply not only to culture

change but to population growth. For
example, in Ethiopia the population
grew from 25 million in the 1960s to
estimates of 60-65 million now. In the
1960s there were over 70 ethnic
groups, many languages and several
re-ligions. Due to political events the
current figures are unknown. On the
Esta d inm ic a se ap lic a no solam ente al c am b io c ultural, sino tam b in al c rec im iento d e la p ob lac in. Por ejem p lo, en Etiop a la p ob lac in c rec i d e los 25 m illones en
los aos sesenta a los c erc a d e 60- 65 m illones ac tuales.
En los aos sesenta se c ontab ilizab an m s d e 70 g rup os
tnic o s, m uc ha s leng ua s y va ria s relig io nes. Deb id o a
los ac ontec im ientos p oltic os, las c ifras ac tuales se d esc onoc en. Por una p arte, las variab les q ue he p rop uesto
145
one hand, the variables already suggested may increase the number of
groups. At the same time, however
wars, revolutions, famines, government policies and modernization may
reduce them. The number of relevant
groups is difficult to discover. In the
adjacent Horn of Africa (Somalia) not
a huge area, there are over 70 ethnic
groups, divided into clans and subclans, different religions, etc. Some are
sedentarized, some nomadic, others
yet town dwellers; there are also many
refugees. War has greatly complicated
matters. Again, it is an empirical question how many groups are relevant in
relation to built environments, and
what continuing changes are most
likely.
The above examples are all from developing countries partly, as pointed
out, because they make useful model
systems where conditions and problems are more extreme and, therefore,
phenomena see more clearly. It might
be thought, however, that with continued development and modernization
the number of groups inevitably diminishes, so that the scale of culture
increases. But this is not necessarily
so, as the numerous current ethnic revivals and related conflicts show. Also, increasing immigration flows have
led to increasing heterogeneity of populations, e.g. in the U.S. and Western
Europe, with attendant problems and
conflicts, often in the news. In Britain,
due to various waves of migration,
there has recently developed a government ethnic housing initiative, which
still seems too broad, since there are
likely to be many more lifestyle groups,
with varying levels of acculturation
and various forms of syncretism. This
increase in the number of groups may
be temporary, but the time scale is such
that design needs to respond. In any
case there is evidence for the large
146
p o d ra n in c re m e n ta r e l n m e ro d e g ru p o s. A l m ism o
tie m p o , la s g ue rra s, la s re vo luc io ne s, la s ha m b runa s,
las p oltic as g ub ernam entales y la m od ernizac in p od an
red uc irlo. El nm ero d e g rup os relevantes es m uy d ifc il
d e d eterm inar. En la vec ina Som alia, un territorio no exc esivam ente g rand e est p ob lad o p or m s d e 70 g rup os tnic os d ivid id os en c lanes y sub c lanes, d iferentes
g rup o s re lig io so s, e tc . A lg uno s so n se d e nta rio s, o tro s
nm ad as, existe inc luso una inc ip iente p ob lac in urb ana ; ta m b i n ha y num e ro so s re fug ia d o s. La g ue rra ha
c om p lic ad o m uc ho las c osas. De nuevo, reiteram os q ue
el d esc ub rim iento d el nm ero d e g rup os q ue son relevantes en relac in c on los entornos c onstruid os y d e los
c am b ios m s p rob ab les es una c uestin em p ric a.
Tod os susod ic hos ejem p los refieren a p ases en vas d e
d esarrollo p orq ue, c om o ha sid o c om entad o, ellos p resentan unos sistem as m od elo m uy tiles, en los q ue
la s c o nd ic io nes y lo s p ro b lem a s so n m s extrem o s y,
p or c onsig uiente, tod os los fenm enos se ven c on m s
c larid ad . Pued e p ensarse, sin em b arg o, q ue c on el d esarrollo c ontinuo y la m od ernizac in el nm ero d e g rup os d ism inuya inevitab lem ente, y c on ello inc rem ente la
esc ala d e la c ultura. Pero no es nec esariam ente as,
c o m o d e m u e s tra n la s n u m e ro s a s re c u p e ra c io n e s
[revivals] tnic as d e hoy d a y los c onflic tos relac ionad os.
Por otro lad o, los c rec ientes flujos m ig ratorios han c ontrib uid o al aum ento d e heterog eneid ad d e p ob lac iones, p or
ejem p lo, en EE.UU. y Europ a Oc c id ental, c on sus p rob lem as y c onflic tos c olaterales q ue ac ostum b ram os ver
en los teled iarios y los titulares. En el Reino Unid o, c om o
resp uesta a varias olas d e m ig rac in, se em p rend i ltim am ente una serie d e inic iativas g ub ernam entales p ara
p rom oc ionar viviend as tnic as q ue, c on tod o, p arec e ser
d e m a s ia d o h o m o g n e a , ya q u e , a l p a re c e r, e x is te n
m uc hos m s g rup os d iferenc iad os p or su estilo d e vid a,
c on d istintos niveles d e ac ulturac in y varias form as d e
sinc retism o. Este inc rem ento d e nm ero d e g rup os p ued e
ser un fenm eno p rovisional, p ero su esc ala tem p oral
exig e al d iseo una resp uesta. En c ualq uier c aso, exis-
number of groups in developed countries, such as the United States.

According to one study, in the U.S.,
although there seemed to be no socio-economic or regional differences
in housing preferences,2 there were sex
and age differences. There has been
research on group characteristics relevant to other domains, which may be
reflected in environmental preferences. For example, in relation to elections, one political consultant uses 62
lifestyle clusters, whereas another
uses 120 ethnic categories. Also, new
fields (such as collaborative conflict
management in design and planning)
have developed largely in response to
the diversity of the U.S. population.
The presence of different groups, with
different values, social roles, etc., leads
to conflicts which need to be resolved.
For example, recent advertisements
for a bond-issue in Miami (bonds
being used in the U.S. to finance urban,
housing, school and other development) were tailored to appeal to
various groups (ethnic, voter, social
change movements, advocacy groups,
special interest groups, etc.)
In the 1970s, in the U.S., four lifestyle
groups were being used, which were
relevant for marketing and housing.
Since then the number has steadily
gone up and they are increasingly
used, available commercially as lifestyle profiles. One of these uses eight
groups, others 43 and 50 respectively.
These only include potential buyers of
new housing. Considering buyers of
existing houses, renters, residents of
mobile homes, the homeless, etc.,
more such groups are likely. Also, in
the United States multiple and overlapping groups memberships are typical, further increasing the number of
potential groups. The small size of
groups is also shown by studies that
ten sufic ientes razones p ara trazar una tend enc ia d e aum ento d e nm ero d e g rup os en p ases d esarrollad os,
c om o Estad os Unid os.
Seg n un existente estud io , en EE.UU., a p esa r d e la
ap arente ausenc ia d e d iferenc ias soc ioec onm ic as o reg ionales en las p referenc ias p or uno u otro tip o d e viviend a 2 , s existan d iferenc ias p or sexo o ed ad . Se han realizad o investig ac iones sob re las c arac terstic as d e g rup o
relevantes p ara otros d om inios, lo q ue p ued e ser reflejad o en las p referenc ias am b ientales. Por ejem p lo, en lo
referente a las elec c iones, un asesor p oltic o utiliza 62
g rup os p or el estilo d e vid a [lifestyle c lusters], m ientras
q ue otro em p lea 120 c ateg oras tnic as. Com o resp uesta
a la d iversid ad d e la p ob lac in norteam eric ana, se han
d esarrollad o tam b in otros c am p os (c om o m ed iac in en
los c onflic tos referentes al d iseo y p lanific ac in). La p resenc ia d e g rup os d iferentes, c on sus d iverg entes valores, roles soc iales, etc . c onlleva c onflic tos q ue han d e
ser resueltos. Por ejem p lo, la rec iente c am p aa p ub lic itaria d e una em isin d e b onos d e Estad o en M iam i (las
ob lig ac iones se utilizan en EE.UU. p ara financ iar el d esarrollo urb ano, viviend as soc iales, ed uc ac in, etc .) estab a
c onc eb id a p ara atraer a varios g rup os (tnic os, elec torales, m ovim ientos soc iales, ON G, g rup os d e inters esp ec ial, etc .).
En los aos setenta en, EE.UU., se utilizab an c uatro g rup os d eferenc iad os p or su estilo d e vid a, relevantes p ara
el m arketing y la p rom oc in d e viviend as. Desd e entonc es, esta c ifra no ha hec ho m s q ue inc rem entar y el
em p leo d e esta c lasific ac in tam b in ha aum entad o (b ajo
el nom b re c om erc ial d e p erfiles d e estilo d e vid a [lifestyle p rofiles]. Uno d e los p erfiles utiliza oc ho g rup os,
otros, 43 y 50 resp ec tivam ente. Solo inc luyen a los p otenc iales c om p rad ores d e viviend as nuevas. Disting uiend o
entre c om p rad ores d e c asas d e seg und a m ano, arrend ad ores, resid entes d e c asas m viles (roulottes), los
sin tec ho, etc ., es p osib le c rear m s g rup os d e este
tip o. Tam b in hay q ue tener en c uenta q ue p ara Estad os
147
show the presence of several distinct

groups in quite small urban areas.
Such groups are defined by geographics, demographics and psychographics
and are used to segment markets.
Not only is different housing required
for different groups, but also different
advertisements and sales techniques.
Difference among groups in the U.S.
also influence marketing more generally, and also the nature, design and
location of shops, including supermarkets, their location, the goods carried,
displays, etc. Recall that shops are
part of the system of settings that is
housing.
An additional phenomenon is increasing heterogeneity in Western Europe
and the United States. In the latter
there are many (hundreds?) of new
immigrant groups. The effects on physical environments are significant. For
example, many Chinese immigrants
have settled in California, and the traditional geomantic system of Feng
Shui is now widely used in the design
of housing and office and medical
buildings. This has also been found in
Canada and the United Kingdom.
Newspaper accounts as well as research illustrate major impacts of various immigrant groups on environmental design. 3 I will consider just
oneHispanics (or Latinos) which
is, of course, far too broad a category.
One newspaper story concerns an attempt to impose rent controls in Los
Angeles. It was expected that Hispanics
would support this attempt, since they
tend to be low income. However, in a
referendum, they overwhelmingly voted against. The reason apparently had
to do with kinship relations, the major
concern being the ability to retain the
possibility of extended family co-residence, which the proposed legislation
would have made more difficult. It is
148
Unid os son tp ic as las m ltip les p ertenenc ias a g rup os

q ue se solap an, inc rem entand o an m s el nm ero d e
g rup os p otenc iales. El red uc id o tam ao d e los g rup os
viene tam b in resp ald ad o p or los estud ios q ue d em uestran la p resenc ia d e varios g rup os d istintos en reas urb anas m uy p oc o extensas. Tales g rup os se d efinen p or
c arac terstic as g eog rfic as, d em og rfic as y p sic og rfic as
y se utilizan p ara seg m entar el m erc ad o. Para g rup os
d iferentes hac en falta no solam ente viviend as d iferentes,
sino c am p aas d e p ub lic id ad y tc nic as d e venta d istintas. Las d iferenc ias entre g rup os en los EE.UU. tam b in
ejerc en influenc ia m s g eneralizad a sob re el m arketing ,
al ig ual q ue sob re el c arc ter, el d iseo y la ub ic ac in d e
tiend as, inc luid os los sup erm erc ad os, su surtid o d e m erc anc as, sus esc ap arates, etc . Rec uerd en q ue las tiend as form an p arte d el sistem a d e lug ares q ue es la vivienda.
A estos fenm enos se les p ued e aad ir la c rec iente heterog eneid ad d e p ob lac in en Europ a Oc c id ental y Estad os Unid os. En EE.UU. hay num erosos g rup os nuevos
d e inm ig rantes (c ientos d e ellos?). Sus efec tos sob re los
entornos fsic os son sig nific antes. Por ejem p lo, m uc hos
inm ig rantes c hinos se han estab lec id o en California, y all
se ha extend id o el uso d el trad ic ional sistem a g eom ntic o
Feng Shui q ue est hoy en d a am p liam ente utilizad o en
el d iseo d e c asas, ed ific ios d e ofic inas u hosp itales. Lo
m ism o oc urre en Canad y el Reino Unid o. Las notic ias
d e p rensa y los estud ios c ientfic os m uestran c onsid erab les im p ac tos c ausad os p or varios g rup os d e inm ig rantes
en el d iseo d e entorno. 3 Analizar un solo g rup o el d e
los hisp anos (o latinos), una c ateg ora, p or c ierto,
d em asiad o am p lia.
En un d iario se p ub lic una inform ac in sob re el intento
d e introd uc ir el c ontrol d e ing resos en Los Ang eles. Se
esp erab a q ue los hisp anos no se op usieran a ese p lan,
ya q ue solan tener ing resos b ajos. Sin em b arg o, en un
refernd um ellos votaron en c ontra en su ap lastante m ayo ra . L a c a usa a p a re nte m e nte te na q ue ve r c o n la s
important to note that the definition

of family also varies among groups.
For example, it is defined much more
broadly in Mexico than the U.S. and
includes what in Anglo-American
(and, possibly other Western) societies,
would be considered rather distant kin.
(This is also the case in traditional
China).40 A related preference seems
to play a role in recent findings about
the non-use of child-car facilities by
this group. The reason given is a cultural preference for family-like care,
so that relatives are preferred. When
children are placed in daycare, a family-like model is preferred, in which one
person watches a number of children
in a house. These patterns are the result
of a cultural preference to keep children in a warm, family atmosphere,
based on personal relationships rather
than professionalism. There are links
here with family structure, social
networks, values, lifestyle and the like.
For the same group, and for similar
reasons, this leads to very different
preferences regarding the grouping of
houses, and on subdivision layout as
was found in Arizona in a study comparing Anglos and Hispanics (Fig.
41).
The two groups also preferred different
house styles. In other studies it was
found that there are clear differences
in the colors used, landscaping, fences
and decorations among Mexican
immigrants and Anglos. When clustering can occur at the neighborhood
level, a distinct cultural landscape (or
housescape) results communicating
identity. That will generally change
overtime with acculturation (Fig. 42).
There may also be highly culturespecific internal treatment of dwelling,
as was found for another Hispanic subgroup (Puerto Ricans in Boston).
relac iones d e p arentesc o: la m ayor p reoc up ac in c onsista en p od er m antener la p osib ilid ad d e c onvivenc ia d e
fam ilias m uy num erosas, q ue se hara m s d ific ultosa
c on la nueva leg islac in. Es im p ortante tener en c uenta
q ue la d efinic in d e fam ilia tam b in vara en d iferentes
g rup os. Por ejem p lo, es una c ateg ora m uc ho m s am p lia en M xic o q ue en EE.UU. e inc luye a p arientes q ue
e n la s so c ie d a d e s a ng lo a m e ric a na s (y, p o sib le m e nte ,
otras soc ied ad es oc c id entales) se c onsid eraran fam ilia
b astante lejana. El m ism o c aso se d a en China trad ic ional. 40 Una p referenc ia relac ionad a p od ra ser la c ausante
d el un hec ho rec in d esc ub ierto: p arec e q ue este g rup o
no utilic e las instituc iones d e c uid ad o d e nios (g uard eras
o jard ines d e infanc ia). La exp lic ac in ofrec id a es una
p referenc ia c ultural p or el c uid ad o fam iliar: se p refieren
a las p arientes. Para c uid ar a los nios fuera d el hog ar
d urante el d a tam b in se op ta p or un m od elo d e tip o
fam iliar: c uand o una p ersona vig ila a varios nios en una
c asa p artic ular. Estos p atrones son resultad o d e una p referenc ia c ultural p or una atm sfera c lid a y fam iliar p ara
los m s p eq ueos, b asad a m s en las relac iones p ersonales q ue en el p rofesionalism o. A q u se m antienen
vnc ulos c on una estruc tura, una red soc ial, unos valores
y un estilo d e vid a fam iliares.
Para el m ism o g rup o y p or m otivos sim ilares existen; sin
em b arg o, d iferenc ias m uy d isp ares en c uanto a la ag rup ac in d e viviend as y su d istrib uc in interior, c om o d esc ub rim os en Arizona en un estud io q ue c om p ara la p ob lac in ang losajona c on la hisp ana [fig . 41].
Los d os g rup os tam b in p referan estilos d e viviend a d istintas. En otros estud ios se d esc ub ri q ue se p od a trazar
unas c laras d iferenc ias en los c olores, el p aisajsm o, los
tip os d e vallas y la d ec orac in entre los inm ig rantes m ejic anos y los ang losajones. Cuand o se p rod uc e una ag rup ac in a nivel d e vec ind ario, un p aisaje c ultural (o p aisaje
d om stic o, housesc ap e ) d istinto ac ab a c om unic and o la
id entid ad . Esto g eneralm ente c am b ia c on el tiem p o en
el p roc eso d e ac ulturac in [fig . 42].
149
f ig u r a 4 1
preferencias por una u otra agrupacin de viviendas
1. anglosajones
mejicano-americanos
2. anglosajones
mejicano-americanos
3. anglosajones
mejicano-americanos
15%
30%
70%
30%
15%
40%
preferencias por uno u otro tipo de subdivisin

1. anglosajones
mejicano-americanos
2. anglosajones
mejicano-americanos
3. anglosajones
mejicano-americanos
5%
15%
65%
25%
30%
60%
Las preferencias diferenciadas por una u otra agrupacin de viviendas y esquemas de subdivisin en poblacin
anglosajona y mejicana/americana (reproducido de: L. Wheeler: Aspectos de comportamiento y aspectos
sociales del proyecto Santa Cruz Riverpark en Man-Environment Systems, vol. 7, 1977, pgs. 203-205).
150
f ig u r a 4 2
ausencia de carcter
o identidad claros
carcter o identidad claros
carcter y (nueva)
identidad claros
rea heterognea
rea homognea
(por ejemplo, inmigrantes)
rea homognea
tras aculturacin
Personalizacin en reas heterogneas y homogneas (basado en parte en A. Rapoport: El

significado del entorno construido, Tucson, University of Arizona Press, 1990, Fig. 21, pg. 138.)
People were found to spend much effort and resources to achieve a highly
culture-specific aesthetic complex to
communicate group identity. In that
case the dwellings were high-rise
apartments, and attempts were made,
as much as possible, to use space in a
manner resembling houses with patios in Puerto Rico, with the living
room playing the role of patio.5 In
another study, in one area of Arizona,
and in the same suburban houses,
space and room, especially bedroom,
use was quite different for Anglos, Hispanics and Navaho.6 As in the case of
external colors, decoration and landscaping among Mexican immigrants
Pued e existir tam b in un tratam iento c ulturalm ente esp ec fic o d el interior d e la viviend a, c om o ha sid o d esc ub ierto c on relac in a otro sub g rup o hisp ano (p uertorriq ueos resid entes en Boston). Se ob serv q ue las p ersonas d ed ic ab an m uc hos esfuerzos y rec ursos p ara alc anzar un c om p lejo esttic o, c arac terizad o p or un alto
g rad o d e esp ec ific id ad c ultural, d estinad o a c om unic ar
la id entid ad d e g rup o. En este c aso las viviend as eran
b loq ues d e ap artam entos d e varias p lantas, en los q ue
se trat d e utilizar el esp ac io p ara log rar, en la m ed id a d e
lo p osib le, un m xim o p arec id o c on las c asas c on p atio
interior tp ic as d e Puerto Ric o (el saln d esem p eab a el
p a p e l d e l p a tio ). 5 Se g n o tro e stu d io , e n u n re a d e
A rizo na , e n la s m ism a s c a sa s sub urb a na s, e l uso d e
151
space- and room-use patterns also

change with acculturation from Mexican to American. This can lead to
conflicts between immigrant parents
and U.S. born teenage offspring.
Even from this brief discussion of one
(excessively broad) group and housing, three things follow. The first is that
the nature of the dwelling, its size, what
is should include, spatial arrangements, style, landscaping, exterior color, exterior and interior dcor, etc.
can, and will, all vary. Second, at the
level of the house-group and at the
neighborhood level different spatial
arrangements will often be wanted.
This suggests that the clustering of like
people should be made possible, or
even encouraged. Third, it shows the
need for, and hence special provision,
of various culture-specific settings and
institutions. Continuing to use Hispanics as an example, specialized Puerto-Rican shops in New York (Bodegas) not only carry specialized goods
not obtainable elsewhere; they also
serve important latent functions as social and information centers (Other examples, some highly counter-intuitive, were discussed earlier). Also
among Puerto-Ricans in New York
brightly colored wooden shanties (casitas) in community vegetable gardens, become gathering places and
centers of community life, music and
crafts where children learn traditional
dances and music; they become institutions. In this case, however, as in
others, this may lead to conflicts. Casitas are evaluated negatively by other
New Yorkers and they also violate building codes, ownership laws, etc.7 These
three points also clearly show the need
to define housing in terms of wants
and choices, activities and settings
and to consider the larger system of
settings (as discussed earlier).
152
esp ac io y d e las estanc ias, sob re tod o d el d orm itorio, era

c om p letam ente d iferente entre los ang losajones, hisp anos e ind ios navajo . 6 Com o en el c aso d e los c olores d el
ac ab ad o exterior, la d ec orac in y el p aisajism o ac ep tab les p ara los inm ig rantes m ejic anos, los p atrones d el uso
d e esp ac io y d e las hab itac iones, sob re tod o d el d orm itorio, tam b in c am b ian en el p roc eso d e ac ulturac in, al
c onvertirse m ejic anos en am eric anos. Este p roc eso
p ued e g enerar c onflic tos entre los p ad res inm ig rantes y
los hijos ad olesc entes nac id os en los EE.UU.
Inc luso este b reve anlisis d e un g rup o (exc esivam ente
a m p lio ) en rela c i n c o n la viviend a no s p erm ite sa c a r
tres c onc lusiones. La p rim era c onc lusin: el c arc ter d e
la viviend a, sus d im ensiones, su c om p osic in, su org aniza c i n e sp a c ia l, su e stilo , e l p a isa jism o , e l c o lo r d e l
a c a b a d o exterio r, la d ec o ra c i n exterio r e interio r, etc .
p ued en variar y lo hac en. La seg und a c onc lusin: a nivel
d e c a sa - g rup o y a nive l d e ve c ind a rio se re q uie re n a
m enud o d iferentes tip os d e org anizac in esp ac ial. Ello
sup one q ue hay q ue fac ilitar o inc luso favorec er las ag rup ac iones d e p ersonas d el m ism o g rup o. La terc era c onc lusin m uestra la nec esid ad d e c rear (y p roveer d el esp ac io req uerid o) varios lug ares e instituc iones c ulturalm ente esp ec fic os. Volviend o a utilizar al g rup o d e hisp anos c om o ejem p lo, c om entarem os q ue las tiend as
e sp e c ia liza d a s d e lo s p ue rto rriq ue o s e n N ue va Yo rk
(b od eg as) no solo sum inistran m erc anc as esp ec iales
d ifc iles d e c onseg uir en otros c om erc ios, sino q ue tam b in d esem p ean una im p ortante func in latente c om o
c entros soc iales y d e inform ac in (ya he c om entad o otros
e je m p lo s, a lg uno s d e e llo s a lta m e nte c o ntra intuitivo s).
Entre lo s m ism o s p ue rto rriq ue o s d e N ue va Yo rk , la s
c oloread as c ab aas (c asitas) en las huertas c om unitarias d esem p ean el p ap el d e c entros d e reunin y vid a
soc ial, d e m sic a y artesana d e la c om unid ad , d ond e
los nios ap rend en b ailes y c anc iones trad ic ionales. En
sum a, estas c asetas se c onvierten en verd ad eras instituc iones. N o ob stante, en este c aso, c om o en m uc hos
o tro s, se o rig ina n a lg uno s c o nflic to s. La s c a sita s se
The discussion in this chapter means

that usually one can expect to find
many, and often highly diverse groups,
although they need to be discovered
and identified. This can make design
difficult, especially at the neighborhood scale. Open-ended design can
help (to be discussed briefly later). It
can also be made easier if homogeneous neighborhoods are allowed or encouraged but, for example in the U.S.
(unlike Canada) it is illegal. Thus, for
example, a group of Hmong immigrants in Wisconsin proposed the development of a homogeneous community (near Green Bay). This was
rejected on constitutional grounds and
there have been major difficulties with
attempts to develop Orthodox Jewish
communities near New York City. It
should be emphasized that historically
and cross-culturally homogeneity can
be based on many different criteria
race, religion, caste, occupation, language, kinship, ideology, place of origin and others (if, as we shall see later,
they affect lifestyle). Immigrants in
both developed and developing countries often try to cluster, using various
criteria, in order to develop supportive
environments. In all these cases we
are dealing with perceived (emic) not
imposed (etic) homogeneity. Also, as
various populations move, and begin
to acculturate, many and often complex forms of syncretism follow. These
lead to new lifestyles, activities, settings, etc. This suggests that design
needs to be adaptable and, in the postscript I will briefly discuss the need for
open-ended design as one effect on
design of considering culture.
Another, potentially interesting and
useful approach, which has not yet
been tried, or even investigated, is to
apply the idea of constancy and
universals (discussed in Chapter 5 (see
Figs. 40 and 41)). It might be possible
evalan neg ativam ente p or los d em s neoyorq uinos, infring e n no rm a s d e p ro p ie d a d y d e c o nstruc c i n, e tc . 7

Estos tres p untos tam b in m uestran c on c larid ad la nec esid ad d e d efinir la viviend a en trm inos d e d eseos y
elec c iones, ac tivid ad es y lug ares, c onsid erand o unos siste m a s d e lug a re s m s a m p lio s (c o m o ya he m o s c o m e nta d o ).
El d isc urso d e este c ap tulo viene a ind ic ar q ue hab itualm ente uno p ued e esp erar enc ontrar m uc hos y a m enud o m uy d iversos g rup os, aunq ue hayan d e ser d esc ub ierto s e id entific a d o s. Esto p ued e d ific ulta r el d iseo ,
esp ec ialm ente a nivel d e b arrio (vec ind ario). Lo q ue p ued e ayud ar es el d iseo ab ierto [op en- end ed d esig n] (q ue
c om entarem os b revem ente m s ad elante). Para fac ilitarlo m s, se d eb eran favorec er unos vec ind arios hom og neos, q ue en ac tualid ad son ileg ales en EE.UU. (a
d iferenc ia d e Ca na d ). A s, p o r ejem p lo , un g rup o d e
inm ig rantes d e etnia Hm ong en W isc onsin p rop uso una
c reac in d e una c om unid ad hom og nea (c erc a d e Green
Bay). La inic iativa fue rec hazad a c om o antic onstituc ional. Hub o tam b in g rand es d ific ultad es al intentar fund ar
unas c om unid ad es d e jud os ortod oxos en los aled aos
d e N ueva York. Hay q ue sub rayar q ue histric am ente e
interc ulturalm ente la hom og eneid ad p ued e b asarse en
m uc hos c riterios d iferentes los d e raza, relig in, c asta,
p rofesin, leng uaje, p arentesc o, id eolog a, lug ar d e orig en y otros (aunq ue tod os, c om o verem os m s tard e,
influyen en el estilo d e vid a). Los inm ig rantes, tanto en
p ases d esarrollad os c om o en los en vas d e d esarrollo,
tratan d e ap iarse, utilizand o varios c riterios, p ara d esarrollar entornos c ap ac es d e p restar ap oyo. En tod os estos
c asos estam os hab land o d e una hom og eneid ad p erc ib id a (m ic a) y no d e una im p uesta (tic a). Tam b in, d ad o
q ue las p ob lac iones se m ueven y em p iezan el p roc eso
d e ac ulturac in, surg en m uc has form as d e sinc retism o
c ultural, alg unas d e ellas m uy c om p lejas. Ellas c ond uc en, a su vez, a nuevos estilos d e vid a, nuevas ac tivid ad es, nuevos lug ares. etc . Tod o ello hac e sup oner q ue el
d iseo ha d e ser ad ap tab le. En la Posd ata c om entar
153
to determine:
(i)
(ii)
(iii)
What is common
What is different, but
is an expression of
what is common.
What is truly different.
Also, as already mentioned, rates of

change could also be investigated, and
can become immediately useful in
design, as is most clearly shown in the
case of developing countries.
b revem ente la nec esid ad d e un d iseo ab ierto, lo q ue se

hac e evid ente al c onsid erar la c ultura en el c ontexto d el
d iseo.
Otro p lanteam iento p otenc ialm ente interesante y til, y
q ue tod ava no ha sid o em p lead o y ni siq uiera estud iad o,
es el d e ap lic ar la id ea d e la c onstanc ia y d e los p rinc ip ios
universales analizad a en el Cap tulo 5 [ver fig . 40 y 41].
Esta id ea nos p erm itira a d eterm inar lo sig uiente:
(i)
(ii)
(iii)
Qu es c om n
Qu es d iferente, p ero es una exp resin d e lo
com n
Qu es realm ente d iferente
Se p od ran estud iar tam b in los ya m enc ionad os ritm os

d e c a m b io , lo q ue p ued e ser m uy til p a ra el d iseo ,
c om o se ob serva c on c larid ad en los p ases en vas d e
d esarrollo.
1. All the figures given in this chapter are based on

published information. Citing those sources would require too many footnotes. Most of these references
can be found in Rapoport, A. (2000): Theory, culture
and housing, Housing, Theory and Society, vol. 17,
No. 4, p. 145-165.
1. Tod os los nm eros q ue ilustran este c ap tulo p rovienen d e las fuentes

p b lic as. Citarlas tod as req uerira d em asiad as notas d e referenc ia. La m ayor
p arte d e esas fuentes est rec og id a en RAPOPORT, A. (2000): Theory, c ulture
and housing (Teora, c ultura y viviend a) en Housing , Theory and Soc iety
(Viviend a, teora y soc ied ad ), vol. 17, n. 4, p g s. 145- 165.
2. Other studies do seem to show regional and socioeconomic differences. Again, research is needed.
2 . O t r o s e s t u d io s s p a r e c e n m o s t r a r d if e r e n c ia s r e g io n a le s y
soc ioec onm ic as. Una vez m s, top am os c on la nec esid ad d e nuevas investig ac iones.
3. It is important to emphasize the usefulness of analyzing newspapers, magazines, advertising, films, TV,
novels, popular music and the like, in EBS research
generally and regarding culture specifically.
3. Es im p ortante sub rayar la utilid ad d e analizar d iarios, revistas, p ub lic id ad ,

p elc ulas, p rog ram as d e TV, novelas, m sic a p op ular, etc . en las investig ac iones d e los EBS en g eneral y ac erc a d e la c ultura en p artic ular.
154
4. The inability to cluster in such a way was also a

problem in London in the 1950s among a working
class population in the East End.
5. Studies in South Korea have shown a similar phenomenonliving rooms in apartments are used in
ways resembling the use of courtyards in traditional
Korean houses.
6. In research among the Tswana in Africa Graeme
Hardie and I found a similar culture-specific use of
bedrooms. Major differences regarding kitchens, bathrooms and dining rooms have also been documented
in Kenya. The very different use of space and rooms,
and different norms of crowding have proved to present major problems with house designs for Australian
Aborigines, which ignore cultural specifics.
7. For references on all these topics, see Rapoport,
A. (2000) Theory, culture and housing, Housing,
Theory and Society, vol. 17, No. 4, 145-165.
4 . La inc a p a c id a d d e a g rup a rse d e esta m a nera ta m b in c o nstitua un

p rob lem a p ara la c lase trab ajad ora d el East End d e Lond res en los aos
c inc uenta.
5. Estud ios llevad os a c ab o en Corea d el Sur han revelad o un fenm eno
sim ilar: los salones en los ap artam entos se utilizab an d e form a sim ilar a la d e
los p atios interiores en c asas c oreanas trad ic ionales.
6. En una investig ac in realizad a entre los Tsw ana, en fric a, Graem e Hard ie
y yo d esc ub rim os un sim ilar em p leo c ulturalm ente esp ec fic o d el d orm itorio.
Unas c onsid erab les d iferenc ias en el uso d e c oc inas, c uartos d e b ao y
c om ed ores han sid o tam b in d oc um entad os en Kenia. El uso m uy d istinto d e
esp ac io y estanc ias, al ig ual q ue las d iferentes norm as ac erc a d e hac inam iento, han d em ostrad o p resentar m ayores p rob lem as c on los d iseos d e
c asas p ara los ab org enes australianos q uienes ig norab an su esp ec ific id ad
c ultural.
7. Las referenc ias ac erc a d e tod os estos tem as p ued en verse en.
RAPOPORT, A. (2000): Theory, c ulture and housing ( Teora, c ultura y
viviend a ), en Housing , Theory and Soc iety (Viviend a, teora y soc ied ad ), vol.
17, n.4, p g s. 145- 165.
155
V II
H a c ie n d o u t iliz a b le
la c u lt u r a
M a k in g C u lt u r e U s a b le
157
Ha c ie nd o utiliza b le la c ultura
Given the fact that most of the literature on culture-environment relations

deals with, and emphasizes, the importance of culture and that, as we have
seen, there has been a general acceptance in many field of the importance
of culture, one can ask why it has been
so little used. As already pointed out,
everyone talks about it but no one
seems to do anything about it. In this
chapter some possible reasons for this
state of affairs are given, and some
suggestions made about how one
might do something about ithow one
might begin to use culture in research, analysis, programming, design
and post occupancy evaluation.
The main reason, I suggest, why it has
seemed impossible to establish relationships between culture and environment (in this discussion mainly housing) is due to the very high level of generality and abstraction of the term
culture. As already suggested, for
other concepts like these (e.g.environment, activities, vernacular,
tradition, environmental quality,
etc., it is essential to dismantle them.1
This is critical in the case of culture
which is an ideational term, a concept,
a definition which, as we have already
seen, has referred, since it was coined
in 1871, to all (or most) things that
people believe, think, do or create. As
a result, culture is not a thingno
one will ever see culture, but only its
outcomes and, possibly, its constituent
parts.
As it stands, therefore, I would suggest
the concept of culture is not very useful, either in EBS or designin fact, it
is essentially useless. There are two
reasons for this.
The first reason concerns the nature
of statements about the relation between culture and environment. These
D a d o e l he c ho d e q ue la m a yo r p a rte d e la lite ra tura

existente sob re las relac iones entre la c ultura y el entorno
ha b la d e la im p o rta nc ia d e la c ultura y q ue, c o m o ya
hem os visto, en m uc hos c am p os existe ya una ac ep tac in g eneral d e esta im p ortanc ia, uno p od ra p reg untarse p or q u la c ultura se ha utilizad o tan p oc o. Com o ya
hem os ind ic ad o, tod o el m und o hab la d e ella p ero nad ie
p arec e hac er nad a al resp ec to. En este c ap tulo se p resentan alg unas p osib les c ausas d e esta situac in y se
p rop onen alg unas soluc iones p ara em p ezar a utilizar la
c ultura en la investig ac in c ientfic a, el anlisis, la p lanific ac in, el d iseo y la evaluac in p osterior a la oc up ac in d el lug ar.
Creo q ue la c ausa p rinc ip al d e la sup uesta im p osib ilid ad
d e estab lec er relac iones entre la c ultura y el entorno (en
este c ontexto se trata p rinc ip alm ente d e la viviend a) p od ra ser el g rad o d em asiad o alto d e g eneralid ad y ab strac c in d el m ism o trm ino c ultura. Com o ya hem os
sug erid o, p ara otros c onc ep tos d e este tip o (p or ejem p lo , ento rno , a c tivid a d es, verna c ula r, tra d ic i n,
c alid ad d el entorno, etc .), lo esenc ial es d isg reg arlos. 1
Es d e im p ortanc ia c rtic a en el c aso d e la c ultura un
trm ino id ead o, un c onc ep to, una d efinic in q ue, c om o
ya hem os visto, se ac u en 1871 y se refiere a tod as (o
la m ayora) d e las c osas q ue c reen, p iensan, hac en o
c rean los hom b res. Com o resultad o, la c ultura no es
una c osa nad ie p ued e ver la c ultura en s, sino sus
frutos y, p osib lem ente, sus p artes c onstituyentes.
A la vista d e tod o ello, yo afirm ara q ue el c onc ep to d e
c ultura no sea esp ec ia lm ente til, ni p a ra lo s estud io s
EBS (estud ios d e las relac iones entre el c om p ortam iento
hum ano y el entorno), ni p ara el d iseo en realid ad , es
esenc ialm ente intil. Para ello existen d os razones.
La p rim era razn tiene q ue ver c on la naturaleza d e las
afirm ac iones ac erc a d e la relac in entre la c ultura y el
entorno. Estas afirm ac iones tiend en a asum ir im p lc itam ente q ue la c ultura y el entorno c onstruid o sean unid aA R Q U I TE C TO N I C S
159
statements tend to assume implicitly

that culture and built environments
are equivalent units. That is not the
case. Culture is a vast domain, built
form, however broadly defined it is in
any one case, a small part of the whole
culture and also a subset of it. The
latter is, as it were, embedded in the
former. As a result, the nature of the
relationships between culture and
environment, and the nature of any
translation process of one into the
other, becomes difficult to grasp.
Without resolving either the nature of
the relationship or the nature of the
translation process at this level, it is
essential that this difficulty be borne
in mind.
The second, and possibly more important (because it can be addressed) reason why culture as such is not useful
in either research or design, is that it
is impossible to use, either to try to
understand how environments arise
and are used, or to design environments. To be asked to design for culture is, I would suggest, an impossible
task. To be asked to design an environment for a specific culture (say group
A), is still impossible, as is the task of
designing a more specific environment, say housing, for group A. The
reason is that, as discussed in Chapter
5, culture is a definitional concept,
a label, as it were, for a vast range of
human phenomena. As a result, it is
both too abstract and too general (or
global) to be useful. As already suggested, it is often extremely helpful to
clarify excessively broad and abstract
concepts by dismantling them, and
studying the components and expressions and the ways in which they interrelate with each other and, more important, with other variablesin this
case components of built environments.2 This, in effect, makes the concept operational and, as I will show
160
d es eq uivalentes. N o es el c aso. La c ultura es un d om inio m uy am p lio, d el q ue la form a c onstruid a, p or m uy

am p liam ente d efinid a q ue est, no rep resenta m s q ue
una p eq uea p arte sub ord inad a. Est, p ara d ec irlo d e
alg una form a, inc rustad a en la c ultura. Com o resultad o, la naturaleza d e las relac iones entre la c ultura y el
entorno y la naturaleza d e c ualq uier p roc eso d e translac in entre la una y el otro resultan d ifc iles d e c ap tar. Sin
p retend er resolver la naturaleza d e la relac in o la d el
p roc eso d e traslac in a este nivel, es esenc ial tener en
m ente esta d ific ultad .
La seg und a razn (y, p osib lem ente, la m s im p ortante,
ya q ue p ued e ser p erfec tam ente id entific ad a) p or la q ue
la c ultura c om o tal no c onsig a ser til p ara la investig ac in o el d iseo c onsiste en q ue es im p osib le utilizarla,
sea p ara intentar c om p rend er c m o se c rean y se utilizan los entornos, sea p ara d isearlos. Disear p ara la
c ultura, d ira yo, es una tarea im p osib le. Ig ualm ente im p osib le sera d isear un entorno p ara una c ultura c onc reta (d ig am os, g rup o A) o la tarea d e d isear un lug ar
m s esp ec fic o (p or ejem p lo, una viviend a) p ara el g rup o
A. Es as p orq ue, c om o hem os c om entad o en el Cap tulo 5, la c ultura es un c onc ep to d efinic ional, una etiq ueta q ue sirve p ara un am p lio ab anic o d e fenm enos
hum anos. De ah q ue sea al m ism o tiem p o d em asiad o
ab strac ta y d em asiad o g eneral (o g lob al) c om o p ara ser
til. Seg n hem os sug erid o, p ued e ser extrem ad am ente til el c larific ar los c onc ep tos exc esivam ente am p lios y
ab strac tos, d isg reg nd olos y estud iand o sus c om p onentes y exp resiones, sus form as d e relac ionarse tanto entre ellos c om o (lo q ue es m s im p ortante) c on otras varia b le s e n e ste c a so , lo s c o m p o n e n te s d e l e n to rn o
c onstruid o. 2 Es lo q ue realm ente hac e op erativo el c onc ep to y, c om o d em ostrar m s ad elante, ap ela a la naturaleza d el p roc eso d e translac in entre la c ultura y el
entorno en realid ad , nos fac ilita m uc ho las c osas.
Dura nte va rio s a o s he esta d o d esa rro lla nd o g ra d ua lm ente d os m od os alternativos d e resp ond er a estos p ro-
later, addresses the nature of the translation process between culture and
environmentin fact, it becomes relatively easy.
Over quite a few years I have gradually
developed two complementary ways
of responding to these twin problems
of excessive abstractness and excessive
generality.
b lem as em p arejad os d e la exc esiva ab strac c in y exc esiva g eneralid ad d e la c ultura.

El p rim ero y m s rec iente d e ellos ap ela al p unto d e vista
seg n el c ual la c ultura es d em asiad o ab strac ta [fig . 43].
The first, and more recent of these,

addresses the view that culture is too
abstract (Fig. 43).
f ig u r a 4 3
expresiones sociales ms concretas

y potencialmente observables
abstraccin excesiva
cultura
parentesco
estructura familiar
roles
redes sociales
status
Disgregacin de la cultura en respuesta al
problema de abstraccin excesiva (basado en A.
Rapoport: Utilizando la cultura en el diseo
residencial, en Housing and Society, vol. 25, n. 1
& 2, 1998, Fig. 4, pg. 8)
identidad
instituciones
etc.
161
It begins with the frequently found

reference to socio-cultural variables,
which, I for example, used in House
Form and Culture. It takes the position
that social and cultural are distinct
and separable. Cultural is an ideational concept, it is the blueprint for
the social variables, which are the
more concrete manifestations and outcomes of culture. Important among
these are the actual, potentially observable social expressions of culture,
such as family and kinship structure,
social networks, roles, statuses, social
institutions, and the like. Not only are
these potentially observable, they have
all been much studied, accepted methods for studying them exist, and there
is a significant research literature on
them in a number of disciplines, such
as anthropology, sociology social psychology, etc. These can, therefore, feasibly be related to built environments,
as we will see later, whereas culture
cannot.
It needs to be reiterated that culture
is a theoretical construct. It exists by
definition and is a conceptual summary
shorthand, and proposed explanation,
for particular conjunctions of a great
variety of human phenomena. As already suggested, no one has ever seen
or will ever see, or observe, culture,
only its effects, expressions or products.
One is thus making inferences about
an unobservable entity based on observables. This is common (in fact, the
norm) in science, and presents no insurmountable problems if the nature
of this entity is made explicit and is
borne in mind.
To address the second problem, the
excessive breadth or global nature of
culture, I use another form of dismantling the concept. This I have used,
advocated and gradually developed
since the 1970s. This also begins with
162
Em p ezarem os p or la frec uente referenc ia a las variab les

soc ioc ulturales, las q ue utilic , p or ejem p lo, en m i lib ro
Ho use Fo rm a nd C ulture [Fo rm a s d e c a sa y c ultura ] .
Partim os d e la sup osic in d e q ue lo soc ial y lo c ultural son c ateg oras d istintas y sep arad as. Lo c ultural es
un c onc ep to id ead o, un p atrn p ara las variab les soc iales q ue son una m anifestac in m s c onc reta y el fruto
d e la c ultura. Entre ellas son esp ec ialm ente im p ortantes
las exp resiones soc iales ac tuales d e la c ultura, c om o la
fam ilia y la estruc tura fam iliar (el p arentesc o), las red es
soc iales, los roles, el status, las instituc iones soc iales y
sim ilares. N o solo son p otenc ialm ente ob servab les, sino
q ue han sid o am p liam ente estud iad as, p or lo q ue existen m tod os g eneralm ente ac ep tad os p ara estud iarlas,
al ig ual q ue una vasta literatura ac erc a d e ellas en varios
c am p os, c om o antrop olog a, soc iolog a, p sic olog a soc ial, etc . Entonc es, s q ue p ued en ser fc ilm ente relac iona d a s c o n el ento rno c o nstruid o , c o m o verem o s m s
tard e, m ientras q ue la c ultura no p ued e serlo.
Hay q ue reiterar q ue la c ultura es un invento c onc ep tual teric o. Existe p or d efinic in y no es otra c osa q ue
un resum en taq uig rfic o c onc ep tual y una exp lic ac in
p rop uesta c on el fin d e realizar c onjunc iones p artic ulares
d e una g ran varied ad d e fenm enos hum anos. Com o
ya hem os sug erid o, nad ie ha visto, ni nunc a ver u ob servar la c ultura, sino nic am ente sus efec tos, exp resiones o p rod uc tos. De este m od o, uno hac e inferenc ias
ac erc a d e una entid ad inob servab le, b asnd ose en sus
m anifestac iones ob servab les. Es b astante c om n (en realid ad , una norm a) d entro d e la c ienc ia y no p resenta ning n p rob lem a insup erab le, siem p re q ue la naturaleza d e
esta entid ad se hag a exp lc ita y se teng a en m ente.
Para ab ord ar el seg und o p rob lem a (la exc esiva am p litud
o la naturaleza g lob al d e la c ultura), yo utilizo otra form a d e d isg reg ac in d el c onc ep to. Lo he em p lead o, d efend id o y g rad ualm ente d esarrollad o d esd e 1970. Aq u
tam b in em p ezam os p or ob servar q ue a este nivel d e
g eneralid ad no se p ued e vinc ular la c ultura c on el entor-
the observation that it is not possible

to link culture and environment at this
level of generality. As already discussed, to be asked to analyze the relation
between culture and environment, or
to design for culture, is to be given
an impossible task. As also pointed
out earlier, greater specificity, whether
with regard to the environment (e.g.
housing) or culture (group A) does
not help. The proposed dismantling is
based on the idea that particular parts
or components of the environment (recall that environment is also to be
dismantled) are congruent with or
supportive of particular lower-level
components of culture. That depends
on having some understanding of the
mechanisms involved (which were
discussed earlier). While the first dismantling, to social variables (see Fig.
43) is extremely useful, it is also most
helpful to derive a sequence of increasingly specific components, or expressions of culturesuch as world views,
values, images, norms, lifestyles, and
activity systems (Fig. 44).
no. Com o ya hem os c om entad o, analizar la relac in entre

la c ultura y el entorno o d isear p ara la c ultura sera
u n a ta re a im p o sib le . C o m o ta m b i n h e m o s in d ic a d o
antes, un m ayor g rad o d e esp ec ific id ad (tanto en lo referente al entorno p or ejem p lo, la viviend a, c om o a la
c ultura [g rup o A]) tam p oc o ayud a. La d isg reg ac in p rop uesta se b asa en una id ea d e q ue las p artes y los c om p onentes c onc retos d el entorno (rec uerd en q ue el c onc ep to entorno tam b in ha d e ser d isg reg ad o) son c ong rue nte s c o n uno s c o nc re to s c o m p o ne nte s p rim a rio s
[low er- level] d e la c ultura o favorec en estos c om p onentes. Esto d ep end e d e una m nim a c om p rensin d e
los m ec anism os im p lic ad os (ya c om entad os). M ientras
q ue la p rim era d isg reg ac in (la d e las variab les soc iales,
ver fig . 43) es extrem ad am ente til, tam b in ayud a m uc ho el ela b o ra r una lista (sec uenc ia ) d e c o m p o nentes
c ad a vez m s esp ec fic os o exp resiones d e la c ultura
c onc ep c iones d el m und o, valores, im g enes, norm as,
estilos d e vid a y sistem as d e ac tivid ad [fig . 44].
f ig u r a 4 4
excesiva amplitud o generalizacin

ideas
imgenes
esquemas
significados
etc.
expresiones cada vez ms especficas
cultura
visin del mundo
normas
estndares
reglas
expectativas
etc.
valores
estilo de vida
Disgregando la cultura en respuesta al problema de excesiva

amplitud y generalizacin (basado en A. Rapoport: Utilizando la
cultura en el diseo residencial, en Housing and Society, vol. 25,
n. 1 & 2, 1998, Fig. 5, pg. 9)
sistemas de
actividad
163
Worldviews, the way members of a particular culture (group) see the world,
have some utility and there is, in fact,
a literature on worldviews. The concept
is, however, still rather abstract and
not easy to use. One aspect of world
views is values. These are more specific
and more useful. The study of preference and choice, discussed earlier is
explicitly based on values. One examle
are studies concerning trade-offs,
which limited resources make necessary in housing choice, and which
housing games study. Much of microeconomics is also based on values,
and housing and neighborhood choice can be studied in that way; the
usefulness of studying advertising is
also an aspect of this values are often
expressed through ideals, images,
schemata, meanings and the like.
These, in turn, lead to certain norms,
standards, expectations, rules, etc.
These play an important role in the
evaluation of environments (see Fig.
19). They, as well as values, lead to
lifestyles.
The concept of lifestyle has proved particularly useful, and I will discuss it in
more detail later. It has proved useful
for the study of a great variety of environment-behavior interactions, for
the design of environments and for
marketing. Lifestyle itself has been defined in many different ways. As in my
discussion of culture, these different
definitions have been reviewed and an
operational definition proposed in
1970 by Michelson and Reed (in an
unpublished report). This proposes
that lifestyle be seen as the outcome of
choices about how to allocate resources, not only economic but time, effort,
involvement, etc. This I have found
most useful (especially since it is related to choice) have used it, refined and
developed it, and have suggested how
it can be represented graphically in
164
La visin d el m und o [w orld view s] o la form a d e ver el

m und o p or m iem b ros d e una c ultura (o un g rup o) p artic ular tiene c ierta utilid ad (existe, d e hec ho, una extensa
literatura sob re las c onc ep c iones d el m und o). Sin em b arg o, el c onc ep to p erm anec e b astante ab strac to y no
es f c il d e usa r. Uno d e lo s a sp ec to s d e la visi n d el
m und o son los valores. Son m s esp ec fic os y tam b in
m s tiles. El estud io d e p referenc ias y elec c iones, analizad o anteriorm ente, est exp lc itam ente b asad o en los
valores. Para d ar un ejem p lo, p ued o c itar los estud ios
sob re las c onc esiones o c am b ios d e p referenc ias [trad eoffs] q ue se hac en nec esarias al eleg ir una viviend a d isp o niend o d e rec urso s lim ita d o s. Una g ra n p a rte d e la
m a c ro e c o no m a e st ta m b i n b a sa d a e n lo s va lo re s.
Por lo tanto, hay q ue estud iar la viviend a y la elec c in d el
b arrio (zona) b ajo este enfoq ue, siend o ig ualm ente til el
estud io d e la p ub lic id ad c om o otro asp ec to d el m ism o
fe n m e n o .
Los valores se exp resan frec uentem ente a travs d e los
id eales, las im g enes, los esq uem as, los sig nific ad os y
sim ilares. Ellos, a su vez, c ond uc en a c iertas norm as,
estnd ares, exp ec tac iones, reg las, etc . q ue jueg an un
im p ortante p ap el en la evaluac in d e entornos [ver fig .
19] y, al ig ual q ue los valores, d eterm inan los estilos d e
vid a. El c onc ep to d e estilo d e vid a ha d em ostrad o ser
esp ec ialm ente til, y lo voy a c om entar en d etalle m s
a d e la nte . Re sult se r m uy til p a ra e stud ia r una g ra n
varied ad d e interac c iones entre el entorno y la c ond uc ta
hum ana, p ara el d iseo d e entornos y p ara el m arketing .
El estilo d e vid a en s ha sid o d efinid o d e m uc has m aneras d iferentes. Al ig ual q ue en m i anlisis d el trm ino c ultura, estas d efinic iones d iferentes han sid o resum id as, y
en 1 9 7 0 M ic helso n y Reed p ro p usiero n una d efinic i n
op erativa (en un inform e no p ub lic ad o). Esta d efinic in
sug iere ver el estilo d e vid a c o m o fruto d e elec c io nes
ac erc a d e la form a d e d istrib uc in d e rec ursos, y no solo
ec onm ic os, sino tam b in los rec ursos c om o el tiem p o,
el esfuerzo, la p artic ip ac in, etc . Yo c onsid er extrem ad am ente til esta d efinic in (esp ec ialm ente p orq ue est
the form of profiles and then related

to environmental quality profiles (I
will discuss that later).
Lifestyle, in turn, leads to activity and
activity systems. These are the most
concrete expression of culture, and architects and planners are relatively familiar with using activity analysis.
However, it is essential that the latent
aspects of activities (meaning) be included (see Fig. 14). Recall that this
means that the distinction still made
between function and meaning is
misconceived, so that meaning is not
only an important aspect of function
(and activities) but often the most
important function. 3 This is because
specifics of activity systems lead to the
specific attributes of settings and environments, explaining reasons for
their diversity, and as a result the
relation between culture and environment. Together, lifestyle and activity
systems are extremely useful in analyzing and designing environments.
These two approaches to dismantling
culture (Figs 43 and 44) can usefully
be combined into a single diagram
(Fig. 45).
In it, the width of arrows suggests the
relative feasibility and ease of using
the various components and expressions of culture for both analyzing and
designing environments. Recall that
the links between components of culture and environment are through the
various mechanisms discussed earlier.
The goal is congruence and supportiveness between users and systems of
settings. In fact, the most useful approach is to begin with the variables in
the above diagrams, rather than with
specific groups, because it is relatively
easy to link those to environments (as
I will show later). It is also the case
that these variables themselves help
relac ionad a c on la elec c in), la refin y d esarroll, y lueg o p rop use su rep resentac in g rfic a en form a d e p erfiles y su p osterior vinc ulac in a los p erfiles d e c alid ad d el
entorno (lo c om entar m s ad elante).
El estilo d e vid a, a su vez, c ond uc e a la ac tivid ad y los
sistem as d e ac tivid ad . Son una exp resin m s c onc reta
d e la c ultura, y los arq uitec tos y urb anistas estn relativam ente b ien fam iliarizad os c on el uso d el anlisis d e la
ac tivid ad . Sin em b arg o, es esenc ial inc luir tam b in los
asp ec tos latentes d e las ac tivid ad es (la sig nific ac in) [ver
fig . 1 4 ]. Rec uerd en q ue eso sig nific a q ue la d istinc i n
q ue an se hac e entre la func in y la sig nific ac in
est m al interp retad a: la sig nific ac in no solam ente es
un asp ec to relevante d e la func in (y d e las ac tivid ad es),
sino q ue es a m enud o la func in m s im p ortante. 3 Es
as p orq ue los sistem as d e ac tivid ad esp ec fic os c ond uc e a los atrib utos esp ec fic os d e lug ares y entornos, exp lic and o las c ausas d e su d iversid ad y la resultante relac in entre la c ultura y el entorno. Juntos, los estilos d e
vid a y lo s sistem a s d e a c tivid a d so n extrem a d a m ente
tiles a la hora d e analizar y d isear entornos.
Estas d os ap roxim ac iones a la d isg reg ac in d el c onc ep to c ultura [fig . 43 y 44] p ued en ser tilm ente c om b inad as en un solo d iag ram a [fig . 45].
En este d iag ram a el anc ho d e las flec has ind ic a la p osib ilid ad y la fac ilid ad d e utilizar varios c om p onentes y exp resiones d e la c ultura p ara analizar y d isear entornos.
Rec uerd en q ue los vnc ulos entre los c om p onentes d e la
c ultura y el entorno se realizan a travs d e varios m ec anism os q ue ya hem os c om entad o. El ob jetivo es la c ong ruenc ia y el m utuo ap oyo entre los usuarios y los sistem as d e lug ares. En realid ad , el p lanteam iento m s til
e s e l d e e m p e za r p o r la s va ria b le s re c o g id o s e n lo s
d iag ram as anteriores, m s q ue p or unos g rup os esp ec fic o s , ya q u e e s re la tiva m e n te f c il vin c u la rla s a lo s
entornos (c om o d em ostrar m s tard e). Tam b in se d a
e l c a so d e q ue e sta s va ria b le s e n s a yud a n a d e finir
165
to define groups.
g rup os.
Lifestyle groups are especially useful

for several reasons. First, while they
are specific enough to be useful, they
are more general than activity systems.
Los g rup os d efinid os p or su estilo d e vid a son esp ec ialm ente tiles p or varias razones. Prim ero, p orq ue, siend o
f ig u r a 4 5
excesiva amplitud o generalizacin
expresiones cada vez ms especficas
visin del mundo
cultura
valores
ideas
imgenes
esquemas
significados
etc.
normas
estndares
reglas
expectativas
etc.
expresiones sociales ms concretas

y potencialmente observables
excesiva abstraccin
estilo de vida
sistemas de
actividad
no
fac
tib
le
entorno construido como:

organizacin de espacio,
tiempo, significado y
comunicacin.
sistema de lugares [settings]
paisaje cultural
compuesto de elementos
fijos, semifijos y no fijos.
parentezco
estructura familiar
roles
redes sociales
status
identidad
instituciones
etc.
166
Diagrama combinado de los dos modos de disgregar la cultura, relacionando sus expresiones
con el entorno construido (por ejemplo, vivienda). El grosor de las flechas corresponde aproximadamente a la viabilidad y facilidad de establecer relacin entre varios elementos (de A.
Rapoport: Teora, cultura y vivienda, en Housing, Theory and Society, vol. 17, n. 4, 2000, Fig. 4,
pg. 149; Ciencia, teora, explicativa y E.B.S., en S. Wapner y otros editores: Perspectivas
teorticas en el estudio del entorno/comportamiento humano, Nueva York, Kluwer Academic/
Plenum Publishers, 2000, Fig. 2, pg. 129).
Second, most other criteria for group

membership, such as age, sex, race,
ethnicity, caste, tribe, religion, education, occupation, ideology, class and
so on (all of which have been used
historically and cross-culturally) can
all be expressed in terms of lifestyle.4
If they cannot, they probably do not
affect the appropriateness of environments. Third, as already mentioned,
lifestyle is increasingly used in marketing, market segmentation, consumer
research, advertising and housing design by developers. As a result, there
is much information available on
lifestyle groups that can be purchased
from consulting and research organizations and is not terribly expensive.
These organizations provide information about lifestyle groups, the number
depending on the particular classification (the 8, 43 or 50 discussed earlier). They describe consumption patterns (food, drink, clothing, transportation, media, books, etc.), recreational and leisure activity systems, as
well as location, housing, neighborhood (some are even cross-classified
geographically by zip-codes (i.e. postal districts)). They also predict attitudes to child rearing, nature, etc., and
hence more specific environmental
choices (e.g. a better house in a worse
neighborhood or the reverse, importance of schools, taxes, etc.). In all
these ways, lifestyles result in notions
of ideal people leading ideals lives in
ideal environments. These are often
embodied in images which housing
advertisements reflect and which, within given constraints, guide choice
whether of housing or in design.
There are several other advantages to
using lifestyle in analysis and design.
Like environmental quality profiles
and design, it is a result of choice.
Moreover, it shares the term style
with design, and as already discussed,
lo b astante esp ec fic os p ara ser tiles, son m s g enerales q ue los sistem as d e ac tivid ad . Seg und o, p orq ue la
m ayor p arte d e los d em s c riterios d e g rup o (ed ad , sexo,
raza, etnia, c asta, trib u, relig in, ed uc ac in, oc up ac in,
id eolog a, c lase, etc ., q ue han sid o utilizad os histric am ente e interc ulturalm ente) p ued en ser exp resad os en
trm inos d e estilo d e vid a. 4 Si no p ud ieran serlo, p rob ab lem ente no afec taran el g rad o d e c onvenienc ia d e los
entornos. Terc ero, seg n ya hem os m enc ionad o, el estilo d e vid a se utiliza c ad a vez m s en el m arketing , en la
seg m entac in d el m erc ad o, en los estud ios d e c onsum o , e n la p ub lic id a d y e n e l d ise o d e vivie nd a s (p o r
p arte d e sus p rom otores). Com o resultad o, tenem os un
g ran volum en d e inform ac in ac erc a d e los g rup os d efinid os p or el estilo d e vid a, q ue p ued e ser ad q uirid a en las
instituc iones d e c onsulta e investig ac in y q ue no es exc esivam ente c ostosa. All se p ued en ob tener d atos sob re los g rup os, su nm ero en func in d e la c lasific ac in
em p lead a (los m enc ionad os 8, 43 o 50 g rup os). Esos
d atos d esc rib en los p atrones d e c onsum o (alim entac in,
b eb id as, ind um entaria, m ed ios d e c om unic ac in, lib ros,
etc .), oc io, vec ind ario (alg unas zonas inc luso estn c lasificad as g eog rficam ente p or d istritos p ostales [zip - cod es]).
Esta inform ac in tam b in ayud a a p ronostic ar las ac titud es en c uanto a la ed uc ac in infantil, la naturaleza, etc .,
es d ec ir, unas elec c iones m ed ioam b ientales m s esp ec fic as (p or ejem p lo, una m ejor c asa en una zona p eor
o al revs, la im p ortanc ia d e los c oleg ios, los im p uestos,
etc .). De c ualq uier form a, los estilos d e vid a c ond uc en a
las noc iones d e unas p ersonas id eales q ue llevan una
vid a id eal en unos entornos tam b in id eales. A m enud o
se enc arnan en unas im g enes q ue ac ab an reflejad as
en la p rop ag and a d e las inm ob iliarias y q ue, d entro d e
sus lim itac iones, g uan la elec c in tanto en la elec c in
d e la viviend a c om o en su d iseo.
La ap lic ac in d el estilo d e vid a en el anlisis y el d iseo
p rop orc iona varias ventajas m s. Al ig ual q ue los p erfiles
d e c alid ad d e entorno y el d iseo, el estilo d e vid a es un
resultad o d e una elec c in. M s an, c om p arte el trm iA R Q U I TE C TO N I C S
167
style itself whether of environment or

life is the result of systematic choices
among alternatives.5 Lifestyle can also
be represented as a profile. As in the
case of environmental quality profiles,
four things can vary: The nature of
the components, their ranking (relative importance), whether positive
(sought) or negative (avoided) and
their absolute importance (or magnitude) vis--vis other things. This last
one is, however, problematic, lifestyle
being a more all-embracing concept
than environmental quality; it may be
difficult to discover components that
are not part of it. In any case, it may
be possible to match or relate the two
profiles: environmental quality and
lifestyle. In that way one might be able
to see how the lifestyle of a group is
reflected in the environmental quality
of the system of settings. One can easily
imagine and show the two profiles
overlapping or, better, facing each other (one being reversed). Whether that
is also possible with polar profiles is
not clear (Fig. 46).
Potentially this is most useful in planning and design, programming and
evaluation and in research. One could
see whether, or not, particular lifestyle
profiles are reflected in environmental
quality profiles. One might be able to
begin to detect patterns, which are a
first step in research, generalization
and theory building, and can help with
prediction. As in the case of environmental quality, one can also study the
effect of various constraints on feasibility.
As in the case for activities and lifestyle, most (or many) of the expressions of culture often need further dismantling, as does environment.
Recall, that dismantling is a general
strategy. Thus, for example values,
ideals, images, schemata, etc.; and
168
no estilo c on el d iseo y, c om o ya ha sid o c om entad o,

el estilo en s, tanto el d el entorno o el estilo d e vid a, es un
resultad o d e elec c iones sistem tic as entre varias op c iones o alternativas. 5 El estilo d e vid a p ued e ser tam b in
rep resentad o c om o p erfil. Al ig ual q ue en el c aso d e p erfiles d e c alid ad d el entorno, aq u p ued en variar c uatro
p arm etros: la naturaleza d e los c om p onentes, su ranking (im p ortanc ia relativa), su valorac in p ositiva (es b usc ad o) o neg ativa (es evitad o) y su im p ortanc ia ab soluta (o
m ag nitud ) vis- - vis las d em s c osas. Este ltim o p arm etro es, no ob stante, p rob lem tic o: siend o el estilo d e
vid a un c onc ep to m s am p lio q ue la c alid ad d el entorno,
p ued e resultar d ifc il d eterm inar los c om p onentes q ue no
form an p arte d e l. En c ualq uier c aso, p ued e ser p osib le
c om p ag inar o relac ionar los d os p erfiles, el d e c alid ad
d el entorno y el d e estilo d e vid a. De esta m anera uno
p od ra ver c m o el estilo d e vid a d e un g rup o se refleja
en la c alid ad d el entorno d el sistem a d e lug ares. Uno
p ued e fc ilm ente im ag inar y d em ostrar q ue los d os p erfiles se solap an o, an m ejor, se enfrentan el uno al otro
(uno d e ellos est revertid o). N o est nad a c laro si eso
es p osib le tam b in c on los d os p erfiles d iam etralm ente
op uestos. [fig . 46].
Potenc ialm ente, nos p ued e resultar m uy til a la hora d e
p lanific ar y d isear, p rog ram ar, evaluar o investig ar. Uno
p ued e ver si unos p erfiles d eterm inad os d e estilo d e vid a
se reflejan, o no, en los p erfiles d e c alid ad d el entorno.
Se p o d ra em p eza r p o r d etec ta r p a tro nes (q ue so n el
p rim er p aso en la investig ac in, g eneralizac in y form ac in d e teoras, y p ued en ayud ar a p ronostic ar). Com o
en el c aso d e la c alid ad d el entorno, uno p ued e tam b in
estud iar el efec to d e d iferentes lim itac iones q ue c ond ic ionan la viab ilid ad d el d iseo.
Com o en el c aso d e las ac tivid ad es, el estilo d e vid a
y el entorno, la m ayora (o m uc has) d e las exp resiones
d e la c ultura a m enud o d eb en seg uir siend o d isg reg ad os. Rec uerd en q ue la d isg reg ac in es una estrateg ia
g enera l. A s, p o r ejem p lo , va lo res, id ea les, im g enes,
f ig u r a 4 6

entorno (hipottico)
perfil de estilo de
vida (hipottico)
perfil de
estilo de vida
perfil de calidad del entorno
perfil de calidad del entorno y perfil de estilo de vida superpuestos
perfil de estilo de
vida (invertido)
perfil de calidad
del entorno
los dos perfiles juntos

Perfiles de calidad del entorno y de estilo de vida (reproducido de A.
Rapoport: Calidad del entorno y sus perfiles, en A. Rapoport: Treinta y
tres escritos sobre el estudio de la relacin entre el entorno y el comportamiento humano), Newcastle (Reino Unido), Urban International Press,
1995, Fig. 6, pg. 482; Fig. 7, pg. 485).
169
norms, standards, rules etc., all need

to be made more specific, usually by
dismantling. 6 Similarly, the social
expressions of culture are clearly still
too broad, and need to be dismantledit is the specifics of kinship, family
structure, roles, social networks, status, identity and institutions that are
important and can relatively easily be
linked to environments.
1. I have dismissed these is a number of publications.

The dismantling of environmental quality and activities
are discussed in this book.
2. I should point out that not everyone accepts this
approach. For an explicit rejection by two anthropologists, see Cooper, M. and M. Rodman (1995) Culture
and spatial boundaries: Cooperative and non-profit
housing in Canada, Architecture and Behavior, vol.
11, No. 2, (p. 123-138), p. 124.
esq uem as, p or un lad o, y norm as, estnd ares, reg las,
p or el otro, d eb en lleg ar a ser m s esp ec fic os, lo q ue se
c o n s ig u e h a b itu a lm e n te m e d ia n te d is g re g a c i n . 6 D e
m od o sim ilar, las exp resiones soc iales d e la c ultura tod ava son d em asiad o am p lios y nec esitan ser d isg reg ad os
c om o la esp ec fic id ad d el p arentesc o, la estruc tura fam iliar, los roles y la red soc ial, el status, la id entid ad y las
instituc iones, q ue son relevantes y p ued en ser vinc ulad os a entornos c on relativa fac ilid ad .
1. He tratad o este tem a en varias p ub lic ac iones. La d isg reg ac in d e la

c alid ad d el entorno y d e las ac tivid ad es se c om enta en este lib ro.
2. Deb o p untualizar q ue no tod os ac ep tan este p lanteam iento. Un ejem p lo d e
rec hazo exp lc ito p or p arte d e d os antrop log os p ued e verse en: COOPER M .
y RODM AN M . (1995): Culture and sp ac ial b ound aries: Coop erative and nonp rofit housing in Canad a ( Cultura y fronteras esp ac iales: viviend a c oop erativa
y soc ial en Canad ) en Arc hitec ture and Behaviour (Arq uitec tura y c om p ortam iento ), vol. 11, n. 2 (p g s. 123- 138), p g . 124.
3. See Rapoport, A. (1990) The Meaning of the Built

Environment, Tucson, University of Arizona Press.
3. Ver RAPOPORT, A. (1990): The M eaning of the Built Environm ent (El significado
d el entorno c onstruid o ), Tuc son, University of Arizona Press.
4. In the U.S. currently education is the best overall

predictor of lifestyle.
4. En los EE.UU. ac tualm ente la ed uc ac in es el m ejor p ronstic o universal

d el estilo d e vid a.
5. Note that in House, Form and Culture that concept

was already being used. Although in a different guise:
Genre de Vie from French cultural geography.
5. Ob serven q ue en el lib ro House, Form and Culture (La c asa, la form a y la

Cultura ) se utilizab a ya este c onc ep to, aunq ue se em p leab a el trm ino d iferente: g enre d e vie (trm ino franc s d e g eog rafa c ultural).
6. For example, Kenneth Boulding (in The Image,

Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press) proposes
10 aspects of image, which I then combine with other
proposals, and classify in various ways. See Rapoport,
A. (1977) Human Aspects of Urban Form, Oxford,
Pergamon Press, p. 42-47.
6. Por ejem p lo, KEN N ETH BOULDIN G (en The Im ag e (La im ag en ), Ann Arb or,
University of M ic hig an Press) p rop one 10 asp ec tos d e la im ag en q ue yo
lueg o c om b ino c on otros p rop sitos y c lasific o d e d iferentes m aneras. Ver
RAPOPORT, A. (1977): Hum an Asp ec ts of Urb an Form (Asp ec tos hum anos d e
la form a urb ana ), Oxford , Perg am on Press, p g s. 42- 47.
170
V III Eje m p lo s d e a p lic a c i n

Ex a m p le s o f A p p lic a t io n
171
I now provide some examples to support my claim that whereas it is impossible to relate culture to any built
environment (e.g. housing as defined
earlier in this book) it is easy to do so
using the expression of culture shown
in Figures 43, 44, and 45, especially
those with wide arrowsand I will use
some examples already discussed. The
examples used are not meant to be
exhaustive. They cannot be, because
much of the EBS research literature
can be used. The number of examples
becomes very much larger still when,
in addition, the popular media can
be used to provide an almost endless
supply, from advertising, newspaper
stories, novels, TV, film, popular music
and so on.1 One can also use the fairly
inexpensive data bases on the various
lifestyle groups, mentioned earlier. 2
This makes it much easier to broaden
the body of evidence, to develop lateral connections and conceptual frameworks and to integrate and synthesize
diverse material on the way to theory
development.
In beginning to show how the variables derived by dismantling culture
can be used it needs to be emphasized
that although these variables can be
separated and, in principle, ranked in
terms of their importance, they do
interact. Although that complicates
matters it also makes it easier to relate
them, helping with synthesis. Note that
not only can group differences be identified and used, but also possible convergence due to changing values, standards, images and the like, as in the
case of the suburban image discussed
earlier. It is significant that this trend
can, so far, be found in the media
rather than the research literature.
I first discuss the horizontal axis (Fig.
45) which addresses the problems of
excessive breadth and generality. The
A hora voy p rop oner alg unos ejem p los p ara ap oyar m i
afirm ac in, q ue c onsista en q ue era im p osib le relac ionar la c ultura d irec tam ente c on el entorno c onstruid o,
p or ejem p lo, la viviend a (c om o ha sid o d efinid o anteriorm ente en este lib ro), p ero era m uy fc il hac erlo usand o
las exp resiones d e la c ultura m ostrad as en las fig uras
43, 44 y 45 (esp ec ialm ente las ind ic ad as c on las flec has
anc has), y utilizar tam b in alg unos ejem p los ya c om entad os. Estos ejem p los no p retend en ser exhaustivos. N o
p ued en serlo, ya q ue existe un g ran volum en d e literatura c ientfic a sob re el tem a d entro d e los EBS (estud ios d e
las relac iones entre el entorno y el c om p ortam iento hum ano). El nm ero d e ejem p los aum entara an m s si
aad isem os la inform ac in c asi inab arc ab le d isp onib le
en los m ed ios d e c om unic ac in (la p ub lic id ad , los p erid ic os, las novelas, la televisin, las p elc ulas, la m sic a
p op ular, etc .). 1 Se p ued en utilizar tam b in las b ases d e
d atos no exc esivam ente c aras, tiles p ara c onseg uir inform ac in sob re los estilos d e vid a d e d iferentes g rup os,
c om entad os anteriorm ente. 2 Esto nos p erm ite am p liar el
volum en d e testim onios, d esarrollar c onexiones laterales
y entram ad os c onc ep tuales, integ rar y sintetizar d iversos
m ateriales, c om o p aso p revio al d esarrollo d e teoras.
Para inic iar la d em ostrac in d el uso d e las variab les d erivad as d e la d isg reg ac in d e la c ultura, es nec esario
sub rayar q ue, aunq ue estas variab les p ued an sep ararse
y, en p rinc ip io, ord enarse seg n el rang o d e im p ortanc ia , e lla s, e n re a lid a d , in te ra c t a n . Esto c o m p lic a la s
c o sa s y, a l m ism o tie m p o , p e rm ite re la c io na rla s m s
fc ilm ente, ayud and o en el p roc eso d e sntesis. Ob serven q ue se p ued e id entific ar y utilizar no solam ente las
d iferenc ias d e g rup o, sino tam b in sus p osib les c onverg enc ias d eb id as al c am b io d e valores, estnd ares, im g enes y sim ilares, c om o en el c aso d e la im ag en sub urb ana ya c om entad a. Es sig nific ativo q ue esta tend enc ia p ued a, p or el m om ento, ob servarse m s en los
m ed ios d e c om unic ac in q ue en la literatura c ientfic a.
En p rim er lug ar c om entar el eje horizontal [fig . 45], q ue
173
more specific expressions I discuss are

values; ideals, images, schemata and
meanings; norms, standards, expectations, rules, etc., lifestyle and activity
systems. Along the vertical axis (Fig.
45), the more concrete expressions of
culture that I discuss are kinship, family structure, roles, social networks, status, identity and institutions. Because,
after dismantling environment I use
four fairly general conceptualizations
of it, it is possible to apply the process
I use for housing to other types of environment.
ab ord a los p rob lem as d e exc esiva am p litud y g eneralid ad . Las exp resiones m s esp ec fic as q ue analizo son
va lo re s; id e a le s, im g e n e s, e sq u e m a s y sig n ific a d o s;
norm as, estnd ares, exp ec tativas, reg las, etc .; estilos d e
vid a y sistem as d e ac tivid ad . En el eje vertic al [fig . 450]
estn las exp resiones m s c onc retas d e la c ultura: p arentesc o, estruc tura fam iliar, roles, red es soc iales, status, id entid ad e instituc iones. Puesto q ue, tras la d isg reg a c i n d e l c o n c e p to e n to rn o , u tilizo c u a re n ta c o n c ep tualizac iones g enerales d el m ism o, es p osib le ap lic ar
este p roc ed im iento a otros tip os d e entorno.
Along the horizontal axis I begin with

values. These describe how people value various goods, so that they play
an important role in micro-economics.
As a result they have been much studied in advertising and marketing, including of housing. Because values
lead to differences in resource allocation, they are immediately and directly
linked to lifestyle. Since most peoples
resources are limited, tradeoffs must
always be made; housing and community games enable this to be studied.
Tradeoffs are, of course, central in the
choices made in design (see Figs. 28,
32, and 33) and as a result, so are
values (for example designers as opposed to users) In the case of housing
values lead to the differential importance of the dwelling (as a building)
versus the neighborhood, location
within the settlement, taxes, microclimate, school quality, social characteristics of neighbors and so on, helping
explain the choices made by various
groups. Values, of course, also help to
define groups and are transmitted during the enculturation of children (ensuring cultural continuity and survival
of groups). This process depends partly
on dwellings and how they are used.
This links any discussion of values to
family, kinship and even social networks, since in some cultures non-kin
El e je ho rizo nta l a rra nc a c o n lo s va lo re s q ue e xp lic a n

c m o las p ersonas evalan varios b ienes y, p or tanto,
d esem p ean un im p ortante p ap el en la m ac roec onom a.
Por esta razn han sid o am p liam ente estud iad os en el
c am p o d e p ub lic id ad y m arketing , inc luyend o las p rom oc iones inm ob iliarias. Dad o q ue los valores c ond ic ionan d iferenc ias en la d istrib uc in d e rec ursos, estn inm ed ia ta m ente y d irec ta m ente vinc ula d o s c o n el estilo
d e vid a . Lo s re c urso s d e la m a yo ra d e la s p e rso na s
estn lim itad os y, p or c onsig uiente, siem p re han d e hac erse c onc esiones [trad eoffs] q ue se p ued en estud iar a
travs d e las elec c iones d e viviend a y c om unid ad . Las
c onc esiones son, p or sup uesto, c ruc iales en el c am p o
d el d iseo [ver fig . 28, 32 y 33] y, c om o resultad o, lo son
ta m b i n lo s va lo re s (p o r e je m p lo , lo s va lo re s d e lo s
d isead ores op uestos a los d e los usuarios). En el c aso
d e la viviend a, los valores d eterm inan la im p ortanc ia d iferenc ial d e la c asa (c om o ed ific io) resp ec to a la zona, la
ub ic ac in d entro d el m unic ip io, los im p uestos, el m ic roc lim a , la s fa c ilid a d e s d e e sc o la riza c i n y su nive l, la s
c arac terstic as soc iales d e los vec inos, etc ., ayud and o
as a exp lic ar las elec c iones efec tuad as p or varios g rup os. Los valores, p or sup uesto, ayud an tam b in a d efinir
g rup os y se transm iten d e p ad res a hijos en el p roc eso
d e enc ulturac in d e estos ltim os (aseg urand o la c ontinuid a d c ultura l y la sup ervivenc ia d e lo s g rup o s). Este
p roc eso d ep end e en p arte d e las viviend as y d e c m o
se utilic en. Lo d ic ho vinc ula c ualq uier d isc urso sob re los
174
play an important role in enculturation.

This discussion could be continued at
length, 3 it shows how easily lateral
connections among variables can be
made, and I encourage readers to
make connections to material in earlier parts of the book (e.g. The Australian Green Streets Project). I will, however, conclude with an example which
relates this discussion to a study of
housing subdivisions (developments)
in the U.S. and, in this way also with
the convergence on the suburban image in other countries. In this study of
5000 prospective house buyers in California, Florida, Georgia, North Carolina and Texas, various amenities
were ranked based on the percentage
of people who wanted them. Not only
could this be expressed as an environmental quality profile, but it provides
a clear guide to planners and designers, when making tradeoffs (Table1).
Values are often expressed through ideals, images, schemata, meanings and
the like. This is why advertisements
and popular media are so useful and
important, as I have already suggested. 4 Not only are they extremely numerous and found all over the world
(making cross-cultural studies possible), but it is also possible, by looking
at advertising aimed at different
groups, to study differences within
countries quite easily (as a number of
student papers have shown). Such advertisements also respond quickly, almost instantaneously, to changes in
the various expressions of culture, so
that culture change can be followed
as it occurs. I will discuss two examples
very briefly.
The first concerns the revival of downtown living in the U.S. In Milwaukee,
Wisconsin, where I live, an area that
va lo res c o n la fa m ilia , el p a rentesc o e inc luso c o n la s

red es soc iales, ya q ue en alg unos p ases las p ersonas
no p ertenec ientes a la fam ilia jueg an un im p ortante p ap el en la enc ulturac in.
Este d isc urso p ued e am p liarse, 3 d em ostrand o la fac ilid ad c on la q ue se estab lec en las c onexiones laterales
e ntre la s va ria b le s, y yo a nim o a lo s le c to re s a tra za r
c onexiones c on el m aterial d e los d em s c ap tulos d e
este lib ro (p or ejem p lo, el c aso d el Green Street Projec t
e n A ustra lia ). Sin e m b a rg o , c o nc luir c o n un e je m p lo
q ue relac iona nuestro d isc urso c on el estud io sob re las
sub d ivisiones d e la viviend a en EE.UU. y, d e esta m anera, tam b in c on la c onverg enc ia d e la im ag en sub urb ana en otros p ases. En este estud io se han c lasific ad o
d iferentes c om od id ad es y servic ios, seg n el p orc entaje
d e los 5.000 p otenc iales c om p rad ores d e c asas entrevistad os en California, Florid a, Carolina d el N orte y Texas,
q ue las vea c om o d eseab les. Esta c lasific ac in no solam ente p ued e ser exp resad a c om o un p erfil d e c alid ad
d e l e n to rn o , s in o q u e s irve d e g u a d ire c to p a ra lo s
urb anistas y d isead ores a la hora d e hac er c onc esiones (c om p rom isos) [tab la 1].
Los valores se exp resan a m enud o a travs d e id eales,
im g enes, esq uem as, sig nific ad os y sim ilares. Es la razn p or la q ue la p ub lic id ad y los m ed ios d e c om unic ac in ad q uieren esp ec ial utilid ad e im p ortanc ia, c om o ya
he sug erid o. 4 N o solo son extrem ad am ente num erosos
y extend id os p or tod o el m und o (hac iend o p osib les los
estud ios interc ulturales [c ross- c ultural stud ies]), sino q ue
d an una op ortunid ad p ara d eterm inar, b asnd ose en la
p ub licid ad d irig id a a d iferentes g rup os, las d iferencias entre
los g rup os d entro d e un m ism o p as (c om o lo d em uestran varios p erid ic os estud iantiles). Los anunc ios p ub lic itarios tam b in resp ond en rp id am ente c asi instantneam ente a los c am b ios en varias exp resiones d e la
c ultura, as q ue el c am b io c ultural p ued e ser seg uid o a
m ed id a q ue se est p rod uc iend o. Lo ilustrar c on d os
b reves ejem p los.
175
t a b la 1
Esp ac ios ab iertos naturales
Natural open space
Send eros p ara p aseos a p ie y en b ic ic leta
Walking and biking paths
Jard ines
Gardens
Tiend as d e artc ulos d e p rim era nec esid ad
Convenience stores
Esp ac ios d e naturaleza virg en
Wilderness areas
Pisc ina exterior
Outdoor swimming pool
Centro soc ial/d e oc io
Community/recreation center
Centro c om erc ial
Shopping center
Peq ueos p arq ues d e inters
Interesting little parks
Centro urb ano c on tiend as,
b ares y lug ares d e enc uentro
Town center with shops, coffee bars and meeting places
Ac tivid ad es rec reativas en el vec ind ario
Neighborhood recreation activities
Bib liotec a
Library
Lug ares d e c ulto relig ioso
Places of worship
Pistas d e tenis
Tennis courts
Cam p o d e g olf
Golf course
Centro juvenil
Teen center
Club soc ial d e g olf
Golf clubhouse
Aud itorio al aire lib re
Amphitheater
Org anizad or d e c lub es y eventos en la c om unid ad
Organizer to start clubs and community events
Portero/vig ilante d e la c om unid ad
Community concierge
Table 1. Ranking of amenities desired in a sample of 5000 prospective house buyers in the
U.S. from Urban Land Institute cited in Wiechman, L. (1997) More than a neighborhood:
New Homeowners demanding big-ticket items from developers, Milwaukee Journal
Sentinel (Nov. 30, 1997).
176
77%
74%
56%
55%
52%
52%
52%
51%
50%
48%
47%
47%
46%
39%
39%
36%
33%
26%
23%
18%
Tab la 1. El ranking d e c om od id ad es y servic ios d esead os, seg n la enc uesta

realizad a entre los 5.000 p otenc iales c om p rad ores d e c asas en los Estad os
Unid os p or el Urb an Land Institute [Instituto d e Suelo Urb ano], c itad o en
W IECHM A N , L. (1997): M ore than a neig hb ourhood : N ew Hom eow ners
d em and isng b ig - tic ket item s from d evelop ers (M s q ue un vec ind ario: los
nuevos p rop ietarios d e c asas exig en a los p rom otores artc ulos d e c alid ad )
en M ilw akee Journal Sentinel (30 d e noviem b re d e 1997).
has been particularly attractive is called the Historic Third Ward (the name
is itself suggestive). In what had been
a warehouse and industrial area, advertisements emphasize: A prestigious
lifestyle, linking images to lifestyle
and status); Milwaukee at your doorstep; art galleries; theaters; Lake
Michigan; fantastic views; shopping and chic shops; entertainment;
stylish restaurants and so on. An image is built up which describes a particular lifestyle and environmental
quality that is attractive to a particular group.
My second example of the power of
images is the suburban house and its
surroundings, already discussed. Examples are found in Bangkok (Thailand), Japan, Russia, Turkey, African
countries, Latin America, and so on.
In Indonesia, an article in the Los Angeles Times described new developments in Jakarta as looking like Southern California. A sales pamphlet from
a new development in Yogyakarta is
striking. The development is called
Merapi View and described as Exclusive and Nostalgic; the use of an
English name is very significant and
often found. A suburban image is projected and except for Indonesian text
in parts, the houses are difficult to distinguish from those elsewhere, even
when described as Indisch (Indian!)
(a Dutch term!) or vernacular. The
facilities advertised (in English!) include tennis court, fitness center, clubhouse, restaurant, mini-market, drug
store, jogging track, playground,
swimming pool, 24-hour security, satellite TV dishes, underground wiring,
telephone and air-conditioning. This
is similar to the environmental quality
profile described in the United State
(see Table 1) as are the ideals, images,
etc. In this case, however, they help
explain not cultural differences but
El p rim ero es la rec up erac in [revival] d e la hab itab ilid ad

d e los c entros histric os d e las c iud ad es [d ow ntow ns] .
En M ilw akee, W isc onsin, d ond e resid o, una zona esp ec ialm ente atrac tiva q ue se ha p uesto m uy d e m od a se
llam a Historic W orld W ar [Guerra M und ial Histric a] (el
nom b re es sug estivo d e p or s). En lo q ue antao hab a
sid o un rea d e alm ac enes y fb ric as, los anunc ios p ub lic itarios p rom eten Un estilo d e vid a p restig ioso (vinc u la n d o la im a g e n c o n e l e stilo d e vid a y e l sta tu s);
M ilw akee a la p uerta d e su c asa; g aleras d e arte,
teatros, El lag o M ic hig an, vistas fantstic as, ir d e
c om p ras y tiend as c hic ; d iversin, restaurantes d e
d iseo, etc . Se c onstruye una im ag en q ue d esc rib e un
estilo d e vid a d eterm inad o y una c alid ad d e entorno q ue
ap ela tam b in a un d eterm inad o g rup o.
El seg und o ejem p lo q ue ilustra el p od er d e la im ag en es
la ya c om entad a c asa sub urb ana y su entorno. He enc ontrad o m uestras d e ello en Bang kok (Tailand ia), Jap n, Rusia , Turq ua , p a ses a fric a no s, A m ric a La tina ,
etc . Hab land o d e Ind onesia, un artc ulo d e Los Ang eles
Tim es d esc rib a nuevas urb anizac iones en Jac arta q ue
rec ord ab an el sur d e California. Un folleto d e p rom oc in
d e unas nuevas c asas en Jog jakarta es im p ac tante. La
urb anizac in se llam a M erap i View y se d esc rib e c om o
Exc lu sivo y n o st lg ic o (e l u so d e u n n o m b re in g l s
[Exc lusive and N ostalg ic ] es m uy sig nific ativo y m uy frec uente). Se est p royec tand o una im ag en sub urb ana y,
si no fuera p or alg unas p artes d el texto red ac tad as en la
leng ua ind onesia, el folleto es d ifc ilm ente d isting uib le d e
un anunc io anlog o d e c ualq uier otro p as, al ig ual q ue
las c asas, a p esar d e ser c alific ad as c om o Ind isc h (un
trm ino holand s p ara hind !) o vernac ulares. Los
servic ios anunc iad os (en ing ls!) inc luyen una p ista d e
tenis, un g im nasio, una sed e soc ial (c lub ), un restaurante, un p eq ueo m erc ad o, un sup erm erc ad o [d rug store] ,
un send ero p ara p rac tic ar footing , un rea d e jueg os infantiles, una p isc ina c om unitaria, vig ilanc ia 24 horas d el
d a, antenas p arab lic as, c ab lead o soterrad o, red telefnic a y aire ac ond ic ionad o. Tod o ello es sim ilar al p erfil d e
177
convergence, possibly based on the

input of images in the mass media,
the high status of modernity and so
on.
Values, images and the like lead to
certain expectations and thus norms,
standards and rules. Not only those
expressed through design, but those
that link settings and behavior. In design, the application of rules to achieve
certain norms and standards leads to
choices being made that result in environments which approach the ideals
as closely as possible, given various
constraints. These norms, standards
and rules are also used in the evaluation of environments.
One example has already been discussedthe different evaluations of the
casitas used by Puerto Ricans in New
York. The role of norms, standards and
behavioral rules in evaluation may
lead to areas being defined as slums
with inappropriate actions resulting
e.g. redevelopment. One particular
neighborhood in Los Angeles was defined as a slum because a particular
group of people (Russian immigrants),
their dress, use of streets and other
spaces, levels of house maintenance
and other cues did not correspond to
those acceptable to Anglo-Americans.
It is well known that generally norms
regarding materials, colors, housestyles, plants used, and standards of
house maintenance, lawn care, etc.,
often lead to major conflicts. In relatively homogeneous (by lifestyle)
areas they lead to specific ambience
(see Fig. 44). It is this ambience, which
is then evaluated.
Norms and standards regarding
lighting levels, comfort (e.g. temperature), amount of space, privacy, spacing (and hence density) and many
other variables have a major impact
178
c alid ad d e entorno d esc rito p ara EE.UU [ver tab la 1] en

c uanto a los id eales, la im ag en, etc . Sin em b arg o, en
este c aso d ic has variab les no ayud an a exp lic ar las d iferenc ia s c ultura les, sino la c o nverg enc ia , p o sib lem ente
b asad a en el influjo d e im g enes en los m ed ios d e c om unic ac in, el alto status d e la m od ernid ad , etc .
Valores, im g enes y sim ilares c ond uc en a c iertas exp ec tativas, y d e ah a norm as, estnd ares y reg las (y no
se trata nic am ente d e los q ue se exp resan a travs d el
d iseo, sino d e los q ue vinc ulan los lug ares y la c ond uc ta
hum ana). En el d iseo la ap lic ac in d e reg las c on el ob jetivo d e c um p lir c iertas norm as y estnd ares d esem b oc a en elec c iones q ue c rean lug ares tan p rxim os al id eal
c om o sea p osib le, d ad as las lim itac iones existentes. Esas
norm as, estnd ares y reg las tam b in se utilizan a la hora
d e evaluar entornos.
Un ejem p lo ya ha sid o c om entad o las d iferentes evaluac iones d e las c asitas d e los p uertorriq ueos en N ueva
York. La intervenc in d e las norm as, los estnd ares y
las reg las d e c ond uc ta en el p roc eso d e la evaluac in
p ued e llevar a d efinir las c asitas c om o c hab olas, lo
q ue c onlleva ac c iones inap rop iad as p or ejem p lo, reurb anizac in d el rea. Una zona d e Los Ang eles fue
c alific ad a c om o rea d eg rad ad a p orq ue un d eterm inad o g rup o d e p ersonas (inm ig rantes rusos), su form a
d e vestir, el uso d e las c alles y otros esp ac ios, el nivel d e
m antenim iento d e c asas y otras seas no c oinc id an c on
las q ue eran ac ep tab les entre la p ob lac in ang loam eric ana. Es d e sob ra c onoc id o q ue g eneralm ente las norm as en c uanto a los m ateriales, c olores, estilos d e c asas, p lantas c ultivad as y estnd ares d e m antenim iento
d e ed ific ios, c uid ad o d el c sp ed , etc . a m enud o c ausan
m ayores c onflic tos. En reas relativam ente hom og neas
(en trm inos d e estilo d e vid a) c rean un am b iente esp ec fic o [ver fig . 44]. Este am b iente (atm sfera) es lo q ue
lueg o se evala.
on design and the acceptability of resulting environments. One example

already mentioned is that in the U.S.,
at the same time that family size is decreasing, the size of houses is increasing and the average new house is now
over 3000 square feet (300 sq. m).
The determinant is clearly space standards and norms, and rules about privacy, reflecting values, ideals, images,
etc.
The systematic application of rules,
as we have seen, by guiding the choice
among alternatives leads to styles and
the identity of cultural landscapes,
their ambience. As we have seen, rules
can be written or unwritten, formal or
informal, and conflicts may occur between group-specific informal rules
and formal rules, such as codes and
regulations. By applying rules, the various expressions of culture are translated into built environments, specific
rules also help define groups, by guiding behavior in settings, defining what
is appropriate or acceptable, where,
when and among which people. In
one study of a U.S. suburb, as just one
example, unwritten rules make most
behaviors generally inappropriate in
public settings, and there is no public
space (see footnote 31). The difference
between such a suburb, or the U.S.
generally and, say, a street in India is
overwhelming.5 As one says colloquiallythey represent two very different
cultures. In my terms they reflect two
different lifestyles in terms of appropriate behavior in public spaces; they
also reflect two very different schemata
of what is public (and, therefore, private) space, and the gradations among them (semi-public, semi-private,
etc.)
Clearly, the rules above refer to norms
and standards of behavior, about what
one does and does not do, where, when
N orm as y estnd ares relativos a niveles d e ilum inac in,

c onfort (p or ejem p lo, tem p eratura), d isp onib ilid ad d e esp ac io, p rivac id ad , d istanc ias (y, en c onsec uenc ia, d ensid ad d e p ob lac in) y m uc has otras variab les tienen una
g ran influenc ia sob re el d iseo y la ac ep tab ilid ad d e los
entornos c read os. Com o ya hem os ind ic ad o, el tam ao
d e las fam ilias en los EE.UU. est d ism inuyend o, m ientras q ue el tam ao d e las c asas va en aum ento y una
c asa nueva tiene una sup erfic ie d e p rom ed io d e 3.000
p ies c uad rad os (300 m etros c uad rad os). Este fenm eno
est c laram ente d eterm inad o p or los estnd ares y las
norm as esp ac iales y las reg las d e p rivac id ad q ue reflejan
unos valores, id eales, im g enes d eterm inad os, etc .
Com o hem os visto, la ap lic ac in sistem tic a d e reg las
q ue g uan la elec c in entre varias alternativas c ond uc e a
form ac in d e estilos y c rea la id entid ad d e p aisajes c ulturales, su am b ientac in. Ya hem os c om p rob ad o q ue las
reg las p ued en ser esc ritas y no esc ritas, form ales o inform ales, y q ue p ued en surg ir c onflic tos entre las reg las
info rm a les esp ec fic a s d e un d eterm ina d o g rup o y la s
reg las form ales, c om o leyes y ord enanzas. Al ap lic ar las
reg las, varias exp resiones d e la c ultura se traslad an a los
e n to rn o s c o n stru id o s. L a s re g la s e sp e c fic a s ta m b i n
ayud an a d efinir los g rup os g uiand o el c om p ortam iento
en los lug ares, d efiniend o lo q ue es ap rop iad o o ac ep tab le, d nd e, c und o y entre q u tip o d e g ente. Para p oner un ejem p lo, un estud io realizad o en un sub urb io norteam eric ano ha d em ostrad o q ue las reg las no esc ritas
hac en q ue la m ayora d e las c ond uc tas sean inap rop iad as en los lug ares p b lic os, y no existe ning n esp ac io
d e uso c o m n (ve r re fe re nc ia 3 1 ). La d ife re nc ia e ntre
este tip o d e sub urb io o EE.UU. en g eneral y, d ig am os,
una c alle en una c iud ad ind ia es total. 5 Coloq uialm ente
se d ic e q ue estos lug ares rep resentan d os c ulturas m uy
d iferentes. Seg n m i term inolog a, reflejan d os estilos
d e vid a en c uanto a la c ond uc ta ap rop iad a en lug ares
p b lic os y d os esq uem as m uy d iferentes q ue d efinen lo
q ue e s un e sp a c io p b lic o (y, e nto nc e s, lo q ue e s un
esp ac io p rivad o) y las g rad ac iones existentes entre ellos
179
and with whomthese also reflect an

ideal. Thus, since lifestyle is also the
result of choice, such rules link norms
and standards to lifestyle. Although I
have suggested that in EBS lifestyle is
possibly the most helpful expression
of culture, it is rather different to some
of the others: it is made up of many
specific components and can be expressed as a profile (like environmental
quality). This means not only that it
requires more dismantling than the
other variables, but that only a few
examples can be given within that expression of culture.
Consider a simple example, which depends on how people use their free
time. If one spends the same amount
of free time in restaurants, watching
TV, foreign travel, jogging, following
a hobby (Internet, gardening, hunting
and fishing, etc.) reading, etc., the
choices regarding location in the city,
the neighborhood, essential settings
outside the dwelling, and the nature
of the dwelling will all be different, as
will their relative importance. If one
works at home requirements are different still; the lifestyle of singles, young
married couples, parents with children, single parents and people with
grown-up children would all be different, with very different needs and wants.
As these categories cross-cut many
others, the number of lifestyle groups
goes up, as discussed earlier. It is precisely these that the commercial databases describe, and that have been
used extensively by housing developers
in the U.S. The examples that follow
are from developers, trade literature.
Many of these groups have catchy (and
often humorous), names attached to
thema kind of shorthand sometimes
even illustrated by stereotypical characters. Some examples are Yuffiesyoung urban failures as dis180
(sem ip b lic o, sem ip rivad o, etc .).

Suso d ic ha s re g la s re fie re n a no rm a s y e st nd a re s d e
c om p ortam iento, a lo q ue uno hac e y lo q ue no hac e,
d nd e, c und o y c on q uin reflejan tam b in un id eal
. De este m od o, d ad o q ue el estilo d e vid a tam b in es
resultad o d e elec c in, tales reg las unen las norm as y los
estnd ares c on el estilo d e vid a. Aunq ue yo haya sug erid o q ue en los EBS el estilo d e vid a es, p rob ab lem ente, la
exp resin c ultural m s til, es b astante d iferente d e las
otras: est form ad o p or m uc hos c om p onentes esp ec fic os y p ued e ser p resentad o c om o un p erfil (a m od o d e
p erfil d e c alid ad d el entorno). Por lo tanto, no solam ente
req uiere un m ayor g rad o d e d isg reg ac in q ue las otras
variab les, sino q ue d entro d e esta exp resin d e la c ultura
slo p ued en enc ontrarse unos p oc os ejem p los.
Analic em os un senc illo ejem p lo: el uso d el tiem p o lib re
p or las p ersonas. Si uno p asa la m ism a c antid ad d e tiem p o lib re en restaurantes, viend o la televisin, viajand o al
extra njero , ha c iend o fo o ting , d ed ic nd o se a un ho b b y
(Internet, jard inera, c aza y p esc a, lec tura, etc .), las elec c iones resp ec to a lug ar d e resid enc ia (b arrio d e una c iud ad , vec ind ario, lug ares esenc iales en el exterior d e la
viviend a) sern c om p letam ente d iferentes, al ig ual q ue
su im p ortanc ia relativa. Si uno trab aja en c asa, los req uisitos sern an m s d iferentes; el estilo d e vid a d e un
soltero ser d iferente d el d e una p areja c asad a, un m atrim onio c on hijos, una m ad re o un p ad re sin p areja o
una p ersona c on hijos ad ultos tod os tend rn nec esid ad es y d eseos m uy d istintos. Puesto q ue estas c ateg ora s se e n tre c ru za n c o n m u c h a s o tra s, e l n m e ro d e
estilos d e vid a aum enta (c om o hem os c om entad o antes). Son p rec isam ente los estilos d e vid a lo q ue d esc rib en las b ases d e d atos c om erc iales q ue han sid o am p liam ente utilizad as p or los p rom otores inm ob iliarios d e
EE.UU. Los ejem p los q ue voy a c itar p rovienen d e las
p ub lic ac iones c om erc iales d e las inm ob iliarias.
tinguished from the better-known

yuppiesyoung urban professionals. These labels vary among the different databases. One with 48 lifestyles
refers to suburban gentry, nouveau
riche, tuition and braces [i.e. with
teenage children], urban gentry and
so on. Another classification, illustrated with drawings of house exteriors
and interiors and describing both the
facilities and images wanted, are
unyuppies, whose values differs from
yuppies, but who appear similar.
There are yappiesyoung aspiring
professionals, treaders, YMCAs
(young married childless achievers),
scampies (societally conscious affluent mature parents) and so on. The
housing, neighborhood and locational preferences of each group are
described.
For each of the groups, income, leisure activities, the products and amenities they buy, what they eat, drink,
read, their pets (if any) and other specifics of their lifestyles are provided.
In discussing these, the housing developers trade literature and the proprietary databases provide suggestions
for marketing approaches. Other such
classifications, each with detailed profiles, use 8, 37, 47 and 43 lifestyle
groups, sometimes grouped into more
general categories (nine in the case of
the 43 above). In addition, geographical location at the regional scale and
by postal districts is often provided to
aid marketing. Clearly, the proliferation of such data and their use in housing development, design and marketing is convincing evidence for their
utility and importance. It would be
very useful if architects and urban and
landscape designers analyzed this material in order to see how useful it
might be, and also in order to be able
to work with developers and possibly
improve design.
M uc hos d e estos g rup os tienen asig nad os nom b res llam a tivo s una e sp e c ie d e m o te s a b re via d o s, a ve c e s
inc luso ilustrad os c on c arac terizac iones estereo- tip ad as
. Po r ejem p lo , lo s Yuffies j venes urb a no s fra c a sa d os, a d iferenc ia d e los m ejor c onoc id os Yup p ies
jvenes urb anos p rofesionales. Estas etiq uetas varan en d istintas b ases d e d atos. Una d e ellas, q ue c om p rend e 48 estilos d e vid a, hac e referenc ias a los p eq ueos sub urb anos [sub urb an g entry], nuevos ric os
[nouveau ric he], vig ilanc ia y g rilletes [tuition and b rac es]
(fam ilias c on hijos ad olesc entes), los urb anitas d e a p ie
[urb an g entry], etc . Otra c lasific ac in, ilustrad a c on d ib ujos d e exteriores e interiores d e c asas, d esc rib iend o tanto las fac ilid ad es c om o las im g enes d esead as, d isting ue entre lo s no yup p ies [unyup p ies] , c uyo s va lo res
son d iferentes d e los d e los yup p ies p ero p arec en sim ilare s , ya p p ie s (j ve n e s a s p ira n te s a p ro fe s io n a le s ),
tread ers (d e tread p isar, p isotear), YM CAs (jvenes
arrib istas c asad os y sin hijos), sc am p ies (p ad res tard os ac om od ad os y c onsc ientes d e su c ateg ora soc ial),
etc . Se ad juntan las d esc rip c iones d e las viviend as, los
b arrios y las p referenc ias d e lug ar d e c ad a g rup o.
Tam b in se p rop orc iona la inform ac in sob re los ing resos d e c ad a g rup o, los p rod uc tos y servic ios q ue c om p ran, lo q ue c om en, b eb en, leen, sus m asc otas (si es
q ue las tienen) y otros rasg os d e su estilo d e vid a. En el
tratam iento d e esos d atos, las p ub lic ac iones c om erc iales d e los p rom otores inm ob iliarios y las b ases d e d atos
sob re los p rop ietarios d e viviend as inc luyen sug erenc ias
ac erc a d e las estrateg ias d e m arketing . Otras c lasific ac io nes d e este tip o , to d a s c o n sus p erfiles d eta lla d o s,
c onsid eran, resp ec tivam ente, 8, 37, 47 y 43 g rup os d iferenc iad os p or estilo d e vid a, alg unos d e ellos ag rup ad os en c ateg oras m s g enerales (nueve en el c aso d e
los 43 g rup os). Ad em s, se p rop orc ionan d atos d e ub ic ac in g eog rfic a a esc ala reg ional (c d ig os p ostales)
q ue fac ilitan el m arketing . La p roliferac in d e estos d atos
y su uso en la c onstruc c in, d iseo y m arketing d e nuevas viviend as son una m uestra c onvinc ente d e su utiliA R Q U I TE C TO N I C S
181
As Figures 44 and 45 show, lifestyles

result in activity systems. These are the
most concrete and specific and link
lifestyles (and ultimately culture) with
built environments. Since I have already used cooking and kitchens (e.g.
among Puerto Ricans and Apache)
as an example of the impact of latent
aspects, it is useful to use some recent
examples to show how lifestyle affects
kitchen design in terms of instrumental aspects. The same examples also
shows the role of constraints in making
it difficult or impossible to satisfy some
of the special requirements identified,
due either to conflicts with codes and
regulations, economics or politics.
The example is from Britain, where
there is now provision for ethnic
housing which, however, ignores subgroups. Two groups, Chinese and Bangladeshies are discussed. Chinese people prefer cooking with gas, for greater
control. Gas, however, is not allowed
in multistory buildings in Britain (note
that the use of high-rise housing is
probably itself a result of economic
constraints). Food storage is important in Chinese kitchens (as it is in the
case of other minority ethnic groups);
this needs larger kitchens, which raises
costs. Cooking methods produce much
steam and oil smoke, so that heavyduty extractive fans are neededand
they cost more. In addition, elsewhere
there is a need for specific color and
window shapes for symbolic reasons,
and specific spatial needs due to higher levels of socializing than among
the British. In the case of Bangladeshis, the use of cooking fat and spices,
and the need to feed large households
and many guest, leads to much condensation and needs special extraction
fans. Ideally, catering size cookers and
sinks are also needed. Kitchens need
to be large, also because of the need
for storage of bulk products. Large
182
d a d e im p o rta n c ia . Se ra m u y til s i lo s a rq u ite c to s ,

urb anistas y p aisajistas analizaran estos m ateriales p ara
c om p rob ar su p otenc ial utilid ad , p od er trab ajar en c ontac to c on los p rom otores y, p osib lem ente, m ejorar el d ise o .
Tal c om o m uestran los esq uem as [fig . 44 y 45], los estilos d e vid a d esem b oc an en sistem as d e ac tivid ad . Son
m s c onc retos y esp ec fic os y vinc ulan los estilos d e vid a
(y, c om o resultad o, la c ultura) c on los entornos c onstruid os. Puesto q ue ya he utilizad o la p rep arac in d e c om id a y la c oc ina (p or ejem p lo, en la c om unid ad p uertorriq uea y entre los ind ios ap ac he ) p ara ilustrar la influenc ia
d e los asp ec tos latentes, sera til em p lear tam b in alg unos ejem p los rec ientes p ara m ostrar c m o los estilos d e
vid a afec tan al d iseo d e la c oc ina en trm inos d e sus
asp ec tos instrum entales. Los m ism os ejem p los tam b in
m uestran el p ap el d e las lim itac iones (c oac c iones) q ue
hac en d ifc iles o im p osib les d e satisfac er alg unos d e los
req uerim ientos id entific ad os, d eb id o a q ue entran en c onflic to c on norm ativas y ord enanzas d e c arc ter ec onm ic o o p oltic o.
L o p o d e m o s ilu stra r c o n u n e je m p lo d e la s vivie n d a s
tn ic a s q u e se e st n c re a n d o e n e l Re in o U n id o , ig n o ra n d o , sin e m b a rg o , lo s su b g ru p o s. Se to m a n e n
c o n sid e ra c i n d o s g ru p o s: lo s in m ig ra n te s d e C h in a y
B a n g la d e s h . L o s c h in o s p re fie re n c o c in a r c o n g a s ,
q u e se c o n tro la m e jo r. Sin e m b a rg o , e n In g la te rra e l
u so d e l g a s n o e st p e rm itid o e n b lo q u e s d e va ria s
p la n ta s (o b se rve n q u e la c o n stru c c i n d e e d ific io s a lto s e n s p ro b a b le m e n te e s e l re su lta d o d e lim ita c io n e s e c o n m ic a s ). Pa ra u n a c o c in a c h in a e s im p o rta n te e l a lm a c e n a m ie n to d e a lim e n to s (c o m o e n e l
c a so d e o tro s g ru p o s tn ic o s m in o rita rio s); e sto c o n lle va la n e c e s id a d d e c o c in a s m s g ra n d e s , lo q u e
a u m e n ta lo s c o s te s . Su s m to d o s c u lin a rio s p ro d u c e n u n a g ra n c a n tid a d d e va p o r y h u m o s d e a c e ite ,
lo q u e re q u ie re la in sta la c i n d e p o te n te s c a m p a n a s
e xtra c to ra s y e lla s su p o n e n u n c o ste a n m a yo r.
households obviously have other spatial implications. Due to religious requirements, separate living and eating
areas are needed for men and women.
Privacy preventing women from visiting male guests requires specific forms
of space organization. The need for
ritual ablutions leads to specific bathroom requirements, which cost more.
Lifestyle differences among Muslim,
Chinese and Hindu populations in Singapore ideally would also have an
impact on many aspects of apartment
design. The provision of standardized
apartments means that people have
to adapt to dwellings, rather than
dwellings to people. Because of politics, it is believed that housing for the
three groups must be identical. Canada, on the other hand, does encourage
culture-specific housing. Very specific
housing needs follow from the lifestyles
and activities of Chinese and Vietnamese residents. 6 Other examples, discussed earlier, are also relevant to the
present discussion. I encourage readers to try and relate them, and also to
develop their own examples.
One final point. In the case of the Puerto Ricans in New York discussed earlier (see footnote 9), and the cases discussed above, kitchens are just one of
the setting that are affected by activity
systems (including their latent aspects).
This also applies to living rooms, bedrooms, entrances, relationships among
settings, relation of settings to the outdoors, and thus window placement
and so on. Also, as already seen, the
relationships among dwellings are also affected, as in the case of Hispanics
in Arizona, or the case of Feng Shui
in area with large Chinese populations, California in the U.S. and Manchester in Britain.
A d e m s , e n o tro s c a s o s s u rg e n u n a s n e c e s id a d e s
e sp e c fic a s d e c o lo r o d e fo rm a d e la s ve n ta n a s (p o r
ra zo n e s s im b lic a s ) o n e c e s id a d e s e s p a c ia le s d ife re n te s, d e b id o a n ive le s d e so c ia liza c i n m s a lto s e n
c o m p a ra c i n c o n lo s h a b itu a le s e n tre lo s b rit n ic o s.
En e l c a so d e lo s in m ig ra n te s d e B a n g la d e sh , e l u so
d e g ra sa c u lin a ria y e sp e c ia s y la n e c e sid a d d e c o n vivir c o n m u c h o s p a rie n te s e in vita d o s c o n d u c e n a la
g ra n c o n d e n sa c i n d e h u m o s, lo q u e p re c isa p o te n te s siste m a s d e e xtra c c i n . L a so lu c i n id e a l se ra la
d e in sta la r fo g o n e s y fre g a d e ro s d e ta m a o in d u stria l.
L a s c o c in a s h a n d e se r g ra n d e s, ta m b i n p o r la n e c e s id a d d e a lm a c e n a r u n a r e s e r v a d e a lim e n to s .
Gra n d e s fa m ilia s tie n e n su s p ro p ia s im p lic a c io n e s e sp a c ia le s. D e b id o a lo s p re c e p to s re lig io so s, se n e c e s ita n re a s s e p a ra d a s p a ra h o m b re s y m u je re s e n
la s q u e vivir y c o m e r. L a s n o rm a s d e p riva c id a d q u e
im p id e n a la s m u je re s e sta r e n p re se n c ia d e lo s in vita d o s m a sc u lin o s re q u ie re n u n a s fo rm a s e s p e c ia le s
d e o rg a n iza c i n e s p a c ia l. L a n e c e s id a d d e a b lu c io n e s ritu a le s lle va a u n o s re q u e rim ie n to s e s p e c fic o s
p a ra lo s c u a rto s d e b a o , q u e ta m b i n h a c e n su b ir
lo s c o ste s d e c o n stru c c i n .
El estilo d e vid a d iferente d e las c om unid ad es m usulm ana, c hina e hind en Sing ap ur d eb era, en el c aso id eal,
tener una influenc ia sob re m uc hos asp ec tos d e d iseo
d e ap artam entos. Pero los nic os ap artam entos d isp onib les son estnd ar, lo c ual sig nific a q ue las p erso na s
d eb en ad ap tarse a las viviend as, m s q ue las viviend as
a las p ersonas. Por c uestiones p oltic as, se c ree q ue las
viviend as p ara los tres g rup os han d e ser id ntic as. Por
otra p arte, Canad s favorec e la c reac in d e viviend as
c ulturalm ente esp ec fic as. Estilos d e vid a y ac tivid ad es
d e los c iud ad anos d e orig en c hino y vietnam ita exig en
una viviend a m uy esp ec fic a. 6 Otros ejem p los, ya c itad os, tam b in son relevantes en este c ontexto. Yo anim o
a los lec tores a intentar relac ionarlos, al ig ual q ue a d esarrollar sus p rop ios ejem p los.
I now turn to the vertical axis (Figs.

183
43-45) which addresses the problem

of excessive abstractness. Along this
axis, and considering the more concrete expressions of culture, I begin
with kinship. I then discuss family
structure, roles, social networks, status, identity and social institutions.
Note two things: First, this list is not
complete; second, the order is not
hierarchical, these variables are not
in order of importance.
Concerning kinship, I have already
given some examples: Hispanics in the
U.S. and the English working class in
London in the 1950s. The examples
above of the Chinese and Bangladeshis
in Britain, and of Hispanics in the U.S.
are, at least partly, related to the importance of kinship. We have also seen
that much higher densities can be tolerated by Chinese if kin are involved
than when strangers are involved, and
that the definition of kin both among
Chinese and Mexicans, is much broader than among Anglo-Americans.
In general, kinship seems to play a
larger role in the housing of traditional societies than it does currently,
especially in developed countries. As
a result identifying kinship patterns is
indispensable to understand housing
there, and to design supportive housing. The major impact in such situations is through clustering, so that kinship becomes an important form of
homogeneity at the neighborhood level. In such cases kinship also helps
explain settlement form, street pattern
and use, housing clusters (or compounds). It also has an impact on
house forms, such as communal dwellings or the ability to use densely clustered courtyard housing (as in the Middle East) sometimes without even the
commonly used narrow streets (which
become semi-private space). Access
is, instead, directly among houses.
184
Para p oner un p unto final, c itar el ya m enc ionad o c aso

d e los p uertorriq ueos instalad os en N ueva York [ver referenc ia 9]. En este c aso, al ig ual q ue en otros q ue se
c itan a c ontinuac in, las c oc inas no son m s q ue uno
d e los lug ares q ue se ven afec tad os p or los sistem as d e
ac tivid ad (inc luyend o sus asp ec tos latentes). Lo m ism o
es vlid o p ara los salones, los d orm itorios, los rec ib id ores, las relac iones entre los lug ares, las relac iones d e los
lug ares c on el exterior, lo q ue im p lic a la ub ic ac in d e las
ventanas, etc . Com o ya hem os p od id o c om p rob ar, las
relac iones entre viviend as tam b in se ven afec tad as: en
el c aso d e los hisp anos resid entes en A rizona o en el
c aso d e ap lic ac in d e las norm as Feng Shui en las reas
c on alto p orc entaje d e p ob lac in d e orig en c hino California en los Estad os Unid os y M anc hester en Gran Breta a .
Ahora volvem os al eje vertic al [fig . 43- 45], q ue ab ord a el
p rob lem a d e una exc esiva ab strac c in. En este eje yo
c o lo c o la s e xp re sio n e s m s c o n c re ta s d e la c u ltu ra ,
em p ezand o p or el p arentesc o. Lueg o p aso a la estruc tura fa m ilia r, lo s ro le s, la s re d e s so c ia le s, e l sta tus, la
id entid ad y las instituc iones soc iales. Ob serven d os c osas: p rim ero, la lista no est c om p leta; seg und o, el ord en no es jerrq uic o, estas variab les no se ord enan en
func in d e su im p ortanc ia.
Por lo q ue se refiere al p arentesc o, ya he d ad o alg unos
ejem p los: el d e los hisp anos en EE.UU. y el d e la c lase
ob rera ing lesa d e Lond res en los aos 50. Estos ejem p los d e los inm ig rantes d e China y Bang lad esh en Gran
Breta a y d e lo s hisp a no s en EE.UU. est n rela c io na d os, al m enos, en p arte, c on la im p ortanc ia d el p arentesc o. Tam b in hem os visto q ue los c hinos p ued en tolerar las d ensid ad es d e p ob lac in m uc ho m s altas, si se
trata d e fam iliares, no d e extraos, y q ue la d efinic in d e
p ariente tanto entre los c hinos c om o entre los m ejic anos es m uc ho m s am p lia q ue entre los ang loam eric an o s.
Traditional kinship clusters can persist,

albeit in new forms, such as the family
circle in Scandinavia. The reduced
importance of kinship in housing may
also be reversed, either naturally or
through design. The aging of many
populations may lead to the use of
granny flats, and their equivalents,
as in Australia and Japan. It also leads
to new forms of housing such as various forms of co-housing. Other responses include houses shared by unrelated young and old, or by singleparent families. Such arrangements
can be seen as a form of fictitious
kinship found in some traditional
societies. It can also be seen as a link
between kinship and family structure,
the boundary between which can be
difficult to determine. At the same time
multigenerational households can
cause conflicts and problems, especially for men and teenagers. These conflicts seem to be due to values, ideals,
expectations, lifestyles and activity
systems.
Family structure has been seen for
quite some time as a useful way of relating culture to housing. Clearly, the
dwelling as the primary setting and
focus of family life needs to be congruent with the numbers and organization of the household. Although family structure would clearly not be relevant in the case of certain settings
(offices, industry, research, etc.) it will
play a role in others. These would include settings that form part of the relevant system of settings which is housing, but may include settings which, a
priori seem unlikely to be related. One
example, are health facilities where,
in certain cases, the patients whole
family may be present and involved.
Another may be airports. These, when
many family members accompany or
await passengers, may have specific
spatial requirements.
En g eneral, el p arentesc o p arec e d esem p ear un p ap el

m uc ho m s im p ortante en las viviend as d entro d e las
soc ied ad es trad ic ionales q ue el q ue jueg a ac tualm ente,
sob re tod o en los p ases d esarrollad os. En c onsec uenc ia, p ara entend er sus viviend as y d isear lug ares favorec ed ores es im p resc ind ib le id entific ar los p atrones d e
p a re nte sc o . El m a yo r im p a c to e n ta le s situa c io ne s se
p rod uc e c on ag rup ac in [c lustering ], as q ue el p arentesc o lleg a a ser un im p ortante fac tor d e hom og eneid ad
a nivel d e vec ind ario, ad em s d e ayud ar a exp lic ar la
form a d el asentam iento, el trazad o d e sus c alles y las
a g rup a c io nes d e c a sa s [c o m p o und s] . Ta m b in influye
en la form a d e las c asas, c om o viviend as c om unes o la
hab ilid ad p ara utilizar las c asas c on p atio interior d ensam ente ag rup ad as (c om o en el Oriente M ed io), alg unas
vec es p resc ind iend o inc luso d e las estrec has c alles d e
uso c o m unita rio (q ue se c o nvie rte n e n e sp a c io se m ip rivad o, y el ac c eso se ub ic a d irec tam ente entre las c asa s). La s a g rup a c io ne s tra d ic io na le s p ue d e n p e rsistir,
aunq ue ad q uiriend o form as nuevas, p or ejem p lo, el c rc ulo fa m ilia r en Esc a nd ina via . La d ism inuc i n d e im p ortanc ia d el p arentesc o p ued e tam b in ser revertid a,
sea d e form a natural, sea a travs d el d iseo. El envejec im iento d e m uc hos p ases p ued e c onllevar la ap aric in
d e p isos p ara la terc era ed ad [g rannie flats] y sus eq uiva lentes, c o m o en A ustra lia o J a p n, o d e fo rm a s d e
viviend a c om p letam ente nuevas, c om o varios tip os d e
viviend a c om n [c o- housing ]. Entre otras soluc iones, se
p ued en c itar las c asas c om p artid as p or jvenes solteros
y p ersonas m ayores, o p or fam ilias d e p ad res o m ad res
sin p areja. Estos arreg los p ued en c onsid erarse c om o una
form a d e p arentesc o fic tic io q ue existe en alg unas soc ied ad es trad ic ionales. Tam b in se les p ued e ver c om o
un eslab n entre el p arentesc o y la estruc tura fam iliar,
una frontera d ifc il d e d eterm inar. Al m ism o tiem p o, es
p o sib le q ue lo s ho g a re s m ultig e ne ra c io na le s g e ne re n
c onflic tos y p rob lem as, esp ec ialm ente p ara hom b res y
a d o lesc entes. Esto s c o nflic to s, a l p a rec er, se d eb en a
valores, id eales, exp ec tac iones, estilos d e vid a y sistem as d e ac tivid ad d iverg entes.
185
In the case of housing, as in all cases

of EBR, the interaction of family and
housing is two way: Family type and
organization influence dwellings and
the latter, in turn, have effects in the
family. This is particularly the case
when there are time lagschanges in
the family are not reflected in the
housing, which becomes inhibiting. As
it will be discussed in the post-script,
that is one of the reasons for the need
for open-ended design.
It is also the case that, in general, the
household and family are one and the
same. There are clearly exceptions, although even in extreme cases, such as
communal dwellings (which are also
settlements), the family (however defined) still forms the basic unit, the building block, as it were, of the dwelling
community. It is, therefore, most important to consider the family when
dealing with housing, particularly
since many current changes in housing
(and even settlement) form and use
are intimately related to various changes in the nature of the family unit,
which also affect lifestyle, roles, activity
systems, etc. This is the case with
changes (or differences) in family
structure, for example, single parent,
working couples, extended families,
co-housing groups, young and elderly,
single person households, large families, polygamous families, etc. These
have implications not only for the
dwelling, for example its size, kitchens,
living rooms, etc., but because housing is a system of settings, there are
also implications for urban form. For
example, smaller households increase
the area of housing, because kitchens,
bathrooms, parking, etc., still need to
be provided; density is thus reduced.
On the other hand, large families often
lead to higher densities through the
opposite process and the need for
large houses. Thus, in the case of a
186
La estruc tura fam iliar se c onsid er d urante alg n tiem p o

c om o un m od o til d e relac ionar la c ultura c on la viviend a. Claram ente, la viviend a c om o lug ar p rim ario y foc o
d e vid a fam iliar ha d e ser c ong ruente c on el nm ero d e
p ersonas y la org anizac in d el hog ar. Aunq ue la estruc tura fam iliar, ob viam ente, p ued e no ser relevante en el
c aso d e alg unos lug ares (ofic inas, ed ific ios ind ustriales o
c ientfic os, etc .), jug ar un p ap el im p ortante en otros. Entre
ellos estn los lug ares q ue form an un sistem a relevante
la viviend a, p ero aq u p ued en inc luirse tam b in alg unos lug ares q ue a p riori p arec en im p rob ab les en este
c ontexto. De ejem p lo p ued en servir los estab lec im ientos
sa nita rio s d o nd e, en a lg uno s c a so s, p ued e esta r p resente e involuc rad a tod a la fam ilia d el p ac iente. Otro ejem p lo son los aerop uertos, q ue tam b in p ued en tener req uerim ientos esp ac iales esp ec fic os p ara las oc asiones
c uand o m uc hos m iem b ros d e fam ilia ac om p aan o esp eran a los p asajeros.
En e l c a so d e la vivie n d a , a l ig u a l q u e e n o tro s c a so s
d e la s EB R (re la c io n e s e n tre e l e n to rn o y e l c o m p o rta m ie n to h u m a n o ), la in te ra c c i n d e la fa m ilia y e l
e n to rn o e s d e d o b le se n tid o : e l tip o y la o rg a n iza c i n
fa m ilia r in flu ye e n la vivie n d a , y e sta ltim a , a su ve z,
c a u sa e fe c to s e n la fa m ilia . Este c a so p a rtic u la r se d a
c u a n d o e x is te n re tra s o s c ro n o l g ic o s lo s c a m b io s
e n la fa m ilia n o e st n re fle ja d o s e n la vivie n d a y la
vivie n d a se c o n vie rte e n u n e n to rn o in h ib id o r. Ta l c o m o
c o m e n ta r e n la Po sd a ta , e s u n a d e la s ra zo n e s d e
la n e c e sid a d d e l d ise o a b ie rto .
Tam b in es c ierto q ue, c om o norm a g eneral, el hog ar y
la fam ilia form an una unid ad ind isolub le. Sin d ud a, hay
exc ep c iones, p ero inc luso en los c asos extrem os, c om o
el d e las viviend as c om unales (q ue son al m ism o tiem p o
p ob lad os), la fam ilia (sea c ual sea su d efinic in) sig ue
siend o la unid ad b sic a, d ig am os, el b loq ue d e c onstru c c i n d e la c o m u n id a d re sid e n c ia l. Es, p u e s, m u y
im p ortante tom ar en c onsid erac in la fam ilia c uand o se
Hasidic Jewish community in Brooklyn, family, and hence housing size,

has lead to special zoning, allowing
coverage of 65% of the lot, with reduced setbacks and backyards. There
are also many changes and additions,
which lead to the need for openendedness, as the family changes over
time. Although this is not related to
family per se, the specifics of the religion have major impact on the design
of the dwelling, especially kitchens, the
nature of many highly specific settings
and how they are arranged in the
neighborhood, including their extent:
On the Sabbath one must walk.
In the state of Utah in the U.S., there
are still polygamous families among
Mormons. This requires numerous
bedrooms, in one case 10; bathrooms7; 2 kitchens, 2 nurseries, 2
laundry rooms and a school room.
There are, of course, still polygamous
families in the Middle East, Africa and
elsewhere. In those cases, due to family
size space becomes the major concern,
as it does for the Hasidim discussed
above. This applies both to initial size
and to how easily dwellings can be
expanded. The differences in the structure of families in the different cases
led to very different housing forms and
use.
Family is also important because it is
a most important intermediate institution that helps people cope with difficult (and stressful) situations. It thus
becomes particularly important in situations of high criticality, e.g. urban
migrants, immigrants, rapid culture
change, etc. Recall also that the dwelling and family are central in enculturation and, therefore, play a central
role in the cultural continuity and survival of groups. There are also groups
in which all adult members have the
authority to control childrens beha-
trata d e la viviend a, sob re tod o p orq ue m uc hos c am b ios

ac tuales en la form a y el uso d e la viviend a (e inc luso d el
p ob lad o) estn ntim am ente relac ionad os c on una serie
d e c am b ios en la naturaleza d e la unid ad fam iliar y tam b in afec tan al estilo d e vid a, los roles, los sistem as d e
ac tivid ad , etc . Estos c am b ios (o d iferenc ias) en la estruc tura fam iliar (p or ejem p lo, m ad res o p ad res sep arad os,
p arejas q ue trab ajan fuera d e c asa, fam ilias extensas,
g ru p o s q u e c o m p a rte n vivie n d a , ta n to j ve n e s c o m o
a nc ia no s, p erso na s q ue viven so la s, fa m ilia s num ero sas, fam ilias p olg am as, etc .) no solo tienen im p lic ac iones
p ara la viviend a (su tam ao, c oc inas, salas d e estar, etc .),
sino (siend o la viviend a un sistem a d e lug ares) tam b in
p ara la form a urb ana en g eneral. Por ejem p lo, las fam ilias m enos num erosas aum entan la sup erfic ie oc up ad a
p or las viviend as, ya q ue ig ualm ente nec esitan d e c oc inas, b aos, ap arc am ientos; d e esta form a se red uc e la
d ensid ad d e p ob lac in. En un p roc eso op uesto, g rand es
fam ilias a m enud o c rean d ensid ad es d e p ob lac in altas
y nec esitan c asas m s g rand es. As, en el c aso d e la
c om unid ad jud a hasd ic a en Brooklyn, la estruc tura fam iliar y, p or tanto, el tam ao d e las c asas, ha c ausad o
una zonific ac in esp ec fic a p erm itiend o c ub rir el 65 % d el
solar y red uc iend o as los p atios traseros e interiores. Los
num erosos c am b ios y am p liac iones d e las viviend as tam b in c ond ic ionan la nec esid ad d el d iseo ab ierto, d ad o
q u e la f a m ilia e s t c a m b ia n d o e n e l t ie m p o . L a
esp ec fic id ad d e la relig in, aunq ue no teng a relac in d irec ta c on la fam ilia p er se , tam b in ejerc e influenc ia sob re el d iseo d e la viviend a (esp ec ialm ente d e la c oc ina)
y sob re la ub ic ac in d e los lug ares altam ente esp ec fic os
d entro d el vec ind ario, inc luid as las d istanc ias q ue los sep aran (los d as d e Sab b ath se d eb e c am inar).
Entre lo s m o rm o nes d el esta d o d e Uta h (EE.UU.) a n
existen fam ilias p olg am as. N ec esitan varios d orm itorios
(en un c aso son d iez, c on siete c uartos d e b ao, d os
c o c ina s, d o s c ua rto s d e nio s, d o s la va nd e ra s y una
aula d e estud ios). Tam b in hay, p or sup uesto, fam ilias
p o lg a m a s en Oriente M ed io , fric a y o tra s p a rtes d el
187
vior in public spaces and settings.

When design makes this impossible,
delinquency and other problems often
arise. All these and other aspects of
housing/family relationships have
been studied. Clearly, linking family
to design is relatively easy, whereas
linking culture is impossible.
Changes in family structure have an
impact on roles, but so do other forces.
The different definition of roles among
different groups (i.e. cultures) has
major (although not the only) effects
on the organization and use of settings
at many scales. Roles probably have
both a constant and variable component, so that when considered over
time and cross-culturally, both patterns
and differences and variations will be
found. At the settlement scale, changing womens roles (e.g. employment)
has resulted in a 50% increase in womens driving and has been largely
res-ponsible for the growth of traffic
in London. However, male driving did
not increase.56 This was partly due to
work, but also to the perceived benefits
of cars (and hence reduced use of public transport). For example, it is easier
to take children to and from school
and to shop when one also works. In
this case, then changed roles have led
to changes in lifestyle, activity system,
etc., and in the organization of time
and space.
In Moslem societies the very different
roles of males and females lead to very
different home ranges and use of
various settings, with major impacts
on dwellings, shopping and neighborhood and other settingseducational, medical, etc. As roles change
with modernization and westernization or the opposite (as in Iran and
Afghanistan), so do the setting systems
required. These have been studied in
various countries and, for example in
188
p laneta. En estos c asos, d eb id o al tam ao d e la fam ilia,

la m ayor p reoc up ac in es el esp ac io, al ig ual q ue en la
m enc ionad a c om unid ad hasd ic a. Esto vale tam b in p ara
el tam ao inic ial d e la viviend a y su fac ilid ad d e exp and irse. Las d iferenc ias en la estruc tura fam iliar en c asos d iferentes c ond uc en a form as y usos d e viviend a tam b in
m uy d istintos.
La fam ilia tam b in es im p ortante p or ser la instituc in
inm ed iata m s relevante q ue ayud a a los hom b res a
sup erar las situac iones d e d ific ultad o estrs. Por lo tanto,
ad q uiere esp ec ial im p ortanc ia en las situac iones altam ente c rtic as (p or ejem p lo, m ig rac iones d el c am p o a
la c iud ad , m ig rac iones entre p ases, b rusc os c am b ios
c ulturales, etc .). Rec uerd en tam b in q ue la viviend a y la
fam ilia son esenc iales en la enc ulturac in y, p or lo tanto,
jueg an el p ap el c entral en la c ontinuid ad c ultural y la sup ervivenc ia d e los g rup os. Hay g rup os d ond e tod os los
m iem b ros ad ultos tienen autorid ad sob re la c ond uc ta d e
lo s nio s en lug a res y a m b ientes p b lic o s. Cua nd o el
d iseo lo im p id e, ap arec e la d elinc uenc ia y otros p rob lem as. Tod os estos y alg unos otros asp ec tos d e la relac in c asa/fam ilia han sid o ob jeto d e estud io. En realid ad ,
vinc ula r la fa m ilia c o n el d iseo es rela tiva m ente f c il,
m ientras q ue vinc ularla c on la c ultura es p rc tic am ente im p osib le.
Los c am b ios en la estruc tura fam iliar influyen en los roles, p ero lo hac en tam b in otras fuerzas. Las d iferentes
d efinic iones d e roles en d istintos g rup os (es d ec ir, c ulturas) ejercen influencia p rincip al (aunq ue no exclusiva) sob re
la org anizac in y el uso d e lug ares a varias esc alas. Los
roles p rob ab lem ente c ontienen c om p onentes c onstantes y variab les, as q ue, a la hora d e c onsid erarlos c ronolg ic a e interc ulturalm ente, p ued en enc ontrarse los d os
tip os d e p atrones, c on tod as sus d iferenc ias y variac iones. A esc ala d e asentam iento, el c am b io d e p ap eles
fem enino s (p o r ejem p lo , el em p leo ) ha d esem b o c a d o
en un aum ento en el 50 % d el nm ero d e m ujeres q ue
c o nd uc e n un ve hc ulo , lo q ue ha c o ntrib uid o no ta b le -
Portugal it has been found that changes in sex roles in-fluence house types
and space use both inside and outside
the dwelling.
There is a rapidly growing body of research on the impact of home-based
employment, especially among women, on the design and use of dwellings, the impact on neighborhood and
the development and use of other settings within the neighborhood. We
have already seen that the response to
one such setting, child care, differs
among different groups, as in the case
of Hispanics discussed earlier.
As a last example, consider the changed roles that follow the increase in
two-job families. One question is who
takes care of the dwelling when both
spouses have careers. Various responses can be found: Men may take on
new tasks or, as is often the case, women maintain traditional household
roles while working, although substantial changes were beginning to
occur by the mid-1980s in the U.S.,
with clear links to family/housing relationships. Another set of responses
has been a lowering of standards of
cleanliness and housekeeping or using
outside cleaners. The details of all the
changes are less important here than
the fact that these various processes
occur and have a direct impact on
housing, including other settings in
the system such as the use of restaurants; prepared foods (shops), child
care facilities and so on. Even more
important is the fact that not only is it
relatively easy to trace such relationships between roles and changes in
roles, and housing, but that there are
also indirect effects via values, family
structure and all the other aspects (or
expressions) of culture.
In discussing kinship and family struc-
m ente a la intensific ac in d e trfic o en Lond res. N o ob stante, el nm ero d e hom b res q ue c ond uc en no ha c rec id o. Este fenm eno en p arte se d eb a al trab ajo, p ero
tam b in a la p erc ep c in d e los b enefic ios d el autom vil
(c on la c onsig uiente red uc c in d e uso d el transp orte p b lic o). Por ejem p lo, es m s fc il llevar a los nios al c oleg io y rec og erlos, o ir a c om p rar en c oc he, c uand o una
tam b in tiene q ue trab ajar. En este c aso, entonc es, el
c am b io d e p ap eles c onllev c am b ios en el estilo d e vid a,
los sistem as d e ac tivid ad , etc ., al ig ual q ue en la org anizac in d e tiem p o y esp ac io.
En las soc ied ad es m usulm anas las g rand es d iferenc ias
entre los p ap eles m asc ulinos y fem eninos hac en q ue su
rad io d e ac c in d entro d e c asa y el uso d e lug ares sean
m uy d istintos, lo q ue tiene m ayores efec tos sob re viviend as, c om erc ios, vec ind ario y otros lug ares esc uelas,
hosp itales, etc .. Dad o q ue los roles c am b ian en el p roc eso d e m od ernizac in u oc c id entalizac in, o b ien
en un p roc eso op uesto, se transform an tam b in los req uerid os sistem as d e lug ares. Han sid o estud iad os en
varios p ases y, p or ejem p lo, en Portug al se d esc ub ri
q ue los c am b ios en los p ap eles d e los sexos influyen en
los tip os d e c asas y en el uso d e esp ac ios d entro y fuera
d e la viviend a.
Los estud ios sob re la influenc ia d el tele- em p leo (trab ajo d esem p ea d o d esd e c a sa ), esp ec ia lm ente entre la
p ob lac in fem enina, en el d iseo d e la viviend a, en el
vec ind ario y en el d esarrollo d e otros lug ares d entro d el
vec ind ario estn aum entand o d e volum en c on g ran rap id ez. Ya hem os ob servad o q ue la resp uesta en uno d e
los fac tores el c uid ad o d e los nios vara en d iferentes g rup os, c om o en el m enc ionad o c aso d e los hisp ano s e n EE.UU.
Para p oner el ltim o ejem p lo, c onsid erem os el c am b io
d e p ap eles q ue ac om p aa el aum ento d e nm ero d e
fam ilias c on d os sueld os. Una c uestin es q uin se oc up a d e la c asa si los d os esp osos se d ed ic an al trab ajo
189
ture, one type of social networks has

already been mentioned. More generally, there is an extensive, cross-cultural, well-established literature on social networks. This research began in
the 1960s among British anthropologists working in Africa. Social networks can be with neighbors, friends,
kin, on the basis of common interests,
ideology, lifestyle, language, caste,
place of origin, occupation, religions,
tribe, ethnicity and other forms of perceived homogeneity. Not only is the literature extensive, but there are welldeveloped methods to study social networks, classifications of network types,
etc. This provides a valuable and easy
way to relate culture to the systems
of settings linked to the dwelling. I have
already discussed some examples, such
as shops, markets, clubs, coffee and
tea houses, bars, etc., when dealing
with latent aspects of a variety of settings as places of social interaction.
An important aspect, not yet discussed,
and also neglected in research on social networks, is their spatial extent,
whether they are intensive, local, based mainly on proximity and thus largely restricted to the neighborhood, or
extensive, based on shared interests,
lifestyles, activities, hobbies, work, etc.,
and thus spatially widespread.
It has been frequently argued that the
former are being replaced by the latter.
Although in general that seems to be
happening, there are major differences
among groups, with the persistence of
local networks and even a reversal to
them.8 There are two major classes of
reasons for this general change. One
is social change, briefly discussed below, the other is technological change.
Technology has clearly had the effect
of increasing the spatial extent of networks. As transportation modes have
changed, networks have become much
190
rem unerad o. Pued en enc ontrarse varias resp uestas: o

lo s h o m b re s a su m e n n u e va s ta re a s o , c o m o p a sa a
m enud o, las m ujeres m antienen sus p ap eles trad ic ionales d e am as d e c asa, c om p ag innd olos c on el trab ajo
re m u n e ra d o . Sin e m b a rg o , a m e d ia d o s d e lo s a o s
o c he nta e n EE.UU. e m p e za ro n a p ro d uc irse c a m b io s
sustanc iales q ue tenan una c lara vinc ulac in c on las relac iones fam ilia/viviend a. El c am b io d e p ap eles fem eninos tuvo otras c onsec uenc ias: p or un lad o, b ajaron los
estnd ares d e lim p ieza y m antenim iento d e la viviend a y,
p or otro lad o, se em p ezaron a c ontratar a p ersonas ajenas p ara los servic ios d om stic os. Los d etalles d e este
p roc eso son m enos im p ortantes en el c ontexto q ue el
m ism o hec ho d e q ue estos p roc esos oc urran y teng an
una influenc ia d irec ta sob re la viviend a, inc luyend o otros
lug ares d el sistem a: restaurantes, tiend as d e p latos p rec o c ina d o s, g ua rd e ra s, e tc . Pe ro a n m s im p o rta nte
p a ra no so tro s e s e l he c ho d e q ue no so la m e nte se a
m uy fc il d esc ub rir la relac in entre los p ap eles (o sus
c am b ios) y la viviend a, sino q ue existan tam b in unos
efec tos ind irec tos q ue se im p ulsan p or los fac tores c om o
valores, estruc tura fam iliar y tod os los d em s asp ec tos
(o exp resiones) d e la c ultura.
Hab land o d el p arentesc o y d e la estruc tura fam iliar, ya
hem os m enc ionad o un tip o d e red soc ial [soc ial netw ork].
En g eneral, existe una extenssim a y firm em ente estab lec id a literatura interc ultural sob re las red es soc iales. Estas investig ac iones arranc aron en los aos sesenta entre
los antrop log os b ritnic os q ue trab ajab an en fric a. Las
red es soc iales p ued en estab lec erse c on vec inos, am ig os o p arientes, b asnd ose en intereses c om unes, id eolog a, estilo d e vid a, leng ua, c asta, lug ar d e orig en, p rofesin, relig in, trib u, etnia y otras form as d e hom og eneid ad p erc ib id a. Y no solam ente es una literatura extensa,
sino q ue c ontiene m tod os b ien d esarrollad os p ara estud iar las red es soc iales, su tip olog a y c lasific ac iones, etc .
Esto nos p rop orc iona un m od o valioso y fc il d e relac ionar la c ultura c on los sistem as d e lug ares vinc ulad os a
la vivie nd a . Ya he c o m e nta d o va rio s e je m p lo s, c o m o
more extensive; cars have obviously

had the greatest effect, but air-travel
has also played a role. Telephones
also have helped to enable networks
to be maintained over much larger
distanceseven among family and
kin. An interesting and currently much
discussed (and researched) question
concerns the possible effects of
computers and computer networks.
As is often the case, developing countries clearly show the impact of social
change (and also suggest the need to
modulate or moderate such change).
A good example is Kirtipur, Nepal, recently studied in some detail, and
shows the joint effects of social and
land use change.9 In the past, neighborhoods were homogeneous, based
on caste (as is the case in India and
elsewhere in South Asia). Caste was
more important in Hindu (as opposed
to Buddhist) areas and led to a finer
grain organization and clustering. At
the larger scale, religion as well as
caste was important, and both Buddhist and Hindu populations clustered
around their respective religious institutions. Traditionally, these two together rigidly fixed social position and
ritual status which, in turn, were important in religious rituals, social organization, marriage, personal relations, etc., and hence, social networks.
These latter were neighborhood centered and based on strong ties. Currently
they are weakening and even disappearing in favor of (nuclear) familycentered, dwelling-oriented, private
relations which are due not only to
social changes but also to new dwelling forms; again, there is a two-way
relationship as was also found in Turkey and elsewhere. Such private, dwelling-oriented relations reach the ultimate among one of the groups in the
case of the suburb discussed earlier
(see footnote 31).
tiend a s, m erc a d o s, c lub es, c a fs, c a sa s d e t, b a res,

etc ., hab land o d e asp ec tos latentes d e una varied ad d e
lug ares q ue sirven p ara la interac c in soc ial. Su alc anc e
esp ac ial es un asp ec to im p ortante q ue an no ha sid o
m enc ionad o y q ue se ig nora p or c om p leto p or los investig ad ores d e las red es soc iales: si estas red es son intensivas, loc ales, b asad as p rinc ip alm ente en la p roxim id ad
y, p or tanto, restring id as al vec ind ario, o extensivas, b asad as en intereses c om p artid os, estilos d e vid a, ac tivid ad es, hob b ies, trab ajo, etc . y, en c onsec uenc ia, extend id as en el esp ac io.
Se ha d isc utid o m uc ho sob re el tem a d e la sustituc in
d e las red es soc iales intensivas p or las extensivas. Aunq ue en g eneral p arec e ser c ierto, existen d iferenc ias im p ortantes entre d istintos g rup os, c on la p ersistenc ia d e
red es loc ales e inc luso su reg resin. 8 Este c am b io g eneral tiene d os c ausas p rinc ip ales. Una es el c am b io soc ial, b revem ente c om entad o arrib a, y la otra es el c am b io tec nolg ic o.
La tec nolog a tiene el efec to d e aum entar el alc anc e esp ac ial d e las red es soc iales. Con el c am b io d e las m od alid ad es d e transp orte, las red es soc iales se hic ieron
m uc ho m s e xte nsa s. El a uto m vil o b via m e nte jue g a
aq u el p ap el p rinc ip al, p ero no hay q ue olvid ar el im p ac to d el transp orte areo. Los telfonos tam b in han c ontrib uid o al estab lec im iento d e red es q ue se p ued an m antener inc luso entre fam iliares y p arientes a d istanc ias
m uc ho m s larg as. Una c uestin interesante y ac tualm ente m uy c om entad a (y estud iad a) c onc ierne a los p osib les efec tos d e la inform tic a y d e las red es d e c om unic ac in p or ord enad or sob re las red es soc iales.
Com o es frec uente, los p ases en vas d e d esarrollo p resentan unas c laras influenc ias d el c am b io soc ial (lo q ue
tam b in sug iere la nec esid ad d e m od ular o m od erar tal
c am b io). Un b uen ejem p lo es la c iud ad d e Kirtip ur, N ep al.
Los rec ientes y d etallad os estud ios m uestran los efec tos
c o m b ina d o s d el c a m b io en la vid a so c ia l y el uso d el
191
The nature of social networks may also

change with circumstances. For example, among immigrants, religion
or caste may be replaced by place of
origin, enabling a small group to establish solidarity, identity and mutual
support. Social networks also vary with
lifestyle, so that in a single community,
two groups may vary greatly. For one
group, it is the absence of networks
that is typical, not only among houses
at the neighborhood (meso) level but
even within dwellings. For the other
groups networks are still very important. The first group can also be contrasted with others, for whom social
networks are primary, such as Australian Aborigines, Navajo, Mexicans,
etc. An important role of social networks is supportiveness. It follows that
as criticality goes up, whether due to
migrant status, age, health, resources,
prejudice, etc., such networks become
more important. In other words, one
can not only explain various residential patterns, but begin to predict their
occurrence and importance, with implications for policy and design.
Note that social networks, whether intensive or extensive are usually centered on the dwelling. They may, however, also be anchored by various
group-specific institutions. This relates social networks not only to systems
of settings, but also to certain institutions to which identity and supportiveness may be related.
Religious institutions have already
been mentioned, as in the case of Kirtipur above. These are frequently important and differ greatly among
groups. For example, in the case of
the Orthodox Jewish (Hassidic) community discussed earlier, religious
schools, synagogues, kosher shops and
ritual baths are essential. These are
highly group-specific and often the
192
suelo. 9 En el p asad o los vec ind arios eran hom og neos,

b asad os en las c astas (c om o en la Ind ia y el Sur d e Asia
en g eneral). Las c astas tenan m s im p ortanc ia en las
reas hind es (a d iferenc ias d e las b ud istas) y c ontrib uan
a una org anizac in soc ial y una ag rup ac in m s frag m entad as. A esc ala m s g rand e, la relig in im p ortab a
ta n to c o m o la s c a s ta s , y la s p o b la c io n e s h in d e s y
b ud istas se ag rup ab an alred ed or d e sus resp ec tivas instituc iones relig iosas. Trad ic ionalm ente, estos d os fac tores el sistem a d e c astas y la relig in fijab an rg id am ente la p osic in soc ial y el status ritual q ue, a su vez,
eran im p ortantes p ara los ritos relig iosos, la org anizac in
soc ial, el m atrim onio, las relac iones p ersonales, etc . o,
lo q ue es lo m ism o, p ara las red es soc iales. stas ltim as estab an c entrad as en el vec ind ario y b asad as en
unos vnc ulos m uy fuertes. Ac tualm ente estos lazos se
estn d eb ilitand o e inc luso d esap arec iend o, d ejand o p aso
a unas relac iones p rivad as c entrad as en la fam ilia (nuc lea r) y o rienta d a s ha c ia la viviend a . Esto no se d eb e
nic am ente a los c am b ios soc iales, sino tam b in a las
nuevas form as d e la viviend a: d e nuevo estam os ante
una relac in b id im ensio na l, a l ig ua l q ue en Turq ua o
c ualq uier otro lug ar. Estas relac iones p rivad as orientad as
a la viviend a alc anzan su m xim a exp resin en uno d e
los g rup os en el m enc ionad o c aso d e los sub urb ios resid enc iales.
La naturaleza d e las red es soc iales p ued e tam b in c am b iar seg n las c irc unstanc ias. Por ejem p lo, entre los inm ig rantes, el fac tor d e relig in o c asta p ued e ser sustituid o p or el d e lug ar d e orig en, p erm itiend o a g rup os p eq ueos estab lec er su id entid ad y p restarse m utuo ap oyo. Las red es soc iales tam b in varan c on el estilo d e
vid a, as q ue en la m ism a c om unid ad p ued e hab er d os
g rup o s m uy d istinto s. Pa ra el g rup o es tp ic a p rec isa m ente la ausenc ia d e red es soc iales, no solam ente entre las c asas a nivel d e la vec ind ad (nivel m eso ), sino
inc luso d e ntro d e la s vivie nd a s. Pa ra o tro s g rup o s la s
red es soc iales sig uen siend o im p ortantes. El p rim er g rup o p ued e tam b in p resentar un c ontraste c on otros g rup os, p ara los q ue las red es soc iales son p rim ord iales,
reason for clustering (as is also the

case for other groups and their institutions). In this case the clustering
needs to be tight and networks intensive, because religious rules against
driving on the Sabbath influence lifestyle and the extent of systems of activities. In other cases religious institutions may lead to extensive networks
as is the case of the respective churches
for Samoans and Serbs in Los Angeles. Their members live throughout the
city, but have the (car related) mobility
to use these institutions as their center.
It is important to reiterate that specific
institutions may be related to identity,
and as the latter is created (or re-created) specific institutions take on that
role. Among African Americans (as
for the Samoans and Serbs) it is churches, whereas for American Indian
groups it is cultural centers.
Elsewhere I have discussed the role of
tea-shops in Korea, coffee houses in
Turkey and earlier discussed the role
of bodegas and casitas among Puerto Ricans in New York. I have also
commented on the often counterintuitive nature of the role of certain
settings, based on latent functions,
such as outdoor markets in Mexico,
stables in Hungarian villages and others. These then have to be identified
because they become important institutions and consequently important in
the system of settings, which would be
considered a priori. One example is
the importance for men of groupspecific drinking establishments (pubs
in Britain, Taverns in the U.S. and
Austria) which are described as their
living rooms. Coffee houses in Moslem societies and wine shops in Austrian villages are among other equivalent institutions. I have already discussed the particularly striking example
of the town dump on Nantucket Island,
Massachusetts which, for 60 years has
c om o los ab org enes australianos, los ind ios navajo , los

m ejic anos, etc . Un p ap el m uy im p ortante d esem p ead o p o r la s r e d e s s o c ia le s e s e l d e p r e s ta r a p o y o
[sup p ortiveness]. De ah se d ed uc e q ue, a m ed id a q ue
c r e c e e l g r a d o d e c r itic id a d (d e b id o a l s ta tu s d e
inm ig rantes, ed ad , estad o d e salud , rec ursos, p rejuic ios,
etc .), tales red es ad q uieren m s im p ortanc ia. En otras
p alab ras, uno no slo p ued e exp lic ar una serie d e p atrones resid enc iales, sino tam b in p red ec ir su inc id enc ia e
im p ortanc ia, lo q ue tiene im p lic ac iones en la p oltic a y el
d iseo.
Ob serven q ue las red es soc iales, sean intensivas o extensivas, estn hab itualm ente c entrad as en la viviend a.
Sin em b arg o, p ued en estar anc lad as en varias instituc iones esp ec fic as d el g rup o. Este hec ho relac iona las red es soc iales no solam ente c on los sistem as d e lug ares,
sino ta m b in c o n c ierta s instituc io nes q ue p ued en ser
vinc ulad as a la id entid ad y la c ap ac id ad d e ap oyo.
Las instituc iones relig iosas ya han sid o m enc ionad as, p or
ejem p lo, el c aso d e Kirtip ur. A m enud o ad q uieren una
g ran im p ortanc ia y varan m uc ho en d iferentes g rup os.
Por ejem p lo, en el c aso d e los jud os ortod oxos (hasid es)
ya c om entad o, son esenc iales las esc uelas relig iosas,
las sinag og as, las tiend as d e alim entos kosher y los b aos rituales. Son altam ente esp ec fic os d el g rup o y m uc has vec es sirven d e p retexto p ara la ag rup ac in (lo m ism o p asa en otros g rup os c on sus resp ec tivas instituc iones). En este c aso, la ag rup ac in ha d e ser d ensa y la
red so c ia l intensiva , ya q ue la s no rm a s relig io sa s q ue
p rohib en c ond uc ir vehc ulos el d a d e Sab b ath influyen
en el estilo d e vid a y en la extensin d el sistem a d e ac tivid ad es. En otros c asos las instituc iones relig iosas p ued en d ar lug ar a red es soc iales d e tip o extensivo, c om o
en el c aso d e las ig lesias c onstruid as en Los A ng eles
p ara los sam oa y p ara los serb ios, resp ec tivam ente. Los
m iem b ros d e las d os c om unid ad es viven d isem inad os
p o r to d a la c iud a d , p ero tienen la sufic iente m o vilid a d
(vinc ulad a al c oc he) p ara p od er utilizar d ic has instituc iones c om o c entro soc ial. Es im p ortante reiterar q ue las
193
served as the community center trading post or party hall. Its importance
as an institution and centrality as a
setting only became apparent when it
was to be closed, and had serious social implications.
Another example of the latent social
role of institutions is that of book shops
and museums in New York City. These
have become important settings for
meeting single people with similar and
hence compatible values, lifestyles and
interests. In 1985 The New York Times
described the courtship rituals that occur in these settings, which attract
intellectual, like-minded people who
would not use singles bars which attract very different groups (or Laundromats in Australia which have played a similar role). It is worth noting
that the groups are identified by the
particular settings which they occupy
and use. It should also be clear that
the role of various settings as important institutions needs to be discovered rather than assumed.
Housing is important in communicating status, but so do other built environments, such as shops, hotels, office buildings and others. Neighborhoods and areas of cities also communicate status, as do many other items
of material culture (clothing, cars,
watches and others discussed below).
This is particularly the case in contemporary societies such as the USA, Australia and the like, without rigid status
categories. Its increasing importance
in communicating status can be observed in India. There, traditional
Brahmin groups, with fixed status do
not use dwellings to communicate their
high status, whereas the new elites do.
The two groups communicate status
differently, and hence use resources
differently (i.e. have different lifestyles).
This can cause conflict, as was dis194
instituc iones esp ec fic as p ued en ser relac ionad as c on la

id entid ad , y, p uesto q ue sta ltim a p ued e ser c read a (o
rec read a), las instituc iones esp ec fic as (las ig lesias entre
los afroam eric anos, al ig ual q ue entre los sam oa y los
serb ios, y los c entros c ulturales p ara los g rup os d e ind ios
am eric anos) asum en este p ap el.
En varias oc asiones he c om entad o el p ap el d e las c asas
d e t [teahouses] en Corea, c afeteras [c offee houses]
en Turq ua y las m enc ionad as b od eg as y c asitas entre
los p uertorriq ueos d e N ueva York. Tam b in he hec ho
ob servac iones sob re la naturaleza, a m enud o antiintuitiva,
d el p ap el d e d eterm inad os lug ares, b asad a en sus func iones latentes (m erc ad os al aire lib re en M xic o, estab los en las ald eas hng aras y otros). Hay q ue sab er id entific ar estos lug ares p orq ue se c onvierten en im p ortantes
insituc iones y, en c onsec uenc ia, lleg an a ser m uy relevantes en el sistem a d e lug ares, lo q ue d eb era c onsid erarse a p riori. Sirve d e ejem p lo la im p ortanc ia d e estab lec im ientos d e b eb id a esp ec fic os d el g rup o p ara los hom b res (p ub s en Gran Bretaa, tab ernas en los EE.UU. y
A ustria ) q ue se p ue d e n d e sc rib ir c o m o sus sa la s d e
estar. Las c afeteras en las soc ied ad es m usulm anas y
b od eg as d e vinos en las ald eas austrac as son otros ejem p los d e instituc iones eq uivalentes. Ya hem os c om entad o
un ejem p lo esp ec ialm ente im p ac tante el d el verted ero
m unic ip al d e N antuc ket Island , M assac husetts, q ue d urante sesenta aos hab a servid o c om o c entro d e la c om unid ad , m erc ad illo o p ista d e b aile. Su im p ortanc ia
c o m o instituc i n y su ub ic a c i n c entra l no se hic iero n
evid entes hasta q ue el lug ar tuvo q ue ser c errad o, lo q ue
tuvo serias im p lic ac iones soc iales.
Otros ejem p los d el p ap el soc ial latente d e las instituc iones es el uso d e lib reras y m useos d e la c iud ad d e N ueva York. Se han c onvertid o en im p ortantes lug ares d e
enc uentro p ara m ujeres y hom b res solteros c on valores,
estilos d e vid a e intereses sim ilares y, en c onsec uenc ia,
c om p atib les. En 1985 The N ew York Tim es d esc rib a los
rituales d e c ortejo en esos lug ares, q ue atraan a intelec -
covered in Colombia where one poor

group used resources to improve their
residential environment and another
did not. In this case, involving urban
migrants, this also had an impact on
adaptation and acculturation.
In cases where housing is used to communicate status, it is striking how apparently clear and self-evident such
communication is. For example, in a
novel there is a description of a settlement in California (Pacific Point),
which uses the location and types of
houses, and other built environments
to communicate status to the extent
that it is said to be divided neatly into
social tiers, like something a sociologist had built to prove a theory.10 An
equally unselfconscious self-evident
reading of status (which is why I argued
earlier than popular media is so useful), in this case using respectability
as the criterion, in an English novel.11
Two policemen, in discussing an area,
list a series of cues that communicate
respectability and status, and the author comments that a conference of
town-planners would have taken much
longer to identify these components
of suburban delight. Among these
are: A nice, quiet neighborhood; decent houses; trees on the footpath; no
through traffic and just local vehicles;
grass verges; good gardens; near the
tennis club, and so on. Note two
things. First, nice, decent, good
are concepts that consist of, possibly,
large sets of cues and, therefore, need
dismantling. Second, this is also, in
effect, an environmental quality profile. It has also been found that despite
culture change built environments
continue to communicate status (and
thus some forms of identity) for surprisingly long periods. In one study in
Boston, 19th century houses continued
effectively to communicate high status in the late 1980s.
tuales, p ersonas d e m entalid ad sim ilar, norm alm ente reac ios a frec uentar los b ares d e solteros q ue, p or su p arte, atraen a g rup os m uy d istintos (las lavand eras autoservic io [laund rom ats] en Australia d esem p ean una func in sim ilar). Hay q ue tener en c uenta q ue los g rup os se
id entific an p or los lug ares p artic ulares q ue ellos oc up an y
utilizan. Tam b in d eb e q ued ar c laro q ue el p ap el d e varios lug ares c om o instituc iones d e im p ortanc ia d eb e ser
d esc ub ierto m s q ue sim p lem ente asum id o.
La viviend a es im p ortante p or su status c om unic ac ional,
p ero otros entornos c onstruid os (tiend as, hoteles, b loq ues
d e ofic inas, etc .) tam b in lo son. Barrios y zonas d e las
c iud ad es tam b in c om unic an un status, c om o otros m uc hos elem entos d e la c ultura m aterial (rop a, c oc hes, relojes y otros artc ulos q ue van a ser c om entad os). Este
c aso se d a sob re tod o en las soc ied ad es c ontem p orneas, c om o las d e Estad os Unid os, Australia y sim ilares,
d ond e no existen c ateg oras rg id as d e status. Su c rec iente im p ortanc ia a la hora d e c om unic ar status p ued e
ob servarse en la Ind ia. All los g rup os trad ic ionales d e los
b ra hm a n, c o n su sta tus fijo , no utiliza n viviend a s p a ra
c om unic ar su alto status, m ientras q ue las nuevas lites
s lo h a c e n . L o s d o s g ru p o s c o m u n ic a n su sta tu s d e
m a ne ra d ife re nte y, p o r ta nto , utiliza n lo s re c urso s d e
form a d iferente (o sea, tienen estilos d e vid a d iferentes).
Esto p ued e ser c ausa d e c onflic tos, c om o se d esc ub ri
en Colom b ia, d ond e un g rup o p ob re utilizab a los rec urso s p a ra m e jo ra r su e nto rno re sid e nc ia l, y o tro g rup o
(e m ig ra nte s d e l c a m p o a la c iud a d ) no lo ha c a . Esto
tam b in tuvo un im p ac to en su ad ap tac in y ac ulturac in.
En los c asos d e uso d e la viviend a p ara c om unic ar status, es sorp rend ente la ap arente c larid ad y evid enc ia c on
las q ue se exp resa esta c om unic ac in. Por ejem p lo, en
una novela se p ued e leer una d esc rip c in d e una p ob lac in en California (llam ad a Pac ific Point) q ue ind ic a la
ub ic ac in y el tip o d e c asas y d e otros entornos c onstruid os p ara c om unic ar status, hasta tal p unto q ue la narrac in p arec e ser ntid am ente d ivid id a en estratos soc iales,
195
I have already mentioned that material culture generally can communicate status. That may be communicated
through modern forms and materials
(such as concrete, metal windowframes, etc.), which will be discussed
below, but very importantly, also by
semi-fixed elements such as cars, motorcycles, TVs, satellite dishes, cordless telephones and the like, and also
furniture, furnishings and decorations,
I have argued for some time for the
importance of materials in communicating status. Recently, this has been
studied empirically for the first time:
Materials clearly have meaning, both
intrinsic and culturally specific, so that
constancy and variability both play a
role. The social meaning of materials
(among other things) can also help
define social identity (to be discussed
below). In many developing countries
traditional materialsbamboo, mud
brick and thatch are rejected due to
their meaning as traditional, and
hence poor and substandard materials. In some developed countries there
may be status differences between timber and stone (as in Scotland) or brick,
leading to the common use of brick
veneer over what are timber houses
(as in Australia, the U.S. etc.). Many
multistory buildings, such as apartments, are timber structures but seem
to be built of concrete and brick.
One also finds, as I have during much
travel, that in villages in developing
countries, manufactured paint with
new colors (as well as new materials
and forms) are used first by high-status individuals. Color can also be used
for identity, as in identifying Moslem
houses in parts of India (e.g. at Jamshedpur), or as in the case of conflicts
between Portuguese immigrants (who
use very bright colors) and locals in
Toronto and Montreal; I have already
discussed the case of Mexicans in the
196
a m od o d e p rueb as q ue em p lea un soc ilog o p ara d em ostrar una teora. 10 Una lec tura ig ualm ente inc onsc iente y revelad ora d el status (es p or ello q ue yo reivind ic ab a
a nterio rm ente la utilid a d d e lo s m ed io s p o p ula res), en
este c aso usand o la resp etab ilid ad c om o c riterio, se p ued e
ob servar en una novela ing lesa. 11 Dos ag entes d e p olic a, hab land o d e una zona, enum eran una serie d e sea s q ue c o m unic a n resp eta b ilid a d y sta tus, y el a uto r
c om enta q ue una reunin d e ing enieros urb anistas tard ara m uc ho m s en id entific ar estos c om p onentes d el
su e o su b u rb a n o . En tre e llo s e sta b a n d e fin ic io n e s
c o m o : Una zo na b o nita y tra nq uila : c a sa s d e c e nte s,
c am ino d e ac c eso arb olad o, ausenc ia d e trfic o, a exc ep c i n d e vehc ulo s d e lo s vec ino s; c sp ed , ja rd ines
b ien c uid ad os, c erc a d e un c lub d e tenis, etc . Ob serven d o s c o sa s. Prim ero : b o nito , d ec ente, b ueno
son c onc ep tos q ue se c om p onen, p osib lem ente, d e un
g ra n nm e ro d e se a s y, p o r c o nsig uie nte , ne c e sita n
ser d isg reg ad os. Seg und o: d e hec ho, tam b in es un p erfil
d e c a lid a d d el ento rno . Ha sid o d esc ub ierto , a d em s,
q ue, a p esar d el c am b io c ultural, los entornos c onstruid os sig uen c om unic and o status (y, d e esta m anera,
alg unas form as d e id entid ad ) d urante p erod os sorp rend entem ente larg os. En un estud io realizad o en Boston,
se ha d em ostrad o q ue las c asas d e sig lo XIX a finales d e
lo s a o s o c henta seg ua n c o m unic a nd o un a lto sta tus
soc ial.
Ya he ind ic ad o q ue la c ultura m aterial en g eneral p ued e
c om unic ar status. Lo hac e a travs d e form as y m ateriales m od ernos (horm ig n, c arp intera d e alum inio, etc .)
q ue c om entarem os m s ad elante y, lo q ue es m s im p ortante, tam b in m ed iante elem entos sem ifijos (c oc hes,
m otos, televisores, antenas p arab lic as, telfonos inalm b ric os y sim ilares, m ueb les y ob jetos d e d ec orac in). Durante alg n tiem p o he estad o d efend iend o la im p ortanc ia d e m ateriales d e c onstruc c in en la c om unic ac in
d e status. Esta c uestin no ha sid o estud iad a em p ric am ente hasta hac e m uy p oc o: los m ateriales c laram ente
p oseen un sig nific ad o, tanto intrnsec o c om o c ulturalm ente
U.S. The use of the full spectrum of

cuesnew materials, new styles and
forms, height, glazed windows, color,
plants and landscaping, furniture, decorations, appliances, etc.tends to
be used by high-status individuals and
groups, and then trickles down over
timesometimes over long periods of
time, as was the case in India, where it
is still not complete. A comparable
example is the use of a western (Paladian) style by elites in 19th century Cairo,
Egypt, although in this case, the traditional Cairene organization and use
of space are found. In effect, the new
forms connote social prestige and status, but traditional ideas about family
privacy, female modesty, family structure and guest reception persist. This
shows syncretism, which is still to be
found (and to be encouraged) in developing countries.
A good example of the joint action of
multiple cues to communicate status,
and miscommunication due to using
ones own cues in judging another
group, is a description of the area of
Beijing in which Chinese communist
leaders live. This description, in The
New York Times in 1997, shows how
by being matched against the expectations, values, ideals, images, norms,
etc., of the correspondent, surprise is
expressed naturally that important,
high-status people would live in an
area which is a maze of dusty lane
and grubby back alleys[with blank
walls] punctuated by simple red
doorways befitting ramshackle
homes. It is then emphasized that behind these doors lie elegant and spacious courtyard dwellings and reference is made to the contrast between
the limousines (visiting Dengs family
after his death) and the dirt-andcobblestone lane. This is a clearly a
result of the expectation that dwellings
should communicate status, and also
esp ec fic o, as q ue aq u intervienen tanto la c onstanc ia

c om o la variab ilid ad . La sig nific ac in soc ial d e los m ateriales (entre otras c osas) p ued e tam b in ayud ar a d efinir
la id entid ad soc ial (lo c om entar m s tard e). En m uc hos
p a se s e n va s d e d e sa rro llo se e st n re c ha za nd o lo s
m ateriales trad ic ionales (b am b , lad rillos d e b arro y p aja)
d eb id o a su sig nific ad o trad ic ional (se sup onen p ob res y
d e seg und a c ateg ora). En alg unos p ases d esarrollad os
p ued e hab er d iferenc ias d e status entre m ad era y p ied ra
(c om o en Esc oc ia) o lad rillo, lo q ue hac e q ue el uso c om n d e lad rillo p red om ine sob re las estruc turas d e m ad era (en Australia, EE.UU.). M uc hos ed ific ios d e varias
p la nta s, c o m o b lo q ues d e a p a rta m ento s, est n c o nstruid as d e m ad era, p ero ap arentan ser d e horm ig n y
lad rillo.
Uno d esc ub re tam b in, c om o yo d urante m is larg os viajes, q ue en ald eas d e p ases en vas d e d esarrollo las
p rim eras en usar p inturas d e nuevos c olores (al ig ual q ue
d e form as y m ateriales nuevos) son las p ersonas d e status soc ial m s alto. El c olor p ued e tam b in em p learse a
m od o d e sea d e id entid ad , c om o en alg unas p artes d e
la Ind ia (p or ejem p lo, en Jam shed p ur), d ond e sirve p ara
id entific a r la s c a sa s d e lo s m usulm a nes, en To ro nto y
M ontreal (Canad ), en el c aso d e c onflic to entre los resid entes lo c a les y lo s inm ig ra ntes p o rtug ueses (q uienes
solan utilizar c olores m uy b rillantes), o b ien en el c aso ya
c o m enta d o d e lo s m e jic a no s a finc a d o s e n EE.UU. En
Toronto y M ontreal (Canad ) el em p leo d e tod o un esp ec tro d e seas nuevos m ateriales, nuevos estilos y
form as, altura, vid rios ahum ad os, c olores, p lantas y p aisajism o, m ob iliario, ob jetos d e d ec orac in, elec trod om stic os, etc . suele ser el rec urso d e ind ivid uos y g rup os d e
sta tus m s a lto y p o ste rio rm e nte tie nd e a re b a ja rse
c on el tiem p o (p ued en ser p erod os larg os, c om o en la
Ind ia, d ond e el p roc eso an no se ha c om p letad o). Un
ejem p lo c o m p a ra b le es el uso d e un estilo o c c id enta l
(p alad iano) p or las lites d e El Cairo en el sig lo XIX,
aunq ue en ese c aso tam b in se reg istr el uso d el esp ac io y la org anizac in d e viviend a trad ic ionales. En efec to,
197
the role of new standards, materials,

etc. (see Fig. 19). It is also a description
of a negative environmental quality
profile.
This latter topic is also picked up in
the description of a New Town in China [Zhangjagang] seen as the nations ideal (also in The New York Times in 1977). The photograph looks
like a Scandinavian housing area, with
two-story, outward-looking buildings
with pitched roofs. The emphasis is on
clean livingclean streets and lawns
and shrubbery (rare in China). The
town is said to reflect a new set of values which communicates prosperity,
shows obedience to the law, is clean
and orderly and fully modern. Sidewalks are of spotted red tile, there is a
pedestrian shopping street, parking is
controlled and there are strict rules
about garbage. In fact, new residents
are given a handbook about how to
act, and they describe the town as a
nice place to live. This positive environmental quality profile is implicitly
being contrasted with the negative
profile of the traditional Beijing neighborhood.
Hassan Fathys well-known example
of New Gurnia failed, I believe, at least
partly because of the use of mud-brick
and a form derived from Nubia, a low
status area of Egypt. It is significant
that his private houses for wealthy
clients, with the same characteristics,
have proved highly successful. The significance of the use of mud-brick is
well illustrated by another unselfconscious use of the correspondents values, standards, images, etc., in a story
about an Egyptian village (in The New
York Times, in 1994). The photo caption refers to a village so poor that
houses are built with mud brick. In
the text point is made that unable
even to afford cement, the 50,000 vil198
las nuevas form as tienen c onnotac iones d e p restig io y

alto stand ing soc ial, p ero las id eas trad ic ionales d e p rivac id ad fam iliar, m od estia fem enina, estruc tura fam iliar
y rec ep c in d e invitad os p ersisten. Es una m uestra d e
sinc retism o q ue tod ava p ued e enc ontrarse (y ha d e ser
inc entivad a) en los p ases en vas d e d esarrollo.
Un b uen ejem p lo d e la ac c in c onjunta d e m ltip les seas (c laves) p ara c om unic ar status y d e la falta d e c om unic ac in c ausad a p or el uso d e seas d e un g rup o
p ara juzg ar a otro g rup o es la d esc rip c in d el rea d e
Beijing en las q ue viven los ld eres c om unistas. Esta d esc rip c i n, a p a rec id a en The N ew Yo rk Tim e s e n 1 9 9 7 ,
m uestra c om o el c orresp onsal, al c om p rob ar q ue la realid ad no c orresp ond a a sus exp ec tativas, valores, id eales, im g enes y norm as interiorizad as, exp resa la sorp resa natural ante el hec ho d e q ue los p ersonajes d e
alto status soc ial resid ieran en una zona q ue no es m s
q u e u n la b e rin to d e c a lle s p o lvo rie n ta s y c a lle jo n e s
m ug rientos... [c on p ared es d esnud as]... salp ic ad os d e
senc illas p uertas p intad as d e rojo q ue no p arec en d esentonar c on las c asas ig ualm ente d estartalad as. Lueg o
se d e sta c a q ue d e tr s d e e sa s p ue rta s se e sc o nd a n
unas viviend as c on p atio interior, eleg antes y esp ac io sas y se hac e referenc ia al c ontraste entre las lim usinas
(q ue traan a los visitantes q ue ib an a exp resar sus c ond olenc ias a la fam ilia d e Deng tras su fallec im iento) y la
suc ia c alle ad oq uinad a. Es un c laro resultad o d e las
exp ec tativas, seg n las c uales las viviend as d eb en c om unic ar status, y d e las c onvic c iones ac erc a d el p ap el
d e nuevos estnd ares, m ateriales, etc . [ver fig . 19]. A l
m ism o tiem p o es una d esc rip c in d e un p erfil d e c alid ad
d el entorno c laram ente neg ativo.
El ltim o t p ic o ta m b i n s e h a c e e vid e n te e n u n a
d e s c rip c i n d e u n a c iu d a d n u e va e n C h in a (Z h a n g ja g a n g ), vista c o m o e l id e a l d e la n a c i n (p u b lic a d a ta m b i n e n Th e N e w Yo rk Tim e s e n 1 9 9 7 ). L a s
fo to s p a re c e n to m a d a s e n u n re a re sid e n c ia l d e a lg n lu g a r d e Esc a n d in a via : c a sa s d e d o s p la n ta s, c o n
lages in Gharb al Banawaan area still

live in mud-and-wattle homes with
dirt-floors.
In discussing status I have already referred to identity several times; they
are related, because high-status is one
particular type of identity. The many
different groups discussed earlier, as
well as individual members, all need
to establish identity but also to maintain it (through enculturation of offspring). This is one of the key roles of
culture. The point has already been
made that currently identity is a much
more complex matter than in the past,
sometimes with overlapping membership in a number of groups, with more
choice and a greater emphasis on individual identity. This leads to more
variation within groups than in traditional situations (Fig. 47).
This makes the personalization of housing and therefore, open-ended design
(discussed in the postscript) more
important. As suggested in Figure 42,
in the case of a homogeneous area
the individual personalizations have
enough in common to add up and
to produce a specific cultural landscape and ambience (including nonvisual components, such as sounds
and smells) which together communicate identity. We have already seen that
casitas and bodegas in New York
city became identified with Puerto Ricans. I have also already discussed
the use of a specific arrangement of
furnishings and decorations (an aesthetic complex) which was used for
identity inside public housing in Boston. Since exteriors could not be modified, cars and clothing were used. In
Germany also, where Turks live in
apartments, car decorations were used
for identity by Puerto Ricans, and specific flowers in flower boxes. Plant materials and their organization in front
fa c h a d a s q u e d a n a la c a lle y te ja d o s in c lin a d o s. El
n fa sis se p o n e e n la vid a a se a d a c a lle s lim p ia s,
c sp e d y se to s (ra ro s e n C h in a ). Se c o m e n ta q u e
la c iu d a d re fle ja u n a n u e va e sc a la d e va lo re s q u e
c o m u n ic a p ro sp e rid a d , m u e stra o b e d ie n c ia a la le y,
e s lim p ia , o rd e n a d a y c o m p le ta m e n te m o d e rn a . L a s
a c e ra s e st n p a vim e n ta d a s c o n b a ld o sa s d e tie rra c o c id a , h a y u n a c a lle p e a to n a l c o m e rc ia l, e l a p a rc a m ie n to e s c o n tro la d o y e xiste n n o rm a s e stric ta s a c e rc a d e l
re c ic la je d e re sid u o s d o m stic o s. En re a lid a d , lo s n u e vo s h a b ita n te s re c ib e n u n lib ro d e in stru c c io n e s q u e
le s e xp lic a c m o d e b e n a c tu a r, y e llo s d e fin e n la c iu d a d c o m o u n lu g a r a g ra d a b le p a ra vivir. Este p e rfil
p o sitivo d e c a lid a d d e l e n to rn o re p re se n ta im p lc ita m e n te u n c o n tra ste c o n e l p e rfil n e g a tivo d e lo s b a rrio s tra d ic io n a le s d e B e ijin g .
C re o q u e e l fa llo d e l c o n o c id o p ro ye c to N e w Gu rn ia
d e Ha ssa n Fa th y c o n sisti , a l m e n o s e n p a rte , e n u tiliza r la d rillo s d e b a rro y u n a fo rm a d e c a sa s p ro c e d e n te d e N u b ia u n a re g i n d e Eg ip to c o n u n sta tu s
m u y b a jo . Es sig n ific a tivo q u e su s c a sa s p a rtic u la re s p a ra c lie n te s a d in e ra d o s, q u e te n a n la s m ism a s
c a ra c te rstic a s, h a ya n sid o to d o u n xito . L a sig n ific a c i n d e l e m p le o d e la d rillo d e b a rro e st b ie n ilu stra d a
e n o tra a p lic a c i n in c o n s c ie n te d e lo s p ro p io s va lo re s, e st n d a re s e im g e n e s d e l p e rio d ista e n u n re p o rta je so b re u n a a ld e a e g ip c ia (Th e N e w Yo rk Tim e s ,
1 9 9 4 ). L o s p ie s d e fo to d e fin e n la a ld e a c o m o ta n
p o b re q u e la s c a sa s e st n c o n stru id a s c o n la d rillo s d e
b a rro . En e l te xto se p u n tu a liza q u e sin p o d e r p e rm itirse n i siq u ie ra e l c e m e n to , lo s h a b ita n te s d e 5 0 .0 0 0
a ld e a s d e la re g i n Gh a rb e l B a n a w a a n a n vive n e n
c a sa s d e b a rro y m im b re c o n su e lo d e tie rra .
D isc u tie n d o e l sta tu s, ya h e h e c h o va ria s re fe re n c ia s
a la id e n tid a d . Esta s c a te g o ra s e st n re la c io n a d a s e n tre s, ya q u e e l a lto sta tu s n o e s m s q u e u n tip o p a rtic u la r d e id e n tid a d . M u c h o s g ru p o s d e lo s ya m e n c io n a d o s, a l ig u a l q u e su s m ie m b ro s in d ivid u a le s, n e c e A R Q U I TE C TO N I C S
199
gardens are widely used in many areas

to communicate identity. So are fences
and other elements. In the Southwestern United States a particular housescape identifies Mexican Americans.
Elements of this cultural landscape
include front property enclosure using
fences (as opposed to their absence),
plant materials, the use of occasional
religious shrines and of brilliant and
specific colors on house exteriors. I
have already discussed conflicts between Anglos and Portuguese immigrants in Eastern Canada about color use. It is, therefore, significant that
changes toward the Anglo norm in
Mexican-American housescapes depend on the length of residence in the
U.S., i.e. on acculturation (I have already discussed this process among
Mexican immigrants regarding space
use within dwellings). Another conflict,
described by The New York Times in
1987, concerned self-built houses of
Laotians in a rural area of the U.S.
Locals complained that it made the
neighborhood look like a Southeast
Asian village and that it should be
replaced by something American.
Built environments clearly do communicate identity. But so do other things.
Certain groups use a variety of elements, such as clothing, beards and
hairstyles, language, behavior and
various specialized settings and institutions, as well as non-visual components of ambience. The general
importance of identity (i.e. of culture)
means that almost any element can
be invested with meaning and used to
establish and maintain identity. Even
food can be used for that purpose.
For example, the different Indian tribes in the Amazon Rainforest have
different diets, even though the same
foods are available to all. Eating (or
not eating) certain classes of animals
becomes a badge of particular
200
sita n e sta b le c e r su s id e n tid a d e s, p e ro ta m b i n m a n te n e rla s (a tra v s d e la e n c u ltu ra c i n d e lo s h ijo s). Es

u n o d e lo s p a p e le s c la ve d e la c u ltu ra . Ya h e m o s
p u n tu a liza d o q u e a c tu a lm e n te la id e n tid a d e s u n a su n to m u c h o m s c o m p le jo q u e e n e l p a sa d o , c o n fre c u e n te s so la p a m ie n to s d e p e rte n e n c ia a g ru p o s, m a yo r n m e ro d e p a r m e tro s d e e le c c i n y m a yo r n fa sis e n la id e n tid a d in d ivid u a l. To d o e sto c o n d u c e a u n
m a yo r n m e ro d e va ria c io n e s q u e e n la s situ a c io n e s
tra d ic io n a le s [fig . 4 7 ].
Es lo q u e c o n fie re m s im p o rta n c ia a la p e rso n a liza c i n d e la vivie n d a y a l d ise o a b ie rto . C o m o h e m o s
su g e rid o e n la fig u ra 4 2 , e n e l c a so d e u n re a h o m o g n e a la s p e rso n a liza c io n e s in d ivid u a le s tie n e n b a sta n te e n c o m n c o n u n p ro c e so d e su m a r y p ro d u c ir u n p a isa je c u ltu ra l y u n lu g a r e sp e c fic o (in c lu ye n d o lo s c o m p o n e n te s n o visu a le s, c o m o so n id o s y o lo re s) q u e , e n su c o n ju n to , c o m u n ic a n la id e n tid a d . Ya
h e m o s visto q u e la s c a sita s y la s b o d e g a s e n la
c iu d a d d e N u e va Yo rk lle g a ro n a id e n tific a rse c o n lo s
p u e rto rriq u e o s . Ta m b i n h e c o m e n ta d o e l u s o d e
u n a c o m b in a c i n e sp e c fic a d e m u e b le s y o b je to s d e c o ra tivo s (u n c o m p le jo e st tic o ) q u e se u tiliz p a ra
d e fin ir la id e n tid a d e n lo s in te rio re s d e la s vivie n d a s
s o c ia le s e n B o s to n . D a d o q u e lo s e xte rio re s n o p o d a n se r m o d ific a d o s, p a ra e l p ro p sito sirvie ro n lo s
c o c h e s y la in d u m e n ta ria . Ta m b i n e n A le m a n ia , d o n d e lo s tu rc o s re sid e n e n a p a rta m e n to s, la d e c o ra c i n
d e l in te rio r d e lo s c o c h e s se u tiliza p a ra e xp re sa r la
id e n tid a d , a l ig u a l q u e u n a s d e te rm in a d a s flo re s e n
m a c e ta s. Es e xte n d id o ta m b i n e l u so d e la s p la n ta s
y su o rg a n iza c i n e n lo s ja rd in e s d e la n te d e la s c a sa s
p a ra c o m u n ic a r la id e n tid a d . L o m ism o p a sa c o n la s
va lla s y o tro s e le m e n to s. En e l su d o e ste d e Esta d o s
U n id o s u n p a rtic u la r p a isa je re sid e n c ia l [h o u se sc a p e ]
id e n tific a a lo s c iu d a d a n o s d e o rig e n m e jic a n o . En tre
lo s e le m e n to s d e e ste p a isa je c u ltu ra l se e n c u e n tra n
la va lla d e la fa c h a d a d e la p a rc e la (c o m o c o n tra p a rtid a a su a u se n c ia ), la s p la n ta s d e l ja rd n , e l u so o c a -
ideal
diferencias dentro de
dos grupos tradicionales
diferencias entre dos

grupos tradicionales
ideal (2)
f ig u r a 4 7
diferencias dentro de dos

grupos contemporneos
diferencias entre dos

grupos contemporneos
estos diagramas son hipotticos
Diferencias entre los grupos (de A. Rapoport: Sistemas de actividad y sistemas de

lugares [settings] en S. Kent (EDITOR): Actividades domsticas y uso del espacio,
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1990, Fig. 2.2, pg. 12)
201
groups, it is used by them to set themselves apart, (i.e. to mark cultural

boundaries). This is used by anthropologists to identify various tribes (as
are body and facial decorations and
material culture, including houses).
Even in the U.S., during Thanksgiving
dinner (an American holiday) different
ethnic groups eat very different foods
to maintain their identity.
Although a wide variety of means is
used to establish and maintain identity,
dwellings and other built environments often play a very important role.
A student of mine, Paul Maas, analyzing housing advertisements in Chicago newspapers, titled his term paper
You are where you live. The discussion of diet in the Amazon area was
titled You are what you eat. 12
It has also been pointed out that the
complaints about the lack of identity
in suburbia are mistaken. In fact,
identity actually flourishes in Phoenix subdivisions.13 Identity varies with
location, age of developments, the
various population groups involved
and specific names of the developments. Other cues are also used and
personalization, common in all developments, is more common in lowerpriced areas whereas institutionalized
elements are more common in higherpriced subdivisions. The same relation
was found by a student of mine, Wes
Janz, in Milwaukee between lower status areas on the South Side that had
higher degrees of personalization than
did higher status areas like the East
Side.
That built environments and identity
are related is clear from attempts (usually unsuccessful) in a number of developing countries, to retain (or create) identity through buildings. I have
already suggested earlier that this may
202
sio n a l d e h o rn a c in a s re lig io sa s y d e b rilla n te s c o lo re s

e n e l e xte rio r d e la s c a sa s. Ya h e d e sc rito lo s c o n flic to s su rg id o s e n tre lo s a n g lo sa jo n e s y lo s in m ig ra n te s
p o rtu g u e se s e n e l e ste d e C a n a d re sp e c to a l u so d e
c o lo r. Po r lo ta n to , e s s ig n ific a tivo q u e la e vo lu c i n
h a c ia la n o rm a a n g lo sa jo n a e n lo s p a isa je s re sid e n c ia le s d e lo s a m e ric a n o s d e o rig e n m e jic a n o d e p e n d a d e la d u ra c i n d e su re sid e n c ia e n EE.U U ., o se a ,
d e su g ra d o d e a c u ltu ra c i n (h e in d ic a d o q u e e l m ism o p ro c e so se re g istr e n tre lo s in m ig ra n te s m e jic a n o s e n lo re firie n te a l u s o d e e s p a c io in te rio r d e la
vivie n d a ). O tro c o n flic to , d e s c rito p o r Th e N e w Yo rk
Tim e s e n 1 9 8 7 , su rg i a ra z d e la c o n stru c c i n im p ro visa d a d e c a sa s le va n ta d a s p o r lo s in m ig ra n te s d e
L a o s e n u n re a ru ra l d e EE.U U . L a p o b la c i n lo c a l
d e q u e ja b a d e q u e e sa c o n stru c c i n h izo q u e la zo n a
lle g a ra a p a re c e r a u n a a ld e a d e l Su d e ste a si tic o e
in sista e n q u e e sa s c a sa s te n a n q u e se r su stitu id a s
p o r a lg o a m e ric a n o . En su m a , lo s e n to rn o s c o n stru id o s in d u d a b le m e n te c o m u n ic a n la id e n tid a d . Pe ro
ta m b i n lo h a c e n o tra s c o sa s.
C ie rto s g ru p o s u tiliza n u n a g ra n va rie d a d d e e le m e n to s , c o m o in d u m e n ta ria , b a rb a y e s tilo d e p e in a d o ,
le n g u a je , c o n d u c ta y va rio s lu g a re s e in stitu c io n e s e sp e c ia liza d o s , a l ig u a l q u e c o m p o n e n te s n o vis u a le s
d e a m b ie n ta c i n . L a im p o rta n c ia g e n e ra l d e la id e n tid a d (e s d e c ir, d e la c u ltu ra ) sig n ific a q u e c a si c u a lq u ie r e le m e n to p u e d e se r in ve stid o c o n u n sig n ific a d o
y u tiliza d o p a ra e s ta b le c e r y m a n te n e r la id e n tid a d .
In c lu s o la c o m id a p u e d e u tiliza rs e c o n e s te fin . Po r
e je m p lo , la s d ife re n te s trib u s in d ia s d e la se lva a m a z n ic a tie n e n d ie ta s d is tin ta s , a u n q u e lo s a lim e n to s
d isp o n ib le s so n lo s m ism o s p a ra to d o s. El h e c h o d e
c o n su m ir (o n o c o n su m ir) d e te rm in a d a s e sp e c ie s a n im a le s se c o n vie rte e n u n a se a d e g ru p o , se u tiliza
p o r e l g ru p o p a ra d e sm a rc a rse d e lo s d e m s (o se a ,
p a ra m a rc a r la s fro n te ra s c u ltu ra le s). L o s a n tro p lo g o s
u sa n e ste fa c to r p a ra id e n tific a r va ria s trib u s (a l ig u a l
q u e la d e c o ra c i n c o rp o ra l y fa c ia l y la c u ltu ra m a te -
not be appropriate for certain building types. Little serious research has
been done on this topic and needs to
be done. Results may then be more
successful. In addition to buildings,
there may be possibilities in the use of
fixed and semi-fixed elements at various other scaleslandscape, settlement and neighborhood. This is a topic
that should interest readers of this
book.
Many more examples could be given
and even more identified through a
more systematic and formal literature
search. But the important points have,
I believe, been made. The first is that
culture is a most important aspect of
environment-behavior relations and
cannot be neglected. The second is
that whereas culture as such does
not help much in understanding or
designing built environments (and I
have used housing as an example),
once dismantled, the specific, more
concrete expressions of culture are
easily used. The approach also makes
possible the use of material from, and
to relate a large number of fields other
than EBS, and allows the use of a wide
range of evidence, including from
popular media.
It will also have been noted that, as
was to have been expected, cross-referencing among the variables was
necessary; although I did not emphasize this synthesis, it is an essential next
step. Although the whole forms a system, it can only be studied through
analysis and then synthesis at a higher
level. Whereas holism is impossible,
hence the need for dismantling, scientific holism is essential, and requires
three steps, which one can propose as
an agenda. First, all the variables identified need to be studied and new ones,
if any, discovered. Second, the relative
contribution of the variables, their ran-
ria l, in c lu id a s la s c a s a s ). In c lu s o e n Es ta d o s U n id o s
d u ra n te la c o m id a d e l D a d e A c c i n d e Gra c ia s lo s
d ife re n te s g ru p o s tn ic o s c o n su m e n p la to s m u y d istin to s p a ra m a n te n e r su id e n tid a d .
A u n q u e p a ra e s ta b le c e r y m a n te n e r la id e n tid a d s e
u tilic e u n a g ra n va rie d a d d e m e d io s, la s vivie n d a s y
o tro s e n to rn o s c o n stru id o s a m e n u d o ju e g a n u n p a p e l m u y im p o rta n te . U n e stu d ia n te a lu m n o m o , Pa u l
M a a s , a n a liza n d o lo s a n u n c io s p u b lic ita rio s d e p ro m o c i n d e vivie n d a s e n lo s d ia rio s d e C h ic a g o , titu l
su tra b a jo d e c u rso T e re s [e l lu g a r] d o n d e vive s
[Yo u a re w h e re yo u live ] . U n a rtc u lo so b re la d ie ta e n
e l re a d e A m a zo n a s se titu la b a T e re s lo q u e c o m e s [Yo u a re w h a t yo u e a t] . 1 2
Ta m b i n h a sid o p u n tu a liza d o q u e la s q u e ja s p o r fa lta
d e id e n tid a d e n la s tp ic a s re a s re sid e n c ia le s su b u rb a n a s so n e rr n e a s. D e h e c h o , la id e n tid a d re a lm e n te
flo re c e e n la s su b d ivisio n e s d e Ph o e n ix 1 3 . L a id e n tid a d va ra c o n la u b ic a c i n y la e d a d d e la vivie n d a (o
u rb a n iza c i n ), lo s d ife re n te s g ru p o s d e p o b la c i n in vo lu c ra d o s y lo s n o m b re s e sp e c fic o s d e la s u rb a n iza c io n e s. Se u tiliza n ta m b i n o tra s c la ve s, y la p e rs o n a liz a c i n , p re s e n te e n to d a s la s u rb a n iz a c io n e s ,
e s m s c o m n e n la s re a s c o n p re c io s m s e c o n m ic o s, m ie n tra s q u e e n la s su b d ivisio n e s c o n u n n ive l
d e p re c io s m s a lto so n m s e xte n d id o s lo s e le m e n to s in s titu c io n a liza d o s . M i a lu m n o W e s J a n z d e s c u b ri la m ism a re la c i n e n tre la s zo n a s d e sta tu s m s
b a jo e n So u th Sid e d e M ilw a k e e (q u e te n a n u n g ra d o
d e p e rs o n a liz a c i n m s a lto ) y la s re a s d e s ta tu s
su p e rio r, c o m o Ea st Sid e .
L a re la c i n e n tre lo s e n to rn o s c o n stru id o s y la id e n tid a d s e h a c e p a te n te e n lo s in te n to s (g e n e ra lm e n te
in fru c tu o so s), lle va d o s a c a b o e n va rio s p a se s e n va s
d e d e sa rro llo , d e re te n e r (o c re a r) id e n tid a d a tra v s
d e lo s e d ific io s. Ya h e su g e rid o q u e e sto p u e d e n o se r
a p ro p ia d o p a ra c ie rto s tip o s d e e d ific io s . Es te te m a
203
king or importance needs to be established, both in general and for any

given case or situation. This will also
clarify the interplay of constancy and
change, uniformity and generality (or
specificity). Third, these variables then
need to be reassembled or synthesized,
and their interrelationships and linkages established.
c a si n o h a sid o e stu d ia d o e n se rio y c ie rta m e n te n e c e s ita s e rlo . A l h a b e r re a liz a d o s e rio s e s tu d io s , lo s

r e s u lta d o s s e g u r a m e n te h a b r a n s id o m u c h o m s
p o sitivo s. Pu e d e h a b e r p o sib ilid a d e s e n e l u so d e e le m e n to s fijo s y se m ifijo s a va ria s e sc a la s (p a isa je , n c le o d e p o b la c i n y ve c in d a rio ), a d e m s d e l u so d e
e d ific io s. Es u n te m a q u e d e b e ra in te re sa r a lo s le c to re s d e e ste lib ro .
Se p o d ra d a r m u c h o s m s e je m p lo s, y m e jo r id e n tific a d o s m e d ia n te u n tra b a jo d e in ve s tig a c i n d o c u m e n ta lis ta m s s is te m tic o y fo rm a l. Pe ro c re o q u e
se h a n c o m p re n d id o u n o s p u n to s b sic o s im p o rta n te s. El p rim e ro e s e l p a p e l d e la c u ltu ra c o m o u n o d e
lo s a sp e c to s m s im p o rta n te s d e la s re la c io n e s e n tre
e l e n to rn o y e l c o m p o rta m ie n to h u m a n o q u e , p o r ta n to , n o p u e d e se r ig n o ra d o . El se g u n d o p u n to c o n siste
e n q u e , m ie n tra s q u e la c u ltu ra c o m o ta l n o a yu d a
m u c h o a c o m p re n d e r n i a d ise a r e n to rn o s c o n stru id o s (h e u tiliza d o la vivie n d a p a ra ilu stra rlo ), u n a ve z
d isg re g a d a , lo s a sp e c to s m s e sp e c fic o s y c o n c re to s d e e sta m ism a c u ltu ra p u e d e n u tiliza rse c o n fa c ilid a d . Este p la n te a m ie n to ta m b i n h a c e p o sib le e l u so
d e la fo rm a m a te ria l, p e rm ite re la c io n a r u n g ra n n m e ro d e c a m p o s a je n o s a lo s EB S y u tiliza r u n a a m p lia g a m a d e e vid e n c ia s, in c lu id a s la s fa c ilita d a s p o r
lo s m e d io s d e c o m u n ic a c i n .
Ta m b i n se h a o b se rva d o q u e , ta l c o m o p o d a e sp e ra rse , e ra n e c e sa rio e sta b le c e r re fe re n c ia s c ru za d a s
e n tre la s va ria b le s. A u n q u e yo n o h a ya d e sta c a d o e sta
sn te sis, e s u n e se n c ia l p a so sig u ie n te . A u n q u e e l c o n ju n to (e l to d o ) fo rm a u n siste m a , so lo p u e d e se r e stu d ia d o a tra v s d e a n lisis y c o n sig u ie n te sn te sis a
u n n ive l m s a lto . Sie m p re q u e e l h o lism o se a im p o s ib le , s u rg e la n e c e s id a d d e d is g re g a c i n . Pe ro e l
h o lis m o c ie n tfic o e s e s e n c ia l y re q u ie re tre s p a s o s ,
q u e u n o p u e d e p ro p o n e rse a m o d o d e p ro g ra m a . Prim e ro , e s n e c e sa rio e stu d ia r to d a s la s va ria b le s id e n tific a d a s y d e sc u b rir la s va ria b le s n u e va s (si e s q u e la s
204
h a y). Se g u n d o , d e te rm in a r la c o n trib u c i n re la tiva d e

la s va ria b le s y s u ra n k in g d e im p o rta n c ia , ta n to e n
g e n e ra l c o m o p a ra c a d a c a so o situ a c i n e n c o n c re to . Esto ta m b i n e sc la re c e r e l ju e g o e n tre la c o n sta n c ia y e l c a m b io , e n tre la u n ifo rm id a d y la g e n e ra lid a d (o e sp e c ific id a d ). Y te rc e ro , e sta s va ria b le s h a n
d e se r re e n sa m b la d a s o sin te tiza d a s lu e g o p a ra p o d e r e sta b le c e r su s in te rre la c io n e s y vn c u lo s.
1. All my examples in Theory, culture and housing,

Housing Theory and Society, vol. 17, No. 4, 2000, p.
145-165 are from such media, not including popular
music. At a recent conference on culture and environment (Traditional Environments in a New Millennium, Amasya, (Turkey), 20-23 June 2001), Fahriye
Sancar analyzed 80 popular songs over historical time.
She showed that one could thus identify peoples affective relationships with Istanbul and begin to identify
the specific feelings and aspects of the city involved.
2. Available in the U.S. for sometime, they are now
also becoming available for Western Europe.
3. For more details and references of all of the variables being discussed in Chapter 8 see Rapoport, A.
(2000) Theory, culture and housing, Housing,
Theory and Society, vol. 17, No.4, p. 145-165.
4. See Rapoport, A. (1985) Thinking about home environments, in I. Altman and C.M. Werner (Eds.)
Home Environments (vol. 8 of Human Behavior and
Environment), New York, Plenum, p. 255-286;
Rapoport, A. (1995(1985)) On diversity and Designing for diversity, in A. Rapoport, Thirty-three
Papers in Environment-Behavior Research, Newcastle (UK), Urban International Press, p. 373-398;
Rapoport, A. (1990) The Meaning of the Built Environment, Tucson, University of Arizona Press (Revised Edition).
5. See Rapoport, A. (1995 (1990)) Indirect approaches to environment-behavior research, in A.
Rapoport Thirty-three Papers in EnvironmentBehavior Research, Newcastle (UK), Urban Inter
national Press, p. 489-512.
1. Tod os m is ejem p los p resentad os en Theory, c ulture and housing (Teora,

c ultura y viviend a ) en Housing Theory and Soc iety (Teora d e la viviend a y
soc ied ad ), vo l. 1 7 , n. 4 , 2 0 0 0 , p g s. 1 4 5 - 1 6 5 , p ro c ed en d e lo s c ita d o s
m ed ios d e c om unic ac in, c on la exc ep c in d e la m sic a p op ular. En una
rec iente c onferenc ia sob re la c ultura y el entorno (Trad itional Environm ents in
a N ew M illenium (Entornos trad ic ionales en el nuevo m ilenio ) q ue tuvo lug ar en
Am asya (Turq ua) 20- 23 d e junio d e 2001) Fahriye Sanc ar analiz 80 c anc io nes p op ulares d entro d e la p ersp ec tiva histric a. Ella d em ostr q ue a travs
d e esa s c a nc io nes se p o d a id entific a r la s rela c io nes a fec tiva s entre la s
p ersonas y la c iud ad d e Estam b l y em p rend er una id entific ac in d e los
sentim ientos hum anos y los asp ec tos esp ec fic os d e esa c iud ad .
2. Siend o d isp onib les en Estad os Unid os d esd e hac e alg n tiem p o, estos
d atos estn em p ezand o a ser d isp onib les tam b in en Europ a Oc c id ental.
3. Para m s d etalles y referenc ias sob re tod as las variab les c om entad as en
el Cap tulo 8 ver RAPOPORT, A. (2000) Theory, c ulture and housing (Teora,
c ultura y viviend a) en Housing , Theory and Soc iety (Viviend a, teora y soc ied ad ), vol. 17, n. 4, p g s. 145- 165.
4. Ver RAPOPORT, A. (1985): Thinking ab out hom e environm ent (Pensand o
e n e l e nto rno d o m stic o ) e n I. A LTM A N y C .M . V ERN ER (Ed s.) Ho m e
Environm ent (Entorno d om stico ) (vol. 8 d e Hum an Behaviour and Environm ent
(Com p ortam iento hum ano y el entorno )), N ueva York, Plenum , p g s. 255- 286;
RAPOPORT, A. (1995 (1985)) On d iversity ( Sob re la d iversid ad ) y Desig ning
the d iversity (Diseand o la d iversid ad ), en RAPOPORT, A.: Thirty- three Pap ers
in Environm ent- Behaviour Researc h (Treinta y tres esc ritos sob re el estud io d e
la relac in entre el entorno y el c om p ortam iento hum ano ), N ew c astle (Reino
Unid o), Urb an International Press, p g s. 373- 398; RAPOPORT, A. (1990): The
M eaning of the Built Environm ent (El sig nificad o d el entorno construid o ), Tucson,
University of Arizona Press (ed ic in revisad a).
5. Ver RAPOPORT, A. (1995 (1990)): Ind irec t ap p roac hes to environm entb ehaviour researc h (Ap roxim ac iones ind irec tas al estud io d e relac iones entre el entorno y el c om p ortam iento hum ano ) en RAPOPORT, A.: Thirty- three
Pap ers in Environm ent- Behaviour Researc h (Treinta y tres esc ritos sob re el
estud io d e la relacin entre el entorno y el com p ortam iento hum ano ), New castle
(Reino Unid o), Urb an International Press, p g s. 489- 512.
205
6. See Franklin, B. (2000) Creating supportive

environments: Minority ethnic housing associations
in British inner cities, Open House International, vol.
25, no. 2, p. 42-49; Chua, B.H. (1988) Adjusting
religious practices to different house forms in Singapore, Architecture and Behavior, vol. 4, no. 1, p. 325; Cooper, M. and M. Rodman (1995) Culture and
spatial boundaries: Cooperative and non profit housing
in Canada, Architecture and Behavior, vol. 11, No.
2, p. 123-138.
7. This was reported in The Times (London) on July
2, 1998.
8. For a more detailed discussion, and references, see
Rapoport, A. (1997) The nature and role of neighborhoods, Urban Design Studies, vol. 3, p. 93-118.
6. Ver FRAN KLIN , B. (2000): Creating sup p ortive environm ents: M inority
e thnic ho using a sso c ia tio ns in British inne r c itie s (Crea nd o ento rno s d e
ap oyo: las asoc iac iones d e viviend as p ara las m inoras tnic as en las c iud ad es d el interior d el Reino Unid o ) en Op en House International, vol. 25, n. 2,
p g s. 42- 49; CHUA, B.H. (1998): Ad justing relig ious p rac tic es to d ifferent
house form s in Sing ap ore ( Ajustand o la p rc tic as relig iosas a d iferentes
form as d e viviend a en Sing ap r ) en Arc hitec ture and Behaviour (Arq uitec tura
y Com p ortam iento ), vol. 4, n. 1, p g s. 3- 25; COOPER, M . y RODM AN , M .
(1995): Culture and sp atial b ound aries: Coop erative and and non- p rofit housing
in Canad a ( Cultura y fronteras esp ac iales: viviend a c oop erativa y soc ial en
Canad ) en Arc hitec ture and Behaviour (Arq uitec tura y c om p ortam iento ), vol.
11, n. 2, p g s. 123- 138.
7. Fue p ub lic ad o en el d iario The Tim es (Lond on) el 2 d e julio, 1998.
8 . Pa ra la e xp o sic i n m s d e ta lla d a d e l d e b a te y la s re fe re n c ia s, ve r
RAPOPORT, A. (1997): The nature and role of neig hb ourhood s ( N aturaleza
y p ap el d e los vec ind arios ), en Urb an Desig n Stud ies (Estud ios d el d iseo
urb ano ), vol. 3, p g s. 93- 118.
9. See Shokoohy, M. and N.H. Shokoohy (Eds.) (1994)

Kirtipur (An Urban Community in NepalIts People,
Town Planning, Architecture and Arts). London: Araxus; Shrestha, U. S. et al. (1997) Social effects of
land use changes in Kirtipur, Nepal, Urban Design
Studies, vol. 3, p. 51-73.
9. Ver SHOKOOHY M . y SHOKOOHY N :H: (Ed s.) (1994): Kirtip ur (An Urb an
Com m unity in N ep alIts Peop le, Tow n Planning , Arc hitec ture and Arts) (Kirtip ur
(Com unid ad urb ana sus hab itantes, p lanific ac in urb ana, arq uitec tura y artes), Lond on, Araxus; SHRESTHA et al. (1997): Soc ial effec ts on land use
c hang e in Kirtip ur, N ep al ( Efec tos soc iales d el c am b io d e la utilizac in d el
suelo en Kirtip ur, N ep al ), en Urb an Desig n Stud ies, vol. 3, p g s. 51- 73.
10. Macdonald, R. (1971) The Way Some People

Die, New York, Bantam Books.
10. M ACDON ALD, R. (1971): The W ay Som e Peop le Die (Com o m ueren
alg unas p ersonas ), N ew York, Bantan Books.
11. Aird, C. (1981) Some Die Eloquent, New York,

Bantam Books.
12. See Gibbons, A. (1992) Rain forest diet: You are
what you eat, Science, vol. 255, No. 5041 (January
10), p. 163.
13. See Blake, K. S. and D. D. Arreola (1996)
Residential subdivision identity in metropolitan Phoenix, Landscape Journal, vol. 15, No. 1 (spring), p.2335; Rapoport, A. (1999 (1987)) On the cultural
responsiveness of architecture, in J.M. Stein and K.
F. Spreckelmeyer (Eds.) Classic readings in Architecture, New York, McGraw-Hill, p. 329-338.
206
11. AIRD, C. (1981): Som e Die Eloc uent (Alg unos m ueren c on eloc uenc ia ),
N ew York, Bantan Books.
12. Ver GIBBON S, A. (1992): Rain forest d iet: You are w hat you eat ( Dieta
d e la selva am aznic a: t eres lo q ue c om es ) en Sc ienc e (Cienc ia ), vol. 255,
n. 5041 (10 d e enero), p g . 163.
13. Ver BLAKE, K.S. y ARREOLA D.D. (1996): Resid ential sub d ivision id entity
in m etrop olitan Phoenix ( La id entid ad d e sub d ivisin resid enc ial en el rea
m etrop olitana d e Phoenix ) en Land sc ap e Journal, vol. 15, n. 1 (p rim avera),
p g s. 23- 35; RAPOPORT, A. (1999 [1987]): On the c ultural resp onsiveness of
arc hitec ture ( Sob re la c ap ac id ad d e resp uesta c ultural d e la arq uitec tura ) en
STEIN , J.M . y SPRECKELM EYER K.F. (Ed s.): Classic Read ing s in Arc hitec ture
(Lec turas c lsic as en Arq uitec tura ), N ew York, M c Graw - Hill, p g s. 329- 338.
Po s d a t a :
la n e c e s id a d d e l d is e o
a b ie rt o
P o s t s c r ip t :
Th e n e e d fo r o p e n - e n d e d
d e s ig n
207
There is one point which, although

not directly part of the discussion about
the role of culture in design, needs to
be made, albeit briefly. In my discussion I have emphasized the intimate
link between culture and built form,
and the importance of congruence between the two, for purposes of creating
supportive environments. This might
suggest that the goals, or objectives,
of design should be tight fit, that
environments should be tailored very
specifically for given groups. While it
is essential that environments be culture-specific, the relationship between
culture and built form should be one
of loose fit, that design be as openended as possible. The question then
becomes why that should be, and what
that might mean. This cannot be discussed here in detail, but a brief discussion is essential.
In this book I have emphasized not
only the large number of user groups,
and the differences among them, but
also the fact that culture, and its expressions and components change,
that they are dynamic. Furthermore,
it is clear that the rate of culturechange is rapid and seems to be accelerating, due to modernization, ethnic revivals, globalization, fads and
fashions, the greater role of wants (as
opposed to needs) and technological
change. Travel and migrations are also increasing rapidly, leading to various forms of acculturation and syncretism, with consequent rapid changes
in all the expressions of culture discussed. There is also what is called
ecological succession in citiesthe
nature of populations in various
neighborhoods and buildings change
over time with changing needs; there
is also the decline and revival (e.g.
gentrification) of areas. This means
that it is undesirable and unadvisable
to have too tight a fit between culture
Ha y u n p u n to q u e c re o n e c e sa rio d e sta c a r, a l m e n o s
b re ve m e n te (a u n q u e d ire c ta m e n te n o fo rm e p a rte d e l
d isc u rso so b re e l p a p e l d e la c u ltu ra e n e l d ise o ). En
m i e stu d io h e su b ra ya d o , p o r u n la d o , la e xiste n c ia d e
u n vn c u lo e stre c h o e n tre la c u ltu ra y la fo rm a c o n stru id a y, p o r o tro la d o , la im p o rta n c ia d e la c o n g ru e n c ia e n tre la s d o s , c o n e l o b je tivo d e c re a r e n to rn o s
c o n c a p a c id a d d e p re sta r a p o yo . Esto p o d ra sig n ific a r q u e la fin a lid a d d e l d ise o d e b e ra se r e l tra b a jo a
m e d id a o a ju sta d o [tig h t fit] , q u e lo s e n to rn o s d e b e ra n fa b ric a rse m u y e sp e c fic a m e n te p a ra lo s d e te rm in a d o s g ru p o s . M ie n tra s s e a e s e n c ia l q u e lo s
e n to rn o s s e a n c u ltu ra lm e n te e s p e c fic o s , la re la c i n
e n tre la c u ltu ra y la fo rm a c o n stru id a d e b e ra se r h o lg a d a [ lo o s e fit ] , c o n e l d is e o ta n a b ie rto [o p e n e n d e d ] c o m o se a p o sib le . En to n c e s su rg e la c u e sti n
d e p o r q u h a d e se r a s y q u p u e d e sig n ific a r. A h o ra
n o p o d e m o s o c u p a rn o s d e e llo e n d e ta lle , p e ro u n
b re ve c o m e n ta rio e s e se n c ia l.
En e ste lib ro h e d e sta c a d o n o so la m e n te e l g ra n n m e ro d e g ru p o s d e u su a rio s y la s d ife re n c ia s e xiste n te s e n tre e llo s, sin o ta m b i n e l h e c h o d e q u e la c u ltu ra y s u s e x p re s io n e s y c o m p o n e n te s c a m b ia n , q u e
so n d in m ic o s. Pe ro h a y m s. Est c la ro q u e e l ritm o
d e l c a m b io c u ltu ra l e s r p id o y p a re c e e s ta r a c e le r n d o se , d e b id o a la m o d e rn iza c i n , lo s re g re so s a lo
tn ic o , la g lo b a liza c i n , lo s c a p ric h o s y la s m o d a s, e l
c re c ie n te p a p e l d e lo s d e se o s (o p u e sto s a la s n e c e sid a d e s) y e l a va n c e te c n o l g ic o . L o s via je s y la s m ig r a c io n e s ta m b i n v a n e n a u m e n to , e s tim u la n d o
d ive rs a s fo rm a s d e a c u ltu ra c i n y s in c re tis m o , c o n
lo s c o n sig u ie n te s c a m b io s e n to d a s la s m e n c io n a d a s
e xp re sio n e s c u ltu ra le s. Est ta m b i n lo q u e se d e n o m in a su c e si n e c o l g ic a e n la s c iu d a d e s e l c a r c te r d e p o b la c i n e n va rio s b a rrio s y e d ific io s c a m b ia
e n e l tie m p o c o n e l c a m b io d e s u s n e c e s id a d e s ;
e s t ta m b i n e l d e c live y la re u rb a n iz a c i n [re viva l,
g e n - trific a tio n ] d e re a s u rb a n a s . Es to s ig n ific a q u e
e s in d e se a b le y n o a c o n se ja b le a p re ta r d e m a sia d o e l
209
and environment. As a result housing,

other building types and settlements
need to have a loose fit, be flexible
and adaptable, to remain supportive
despite all these changes. Economics
and sustainability also require that
environments be able to respond to
changes over time, over the whole life
of the environments in question.
As just one example, a student of mine,
Sean ODonnell, in a Masters thesis,
studied the many changes that occurred in just a few blocks of Manhattan between first settlement in the 17th
century and 1995. As a result of these,
and a more detailed study of current
changes in that area as Little Italy
was being replaced by Chinatown, it
became possible to identify some of
the physical and regulatory urban
frameworks that would make such
changes easier.
These various termsloose fit,
flexibility, adaptability and responsiveness, are subsumed by the term
open-endedness, the product being
open-ended design.1 In principle, the
question should be what is the least
possible that can validly and usefully
be designed rather that the maximum
which precludes all change. The need
is to think in terms of building and
urban frameworks, within which users
can manipulate the infill. Such frameworks are not only physical but also
regulatory and in terms of public (as
opposed to private) responsibility, and
when in the process they occur. These
will not be the same in each case. What
varies, how much it varies, who makes
the changes, when and how often will
vary. So will the frameworkstheir
nature and who is responsible for them.
The process and approach are the
same, the products will vary.
In this case also, developing countries
210
la zo e n tre la c u ltu ra y e l e n to rn o . En su m a , la vivie n d a

y o tro s tip o s d e e d ific io s y n c le o s d e p o b la c i n n e c e sita n te n e r u n d ise o h o lg a d o , se r fle xib le s y a d a p ta b le s
y se g u ir sie n d o c a p a c e s d e d a r a p o yo a la s p e rso n a s, a p e sa r d e to d o s lo s c a m b io s. El fa c to r e c o n m ic o y la so ste n ib ilid a d ta m b i n e xig e n q u e lo s e n to rn o s s e a n c a p a c e s d e re s p o n d e r a lo s c a m b io s
a c a e c id o s e n e l tie m p o , a lo la rg o d e to d a la vid a d e
lo s e n to rn o s e n c u e sti n .
Pa ra p o n e r u n so lo e je m p lo , c ita r la te sis d o c to ra l d e
u n a lu m n o m o , S e a n O D o n n e ll, q u ie n e s tu d i lo s
n u m e ro so s c a m b io s o c u rrid o s e n u n o s p o c o s b lo q u e s
d e M a n h a tta n e n tre e l p rim e r a se n ta m ie n to d e l sig lo
XV II y e l a o 1 9 9 5 . C o m o re su lta d o d e ste y d e o tro
e stu d io m s d e ta lla d o so b re lo s c a m b io s a c tu a le s e n
e sa zo n a , m ie n tra s L ittle Ita ly e st sie n d o su stitu id a
p o r C h in a to w n , se h a n p o d id o id e n tific a r a lg u n o s d e
lo s e n tra m a d o s u rb a n o s fsic o s y re g u la d o re s q u e p o d ra n fa c ilita r e so s c a m b io s.
Esto s t rm in o s h o lg u ra , fle xib ilid a d , a d a p ta b ilid a d y
c a p a c id a d d e re sp u e sta se re su m e n e n e l c o n c e p to d e o p e n - e n d e d n e ss , a b e rtu ra , c u yo p ro d u c to e s
e l d ise o a b ie rto . 1 En p rin c ip io , la c u e sti n d e b e ra se r,
m s b ie n , c u l e s e l m n im o im p re sc in d ib le d e lo q u e
p u e d e se r d ise a d o c o n va lid e z y u tilid a d , e n ve z d e l
m xim o q u e lu e g o im p id e la p o sib ilid a d d e c u a lq u ie r
c a m b io . Es n e c e s a rio p e n s a r e n t rm in o s d e c o n s tru c c i n d e in fra e s tru c tu ra s u rb a n a s , d e n tro d e la s
c u a le s lo s u s u a rio s p u e d a n m a n ip u la r e l c o n te n id o .
Es ta s in fra e s tru c tu ra s (e n tra m a d o s ) n o s o n s o lo fs ic a s, sin o ta m b i n re g u la d o ra s y h a n d e se r c o n sid e ra d a s e n t rm in o s d e la re sp o n sa b ilid a d p b lic a (c o m o
o p u e sta a p riva d a ) y e n e l m a rc o d e l p ro c e so d e su
a p a ric i n . N o se r n sie m p re la s m ism a s, sin o d e p e n d e r n d e c a d a c a so c o n c re to . L a s p re g u n ta s so n : q u
va ra , h a sta q u p u n to , q u i n e s e l a g e n te d e lo s c a m b io s, d n d e c a m b ia n la s c o sa s y c o n q u fre c u e n c ia .
H a y q u e d e te r m in a r ta m b i n la n a tu r a le z a d e la s
provide a useful model system. The

many spontaneous settlements, their
continual upgrading, rural to urban
migration and hence acculturation,
rapidly changing values, ideals, lifestyles, social structures and other
aspects of culture result in dramatic
examples of transformations of environments. 2 There is also a very large
literature on them. It thus becomes a
useful starting point for the study of
open-endedness.
For purposes of this book, the important point is that the typical architects
desire to over- design needs to be replaced by efforts to underdesign, to
discover the extent to which one can
do so. This needs to be combined with
a change from designing for ones own
culture to understanding and designing for users cultures, and basing
design on research, in EBS, anthropology and the other relevant fields
(discussed at the beginning). Such
changes should transform architecture
and design so that it, in fact does what
it claims to do, and is supposed to
doto create better, i.e. more supportive, environments.
in fra e stru c tu ra s y lo s a g e n te s re sp o n sa b le s. El p ro c e so y e l p la n te a m ie n to so n lo s m ism o s, lo q u e va ria r

so n su s p ro d u c to s.
En e ste c o n te xto lo s p a se s e n va s d e d e sa rro llo ta m b i n o fre c e n u n siste m a m o d e lo d e m u c h a u tilid a d .
L o s n u m e ro s o s p o b la d o s e s p o n t n e o s , s u c o n tin u o
c re c im ie n to , la m ig ra c i n d e l c a m p o a la c iu d a d y la
c o n s ig u ie n te a c u ltu ra c i n , e l ve lo z c a m b io d e va lo re s, id e a le s, e stilo s d e vid a , e stru c tu ra s so c ia le s y o tro s
a sp e c to s d e la c u ltu ra n o s p ro p o rc io n a n d ra m tic o s
e je m p lo s d e tra n s fo rm a c i n d e e n to rn o s . 2 Ex is te u n
g ra n vo lu m e n d e e stu d io s so b re e ste te m a . Se ra u n
b u e n p u n to d e p a rtid a p a ra e l e stu d io d e l c o n c e p to d e
a b e rtu ra [o p e n - e n d e d n e ss ] .
Te n ie n d o e n c u e n ta lo s o b je tivo s d e l p re s e n te lib ro ,
se ra im p o rta n te q u e e l tp ic o d e se o d e l a rq u ite c to d e
so b re d ise a r, d ise a r e n e xc e so [o ve rd e sig n ] fu e ra re e m p la za d o p o r lo s e sfu e rzo s d irig id o s a su b d ise a r, d ise a r lo m e n o s p o sib le [u n d e rd e sig n ] , d e sc u b rie n d o h a sta q u p u n to e so p u e d e h a c e rse . Este
p ro c e so h a d e se r c o m b in a d o c o n u n a tra n sic i n : d e l
d ise o d e stin a d o a su p ro p ia c u ltu ra a l d ise o d e stin a d o a la s c u ltu ra s d e lo s u su a rio s, e l d ise o b a sa d o
e n la in ve stig a c i n , e n lo s EB S, e n la a n tro p o lo g a y
e n o tro s im p o rta n te s c a m p o s d e l sa b e r (e n u m e ra d o s
e n e l p rim e r c a p tu lo d e l lib ro ). Esto s c a m b io s tra n sfo rm a ra n la a rq u ite c tu ra y e l d ise o h a sta p e rm itirle s
re a lm e n te h a c e r lo q u e p re te n d e n y se su p o n e q u e
d e b e n h a c e r c re a r e n to rn o s m e jo re s, e s d e c ir, lo s
q u e m s a p o yo p u e d a n d a r a la s p e rso n a s.
211
1. For a detailed discussion and references, see Rapoport, A. (1995(1990/91)) Flexibility, open-endedness
and design, in A. Rapoport, Thirty-three Papers In
Environment - Behavior Research, Newcastle (UK),
Urban International Press, p. 329-338 and 529-562.
2. One recent example is Tipple, G. (2000) Extending
Themselves (User-initiated Transformations of
Government-Build Housing in developing countries),
Liverpool (UK) Liverpool University Press.
212
1. Para un estud io d etallad o y referenc ias ver RAPOPORT, A. (1995 [1990/

91]): Flexib ility, op en- end ed ness and d esig n ( La flexib ilid ad , el c onc ep to d e
ab ertura y el d iseo ), en RAPOPORT, A.: Thirty- three Pap ers in Environm entBehaviour Researc h (Treinta y tres esc ritos sob re el estud io d e la relac in
entre el entorno y el c om p ortam iento hum ano ), N ew c astle (Reino Unid o),
Urb an International Press, p g s.329- 338 y 529- 562; RAPOPORT, A. (1999
[1987]): On the c ultural resp onsiveness of arc hitec ture ( Sob re la c ap ac id ad
d e resp uesta c ultural d e la arq uitec tura ) en STEIN , J.M . y SPRECKELM EYER
K.F. (Ed s.): Classic Read ing s in Arc hitec ture (Lec turas c lsic as en Arq uitec tura ), N ew York, M c Graw - Hill, p g s. 329- 338.
2 . U n e je m p lo re c ie n te se e n c u n tra e n TRIPPL E, G. (2 0 0 0 ): Exte n d in g
Them selves (User- initiated Transform ations of Governm ent- Build Housing in
d evelop ing c ountries) (Extend ind ose (Transform ac c iones inic iad as p or los
usua rio s en la s viviend a s d e p ro tec c i n o fic ia l en lo s p a ses en va s d e
d esarrollo)), Liverp ool (Reino Unid o), Liverp ool University Press.

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ARQUITECTONICS

MIND, LAND & SOCIETY

MIND, LAND & SOCIETY

Direc tores de la c olec c in:

Prim era edic in: febrero de 2003

Dib ujo d e la p orta d a : Am os Ra p op ort

Diseo gr fic o: Luis ngel Dom inguez

Cop isteria Mira c le S.A.

Dep sito lega l: B-4105-2003

The Nature and Types of

The Importance of Culture

Preference, Choice and Design

The Nature of Culture

The Scale of Culture

Making Culture Usable

Po sd a ta : la n e c e sid a d d e l d ise o a b ie rto

Postscript: The need for openended design

The underlying premise of this book is

c u ltu ra , a rq u ite c tu ra y d ise o

ledge need not, nor can it ever be,

d iseo se c onvierte en una ap lic ac in d el c onoc im iento

Secondly, in order even to know what

c u ltu ra , a rq u ite c tu ra y d ise o

forest on the Columbia-Venezuela

m ar m s ad elante una func in latente en este c aso,

c u ltu ra , a rq u ite c tu ra y d ise o

In this case also well-meaning people,

trad ic ional d e los ab org enes australianos. Cad a fam ilia

element in the culture: It set up right

m alig nos y d estruc tivos.

c u ltu ra , a rq u ite c tu ra y d ise o

Why did the three improvements

q ue la luz es un b ien, y la osc urid ad un m al, y el rea

c u ltu ra , a rq u ite c tu ra y d ise o

ism affected by the introduction of electric light: The destruction of privacy

y hac en sud ar, as q ue los b eb s iran m s suc ios c on

give expression to his emotions. It is

p utas p ersonales, el p rop onente anunc ia su q ueja a los

c u ltu ra , a rq u ite c tu ra y d ise o

ion, development of new social mechanisms, values, norms, ideals and

Esquema-diagrama de un campamento de aborgenes australianos (basado en una

Research on EBR, and this approach

c u ltu ra , a rq u ite c tu ra y d ise o

3) Dad a la naturaleza b id irec c ional d e la interac c in

I now discuss each of these questions

The first question concerns all that we

La p rim era c uestin est relac ionad a c on tod o lo q ue ya

The second question directly affect

La seg und a c uestin afec ta el d iseo d e form a d irec ta.

isms) is the most important aspect of

c u ltu ra , a rq u ite c tu ra y d ise o

Also, the effects of the environment on

ap oyo [b e sup p ortive], lo q ue nos exig e d efinir el p ap el d e

Fisiolog a:ad ap tac in, ac om od ac in a las c ond ic iones d e

Perception The sensory reception of

A natom a:d im ensiones y alturas d e los elem entos, p or

Cognition. This concerns the mental

c u ltu ra , a rq u ite c tu ra y d ise o

related to meaning and effect) than

Afec to: em oc iones, estad os d e nim o, etc ., p rovoc ad os

no single discipline can cover the full

Es p or ello q ue he d ec id id o c am b iar el ttulo inic ialm ente

c u ltu ra , a rq u ite c tu ra y d ise o

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