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FOCUS
Dear Students,
FOCUS is a Raus IAS Study Circles monthly publication of current affairs analysis. The publication, as the
name suggests, focuses solely on such current affair items and newspaper editorials which are relevant to
the dynamic segments of the General Studies syllabus and are important themes for the Essay paper of the
Civil Services Examination.
FOCUS is not just a collection of current affairs and general knowledge items, it is in fact a collective effort
of experienced trainers and educators in varied themes of General Studies to analyse these news items,
research and provide background and related information, lend a generalist viewpoint to these news pieces
and thus prepare critical notes for the study of General Studies papers.
Features:
1.
All news items are categorized and clubbed theme-wise (International, India & the World, National,
Polity & Governance, Science & Technology, Defence and so on)
2.
Maps and figures, wherever relevant, have been provided with news
3.
Background information has been added to make news understandable in totality
4.
Related and additional information
5.
News Analysis
6.
Must read editorials of the month
7.
Essay
8.
Assignment (Questions)
9.
All in a very simple and lucid format
How to use?
1.
This issue is broadly divided into twenty seven parts:
a)
Parts One to Twenty One are different themes under which all news items have been categorized.
b)
Part Twenty Two contains all the important editorials from different sources which we consider are a
must read for all aspirants.
c)
Part Twenty Three contains important articles which we consider are a must read for all aspirants.
d)
Part Twenty Four on Essay.
e)
Part Twenty Five contains a bunch of multiple choice questions on current affairs incorporated with
emphasis on Preliminary General Studies - Paper I and 15 descriptive type questions for various core
sections of the Main exam.
f)
Part Twenty Six contains solutions and explanations to multiple choice questions incorporated in
FOCUS-April, 2015 issue.
g)
Part Twenty Seven: Focus Special
2.
3.
4.
5.
Study maps and figures carefully. It will add depth to your knowledge.
Never miss the Background of any news. UPSC asks questions from the background of the news.
Use Related Information and Additional Information to create extra dimensions to your answer.
News Analysis and Editorial will help you develop views about an issue. UPSC asks questions based
upon your views regarding an issue.
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FOCUS: RAUS HOUSE JOURNAL ON CURRENT AFFAIRS ANALYSIS | MAY 2015
FOCUS
6.
Make a collection of all these issues/publications and keep revising them as these notes will not only
help you answer many questions in the General Studies papers but will also be very helpful for the
Essay paper.
Further Assistance:
1.
For further understanding of any current affair items or editorials, please consult the respective
thematic faculty member/professor.
2.
For clarity on practice multiple choice questions (MCQs) given in this issue, please consult the FOCUS
team.
3.
For clarity on question on GS Main Exam, please consult respective thematic faculty.
The sources for all the news items and other related information are:
1.
The Hindu
2.
The Times of India
3.
The Indian Express
4.
Asian Age
5.
The Tribune
6.
The Economic Times
7.
Frontline
8.
Economic and Political Weekly
9.
World Focus
10. BBC
Good Luck!
RAUS IAS STUDY CIRCLE
ESSAY WRITING
The Study Circle invites and encourages students to write essay on any or both of the below mentioned topics and
submit to the office for inclusion in the June, 2015 issue. Essays can be submitted on any of the following issues:1. Is democracy in India a success?
2. Terrorism and world peace?
Note: The best essay(s) on the basis of merit and relevance to the topic will be published in the forthcoming issue.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF CONTENTS
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
BB King 48
John Nash 48
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FOCUS: RAUS HOUSE JOURNAL ON CURRENT AFFAIRS ANALYSIS | MAY 2015
TABLE OF CONTENTS
4.
5.
Palmyra 53
Evidence of earliest murder comes to light 53
British warship to be raised by Argentine treasure hunter after 252 years 54
Licence to skill 57
The river in distress 57
Joint custody: A step in the right direction 58
Rescue the Rohingyas 59
The new juvenile law 59
After Bangla land pact, Teesta river beckons 60
Dangerous victory 60
Good as gold 61
New horizons 61
Endemic discrimination 62
In search of a clear policy 63
Frankly, Beijing 63
A studied move 64
Preparedness as the key 65
An issue mishandled 65
A thorny issue 66
Deficit is reined in, but at a cost 66
Patent pressures 67
NGOs in the firing line 67
Great Chinese diversion 68
New Kabul Pact 69
Genie in the food 70
Will Cameron keep the kingdom united? 70
Back in black 71
The state of welfare 71
A roaring success 72
Indias urban challenges 72
Like Tripura 73
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
A welcome initiative 74
Pile-ups at High Courts 74
Decision to withdraw public debt plan wise 75
Corporate takeover of WHO 75
Amending the law against corruption 76
Go forward on India-EU talks 76
Fixing the farm 77
Aruna Shanbaug: Her story, ours too 78
Photo finish 78
Bridge over Cauvery 79
Bad loans are bad news 79
Up in the air 80
Reality economics 81
Backward march 81
United on border 83
Terror from the air 85
GST: Good for business, snag for federalism? 87
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PART ONE|INTERNATIONAL
Malaysia, Indonesia
and Thailand had
sparked
growing
international
outrage for driving
off boats overloaded
with exhausted and
dying Rohingya, as
well
as
Bangladeshis.
ASIA'S NEW BOAT
PEOPLE
The
1.1
million
Rohingya
community
a
Muslim group which
claims
to
be
descended
from
Arab traders has
fled in droves from
their
homes
in
Burma across south-east Asia following increasing persecution by the country's Buddhist majority.
In recent years, the community has often been described by the United Nations and others as one of the most
persecuted people in the world. More recently, they have been described as 'Asia's new boat people' and have
been likened to the Vietnamese exodus by boat in the 1970s.
The Burma government has refused to grant citizenship to the Rohingya minority, saying they are recent illegal
migrants from Bangladesh. The Rohingya people say they have lived in the western state of Rakhine for
generations.
As Burma began shifting from a military dictatorship towards a more open democracy in 2011, tensions began to
increase between Rakhine's Buddhists and Muslims, most of whom claim to be Rohingya.
Hundreds of Rohingya have been killed in deadly riots. About 140,000 Rakhine Muslims have fled their homes.
Increasingly, they have begun to flee by boat from the coastal state of Rakhine.
Since January, some 25,000 Rohingya are believed to have attempted the voyage by boat to neighbouring
nations. Several thousand are still at sea after being repeatedly rejected by the navies of Indonesia, Thailand and
Malaysia.
Adding to the migrant crisis, Bangladeshis have also been attempting boat voyages to escape grinding poverty.
Increasingly, nations in the region, along with the UN and the United States, have urged Burma to improve its
treatment of the Rohingya and to consider granting them citizenship. Burma, in turn, has threatened to boycott a
planned regional summit on the migrant crisis if the plight of the Rohingya is on the agenda..
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2.
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PART ONE|INTERNATIONAL
3.
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4.
Earlier,
Obama
had
ordered a review of Cuba's
status on the terrorism list
as part of a landmark
policy shift in December,
when he and Cuban
President
Raul
Castro
announced they would
seek to restore diplomatic
relations that Washington
severed in 1961, and work
toward
a
broad
normalization of ties.
SANCTIONS REMAIN
Removal from the list is
more symbolic than of
practical significance. It
ends a prohibition on U.S.
economic aid, a ban on U.S. arms exports, controls on "dual-use" items with military and civilian applications,
and a requirement that the United States oppose loans to Cuba by international financial institutions such as the
World Bank and International Monetary Fund. But those bans remain in place under other, overlapping U.S.
sanctions, since Cuba is still subject to a wider U.S. economic embargo that has been in place since the early
1960s.
So as a practical matter, most restrictions related to exports and foreign aid will remain due to the
comprehensive trade and arms embargo. But Cuba's removal from the list of state sponsors of terrorism might
make private companies and banks more open to doing authorized business with Cuba.
OTHER OBSTACLES
Congress also is considering an end to the U.S. travel ban. Obama has eased restrictions on Americans making
authorized trips to Cuba, but general tourism to the Caribbean island remains illegal.
Major obstacles to normal overall ties are the embargo and the U.S. naval base at Cuba's Guantanamo Bay,
which the United States has leased since 1903. Cuba wants the area returned as its full sovereign territory.
BACKGROUND
Cuba had cited its designation as a state terrorism sponsor as an
obstacle to re-establishing diplomatic relations and upgrading
their so-called interests sections in Havana and Washington into
full-blown embassies.
Washington put Cuba on its terrorism blacklist in 1982, when
Havana supported armed guerrilla movements in Latin
America.
That support ended with the 1991 collapse of Cuba's close trade
and aid benefactor, the Soviet Union, but Cuba stayed on the
U.S. list. Only Iran, Syria and Sudan now remain on it.
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PART ONE|INTERNATIONAL
5.
The recent talks sought to end decades of animosity between the United States and Cuba that followed the 1959
Cuban Revolution, when rebels led by Fidel and Raul Castro toppled U.S.-backed dictator Fulgencio Batista.
Relations soured quickly as Havana confiscated U.S. property and drew close to the Soviet Union.
Flashpoints included a failed U.S.-backed invasion of Cuba by Cuban exiles in 1961 and the basing of Soviet
missiles on the island, only 90 miles south of Florida, that nearly triggered a nuclear war in 1962.
6.
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7.
rescued Britain from economic crisis to deliver the fastest growth among major economies.
In early appointments to his cabinet, he retained George Osborne as finance minister, sticking with the man
credited with overseeing recovery from the economic crash.
CHALLENGES AHEAD
Cameron's victory means Britain will face a vote which he has promised on continued membership of the EU.
He says he wants to stay in the bloc, but only if he can renegotiate Britain's relationship with Brussels.
In Scotland, the extraordinary scale of the nationalist landslide victory reopened the question of the future of the
United Kingdom less than a year after Scots voted in a referendum to remain inside it.
Cameron sounded a conciliatory note towards Scotland, likely to be his first immediate headache, promising
further devolution of powers to the Scottish government.
The United Kingdom includes England, Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales, with England accounting for 85
percent of the population.
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2.
that it would ensure better security and end illegal migration, which itself has been a contentious issue in the
states.
The move could also help co-operation between the Modi government and the Awami League government in
Bangladesh that could also help battle cross border terorrism.
The Prime Minister may have to sweet-talk his party by making it all about security, but the Land Boundary
agreement between the two countries could achieve a lot more for the residents of the enclaves in the two
countries.
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Higher economic growth has not been fully translated into higher food consumption, let alone better diets
overall, suggesting that the poor and hungry may have failed to benefit much from overall growth, says the
report The State of Food Insecurity in the World.
The report suggests that this is a result of growth not being inclusive. Rural people make up a high percentage of
the hungry and malnourished in developing countries, and efforts to promote growth in agriculture and the
rural sector can be an important component of a strategy for promoting inclusive growth.
There has however been a significant reduction in the proportion of undernourished people in India by 36 per
cent from 1990-92. In India, the extended food distribution programme has contributed to a positive outcome,
the FAO says.
GLOBAL STATUS
Around the world, 795 million people or around one in nine are undernourished. Asia and the Pacific
account for almost 62 per cent of this section. Yet, the trends are positive, with a decrease in the prevalence of
people with undernourishment from 18.6 per cent in 1990-92 to 10.9 per cent in 2014-16 worldwide.
CHILDREN FARING BETTER
Southern Asia, which has historically had the highest number of underweight children below five years of age,
also happens to be a region that has made big strides in reducing malnutrition among children.
According to the statistics, the prevalence of underweight children declined from 49.2 per cent in 1990 to 30 per
cent in 2013.
A host of factors can contribute to children being underweight, not just deficiency in calories or protein, the
report says. Poor hygiene, disease or limited access to clean water can also contribute to the bodys inability to
absorb nutrients from food, manifested finally in nutrient deficits such as stunting and wasting.
CHALLENGING GLOBAL ENVIRONMENT
The report cautions that the reasons for
undernourishment should be viewed
against the backdrop of a challenging
global environment. Factors include
volatile commodity prices, higher food
and
energy
prices,
and
rising
unemployment and underemployment.
The global recession in 2008, natural
disasters, political instability in various
regions of the world, and civil strife have
also been cited as hindering food security.
RELATED INFORMATION: FAO
The Food and Agriculture Organization of
the United Nations (FAO) is an agency of
the United Nations that leads international
efforts to defeat hunger. Serving both
developed and developing countries, FAO
acts as a neutral forum where all nations
meet as equals to negotiate agreements
and debate policy.
FAO is also a source of knowledge and information, and helps developing countries and countries in transition
modernize and improve agriculture, forestry and fisheries practices, ensuring good nutrition and food security
for all.
It is headquartered in Rome, Italy.
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1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
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WHAT IS BRICS?
In 2001, the then
Goldman Sachs
Group
economist Jim
ONeill coined
the term BRIC to
describe
the
growing
prominence of
Brazil, Russia,
India and China
in the global
economy. Not
yet considered
developed
countries,
the
four
were
grouped
together for being at the same stage of economic development.
BRIC country leaders started meeting as a bloc in 2009. South Africa joined them later, though there was some
scepticism that as a country of less than 50 million people it is too small to join the group. So, BRIC is now
BRICS.
WHAT IS BRICS BANK?
It is how the New Development Bank is better known as. Last July, the BRICS countries agreed to set up a
development bank, whose purpose, according to its articles, is to mobilise resources for infrastructure and
sustainable development projects not just in BRICS countries but also in other emerging economies. It seeks to
do so by supporting public and private projects through loans, guarantees and equity.
BUT DOESNT THE WORLD ALREADY HAVE ENOUGH INSTITUTIONS TO DO THAT THE
IMF/WORLD BANK, FOR INSTANCE?
True. Its clear their presence hasnt been ignored in the creation of the New Development Bank. The articles of
the bank do say that its creation is to complement the existing efforts or multilateral and regional financial
institutions. But, in a sense, the BRICS bank was born because the countries that represent this have long
realised they need an alternative system to IMF (International Monetary Fund) /World Bank, one in which they
have greater say.
HOW WILL THE NEW DEVELOPMENT BANK BE DIFFERENT?
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BRICS account for about 40 per cent of the worlds population and a combined economy of about $16 trillion.
Although they account for over one-fifth of the global economy, together they garner only 11 per cent of votes at
IMF. On the other hand, developed countries such as the U.S., Japan, Germany, the U.K. and France hold 40 per
cent of the voting power. In the BRICS bank, the founding members have equal voting rights.
IS THERE MORE TO ITS FOUNDING?
Definitely! One of the reasons is that the creation of a joint development bank is a milestone in the evolution of
the BRICS. That is, it turns the informal co-operation among those countries into a concrete institution. Also, the
bank seeks to fill the enormous hole that exists in infrastructure financing in many developing countries.
The last point assumes significance because the traditional development banks have reduced funding for
infrastructure in recent decades while private investors have been reluctant to take on long-term projects of this
kind. The infrastructure financing deficit in developing countries is estimated to be $1 trillion annually. BRICS
countries, especially China, have accumulated financial resources that enable them to fill the gap to some
degree.
HOW WILL THE BANK BE STRUCTURED AND RUN?
The bank will begin with a subscribed capital of $50 billion, divided equally between its five founders, with an
initial total of $10 billion put in cash over the next seven years and $40 billion in guarantees.
The group has also agreed to a $100 billion currency exchange reserve, which member-countries can tap during
balance of payment problems. China, the biggest foreign exchange reserve-holder amongst them, will contribute
the major portion of the currency pool. Brazil, India and Russia will contribute $18 billion each while South
Africa will chip in with $5 billion.
In a crisis, China will be eligible to ask for half its contribution, South Africa for double its contribution while the
others can get back what they put in.
The bank will be based in Shanghai. After a five-year term at the helm by an Indian, the Presidents post would
by turn go to a Brazilian and then to a Russian.
The bank can add more members. Russia has invited Greece, which has a huge economic battle on its hands, to
be a member. Even if more members are added, the capital share of BRICS cant drop below 55 per cent.
HOW DOES THE BANKS CREATION PLAY OUT FOR EACH OF ITS MEMBER-COUNTRIES?
For China, this is an opportunity to export its infrastructure over-capacity. China can reduce its mammoth
reserves and improve financial returns on its external assets while at the same time learn to play a leading role
among the developing countries.
For India and South Africa, this promises to be a welcome source of much-needed infrastructure financing. For
Russia, the benefit at the moment is largely seen to be political, given that the country has been isolated in the
international arena over the Ukraine issue. For Brazil, the new development bank could bring financing for its
oil exploration projects.
WHAT WOULD BE THE CHALLENGES?
The main challenges will be in setting up and operating a bank in which shares are equally divided among
countries that do not have much in common, apart from their distrust of the current global governance system.
The differences are many, as amplified by their political systems (example: China and Russia v. India, Brazil and
South Africa), economic interests (example: commodity exporters v. importers), and enormous power
discrepancies (Chinas economy, trade, and foreign reserves being much larger than the rest combined).
One of the threats could, interestingly, be another development bank incubated by China. The Asian
Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), backed by China, has more members and growth potential than the
BRICS Bank.
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FOCUS: RAUS HOUSE JOURNAL ON CURRENT AFFAIRS ANALYSIS | MAY 2015
2.
The
new
initiative of
the
government
is significant
as the stock
of gold in
India that is
held
by
people
of
the country
that
is
'neither
traded nor
monetised'
is estimated
to be over
20,000
tonnes,
which
would
be
worth about
Rs 60 lakh
crore at the
current
market
price. India
is one of the
largest
consumers
of gold in
the
world
and imports as much as 800-1,000 tonnes of the metal each year.
WHAT IS GOLD MONETISATION SCHEME?
It is a scheme that facilitates the depositors of gold to earn interest on their metal accounts. Once the gold is
deposited in metal account, it will start earning interest on the same.
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3.
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The internal ombudsman would be designated Chief Customer Service Officer (CCSO). The apex bank,
however, has made it clear that the CCSO should not have worked in the bank in which he/she is appointed as
CCSO.
The RBI is keen to ensure that there is undivided attention to
resolution of customer complaints in banks. Hence, it has
suggested the appointment of an internal ombudsman.
While all public sector banks will have to appoint a Chief
Customer Service Officer, the private sector and foreign banks,
which have been told to appoint such officers (or internal
ombudsman), have been selected on the basis of their asset size,
business-mix, etc.
BANKING OMBUDSMAN SCHEME (BOS)
The Reserve Bank introduced the Banking Ombudsman Scheme (BOS) in 1995 to provide an expeditious and
inexpensive forum to bank customers for resolution of their complaints relating to deficiency in banking services
provided by commercial banks, regional rural banks, and scheduled primary co-operative banks. From a total of
11 grounds of complaints, when the scheme was introduced in 1995, today BO Scheme provides for 27 grounds
of complaints/deficiencies in bank services. The Reserve Bank operates the BOS, free of cost, so as to make it
accessible to all.
The banks internal ombudsman will now be a forum available to bank customers for grievance redressal before
they can even approach the Banking Ombudsman.
4.
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5.
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2.
The
five-judge
Bench
led
by
Justice J.S. Khehar,
deciding
the
validity
of
the
National Judicial
Appointments
Commission law,
hotly contested the
argument given by
the Centre that
there was not a
word about judicial
primacy in the
original
Constitution
drafted by the founding fathers.
The Centre submitted that independence of the judiciary did not mean that the CJI and his collegium had the
final say or primacy in appointment and transfer of judges.
THE 1993 JUDGMENT
The Centre blamed the 1993 judgment in the Second Judges Case by a nine-judge Bench for ushering in the
collegium system of judicial appointments.
In this judgment, the court had evolved the principle of judicial independence to mean that no other branch of
the State including the legislature and the executive would have any say in the appointment of judges. The
court then created the collegium system. There is no mention of the collegium either in the original Constitution
or in successive amendments, the Centre contended.
It said the 1993 judgment needs to be first re-considered by a larger Bench on the question of interpretation of
Articles 124 and 217 of the Constitution, which deal with judicial appointments.
The Bench contested the argument that there was not a word about judicial primacy in the original Constitution
drafted by the founding Fathers.
The Bench recounted that the government had accepted the CJIs primacy after the 1993 judgment in the Second
Judges case.
The Bench also said it was sitting to decide the validity of the NJAC law and here it is not enough to prove that
the 1993 judgment about the CJIs primacy is wrong. It said the government would only succeed if it proved
that its new NJAC law is equally independent.
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The law is meant to empower and protect people who report corruption - who are usually public servants, nonprofits, or individuals. It was drawn up after several whistleblowers were either murdered or died in mysterious
circumstances.
But activists and opposition parties have now criticised the amendments, saying
they dilute the provisions of the law, making it virtually toothless.
NEW AMENDMENTS
Under the new amendments, there will be no protection to the whistleblowers who
provide information that are under the Official Secrets Act. The Act covers
classified documents of the government, including defence deals.
Protection will not be given in case the whistleblower was the guardian of the
information he provided. Only information obtained through RTI will be counted
and no protection will be given for information that's beyond its ambit.
Besides, information that can be termed as "unwarranted invasion of privacy" of an individual will also not be
covered for protection.
3.
The
Constitution
(122nd Amendment)
Bill for introduction of
Goods and Services
Tax
(GST)
sailed
through the Lok Sabha.
The Bill proposes to
empower both States
and the Centre to levy
the GST, which will
subsume the services
tax,
excise
duties,
stamp duties, entry tax
and central sales tax.
It proposes that the
Centre be empowered
to tax sales of goods
and States get to tax
services.
It has been estimated that the efficiency and savings from the shift to a well-designed GST regime can boost
Indias growth by up to 2.5 percentage points.
4.
The Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Bill was passed after the government agreed to delete a
controversial clause which said that if a minor commits a crime at an age between 16 and 18, but is caught when
he has turned 21, should be tried under the Indian Penal Code and not juvenile laws.
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FOCUS: RAUS HOUSE JOURNAL ON CURRENT AFFAIRS ANALYSIS | MAY 2015
5.
Opposition members opposed the proposal to raise the age bar, expressing apprehensions over misuse and
violation of rights of children by the new
law, which is being enacted against the
backdrop of the involvement of a 16-yearold in the 2012 Nirbhaya gang rape case.
However, the government said it had tried
to be pro-child and had made efforts to
strike a fine balance between justice to the
victims and rights of the children.
Justifying the need for the law, it said that
according to the National Crime Records
Bureau (NCRB), around 28,000 juveniles had
committed various crimes in 2013. Of them,
3,887 had allegedly committed heinous
crimes. It also cited a recent Supreme Court
order wherein the court favoured a relook at
the law in view of the growing number of
juveniles involved in heinous crimes.
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SOME MODIFICATIONS
The judgment, while accepting the panels guidelines that covers all forms of advertising, including on the
Internet, introduces modifications, too.
In fact, the Madhava Menon Committee wanted the exemption accorded not just to the President, the PM and
the CJI but also the Governors and the Chief Ministers.
Again, the judgment differed with the recommendation to impose a special curb on government advertisements
on election eve.
Drawing a distinction between government messaging and politically motivated ads in this context, it said
such a curb is unnecessary on election eve provided the advertisement serves the public interest and facilitates
dissemination of information.
6.
The government maintained that all efforts will be made to bring black money
stashed in tax havens back to the country as Parliament passed the Black Money
(Undisclosed Foreign Income and Assets) and Imposition of Tax Bill, 2015.
The Bill, brought as a money Bill, provides imposition of a 30 per cent tax on
undisclosed foreign income or assets of the previous assessment year.
The new law will not cover those having amounts equivalent to 5 lakh in bank
accounts abroad, which may belong to students or those working there.
The compliance window will provide an opportunity to people to come clean by
declaring overseas assets and paying tax and penalty totalling 60 per cent.
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DIMINISHED
ROLE
OF
CHURCH
The Catholic Churchs once
dominant role in Irish politics
and society today stands
greatly diminished, and the
overwhelming
popular
endorsement for gay civil marriage will further erode its influence.
It is perhaps in view of the strong popular support for gay rights that the Church has been circumspect in its
opposition to the referendum, and has refrained from telling its supporters how to vote.
THE ISSUE OF ABORTION
Despite a significant move forward on gay rights, Ireland remains stubbornly conservative and unchanging on
the issue of abortion. Earlier this year, a proposal to change the abortion law to legalise terminations in fatal
foetal abnormality cases was rejected by the Irish parliament.
A minor change in the abortion law was effected after the death of Savita Halappanavar, the Indian dentist who
died of septicemia in an Irish hospital in 2012, a week after her request for an abortion was turned down.
After that incident, the Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act was introduced, which allows abortion if the
mothers life is threatened during pregnancy.
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2.
3.
A US radio telescope captured images of an enormous lava lake on the surface of Io, one of the moons orbiting
the planet Jupiter, the Puerto Rico Astronomy Society (PRAS) reported. The lake of lava is fed from the subsoil
and exists permanently.
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4.
5.
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2.
3.
The number of Asiatic Lions at Gir - the only habitat to the endangered species in the World, has increased to 523
showing a growth of 27% from 411 estimated in 2010 Census. As per the 14th Lion Census 2015, the number of
female lions is double the number of male lions.
The lion presence in the Saurashtra region also doubled from 10,000 sq km in 2010 to 22,000 sq km in 2015.
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4.
PM2.5
The PM2.5 is particularly dangerous and can cause adverse health effects
owing to its greater penetrability into the human respiratory system and
eventual accumulation in human organs and blood. Rural women, children
and elderly population are more prone to diseases caused by air pollution.
Rural women, in particular, face a greater risk from indoor pollution
locally made mud stoves fuelled by solid biofuel emit a far greater amount of
finer particulate matter.
Air quality of any area depends on local emissions, long-range transport, local
and regional weather patterns, and to some extent the topography of the
region. Due to increased buoyancy and efficient ventilation in summer,
pollution plumes rise effortlessly to the free atmosphere. This leads to a
reduced level of surface level PM2.5 concentration in our breathing zone. The problem gets aggravated during
winter. Adverse conditions during winter help trapping of pollution leading to elevated level of surface PM
concentration.
SITUATION WORSE IN THE GANGETIC BASIN
Compared with peninsular India and coastal regions, the situation is far worse in the Gangetic Basin, especially
during winter months. The Himalayas act as a barrier to dissipation of pollution plumes emanating from the
cities located in the Basin. As a result, cities in the Basin are more prone to sustained bad air quality.
POLLUTION LEVELS AND OCCURRENCE OF DENSE FOG EPISODES
Evidence is emerging that shows a strong positive relationship between increased pollution levels and
occurrence of dense fog episodes. This clearly demands far more stringent emission norms in the cities located in
Gangetic Basin if we have to achieve air quality to prescribed National Index. It is time that an Air Resource
Board be created, to begin with in a specific affected region of the country, which is equipped with larger and
well-trained staff, technologists and legal aids, and has advanced monitoring stations stationary and mobile
under it.
NATIONAL AIR QUALITY INDEX
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India has begun taking steps in the right direction. The National Air Quality index, introduced recently, has
created greater awareness of air pollution amongst the people.
But the situation demands more action in order to restore good air quality and clear visibility. The economic gain
due to avoidable loss of human life is too huge to be ignored. Technical intervention through efficient cooking
stoves can significantly improve the lives of rural women. Improved power situation, especially in cold days,
together with better handling of municipal waste and trash, can also help in achieving better air quality in the
cities.
Central Pollution Control Board can be divested into various regional air boards that will be responsible for
securing the environment in a more proactive manner. If mandatory, more laws need to be enacted and strictly
enforced to accomplish these goals.
5.
Opah
6.
Scientists from the Zoological Survey of India (ZSI) have discovered a new species of catfish, Glyptothorax
senapatiensis, in the Chindwin river drainage in Senapati district of Manipur. The people of the region have
been having the six-cm-long freshwater fish as food for long, calling it Ngapang.
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7.
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2.
3.
An
international
consortium
of
researchers led by
the Institute for
Health Metrics and
Evaluation at the
University
of
Washington
analysed
cancer
groups
in
188
countries.
The
study, The Global
Burden of Cancer
2013,
was
published in the
journal
JAMA
Oncology.
Globally,
the
incidence of cancer
is rising, but even
as it has become the
second
leading
cause of death,
mortality is falling with better detection and treatment across countries.
In 2013, there were 14.9 million new cases and 8.2 million deaths worldwide. Among men, prostate cancer
caused 1.4 million new cases and 293,000 deaths. For women, breast cancer caused 1.8 million new cases and
464,000 deaths.
India has a lower incidence of cancer than the global average, with just half the number of new cases recorded
every year per capita than the global average. However, the incidence has grown from over 700 new cases per
million population to nearly 1,000 new cases per million people, the numbers show.
MOUTH CANCER CASES DOUBLE
India and its south Asian neighbours are unusual for their particularly high rates of mouth cancer and this is
largely related to the practice of chewing tobacco. While mouth cancer does not feature among the 10 most
occurring worldwide, it is second among men and women combined in India. The number of new mouth cancer
cases in India more than doubled between 1990 and 2013.
Breast cancer is the most common one in India, with also the fastest growing incidence for the country. Stomach
cancer is the leading cause of death by cancer for the population as a whole, while lung cancer and breast cancer
kill the most men and women respectively.
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4.
ENCOURAGING RESULTS
The latest study, the largest in the world,
found that using Xpert molecular test as an
initial diagnostic test for TB in public
health facilities increased the rate of TB
case notification significantly. Also, the
rifampicin-resistant TB case notification
increased by fivefold.
Unlike smear microscopy, Xpert has
excellent sensitivity and specificity to TB
and can return results in less than two
hours. Besides diagnosing TB, Xpert can
tell if a subject has rifampicin drug
resistance.
STRONGLY INDICATIVE
The results strongly suggest that Xpert can
substitute smear microscopy as an initial
diagnostic test to diagnose more number of TB cases and also for diagnosing rifampicin resistance. The fivefold
increase in identifying rifampicin resistant cases became possible only because Xpert was used for testing drug
resistance in all presumptive TB patients. Conventionally, drug susceptibility testing is offered rather selectively
to patients who have already been diagnosed as suffering from TB and who run a high risk of having drug
resistance.
Generally, drug resistance comes up in those who have been irregular in taking TB medicines or in those who
have stopped medication midway through the treatment.
The study has another important implication. Regardless of prior treatment history, treatment for MDR-TB can
be initiated immediately in those patients who are found to be rifampicin resistant through Xpert diagnostic
testing.
As per the WHO guidelines, there is no need for a repeat drug susceptibility testing for MDR-TB in the
previously treated TB patients.
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India has met only four of ten health targets under the Millenium Development Goals (MDG), and has made
next to no progress on another four, according to new data from the World Health Organisation (WHO). The
deadline for achieving MDGs runs out this year. The WHOs annual World Health Statistics for 2015 were
released in Geneva recently.
The report finds that globally, life expectancy at birth has increased by six years for both men and women since
1990. By the end of this year if current trends continue, the world will have met global targets for turning around
the epidemics of HIV, malaria and tuberculosis and increasing access to safe drinking water. It will also have
made substantial progress in reducing child undernutrition, maternal and child deaths, and increasing access to
basic sanitation, the report says.
INFANT MORTALITY
Progress in child survival worldwide is one of the greatest success stories of international development, the
WHO says, and pre-term birth complications have replaced neo-natal complications and disease as the biggest
source of mortality for children under the age of five.
Since 1990, child deaths have almost halved falling from an estimated 90 deaths per 1000 live births to 46
deaths per 1000 live births in 2013. Yet the world will not achieve the MDG target of reducing the death rate by
two-thirds. Less than one-third of all countries have achieved or are on track to meet this target by the end of this
year.
The top killers of children aged less than 5 years are now: pre-term birth complications, pneumonia, birth
asphyxia and diarrhoea, the report says.
In India, life expectancy grew by eight years between 1990 and 2013. While India has sharply reduced its infant
mortality between 2000 and 2013, it still contributes for the most infant deaths globally. Non-communicable
diseases are the top killers, followed by communicable diseases and injuries.
NEW GOALS FOR 2030
In September, countries will decide on new goals for 2030. In addition to finishing the MDG agenda, the post2015 agenda needs to tackle emerging challenges, including the growing impact of non-communicable diseases,
like diabetes and heart disease, and the changing social and environmental determinants that affect health, it
says.
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2.
The committee, headed by retired Supreme Court judge Justice K.S. Radhakrishnan, was formed in April, 2014
by the apex court on the basis of a PIL to measure and monitor the implementation of road safety laws in the
country.
The Justice Radhakrishnan committee states that India has one percent of total vehicle population in the world
and a staggering 10 percent road accident related deaths.
The committee has asked the Transport Ministry to introduce regulations for Automatic Headlights On (AHO)
on two-wheelers and uniform crash test requirements for all category of vehicles so that no discrimination is
made by the manufacturers between the base model and higher models in the provision of safety features.
The committee has so far submitted three reports to the Supreme Court. It has pointed out serious lapses in
implementation of safety laws by States, which has led to increasing number of road fatalities.
RESPECTIVE STATE ROAD SAFETY POLICIES
By June 30, State governments have to formulate their respective State Road Safety policies besides setting up
State Road Safety Councils. Besides this, States have to draw up a protocol to identify black spots on their
roads and their removal.
The committee directed the States to strengthen enforcement on drunken driving, over speeding, red light
jumping and helmet and seat belt laws.
Other directions include, tightening of road patrols on highways, establishment of road safety fund to which a
portion of traffic fines collected would go to finance road safety expenses and removing encroachments on
pedestrian paths, among others.
Union finance minister Arun Jaitley, in his budget speech, had announced the
committee after stating that the current model was not robust enough to
reduce risk for the private companies to increase investment in
infrastructurea challenge that the government faces.
He had advocated increased public spending and promised to look into ways
to resolve issues hampering the so-called public-private-partnership (PPP)
model.
OBJECTIVES
India is one the largest PPP markets with over 900 projects at various stages of development. The 2014-15
economic survey said the stock of stalled projects at the end of December stood at Rs.8.8 trillion, or 7% of Indias
gross domestic product (GDP).
The Kelkar committee will review the PPP policy and suggest a better risk-sharing mechanism between private
developers and the government after analysing such projects in different sectors and the existing framework of
risk-sharing.
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It will also propose design changes to contractual arrangements of the PPP in line with the review and
international best practices and suggest measures to improve capacity-building in government for
implementation of the PPP projects.
The committee will consult various stakeholders in the private sector, government sector, legal experts, banking
and financial institutions and academia in this regard.
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OUTCOMES
The significant outcome of the 68th World Health Assembly is the adoption of a Global Action Plan on AntiMicrobial Resistance (AMR) which prepares a blueprint with specific actions and timelines for WHO as well as
Member States to address the growing threat of AMR. The UN General Assembly is expected to hold a highlevel segment on AMR in 2016 to further highlight the need for comprehensive implementation of the Plan.
Other major outcomes of the 68th World Health Assembly include bringing adverse health impacts of air
pollution to the main agenda of the World Health Organization and extension of the implementation timeframe
of the Global Strategy and Plan of Action on Public Health Innovation and Intellectual Property (GSPOA).
INTERNATIONAL DAY OF YOGA
In his capacity as the President of the 68th World Health Assembly, J P Nadda and Dr. Margaret Chan (DirectorGeneral of WHO) jointly inaugurated a photo-exhibition on Yoga for All, Yoga for Health. This is the first
major event on Yoga at the United Nations since adoption by the UN General Assembly last year of a resolution
that declared 21 June as the International Day of Yoga, and a precursor to the first observance of the
International Day of Yoga on 21st June this year in Geneva.
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2.
3.
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4.
World number one Rory McIlroy won the World Golf Championships
(WGC) Cadillac Match Play.
He became the second golfer after Tiger Woods to win this as the top seed.
5.
Stuart Bingham beat Shaun Murphy in final to win his first World
Snooker Championship.
The all-English final pitted 2005 champion Murphy against Bingham, who
surprised favourite Ronnie O'Sullivan as well as in-form Judd Trump and
former champion Graeme Dott in previous rounds.
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1.
ABOUT CERN
At CERN, physicists and engineers are probing the fundamental
structure of the universe. They use the world's largest and most
complex scientific instruments to study the basic constituents of matter
the fundamental particles. The particles are made to collide together
at close to the speed of light. The process gives the physicists clues
about how the particles interact, and provides insights into the
fundamental laws of nature.
ACCELERATORS AND DETECTORS
The instruments used at CERN are purpose-built particle accelerators
and detectors. Accelerators boost beams of particles to high energies
before the beams are made to collide with each other or with
stationary targets. Detectors observe and record the results of these
collisions.
LOCATION
Founded in 1954, the CERN laboratory sits astride the Franco-Swiss border near Geneva. It was one of Europe's
first joint ventures and now has 21 member states.
THE NAME CERN
The name CERN is derived from the acronym for the French "Conseil Europen pour la Recherche Nuclaire", or
European Council for Nuclear Research, a provisional body founded in 1952 with the mandate of establishing a
world-class fundamental physics research organization in Europe. At that time, pure physics research
concentrated on understanding the inside of the atom, hence the word "nuclear".
Today, our understanding of matter goes much deeper than the nucleus, and CERN's main area of research is
particle physics the study of the fundamental constituents of matter and the forces acting between them.
Because of this, the laboratory operated by CERN is often referred to as the European Laboratory for Particle
Physics.
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1.
BB King
The "King of the Blues", BB King, passed away. Riley B. King, known by his stage
name BB King, was an American blues singer, songwriter, and guitarist.
King was inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in 1987 and is considered
one of the most influential blues musicians of all time, earning the nickname "The
King of the Blues", and one of the "Three Kings of the Blues Guitar" along with
Albert and Freddie.
2.
John Nash
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2.
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3.
French character actor Vincent Lindon scooped the best actor award for his part in The Measure of a Man.
MASAAN WINS CRITICS PRIZE AT CANNES
In a huge boost to Indian cinema, debutant director Neeraj Ghaywans Masaan won the prestigious critics prize
in the Un Certain Regard category, which runs parallel to the competition for the main prize, Palme dOr, at the
68th Cannes Film Festival.
Masaans narrative is set in Varanasi and its characters connected with the Ganga. Ghaywan worked as assistant
director to Anurag Kashyaps Gangs of Wasseypur, which received acclaim at Cannes in 2012, finding new
markets for younger film-makers.
Ritesh Batras The Lunchbox and Chaitanya Tamhanes Court followed, winning critical acclaim and sewing up
distribution deals in international markets.
RELATED INFORMATION: CANNES FESTIVAL
The Cannes Festival, named until 2002 the International Film Festival, is an annual film festival held in Cannes,
France, which previews new films of all genres, including documentaries, from around the world.
Founded in 1946, it is considered the most prestigious film festival in the world and is one of the most
publicised.
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4.
and uphold the right to freedom of expression enshrined under Article 19 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of
Human Rights and marking the anniversary of the Declaration of Windhoek, a statement of free press principles
put together by African newspaper journalists in 1991.
UNESCO marks World Press Freedom Day by conferring the UNESCO/Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom
Prize on a deserving individual, organization or institution.
5.
AWARD BOYCOTT
The decision to award the magazine the Freedom of
Expression Courage Award caused many high-profile
authors to withdraw, including The English Patient
writer Michael Ondaatje.
They said PEN - known for defending imprisoned
writers - was stepping beyond its traditional role. The boycotting writers felt PEN's role was to protect freedom
of expression against government oppression.
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Palmyra
Islamic State (IS) now controls over half of Syrias landmass after its seizure of Palmyra, where it faces no
opposition to its entry and sacking of the historic citys ancient ruins.
2.
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The results of the latest study rules out accidental falls as the hominin had been murdered. Therefore, deposition
of dead bodies could be the only explanation for the skeletal remains in the Sima de los Huesos site. The authors
speculate that deposition of bodies was a social practice of the Middle Pleistocene hominins and represents the
earliest funerary behaviour in the human fossil record.
3.
The watery grave of the Lord Clive, which was destroyed by the Spanish on Jan 6, 1763, was discovered in 2004
by adventurer Ruben Collado.
The ship sank against the backdrop of the Seven Years' War. It was originally called HMS Kingston and was
part of the Royal Navy before being sold off to privateers and renamed Lord Clive.
It is located off Colonia del Sacramento in Uruguay and Mr Collado announced that he has received permission
from the country's government to begin salvaging it.
Before it sank the six-storey high ship had been outfitted to wage war for up to four years, and Mr Collado
believes it was carrying extensive amounts of gold to finance those activities.
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Rare and intimate letters from physicist Albert Einstein, including two that
reflect his views on God and religion, are up for auction.
The assemblage of over 25 lots of documents and memorabilia encompasses
handwritten autograph letters from Einstein to his family, including sons Hans
Albert Einstein and Edouard Einstein, and his ex-wife Mileva Maric.
The letters show his thoughts (and theories) on the atomic bomb, theory of
relativity and God and religion. Also among the documents is a highly notable
letter that said he would not be returning to Germany, perhaps never again
once Hitler reached power.
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1.
Licence to skill
The Indian Express | Category: Social
Much has been said about Indias potential demographic dividend, where much of its population 62 per cent is
15 to 59 years of age, and more than half are under 25 years of age. Political leaders none more so than Prime
Minister Narendra Modi, who made it a key campaign promise have also acknowledged that Indias education
system is failing its young, and that the country could fritter away this opportunity if it does not properly train the
huge numbers of young people who enter the workforce each year. Already, there is a gap between the demand for
skilled labour and its supply. Studies find that the lakhs of students coming out of colleges and universities are illequipped to meet the requirements of a modern economy, falling behind when competing in an increasingly global
and interlinked job market. Central to the governments plan to rectify this situation is the proposed national policy for
skill development and entrepreneurship, expected to be finalised soon.
The draft version of the policy exhibits the right impulses. It recognises that one of the biggest challenges is to change
the perception that enrolment in vocational training and skills programmes indicates an inability to progress in the
formal academic system. Creating an appreciation for skilled manual work, such as carpentry or plumbing, requires a
small socio-economic revolution. It also proposes beginning skill training courses early, in Class IX, to integrate
vocational training and school-based learning in a manner that makes the former an attractive option. The policy also
makes the right noises regarding the need to bring industry and potential employers on board and designing curricula
that can nimbly adapt to the changing requirements of the labour market. But it fails to outline how employers and
other partners can be incentivised to maintain a high degree of engagement and ownership in such initiatives. At the
same time, safeguards have to be in place to ensure that the short-term needs of employers do not trump broader
educational and economic goals.
Another important aspect of a successful skill development policy is the creation of pathways that allow people to
transition in and out of school or training programmes and the labour market as required, by, for instance, enabling
school dropouts to enter the education system again. That means mobility between certificates, diplomas, associate
degrees and full degrees. It is not enough to pay lip service to the idea; the government must establish institutional
mechanisms to facilitate this without placing unnecessary hurdles along the way..
2.
As the Namami Gange project takes shape, it is important to ensure that this most recent, and indeed the biggest,
attempt to clean the Ganga is not plagued by the same problems and concerns that rendered previous efforts almost
ineffective. The stakes are especially high this time around. For the Modi Government, Namami Gange is one of its
flagship projects, and the success or failure of this initiative will have a visible impact on the Government's report card
when it goes for re-election in 2019. Also, since Prime Minister Narendra Modi is the MP from Varanasi, a constituency
which is inextricably linked to the flow of the Ganga, the project has an added significance for the incumbent regime.
For the public, it is the Rs20,000 crore of tax-payer money, which the Government has just committed to the project,
apart from the Rs2,037 crore allocated in the Union Budget and Rs100 crore earmarked for ghat beautification, that it
must keep its eyes on. This is a huge amount, even for a large state-funded project. To put things in perspective,
consider this: In the 30 years since Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi launched the first initiative to clean up the river, the
nation has spent just about Rs6,855 crore. The Modi Government plans to spend more than three times that amount in
one-sixth the period which is great, as long as it can deliver the desired results. Past efforts in this regard, from the
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Ganga Action Plans to the more recent National River Ganga Basin Authority, have failed, and miserably, even as
hundreds of crores of rupees were flushed down the waters of the Ganga.
Yes, corruption, poor implementation and lack of accountability have been problems in the past, as a result of which
previous programmes could produce only very limited impact. But let's not overlook the fact that cleaning the Ganga
is as complicated a task as it is time-consuming, and the Modi Government must learn from the mistakes of the past.
There are several factors that cause pollution in the river from industrial effluent and agricultural waste to humangenerated trash and half-burnt dead bodies. Each of these brings its own set of challenges, from enacting and enforcing
anti-pollution laws to changing public behaviour and mindsets, and each one of these issues will have to be addressed.
And that's not all. The Ganga runs through several States and has innumerable tributaries, all of which have to be
included in the solution or else they will remain a part of the problem. The ambitious Namami Gange plan covers 47
towns across 12 States and extends to 11 of the Ganga's tributaries.
This sounds promising on paper, but in reality it means that intensive cooperation will be needed between the Centre
(which is footing the bill) and the State Governments (which will, at least partially, be responsible for implementation).
Similar coordination will be needed also among agencies and ministries involved at the level of individual States. One
hopes political differences will not become obstacles. The Modi Government is also seeking to rope in the local players,
such as municipal bodies and panchayati raj institutions, so that there is a sense of accountability at the community
level. This is an important break from the past, when the schemes mostly had a top-down approach.
3.
The Law Commissions recommendation on joint custody of children in divorce cases has far-reaching implications.
The change, whenever it is implemented, will bring antiquated laws in tune with todays social environment. While
many choose to believe that marriage is sacrosanct in Indian society, our divorce rates though lower than in the
West are slowly creeping up. Marital discord is unpleasant anywhere, but the phenomenon is rising in this country,
and our legal framework has to cope with this change.
Significantly, joint custody is meant to serve the principle of gender equality best. It will replace a system that has so
far been granting child custody in a haphazard manner, relying more on subjective judgments in individual cases
while under existing laws the Guardian and Wards Act 1890 and Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act 1956 the
natural guardian of a Hindu minor is the father, and after him the mother, subject to any child under five being
ordinarily with the mother. The law, curiously, upholds male superiority, while the Supreme Court has always
stressed that the paramount consideration should be the welfare and interest of the child, and not the rights of the
parent.
The idea of shared parenting is fairly new to custody jurisprudence, of which we tend to think only when extreme
cases turn up, such as the custody of two small children torn between warring parents and relatives in Norway and
Kolkata recently. The situation tends to get complicated in messy divorce cases, as mostly it is the mothers who win
custody battles and less than eight per cent of divorced fathers function as single parents around the world. The
lopsided arrangement used to trigger such unpleasant episodes as single fathers even kidnapping their own children
in games of one-upmanship in custody and divorce battles.
Joint parenting can also take the complications out of visitation rights, though creating a satisfactory mechanism to
deal with emotional issues arising out of children having to cope with legal battles between warring parents would be
an enormous challenge. Difficulties arise when the justice system, as in family courts, is called upon so frequently to
adjudicate on the delicate relationships between men and women, wherein prototypical projections of Indian males
and females do little to help. The abusive father versus the protective mother is not always true in every case. How
effective the new guidelines will be when it comes to defining the processes to determine whether the welfare of the
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child is met and what are the procedures to be followed during mediation remains to be seen. However, it is admirable
that the Law Commission is attempting to take even the conflicted issue of failed marriages towards modernity and
gender equality..
4.
The discovery of a mass grave in Malaysia and Thailand is yet another proof of the grave existential crisis that
migrants face. The victims in the grave found in the state of Perlis, Malaysia, are widely believed to be Rohingya
refugees, fleeing Myanmar. The Rohingyas are Muslims, who have been denied citizenship in the Buddhist-majority
Myanmar, where they face longstanding persecution that has included attacks on their homes and workplaces.
Rohingya ethnicity is disputed. They may be indigenous to the Rakhine state in Myanmar, where they have settled, or
they may have migrated there from Bengal during the British Raj, but what can't be ignored is that for all intents and
purposes, they belong to Myanmar, which has been their home for generations. However, the government in
Myanmar has denied them citizenship, restricted their travel and turned a blind eye to, if not encouraged, their
persecution.
Desperate people take incredible risks, and the Rohingyas have sought various ways to escape from the land where
they have been repressed. This has led to human trafficking on a massive scale in which people are exploited, held for
ransom, and even killed. Various crackdowns by authorities in reluctant neighbours Thailand, Malaysia and
Indonesia have led to the closure of some land routes, and people have then taken to the sea. Here they face harsh
elements, leaky boats, and unsympathetic naval forces. It is the moral duty of the neighbouring countries to provide
shelter to the Rohingya people, considered one of the most persecuted minorities in the world. The government in
Myanmar continues to deny basic civil rights and citizenship to them. Even though the world, at large, has only a
limited interaction with the regime, international pressure must be built to enable these people to live a safe and
dignified life. The forthcoming regional meeting to discuss the crisis is but a small step in the right direction..
5.
There was never any doubt that the progressive juvenile law enacted in 2000 was not being implemented properly and
that there was a need to revisit its provisions. In many ways, the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Bill,
2015, passed by the Lok Sabha, is a forward-looking and comprehensive enactment that provides for dealing with
children in conflict with the law and those requiring care and protection. However, its laudable features have been
overshadowed by one provision that states that children in the 16-18 age group will henceforth be tried as adults if
they are accused of committing heinous offences. The government believes that the provision will help address public
disquiet over the perception that young offenders are getting away with light punishment after committing crimes
such as murder and rape. However, child welfare activists have been saying there is no need to carve out an exception
for children in a particular age group solely based on the perceived heinousness of the offence. The division into two
groups one below 16 and another above 16 goes against the core principle that all children should be treated as
such till the age of 18. This age has been fixed based on studies in child behaviour and the U.N. Convention of the
Rights of the Child. A parliamentary Standing Committee opposed the change, noting that subjecting juveniles to the
adult judicial system would go against the objective of protecting all children from the rigours of adult justice. It noted
that the Supreme Court had not agreed with the view that children involved in certain offences should be tried as
adults.
In response to criticism, the government has made some changes before getting the Act passed in the Lok Sabha. It has
dropped a patently unconstitutional section (Clause 7 in the Bill) that sought to treat as adults, children allegedly
committing an offence after the age of 16 but getting arrested only after they are 21. Also, the government has tweaked
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the wording involved, saying that what the Juvenile Justice Board will hold is a preliminary assessment rather than a
preliminary enquiry into the mental and physical capacity of the child to commit such an offence. It has added by
way of explanation that it is not a trial, obviously to address concerns that the procedure to assess the childs capacity
itself may amount to a regular trial. The prospects of the government making further changes before the Bill goes to the
Rajya Sabha appear to be bleak. The question before the legislature, and society at large, is this: do we preserve the
scope for rehabilitation among young offenders through a benign juvenile law, or derive satisfaction from long prison
terms for them?
6.
Parliament has done well to ratify the land boundary agreement with Bangladesh. This will help align the border
between the two countries better by letting both countries absorb enclaves of adverse possession that happen to be
on their side of the boundary.
The agreement dates back to 1974 and the ratification deal was presented to Parliament by the Manmohan Singh
government in 2011. But the Bharatiya Janata Party, then in Opposition, did not offer it support. The apprehension
raised was that India would cede territory to another country. At the subliminal level, the saffron party was
suggesting that India would lose some territory to a Muslim country.
Fortunately, as the countrys current ruling party, the BJP has overcome this argument, which was of its own making.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi was able to grasp the strategic significance of friendly ties with Dhaka. During a visit to
Assam late last year, he spoke in language that would be intelligible to a party such as the BJP. He said ratifying the
land boundary deal would help end the problem of Bangladeshi infiltration.
In spite of this, the government tried to keep Assam out of the agreement because the state BJP was not in favour.
Besides Assam, the enclaves of adverse possession lie in West Bengal, Tripura and Meghalaya. When Assam chief
minister Tarun Gogoi insisted on his states inclusion, the BJP had no choice but to accept. Otherwise, the measure
would not have cleared the Rajya Sabha. Consequently, when external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj moved for the
passage of the measure in Parliament, she was upfront saying that this was exactly the bill that had been moved by the
United Progressive Alliance government.
Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has welcomed the passage of the Constitution amendment bill. With this
long-pending business out of the way, India should seize the momentum to tie up the Teesta waters accord with
Dhaka. West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee had played truant in 2011, presumably because she had electoral
compulsions in relation to North Bengal districts at the time. Dozens of small and big rivers criss-cross the IndiaBangladesh terrain. If the two sides can work out an arrangement on the sharing of river waters, great amounts of
goodwill can be generated, giving bilateral ties a bipartisan flavour.
With the land boundary aligned and an accord on river waters, India can access parts of its own territories through
Bangladesh more easily, and contribute to water management in Bangladesh by helping construct dams and
hydropower generation capacities that will benefit both countries. Indias Look East policy will receive a
connectivity boost if infrastructure is aligned. Bangladeshi and Burmese gas resources can also be accessed. A friendly
Bangladesh in the east is an important security factor and can act as a bulwark against terrorism..
7.
Dangerous victory
The Tribune | Category: International
The takeover of Palmyra in Syria by Islamic State (IS) soldiers demonstrates the terrorist organisations tenacity and its
reach. Only a few days back, it had captured the strategically important Ramadi in Iraq. The fall of these two towns
marks a major defeat for the the US-led coalition efforts. It has become increasingly clear that while air attacks have
degraded the capabilities of the organisation to a certain extent, these have proved ineffectual in stopping the march of
the IS into a fairly large swath that covers both Syria and Iraqi territories.
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The fall of the famous Roman-era archaeological site has caused concern internationally. Palmyra has well-preserved
temples and colonnades. Unesco has called for an immediate end to hostilities in the city and is urging everyone to
avoiding direct targeting and respect international obligations to protect cultural heritage during conflicts. IS militants
have a terrible record of destroying major archaeological sites, and thus the concern for the Unesco World Heritage Site
is natural. Unfortunately, there is little that the world, at large, can do to prevent the retrograde organisation from
inflicting damage.
Islamic States linkages with the al-Qaida are well known. It is fighting many battles. However, the forces against it are
also fragmented. While Islamic State battles President Bashar al-Assads army in Syria, it also faces the Iraqi army. The
Kurds have been formidable opponents, who had demonstrated a remarkable tenacity to fight for their towns. The
coalition forces rely largely on the Prime Minister Haider al-Abadis leadership, which has not proved to be
particularly effective in bridging the sectarian divide that is often seen as a major factor in the present crisis. The US
disbandment of the Iraqi army exacerbated matters. The Islamic State has shown its strength by taking over two cities.
It can be brought down, but this will need greater cooperation between its opponents and more boots on the ground.
How and when this happens, remains to be seen. In the meanwhile, people continue to suffer as they seek safety in the
midst of battles raging around them.
8.
Good as gold
The Indian Express | Category: Economy
Gold is an unproductive asset, and given Indians penchant for buying jewellery, its annual imports of 800-900 tonnes
have only served to add to the countrys current account deficit. Not only that, gold stored in temple vaults and kept
under lock and key by households has deprived the economy of funds, along with its multiplier and circulation
benefits. This is explained to a large extent by the failure of the government and financial sector regulators to innovate
savings instruments to meet different objectives. It is in this context that the idea of a scheme to monetise gold makes
sense. But many clarifications and assurances will have to be made before the scheme enthuses housewives, temples,
private traders and entrepreneurs to bring their treasure troves to bank counters.
The schemes draft guidelines indicate that the income generated in terms of capital gains and interest would be
tax free. Banks would be free to decide the interest rate to be offered, and the income from interest would be disbursed
as gold. For instance, if a woman deposits 100 grams of gold with a bank that offers 1 per cent interest a year, she will
get 101 grams after a year. But tax-free returns make sense only if the interest on the gold deposit is paid in cash. The
sale of physical gold, even today, does not attract a capital gains tax. A key aspect, then, would be the interest rate
banks offer. If it is lower than the average savings bank rate, the scheme is unlikely to attract many depositors. Surely,
banks cannot protect the capital value of the gold deposited. In other words, if the market value of gold drops during
the year, the depositor will take a hit.
Besides the tax aspect, individuals will be wary of inviting harassment. Banks will likely ask for know-your-customer
details, including PAN card numbers, before they open a gold savings bank account. The fear is that the taxman
who still does not command a lot of respect, unfortunately will get ideas based on disclosures. Women also buy
gold jewellery for adornment, so the metals capital value is only part of its perceived worth. If banks melt the
jewellery and return coins or bars, it is doubtful people will deposit gold to earn a meagre income from interest. But if
temples with large holdings shift from their traditional vaults to banks, for regular income that the scheme can
potentially provide to meet their day-to-day operational needs, it will gain momentum. Private traders and small and
medium enterprises will take to the scheme for the liquidity it offers. Common people would adopt it, too, provided
banks and the government give them the comfort of a decent and hassle-free income stream.
9.
New horizons
The Indian Express | Category: India and World
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Prime Minister Narendra Modis visits to Mongolia and South Korea, as part of the three-nation tour that began with
China, has been a demonstration of peripheral diplomacy. Both countries are democracies and important neighbours
of China and there is a larger strategic interest at the heart of Indias outreach to Seoul and Ulaanbaatar, at a time when
Beijing has been extensively cultivating its economic and strategic ties with countries in the Indian subcontinent. While
this is reflected in defence being a key component of the discussions in the two capitals, theres more to these two
states.
South Korea is an important economic and strategic partner for India, in many ways, a natural partner, which has
been subjected to prolonged political neglect by Delhi. The upgrade of the bilateral relationship to a special strategic
partnership, while a welcome signal to the world, is in effect a message to industry and bureaucracy to scale and
speed up. Korea will invest $10 billion in Indian infrastructure, particularly in the smart city project, railways and
power generation. Delhi also made a push for manufacturing LNG tankers in India, with the sharing of Korean
knowhow.
Given the persistence of delays and tax issues, a dedicated channel for Korean investment has been announced. A key
corollary of an enhanced partnership would naturally be closer security ties. So, annual summit meetings and joint
commissions led by the foreign ministers have been announced, even as cooperation between the Indian and Korean
armed forces is strengthened and the national security councils regularise their consultations. Seoul has also extended
support for Indian membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group and other export control regimes.
Mongolia, which Modi is the first Indian PM to visit, needs to be seen in the context of Delhis use of its imagination,
whereby a shared heritage of Buddhism is being leveraged not only to reaffirm old cultural ties but also to explore
possibilities for the future. Mongolia has natural uranium reserves that India may like to procure in future, but it is
also a potential destination for Indian investment.
As with Mongolia and Korea, tying cultural diplomacy with economic development against the backdrop of closer
defence partnerships, would build on the interest among Chinas neighbours to deepen ties with Delhi. The shared
vision of an Asian century would require an enhanced Indian contribution to the Asian balance of power. Delhis
challenge, however, remains in translating its intent into action.
10.
Endemic discrimination
The Hindu | Category: Nation
Recent reports about some Muslim families and individuals being denied housing accommodation or not being
allowed to buy apartments in Indian cities point to an endemic issue of urban bias. While discrimination and biases of
various kinds are common in urban sprawls across the world, there is something systemic about the denial of housing
to Muslims in Indian cities. Surveys have pointed to various forms of bias, where residents display an aversion to those
belonging to other castes and religions being in their neighbourhood. Neither access to education nor economic
betterment has mitigated the problem of social bias. The sad reality in the city of Mumbai in particular has been that
more than two decades since the 1992-93 communal riots, discrimination remains entrenched; indeed, it is today open
and unchecked. Communities such as Dalits also encounter biases when they seek housing, but Muslims are an easy
target because their names often point to their identity. Even online websites have seen home-sellers and owners
openly denying houses to Muslims and people from certain other communities, before outrage against the practice got
some websites to announce non-discriminatory policies on listings.
Legally speaking, this is a difficult issue to tackle. In the case of public housing, there cannot be any discrimination,
and any form of bias in renting out or selling houses is illegal. But in the case of the private and cooperative housing
market, the issue is more complicated. There are several housing colonies that are exclusive if not exclusionary to
particular communities. These restrict residents to a particular community on the basis of their right to freedom of
association, which was endorsed by the Supreme Court in Zoroastrian Co-operative Housing Society Limited v.
District Registrar Co-operative Societies (2005). Yet, the Supreme Court has over the years developed a fairly
comprehensive jurisprudence that regulates relations between private parties based on constitutional principles and
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fundamental rights. This could legally provide a basis for non-discrimination on matters related to housing. Judicial
interventions apart, legislative action is required to address such acts of discrimination. The Rajindar Sachar
Committee in its recommendations in 2005 sought the setting up of an Equal Opportunity Commission to provide a
legal mechanism to address complaints related to discrimination in matters such as housing. Towards the fag end of its
tenure the UPA government discussed the setting up of such a Commission, but nothing came of it. It is time to revisit
the issue and implement this legislatively.
11.
The last one year has seen Indias military modernisation process slowly picking up pace in terms of clearances for
critical military hardware, with an emphasis on Make in India. But the much-needed policy framework to provide
direction for long-term military modernisation and build a domestic military-industrial complex still appear elusive.
The implementation of the governments election-time pitch of One Rank, One Pension for military personnel too,
while cleared in principle, has been delayed, and this has caused considerable anguish among ex-servicemen. The
governments single biggest decision on the military front pertains to the direct purchase of 36 Rafale fighter jets from
France, which effectively scraps the long-delayed Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft contract for 126 fighter jets.
Several long-held-up deals including those for Kamov utility helicopters, Avro aircraft replacement and artillery guns
that have been identified as critical have been approved. In fact, Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar had personally
intervened to clear the purchase of critical necessities such as snow boots and bulletproof vests for troops operating in
high-altitude regions and involved in counterinsurgency operations. In all, the Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) has
cumulatively cleared deals worth over Rs.1,00,000 crore in the last one year. In another move with long-term
operational and financial implications, the government has downsized the new mountain strike corps stationed on the
border with China, pruning the numbers from 90,000 to 35,000, citing reasons of financial prudence.
While some of the decisions are final approvals leading to price negotiations, several are just clearances to initiate the
procurement process. How soon the process can be concluded depends on an early streamlining of the Defence
Procurement Policy (DPP). Also, with the governments Make in India mantra, the emphasis is on involving industry
in a big way and creating a defence and aerospace ecosystem that would help reduce imports and move towards
technological sovereignty. Towards that end, Mr. Parrikar has promised a major revision of the DPP and a separate
policy for Make in India which are yet to materialise. This delay is causing disillusionment in several quarters,
including in the private sector, which never had a level playing field in the defence sector, dominated as it is by public
sector undertakings. Another critical aspect in developing domestic military capability involves reforming the defence
R&D laboratories and production facilities. While a lot has been said on revamping and making accountable the public
sector, the fact that the top R&D body, the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), has been
without a full-time head for several months now, reflects poorly on the intent. With some major inductions set to give a
significant capability boost to the armed forces, a clear policy direction and overhaul of the existing institutions to
enable that shift is required at the earliest so as not to lose the momentum.
12.
Frankly, Beijing
The Indian Express | Category: India and World
Judged by the old yardstick, Prime Minister Narendra Modis three-day visit to China did not produce any major
political breakthrough. The Chinese leadership, for example, did not agree with the PMs suggestion that the two sides
clarify the Line of Actual Control pending the final settlement of the boundary dispute. The joint statement issued at
the end of the talks in Beijing called, instead, for more confidence building measures to sustain peace and tranquility
on the disputed boundary. Similarly, China has not really endorsed Delhis claim to a permanent seat at the United
Nations Security Council or to membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group, which would complete Indias integration
into the global nuclear order. Modi, for his part, did not back Chinas one belt, one road initiative, which President
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Xi Jinping has invested so much personal prestige in. It may well be that that the character of the India-China
relationship has begun to change and must be judged by a new metric.
The two governments are no longer afraid of publicly airing their differences and recognising the need to manage
them. In the past, they tended to hide their real difficulties in soaring rhetoric on the virtues of Panchsheel or peaceful
coexistence. India had insisted, until recently, that the resolution of the boundary dispute was a precondition for the
transformation of the relationship with China. Modi seems to have turned that argument on its head. Strengthening
the partnership with China, the NDA government appears to believe, could produce a more favourable set of
conditions for the resolution of the boundary dispute.
Intense territorial nationalism in both countries has sharpened mutual distrust over the last few decades and extended
it into the popular domain. Modi is willing to explore the prospects for a more productive relationship on the basis of
deeper economic engagement, greater contact between the peoples of the two countries and the rediscovery of shared
cultural roots, while maintaining peace on the contested frontier. Ending Delhis resistance to Chinese capital has
resulted in commercial deals worth $22 billion between corporates of the two countries. Acknowledging the fact that
China and India know little of each other and recognising that tourism could do more for bilateral relations than
empty rhetoric on Asian solidarity, Modi announced the long overdue liberalisation of visa procedures for the Chinese.
His focus on a shared cultural heritage, including Buddhism, could offer a more valuable foundation for bilateral
relations than the anti-Western posturing of the past. It will be a while before we can assess the results from Modis
new approach to China, but its realism and pragmatism are more than welcome.
13.
A studied move
The Indian Express | Category: Polity and Governance
Recently, the Union cabinet passed amendments to the Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, 1986, imposing
stricter penalties on employers of children, expanding the ban on employing children below 14 years of age to all
hazardous occupations from the 18 defined as such previously and barring adolescents those between 14 and 18
years of age from employment in hazardous industries.
At the same time, acknowledging the complex socio-economic realities that drive child labour, the government will
now allow children to work in family-owned businesses and at home, and also in the entertainment industry, so long
as this does not harm school attendance, in accordance with the right to education. In effect, this decriminalises parents
forced by impoverishment and lack of options to employ their own children. It also recognises the fact that it is, and
has always been, extremely difficult to monitor work done by children inside the home.
Still, although these provisions are an improvement, they do not go far enough. Parents will continue to be penalised
for allowing their children to work, though not for the first violation. The threat of labour inspectors remains and raid
and rescue operations, after which working children might be taken to rescue homes, can be traumatic.
The amendments still do not consider instituting preventive measures and address the problem in isolation, without
appreciating the need to, for instance, set up a proper child protection system or create better rehabilitation homes with
trained staff. In some cases, a complete ban might have the opposite of its intended effect, if children are forced to
continue working to keep their families out of extreme poverty.
Every child should, of course, be given the opportunity to go to school. But the link between school and labour is more
complicated than the simplistic assertion that children work at the expense of schooling, perpetuating poverty for poor
families. For instance, one study found that a school enrolment subsidy that would protect income increased schooling
much more than it reduced child labour, implying that poverty is not the sole reason for children to work.
A number of other factors can contribute to that decision, including market imperfections and even parental
preferences. No one policy instrument, then, can eradicate child labour on its own. Instead, the state must also ensure
access to flexible and, importantly, quality education, address gaps in land and labour markets and design schemes to
support those at subsistence-level poverty.
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14.
The recurrence of a major earthquake on May 12 this time measuring 7.3 on the Richter scale with its epicentre
near Kodari in Nepal, barely a fortnight after the devastating temblor in the landlocked country, has once again raised
questions about preparedness for such disasters in the subcontinent. India is divided into five seismic zones, with Zone
5 being the most active and earthquake-prone. The Himalayan regions, the Assam and Burma region, and the Bhuj
region in the west fall in this category. While the time of occurrence of a big earthquake cannot be predicted accurately
with existing technology, the foreknowledge of potential danger areas can help mitigate the impact of a disaster. The
reason for earthquakes occurring in Nepal is known: the movement of the Indian tectonic plate against the Eurasian
plate. Along the Himalayas lie two fault-lines: the Main Boundary Thrust and the Main Central Thrust. Running
parallel to the Himalayan ranges to a width of 100 km to 120 km, this region has a history of earthquakes. In the last
120 years, there have been four major events: 1897 (Shillong), 1905 (Himachal Pradesh, Kangra), 1934 (Nepal-Bihar
border), 1950 (Arunachal Pradesh, then a part of the North East Frontier Agency or NEFA).
The movement of the Indian tectonic plate against the Eurasian plate has created accumulated stress. This stress is
released in a manner that makes predicting earthquakes impossible. When a major event happens, part of the stress is
released at that point but accumulates in a different part of the belt. Thus there is no natural escape for the region from
susceptibility to earthquakes. The best-laid plans for disaster mitigation following quakes can go awry, but some
lessons can be learnt from the past. However, as the gap between the occurrence of major earthquakes in a given
region could stretch over more than a lifespan, memories can fade and mitigation plans may not be grounded in lived
experience. The real advancement that has been made recently in India is, for instance, the setting up of many
seismological stations, especially after the Bhuj earthquake of 2001. Measurements from these stations and global
positioning system data now tell us the Indian plate is moving north at a speed of 5 metres a year. This would
contribute to stress accumulation and to seismic activity even in Zones 2, 3 and 4. We need to accept earthquakes as a
reality and do everything in our power to redefine development plans, especially in terms of building quake-resistant
buildings. There should be systematic resort to disaster drills to educate the public on what to do during an
earthquake. Preparedness is the key to managing any more such disasters.
15.
An issue mishandled
The Hindu | Category: Polity and Governance
After yet another stand-off with agitating Gujjars the Rajasthan government has caved in, announcing that it would
provide the community 5 per cent reservation in jobs. This will be over and above the 50 per cent reservation extended
to backward classes and scheduled castes and tribes. And crucially, the provision will be included in the Ninth
Schedule of the Constitution so it cannot be challenged in court. Following a series of talks with the community the
governments hand appears to have been forced by the scale of the protests. Road and rail traffic in the State was
disrupted after thousands of people blocked commercially significant rail routes and the Jaipur-Agra national
highway. The estimated loss to the Railways is about Rs. 200 crore. The eight-day-long stalemate prompted the
Rajasthan High Court to come down heavily on the government, asking why not a single arrest had been made. That
fact in itself reflects the scale of the problem, but it is one that successive governments in the State have created for
themselves.
Agitations by Gujjars over reservations have been a near-annual event in Rajasthan since 2006. The problem goes back
to 2003 when the Rajasthan unit of the BJP promised, in the run-up to the 2003 election, to have Gujjars included in the
Scheduled Tribes list. But the violent opposition that the move evoked from the numerically stronger Meena
community forced the State government to back down. The anger within the Gujjar community grew to worrying
proportions after the Vajpayee government decided to reclassify Jats as Other Backward Class. Faced with immense
pressure, the Vasundhara Raje government passed an Act in 2008 granting 5 per cent reservation to Gujjars and
classifying them as a separate backward community. In 2010 that Act was struck down by the Rajasthan High Court,
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which held that the total quantum of reservation had exceeded the ceiling of 50 per cent as laid down in the Mandal
judgment. Unsurprisingly, this did not go down well with the Gujjar community, which demanded the promised 5 per
cent reservation no matter what. This is proof, if any were required, that once caste politics is set in motion it creates a
vicious cycle of unsustainable promises. By succumbing to the demands rather than take proactive action to end the
agitation, the Rajasthan government has set a dangerous precedent. For, concessions made to one community
inevitably trigger concerns in others. The Gujjar agitation may have ended for now, but it is certain to return in other
forms.
16.
A thorny issue
The Tribune | Category: Defence
Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar might have upturned Indias long-held position as well as raised the hackles of
human rights activists when he said India has to neutralise terrorists through terrorists. To further debilitating effect,
he asked: Why must my soldier do it? National Security Adviser Ajit Doval, whose knowledge about covert
operations is recognised, sought to repair the breach but by then Islamabad, which has wedded the use of terrorists
into its state policy, termed this statement as confirming Indias involvement in terrorism in Pakistan. The moral
superiority India had over Pakistan was quickly eroded. Its stand over dealing firmly with the Taliban in Afghanistan
also got queered.
Delhi had used the Ikhwan in J & K to counter Pakistan-funded armed gangs but disassociated from them because, as
in Assam, they began a cottage industry of kidnapping and extortions. There was an element of deniability when
questions were raised about their preying on the very people India wanted to win over. But when Salwa Judum was
raised as a matter of state policy to counter Maoists in Jharkhand, much like Pakistan does with Hafiz Saeed, the
Supreme Court declared them unconstitutional.
This may be the last time a Central Minister publicly suggests using terrorists. His comment may not be part of
renewed thinking in the government to resort to this strategy because states using this ploy have usually been unable
to control such elements. Terrorism arises when years of overlooking of genuine grievances is accompanied by state
repression. The Modi government must avoid the temptation of instant gratification to look for long-term solutions
within the ambit of accepted norms. The only solution against inveterate violence mongers is a mix of well-equipped
soldiers and a firm focus on addressing real grievances. When one of these elements is missing, either the situation
goes on festering or takes a turn for the worse. India and Modi, focused on development, cannot afford either at this
juncture..
17.
The governments success in reining in the fiscal deficit for 2014-15 at four per cent of GDP (at Rs 5,01,880 crore),
surpassing its own estimate of 4.1 per cent made in February, is quite creditable, though it has been achieved at a price.
The Manmohan Singh governments finance minister, P. Chidambaram, had left a deficit at 4.4 per cent of GDP. These
are provisional figures released by the finance ministry but the final figures, to be released later this month, are not
likely to be different. This was achieved at the cost of cutting down on capital expenditure, which is bad for future
growth. The government has always been trying to pressure the Reserve Bank of India to cut rates in order to stimulate
investment that could lead to growth. It is almost laying blame for sluggish investment on the high rate of interest. Of
course, interest rates in India are the highest when compared to most of the countries with which India competes in
exports. But, under the circumstances, even if the RBI cuts rates in its June 2 policy, it is hardly likely to lead to the
private sector rushing to invest in a big way. The private sector will not invest unless it sees the government starting to
invest in infrastructure projects. The government seems to have had little choice, with the rating agencies holding out
the threat of a downgrade of Indias sovereign rating to junk status. So it chose discretion over valour and cut down on
Plan and non-Plan expenditure, saving Rs 54,397 crore, as its revenue receipts were not enough to meet the
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requirements of the fiscal deficit target. Its gross tax collection was up nine per cent at Rs 12,45,037 crore and non-tax
revenue was at Rs 196,959 crore, 90 per cent of its revised estimates of Rs 217,831 crore. Its non-debt receipts, including
from disinvestment, was Rs 43,439 crore, 103 per cent over its revised estimates.
The government now has tough challenges ahead. It has to spur investment and growth and, equally importantly,
widen its tax net. Apart from the number of people paying taxes being minuscule, there are lakhs of shopkeepers and
traders, for instance, who dont seem to be in the tax net. It is a sad state of affairs that it has been unsuccessful in
unlocking several thousand crore rupees in taxes locked in disputes. In addition, we have FIIs and multinational
companies challenging every tax demand. The government has to find a way out of these logjams as this money, and
the black money both within and outside the country, are enough to wipe out the fiscal deficit.
18.
Patent pressures
The Hindu | Category: Economy
In its 2015 Special 301 Report on Intellectual Property Rights, the office of the United States Trade Representative
(USTR) has retained India in its Priority Watch List, noting however that bilateral engagement between the two
countries on IPR concerns had increased over the past year. The USTR had done an Out-of-Cycle review of India in
2014, mentioning the improvement in trade ties, and this year ruled out another immediate review. The U.S. wants
India to bring its IPR regime closer to norms that the former seeks and has been uncomfortable in particular with the
clauses in the Patents Act of 2005. The Act provides for a high standard of patentability, allows for compulsory
licensing provisions and pre- and post-grant objection to patents. The progressive Act has been invoked in several
judgments recently in relation to pharmaceutical patents for example, the Supreme Court upheld the sale of a
generic version of the cancer drug Nexavar in December 2014, and upheld the Indian patent offices rejection of
Novartiss application for a patent for its anti-cancer drug, Glivec. It must be mentioned that patent laws in India are
compliant with the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). The restrictive
patenting laws have protected a thriving generic pharmaceutical industry producing low-cost drugs in India. The
industry has gradually become export-driven, resulting in these companies becoming keen to tie up with major
pharmaceutical companies abroad by seeking voluntary licensing arrangements. Other countries have also looked at
Indias Patents Act as a model, with affordability of pharma products and drugs being a key concern.
It is in this context that Prime Minister Narendra Modis statement asking for aligning Indias patent law with global
standards is a cause for concern. The refrain of the Central government over the past year on this issue is that a strong
IP regime is necessary for economic growth and investment. This is clearly a misplaced concern, as such an emphasis is
being pushed by big pharmaceutical companies that are uncomfortable with the health safeguards in the Patents Act
and that have lobbied with the USTR to keep India under priority watch. Last year the government had agreed to
the creation of a high-level bilateral intellectual property working group with the U.S. While these arrangements with
the U.S. may be useful to mitigate any prospective attempts by the USTR to impose trade sanctions, the government
must retain its own position on IP and the patents regime in India, and should not allow any dilution of its patent laws
that safeguard the public interest.
19.
The Narendra Modi Government clearly shares the problematic relationship that its predecessor government of the
UPA, especially towards the end of its tenure, had with non-governmental organisations and peoples movements in
general. What began primarily as a crackdown on organisations protesting against the nuclear power projects in
Kudankulam and Jaitapur, has since then acquired a sharper edge. If UPA II barred a dozen NGOs from receiving
foreign donations and contributions, the BJP government has not only frozen their accounts but also blamed them for
economic ills. An Intelligence Bureau report apparently blamed them for the slump in Indias GDP. In other words,
NGOs are the major stumbling blocks to the governments avowed pursuit of development. A claim that some NGOs
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make that Christian NGOs are engaging in proselytisation has also been floated. The present government and its
leading spokespersons never tire of reiterating their strange position on conversions, also projecting the possibility of
bringing forward a law to curb them. The crackdown on NGOs in terms of putting a freeze on foreign donations they
receive, on the ground of Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA) violations, is but a manifestation of the dim
view the government has of NGOs. U.S. Ambassador to India Richard Verma spoke at an event organised by a Delhibased think tank of the chilling effect the governments actions on this front may have on civil society. Must all those
who may have a dissenting view be identified as enemies of the state? By freezing their accounts, the government has
almost forced the closure of the operations in India of Greenpeace, which was spearheading the movement against a
power plant in Madhya Pradesh. Bank accounts of the Ford Foundation and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation
and others are also seemingly under scrutiny.
In a country, which as Ambassador Verma estimates has some two million registered NGOs, the bad pennies among
them of course have to be tackled firmly. They should be held accountable for their actions under Indian law if any law
is violated. Yet, as a nation India must also acknowledge the innumerable positive interventions made by NGOs, and
their imprint on landmark Acts passed in Parliament. Whether it is about the Right to Food, Right to Education or the
National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, and the most fundamental of them all, the Right to Information
which seeks to make the government accountable to the public on its decisions several key pieces of legislation owe
in no small measure to NGO interventions. The sledgehammer treatment now being meted out to NGOs does not
behove this government. The clampdown is nothing short of an extreme step. It will have the same kind of chilling
effect that a clampdown on free speech will have.
20.
Recently, China announced the opening of the central route of the South-North Water Diversion Project, which is to
transfer water from the Yellow River to the countrys arid north. The project, costing $33 billion, is supposed to carry
9.5 billion cubic metres of water (BCM) annually to meet the demands of Beijing and other areas. The eastern route
of the project was opened last year to transport water north from the Yangtze River to Shandong province. According
to Chinese officials, the entire project, which is slated to have three routes, namely, the eastern, central and western,
would be able to address the chronic water shortage in the northern states.
China has uneven spatial distribution of water. As a result, for decades, the country has grappled with water and
power shortages. During the 1970s, a Chinese general, Guo Kai, is even reported to have proposed that 200 nuclear
warheads be launched at the Himalayas to blast a two kilometre-wide air tunnel that would divert the Indian monsoon
and meet Chinas water needs. Subsequently, he had even toyed with the idea of using Tibets waters, particularly
from the Brahmaputra. The plan was to divert water from the Great Bend of the river.
With its burgeoning population, increased industrial development, higher demand from agriculture and pollution in
the rivers aggravating its woes, the country turned its attention to exploiting the huge potential of the water-rich
Tibetan region to overcome the looming crisis.
The proposal to divert waters from the south to the dry north was borne out of these compulsions and studies that
grew out of them.
Of the three links envisaged by the South-North Water Diversion Project, the central and eastern routes have already
started functioning. At the moment, China is contemplating taking up the western route. This last route is a modified
version of Guos dream project, which involved the construction of a mega structure at the Great Bend and a tunnel
through the Himalayas to divert water and generate power, which could also be used to pump water. In 2003, the
official Chinese news agency, Xinhua, had detailed plans for the Tsangpo (which is the Brahmaputra in Tibet) Water
Diversion Project. These plans had two components first, a power plant with an installed capacity of more than
40,000 MW in the Medok area of the Nyingchi Prefecture to use the potential of the river at the Great Bend, where it
takes a sharp u-turn before entering India, and second, diversion of water to the provinces of Xingjiang and Gansu.
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Also, according to recent reports, China has constructed a highway, stretching 141 kilometres and linking Bome to
Medok city, to facilitate the movement of heavy construction machinery and materials. It has also completed an
airstrip in this prefecture, at an altitude of 2,949 metres. Though China has denied, all along, any plans for the
diversion of the Brahmaputra, the fact that the South-North Diversion Project is slated to ultimately have three routes,
with a total estimated cost of $81 billion, is indicative of the Chinese intention to take up the western route next. The
State Grid Corporation of Chinas map for 2020 also shows the Great Bend area connected to the rest of the countrys
power supply.
Though our neighbour had been assuring us that its projects will not have any impact on Indian projects downstream,
we should not rest easy with these assurances. India has to act fast to ensure that its riparian rights and other interests
are protected.
Unfortunately, in spite of experts recommending the construction of a high dam across the Siang (or Brahmaputra)
downstream to contain the impact of Chinese projects on our habitats and our development schemes, Indian
authorities have been going slow on implementing this project. They cite the objections raised by a new breed of
activists and environmental groups, which wage a relentless war against the project to protect their interests. But we
should not lose sight of the strategic importance and disaster mitigation aspects of the Siang project just to appease
these groups. We have to complete the project on a war footing in order to be prepared to meet any situation that
arises from Chinas plan to divert the Brahmaputra.
21.
Afghanistans president, Ashraf Ghani, completed his recent three-day visit to India in the low-key manner in which it
had begun. India supplied three helicopters to Afghanistan, despite Ghani cancelling predecessor Hamid Karzais
request for supply of major defence hardware. The Strategic Partnership Agreement signed between the two countries
in 2011, which focuses on defence cooperation, was not high on the agenda this time. But it is likely that the proposal
will be revisited and Delhi could repackage the deal to satisfy Pakistans sensitivities, besides increasing its efforts for
capacity building of the Afghan armed forces. This could form part of the new defence mechanism being framed by the
two countries.
Former President Karzai was seen to be favourably disposed towards India while Ghani is viewed by many as too
reliant on Islamabad and Beijing to keep the peace in Afghanistan. There are fears that Pakistans increasing role in
Afghanistan will allow the Taliban to consolidate its position, which will destabilise the region and bolster jihadi
groups targeting India. The peace process with the Taliban and Pakistans role in it figured prominently in
Ghanis discussions with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and Delhi sought clarity from Ghani on the implications of
this process for the region. Modi obliquely referred to it when he said at the joint press briefing with the Afghan
president, We have a shared interest in the success of an Afghan-led and Afghan-owned process.
By all accounts, India remains extremely popular with both the Afghan state and its people due to its soft power
initiatives in the war-torn country. While Delhi expects Kabul to safeguard its strategic interests in Afghanistan, India
seems to have reconciled itself with Ghanis outreach to Islamabad. Delhi is also hopeful that China will use its
influence to control the rise of Islamist jihadi forces and bring stability to the region. This conforms with Indias goals
for a peaceful Afghanistan, which will allow Ghani to fulfil his vision of attracting investments to his country. Ghani
sees the Indian private sector as a key partner in transforming Afghanistan from an area shadowed by conflict to a
hub where goods, ideas, people flow in all directions and has rolled out the red carpet for Indian investors, offering
them incentives like meetings with him and opportunities to stay in the ancient palace.
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22.
Prime Minister Modi has voiced his interest in genetically modified crops, including food. He has not been specific on
what he meant, but a spokesperson has clarified that the government will abide by directions from the Supreme Court,
which is hearing a plea for a ban on GM food crops. One, the Supreme Court is no authority on the matter; it can only
seek scientific counsel, which even the government can. Two, the Supreme Court can only adjudicate on a ban plea,
not enforce the growing of GM crops. Moreover, the biggest challenge is that the scientific community itself is not
united on this subject. The government's stand, therefore, leaves us no less bewildered than ever.
The world is equally confused. Most of Europe does not allow the growing of GM crops, with many countries not even
allowing the import of GM food. Japan also is strongly against it. The US, which has approved many GM crops, also
has not given a blanket approval; each crop has to be specifically approved. The only way for such approval can be
testing for any harmful effects on humans or animals that consume the crops, and other plants. India has thus far not
created facilities for an extensive testing of GM crops over a long period that is required. Even the permission for
testing requires a decision.
As things stand today, India can only go by testing done in other countries. And the US is the only scientifically
advanced country that is widely into GM crops. A niggling issue is that the US is also home to mega companies that
stand to benefit from the adoption of this technology. And corporate influence on US policy is a well-known
phenomenon. The immediate path for the government in India can thus be to invest heavily in studying the matter and
building a consensus. People cannot be involuntarily subjected to food they dont know about. Given our population's
awareness level, the common perception is that if something is called food, it must be safe to eat.
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Given the potentially divisive note on which he re-enters 10 Downing Street, Mr Cameron has already bowed to the
Scottish mood in saying he wants to reclaim the mantle of one nation. Besides digging in for the long fight for
togetherness, Britains Prime Minister may have to tend to the National Health Service and such other essentials even
as Ed Miliband of Labour, Nick Clegg of the Liberal Democrats and Nigel Farage of the Ukip have resigned as leaders
of their parties.
24.
Back in black
The Indian Express | Category: Economy
The government has finally managed to ensure the passage of important legislation, including the Black Money
(Undisclosed Foreign Income and Assets) and Imposition of Tax Bill, 2015, fulfilling its promise to curb tax evasion and
discourage money laundering. It also introduced the Benami Transaction (Prohibition) Bill in the Lok Sabha, aimed at
checking domestic black money. The two bills provide for stiff jail terms for failure to disclose assets, punishment for
every person responsible to a company for any offence and a monetary penalty of up to 25 per cent of the market value
of the property. The tough new law may have unnerved some sections of industry, which fears that this could be a tool
for harassment by taxmen. To allay concerns, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley said the government would offer a
compliance window of a few months to come clean sort of an amnesty.
The new law, passed on the eve of the NDAs one-year anniversary, may win the government political points, blunting
criticism that it has not moved meaningfully on black money and corruption. But it cannot discount fears, voiced by
certain lawmakers, among others, on potential misuse of the law. In a way, it reflects a mindset where a person is,
prima facie, assumed to be guilty. Much of the unease has to do with the administrations record on dealing with
taxation and money laundering, and the experience of taxpayers, notably the recent tax demands on past investments
of foreign funds. All this from a government that had Indian industry rooting for it after promising to put an end to
tax terrorism. The government must recognise that, globally, efforts to counter evasion are centred on robust
information gathering and exchange based on extensive use of technology, not through raids and fishing expeditions.
Recent attempts at recovering illegal funds stashed abroad should also have convinced the government of the enormity
of the challenge on the black money front.
These laws may be a deterrent but a durable solution could lie in the form of the GST, which will subsume many other
taxes and help change the way the real estate industry operates, by providing a set-off on transactions and stamp duty
only on the value added part. That and a reform of political funding in India are what the government should expend
its energies on.
25.
In Kolkata, PM Narendra Modi launched three social security schemes that were mooted in this years budget. The
Suraksha Bima Yojana will provide a renewable one-year accidental death-cum-disability insurance cover of Rs 2 lakh
to persons between the ages of 18 and 70 for an annual premium of Rs 12. The Jivan Jyoti Bima Yojana similarly aims at
providing life insurance cover of Rs 2 lakh for an annual subscription of Rs 330 to persons between 18 and 50 years of
age.
Lastly, the Atal Pension Yojana for persons between 18 and 40 years of age would, depending on the plan opted for,
ensure that the subscriber gets a monthly pension of between Rs 1,000 and Rs 5,000 after turning 60. In the one-week
trial period prior to the launch, 5.05 crore people have reportedly already been enrolled for the schemes. Coupled with
the 125 crore new bank accounts that had been opened under the Jan Dhan Yojana by January, the Modi government
has managed to make impressive progress notwithstanding the dormancy of many of these new accounts in the
project of financial inclusion and social security provision.
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Given the poor penetration of pension and insurance only 4 per cent of Indians have accident insurance, 20 per cent
have life insurance, and only 11 per cent of workers are subscribed to a pension scheme this project is an imperative.
Indeed, the macro gains from the spread of insurance and pension should not be underestimated productivity as
well as economic and social stability improve in less uncertain, more equitable environments. But importantly, the
government is yet to make public the nitty gritty of the schemes funding. And even though they should not be viewed
as dole one has to check into them and pay a subscription fee the government will need to work out how to
finance their subsidy component. Saddling banks and insurers with a prohibitive unfunded mandate or the Centre
taking on an unsustainable subsidy burden would be unwise.
Equally, the government must learn from the failure of past experiments and projects. For instance, why didnt the
UPAs Swavalamban pension scheme take off? And how can an EPFO-sized hole in the balance sheet be avoided? But
overall, a gradual shift away from state intervention in markets towards a strong social security architecture is the way
to go.
26.
A roaring success
The Indian Express | Category: Environment and Ecology
The story of lion conservation in India has come a long way since the nawab of Junagadh got a rude shock at the turn
of the 20th century. Alarmed at finding only 12 of the species left in the Gir grasslands, he banned lion hunting and
ensured the animals were protected. The census of 2015 reveals there are 523 lions spread over an area of 22,000 square
km. In 2010, a survey conducted over 10,000 sq km had found 411 lions. The lions of Gir are thriving, but greater
numbers bring with them new vulnerabilities.
The biggest challenge is to sustain the growing population as it spills out of protected areas. The Asiatic lion now
ranges across vast swathes of the Saurashtra region, dotted with human settlements, criss-crossed by highways and
railways. This brings with it the threat of speeding trucks and trains, open wells and live wires. It also means an
alarming rise in human-animal conflict. Records from May 2014 show that, over the last two years, there had been 125
such incidents outside the protected area, killing 14 people and injuring 117. If local people are to be invested in the
survival of the Asiatic lion, the government must work towards twinning their interests with those of conservation.
An alternative long suggested is relocating some of Gujarats lions to Madhya Pradeshs Kuno-Palpur sanctuary.
Several objections have been raised there are insufficient numbers to form two distinct populations, introducing
lions in tiger territory would be hazardous, the space in Kuno had been vacated through displacing local villages in the
first place. But the main factor holding up the plan seems to be a political tug of war between MP and Gujarat, with the
latter making the pride of Gujarat a prestige issue. Unless genuine concerns about conservation and welfare militate
against the move, there is no reason that the last wild population of Asiatic lions should be threatened by a war
between short-sighted CMs.
27.
The Union Cabinets nod to the 100 smart cities project and a new urban renewal mission is an important first step
toward dealing with an old problem that has only got progressively worse over the years: urban liveability. A shade
less than a third of Indias population now lives in urban areas, overcrowded cities and towns with infrastructure
bursting at the seams. This problem will only worsen with little or no intervention happening. The proportion of the
urban population can only go in one direction upward as more Indians migrate to the cities and towns in search
of jobs. Cities are engines of growth, and as a result attract a lot of people. The countrys urban population contributes
over 60 per cent of Indias GDP; in 15 years this will be 70 per cent. On the other hand, there is little incentive for
people to migrate out of cities. Earlier attempts at providing better urban infrastructure or at creating new townships
have not been able to deal with the issue of liveability satisfactorily. Even successful special economic zones have had
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to contend with the issue of lack of social infrastructure, which usually means access to avenues of education, health,
arts, sports, and so on. There are numerous definitions of a smart city but the Modi governments idea of one usefully
encompasses institutional infrastructure (governance), physical infrastructure, as also social infrastructure.
The Cabinet approval marks the first of many steps, as also the easiest, that will be required for the project. The
challenges start now. Of course there is no doubt that this has created tremendous enthusiasm amongst many possible
stakeholders, including service providers who have been part of smart city projects elsewhere in the world. Countries
such as Japan, Singapore and Germany, among many others, have evinced interest to be a part of this. Yet, in its scale
and complexity the project will be second to none. The official estimates of per capita investment requirement is
Rs.43,386 for a 20-year period, or a total investment of Rs.7 lakh crore. Creating a smart city isnt just about creating the
physical infrastructure roads, clean water, power, transport and so on, things India finds difficult to deliver to its
citizens nearly seven decades after Independence. It is hoped that public private partnerships (PPP) will deliver but the
mechanism seems to need a lot of tweaking in order for it to work, a fact acknowledged in the recent Budget. The big
challenge will be to create self-sustaining cities, which create jobs, use resources wisely and also train people. This also
means more autonomy for these cities. Whether that can happen is a moot question depending heavily on the maturity
of the Indian political system.
28.
Like Tripura
The Indian Express | Category: Nation
Tripura has turned a crucial corner. Eighteen years after it was imposed in the state, the Armed Forces (Special
Powers) Act, 1958, will be withdrawn from the 26 police station areas where it was in force. Announcing the decision,
Chief Minister Manik Sarkar said the law was no longer required since the insurgency in Tripura had waned. Indeed,
Tripuras effort to contain militancy has been one of the finer moments of counter-insurgency in this country. The state
adopted a multi-dimensional approach, factoring in the need to fight the psychological hold of the militancy, provide
jobs and basic services for people in affected areas and opportunities for surrendered militants to return to the
mainstream. Most importantly, counter-insurgency was driven by a trained and reorganised state police rather than
the army. As the police fanned into remote areas, establishing state presence, it was watched closely by government.
As a result, there have reportedly been fewer complaints of human rights violation. Other states struggling with
insurgency have good reason to go the Tripura way.
A counter-insurgency led by the police means the lines of accountability will not disappear into the opaque folds of the
armed forces. Civilian oversight could act as a check on excesses by security forces. Afspa, on the other hand, gives
army personnel powers to open fire if deemed necessary for the maintenance of public order, to conduct searches
and make arrests without a warrant, and to do so with a degree of legal protection. The licence and immunity granted
by Afspa have been held responsible for thousands of alleged extra-judicial killings, enforced disappearances and
other human rights abuses. The Santosh Hegde commission, set up by the Supreme Court in 2013 to look into six cases
of alleged extra-judicial killing in Manipur, found the use of disproportionate force in encounters that were not
genuine. It also observed that while Afspa gave the armed forces sweeping powers, it did not grant protection to
the citizens against its possible misuse.
A draconian law enforced in exceptional circumstances does not, in many cases, speak to changing ground realities.
Across states, insurgencies seem to be winding down, registering lower levels of violence and fewer fatalities in recent
years. In J&K, reports indicate the toll has come down from 4,507 in 2001 to 42 till May 2015. Militancies across the
Northeast claimed 717 lives in 2005, a number which has reduced to 122 in 2015. Areas once notified as disturbed
have seen relative calm for years now. Meanwhile, civil society disquiet over Afspa has only grown. Unless the
government scales down military presence, it risks alienating the large number of people who must live daily with
Afspa.
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29.
A welcome initiative
The Tribune | Category: Economy
It is a good beginning. The northern states of Punjab, Haryana, Himachal and Delhi, and the UT of Chandigarh have
agreed to adopt uniform tax rates on select goods and work for a single market. Though driven by the loss of revenue
due to varying rates and evasion of taxes, the collaborative effort can be a starting point for resolving inter-state and
even national issues. To start with, they can look at how best to implement the goods and services tax (GST) which, if
rolled out from April next year as planned, would demolish the existing barriers and turn the entire country into a
single market apart from reducing tax headaches.
The northern states need not confine themselves to taxes only. They can think big and look at common problems;
focus, for instance, on their shortcomings; and especially ask themselves why private investors, domestic as well as
foreign, have chosen to shun North India and park their investment in western and southern India. Individually they
may be small states but collectively they can become major producers, consumers and exporters of goods. They can
explore national and international markets, and particularly campaign for land routes to Pakistan, Iran, Afghanistan
and China. To become competitive, they can pool in resources to create world-class infrastructure. For collective
development, peace on the borders with Pakistan and China is a priority and the northern states can lobby for it since
it is they who suffer the brunt first in case of a conflict. The jingoistic elements in Delhi and elsewhere need to be
contained.
Also, northern states can together fund research into agricultural issues, including low productivity, crop
diversification and effects of climate change on farming. Since a new generation of leaders is on the rise in the northern
states which is not hamstrung by the baggage of the past, there is a hope that they can thrash out inter-states issues,
including disputes over water, power and territory. But will they rise above petty politics?
30.
That Indias courts are clogged with long-pending cases is well-known, but the texture of the problem is something
weve known little about so far. A new database of court data lays out some of the contours of the issue: over 40 lakh
cases are pending in Indias High Courts, and a tenth in courts for which data are available have been pending for over
ten years. The oldest case languishing in the few courts for which enough data are available is just a decade younger
than India itself. A quarter of the cases for which information is available are pending at the admission stage itself. An
earlier Law Commission report found that the situation was far more dire in the lower courts at the end of 2012,
some one crore cases were pending in Subordinate Judicial Services courts and 20 lakh cases in Higher Judicial
Services courts across 12 High Court jurisdictions in the country. A certain fatality has marked Indias efforts to deal
with pendency thus far. We are a big country, we are a litigious people, we have chronic administrative undercapacity
and a perennially under-resourced judiciary, we are told. So enormous has the problem begun to appear in the public
mind that it has seemed impossible to fix. This is not necessarily true.
For one, the real extent of judicial pendency in India is nearly impossible to estimate on account of an utter lack of
standardisation in data classification and management systems; virtually every State is a law unto itself, collecting and
classifying case data as it chooses, making it impossible to compare with the neighbouring State. This is not a purely
technical concern; it has severely hamstrung Indias efforts to understand the nature of not just judicial delay, but the
judicial process itself. There is no good reason for this state of affairs to continue; the technology to resolve this is now
easily and cheaply available. In addition, there are simple administrative fixes that have been suggested by reformminded judges. As Chief Justice of the Madras High Court, Justice A.P. Shah had instituted evening courts to look after
traffic and police challans, which account for over a third of all cases pending in the lower courts. Such cases need to be
removed from the regular court system altogether. Plea bargaining is another judicial reform step that has not yet
picked up in India. Finally, the grossly inadequate judge strength must increase; even if not the doubling of judge
strength as promised in the past by the Ministry of Law and Justice, a significant leap is unavoidable. For justice and
the rule of law to seem meaningful to the people, the government must back its assurances with resources.
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31.
For now it seems like much ado about nothing as Union finance minister Arun Jaitley decided to withdraw the clauses
in the Finance Bill that proposed the setting up of a public debt management agency (PDMA), and the proposed
amendment to the Reserve Bank of India Act that would have taken away RBIs powers to manage the governments
debt as also government securities. The perceived friction between the government and the RBI over these two issues
is over for now because Mr Jaitley said the government, in consultation with the RBI, would prepare a detailed road
map that would finally lead to a unified financial market. It was discretion over valour as Mr Jaitley realised that
instead of doing things unilaterally, it would be better to follow the consultative process. Besides, as Mr Jaitley said,
the RBI has the domain knowledge for a PDMA and it would still require RBI executives to help set it up.
A PDMA was first mooted nearly two decades ago and everyone, including the RBI, supported it. It is done the world
over so that the PDMA is at arms length from the government and the Central Bank. Of course, a lot will depend on
how the PDMA is structured to be an independent agency in letter and spirit; this has been the RBIs concern. The idea
of a PDMA was mooted as it was felt that there was conflict of interest in the RBI managing the governments debt.
The RBIs primary responsibility was to keep inflation low and the governments heavy borrowing could lead to
inflation, to put it very simply. And the government would like to borrow at the lowest rates.
However, when these proposals found their way into the Finance Bill of 2015-16, it created a fracas, probably because
of the timing. The public perception, ill-conceived it seems, was that this was an extension of the friction between the
finance minister and the RBI over the need to cut interest rates. There is no doubt that Mr Jaitley and his junior, Jayant
Sinha, want interest rates cut, but they have never had a confrontation with the RBI governor, Dr Raghuram Rajan,
over this issue, as did Dr Rajans predecessor, D. Subbarao, with then finance minister P. Chidambaram.
Even on managing the G-Sec (government security) markets, currently done by the RBI, the move to bring it under
Sebis regulation seems sound since it is part of the bond market. The government has been thinking in terms of
opening the government bond market to retail investors and it would help if it came under Sebi. The banks, in any
case, are over-invested in G-Secs through the statutory liquidity ratio (SLR) requirements. Both the government and
the RBI need to move in tandem and get these proposals going as part of the financial reform process.
32.
There is little to cheer about Health Minister J P Naddas appointment as the new President of the 68th World Health
Assembly, the supreme decision-making body in the World Health Organisation (WHO). The cause of concern for the
common man, the beneficiary of several WHO-sponsored health programmes, is expressed by a group of 33 civil
society organisations over the possibility of growing corporate influences creeping into the working of WHO, which
may result in compromising the independence, integrity, and credibility of the institution.
Since the 1990s, a freeze on assessed contributions due to pressure from the US has led to untied funds being reduced
to a fifth of WHOs total budget. To make good the loss, voluntary contributions, mostly from the UK, the US and
Canada, have been mobilised, forming 80 per cent of the WHO funds. The fact that a deputation of top health officials
from the private sector works with WHO and that salaries of a few WHO personnel are allegedly paid by MNCs has
raised further doubts about the integrity of the organisation. To top it, close to 90 per cent of such voluntary funds are
tightly earmarked for specific programmes that the donors support, in a kind of quid pro quo. During the 2014 Ebola
crisis, the compromised stance of WHO diluted the credibility of the organisation in the eyes of the African nations.
Over the last four years though, WHO has been claiming to bring in reforms by addressing its inefficiencies. Its
functioning offers evidence that these shortcomings are largely a result of WHO's financial crisis brought on by the
freeze on assessed contributions. Commercial interests of big corporations are met under WHOs watchful eyes by
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intensively marketed cheap ultra-processed foods which result in increased incidence of obesity, diabetes and heart
disease. One hopes, as the president of WHO, Nadda will take a stand for the benefit of the developing world and not
to fill the coffers of a few pharmaceutical MNCs.
33.
Not all the amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act cleared by the Union Cabinet recently inspire public
confidence or meet the objective of filling gaps in domestic anti-corruption law. In significant respects, the proposals
fall short of public expectations and fail to address key issues in corruption jurisprudence. In its Bill introduced in the
Rajya Sabha in 2013, the UPA government proposed to extend the protection of prior sanction for prosecuting public
servants to former officials. The ostensible reason was that Section 197 of the Code of Criminal Procedure protected
retired officials, while the PCA covered only serving officials. The government wants to stick to this change, when it
would have been more advisable to bring the CrPC in consonance with the PCA. The sanction provision ought to have
been restricted to prosecutions that flow from deviations from public policy, laws and regulations. Possessing
unexplained assets, being caught red-handed while taking a bribe and misappropriating property cannot be actions in
the course of official functions, and in such cases prior sanction cannot be required. The Bill drops the protection
accorded to bribe-givers if they depose during trial, thereby deterring those coerced into giving a bribe from
subsequently testifying against offenders. A distinction ought to have been made between collusive bribery and
bribery under coercion.
The expanded provision relating to bribery and enhanced jail terms are positive developments, but the idea of
subsuming most offences now covered under criminal misconduct into a single clause should be revisited, lest some
form of abuse of office slips through the net. Another worrisome aspect is the change made to the offence of possessing
disproportionate assets. When the 2013 Bill used the term intentional enrichment, it seemed as though the
prosecution needed to prove the possession of unexplained assets as well as the intention to enrich oneself. The
government now says possession of disproportionate assets will be proof of such illicit enrichment. It is to be
hoped that this will mean the prosecution need not prove the intention to amass wealth, as such an additional
requirement would allow those in possession of ill-gotten wealth to escape the law. The proposed amendments have
positive aspects too. They seek to curb commercial entities from offering inducements to public servants and provide
for punishments to individuals in charge of such entities. The trial court itself can now deal with the process of
attachment of property instead of the district court. Fixing a time frame for grant of sanction and completion of trial is
a welcome feature. A crucial opportunity to overhaul the anti-corruption law should not be lost through imperfect
amendments.
34.
Recently, the European Unions Ambassador to New Delhi, Joao Cravinho, expressed keenness to pursue the India-EU
Free Trade Agreement (FTA) talks. The desire is mutual. Despite the vigorous pace that the Narendra Modi
government has marked in the matter of foreign relations in general, this process has remained in suspended
animation for two years now. Minister for Commerce and Industry Nirmala Sitharaman had assured the Ambassador
in March of Indias willingness to resume talks. As Mr. Cravinho mentioned, the meeting of the OECD (The
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries scheduled for June offers an opportunity for
both sides to draw up a road map. The EU (European Union) identified India as a strategic partner in 2004.
A Joint Action Plan was signed in 2005 and negotiations on the proposed Broad-based Trade and Investment
Agreement (BTIA) were launched in June 2007. Eight years down the line, some contentious issues still remain. In the
backdrop of Prime Minister Modis visit to France and Germany in April came the cancellation of the India-EU
summit, apparently for logistical reasons. Issues such as the EU ban on import of mangoes from India announced in
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May 2014, and the legal proceedings in India involving the Italian Marines, are also factors that have left the
relationship strained.
The EU is one of Indias largest trading partners and a major source of FDI. The value of EU-India trade grew from
28.6 billion in 2003 to 72.5 billion in 2014, while trade in commercial services rose from 5.2 billion in 2002 to 23.7
billion in 2013. India has concluded agreements with ASEAN (The Association of Southeast Asian Nations), Japan,
Singapore and Korea. With the EU the scale of the deal is more ambitious, and consequently the disagreements. For
instance, the EU is unhappy with Indias protectionism in the automobile sector, and wants steep cuts in duties, and
tariff cuts in things such as wine, spirits and dairy products. But tariff cuts in the agricultural sector would mean
Europes heavily subsidised agro industry will dump its surplus here, hitting Indian farmers. Indias generic drug
market also raises intellectual property concerns for European pharmaceutical corporations.
India, on the other hand, is unhappy with the EU not recognising it as a data secure nation, and with what the EU
has to offer in the area of IT/BPO/KPO services and the movement of skilled professionals. But the EU is no doubt
keen on partnering with India in programmes such as Make in India, Swachh Bharat and Smart City projects. Another
criticism levelled against the FTA talks has been over lack of transparency and inadequate consultations with civil
society participants. These concerns will also have to be remedied in future rounds of dialogue. It is to be hoped that
the whole process would now gain momentum and lead to a negotiated deal.
35.
The Narendra Modi government is reportedly working on reorienting the countrys agricultural subsidy architecture
to make it WTO-compliant. The recasting of agricultural and food-security support is a long-overdue reform. But while
we need to move away from wasteful consumption and input subsidies that distort incentives and decision-making,
the quantum of government support for the sector should not come down. Given the low growth rate of agriculture
and increasing distress because of low crop realisations, which are in turn largely due to depressed global prices, and
production setbacks on account of bad weather, we need more money flowing to the farm sector. But this should be
targeted at increasing productivity spending on rural roads, agricultural R&D, irrigation infrastructure,
warehousing must be increased and providing insurance, while the fertiliser and input subsidy regime as well as
the public distribution and procurement system are rethought.
As pointed out by the Shanta Kumar panel, it isnt worth spending approximately Rs 1,15,000 crore annually on a food
security programme with almost 50 per cent leakage, and where grain is purchased from hardly 6 per cent of Indias
farmers procurement only touches the lives of surplus wheat and rice producers in a few states. Further, delivering
food security doesnt require physically procuring, stocking and distributing, say, rice at the economic cost of Rs 30/
kg and then selling it at Rs 3. A significant part of this rice naturally finds its way into the open market, where prices
are Rs 25/ kg or higher. Instead of the government procuring vast quantities of wheat and rice, poor consumers, who
still consume more than their entitlement of grain, would be better off given the subsidy in cash using Aadhaarseeded Jan Dhan bank accounts which they can use to transact in a less-denuded market. The government could
keep maintaining a strategic stockpile of grain to counter price volatility.
As far as farm support is concerned, we should dismantle the input subsidy regime, let farmers take market-linked
decisions, and move to a per-acre subsidy and insurance system. But this would require an overhaul of land records
first. It is well known that the urea subsidy is fiscally unsustainable both for the government and the industry, besides
encouraging nutrient usage damaging for soil health. In the long run, the farmers are the losers. While the solutions are
well known, reform can be painful in the short run. The land bill being seen rightly or wrongly as anti-farmer has
constricted the governments elbow room. Whether it will be able to effect these reforms in a timely manner is an open
question.
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36.
Pneumonia ended Aruna Shanbaugs agony. Her tragic life had triggered a debate on mercy killing in India and
influenced the Supreme Court (SC) in 2011 to legalise passive euthanasia. She lived for four more years since the
landmark ruling because her case did not qualify for passive euthanasia under the guidelines devised by the apex
court. Rape and assault by a hospital staffer had left her brain dead and in a persistent vegetative state nearly 42 years
ago. But her caretakers, the nurses at Mumbais KEM Hospital who looked after her like their child all through, had
refused permission to let her die. For them, she was a living presence, their responsibility, and beyond the pale of the
legal battles on the right to die. The debate on whether they should have held on to her or let life ebb away from the
crumbling body will continue. Shanbaugs death and life calls for a close look at the moral and legal dimensions
of the plea for the right to die.
In its 2001 ruling, the apex court made a clear difference between active and passive euthanasia. It ruled against active
euthanasia (assisted suicide), which is permissible in only four countries. The SC gave its assent to passive euthanasia,
which allows life support to be withdrawn from patients who are in a persistent vegetative state or terminally ill, and
to let them die. Besides elaborating on which cases could qualify for passive euthanasia and under what circumstances,
the court also outlined the institutional process to be followed and vested the authority of taking the final call on a plea
with the relevant high court. The government, which qualified the plea for the right to die as the right to die in a
dignified way in the Shanbaug case, has, so far, sailed with the court ruling, which is now the law.
The opposition to active euthanasia is tied up with the legal and moral position on suicide. Suicide is deemed a
criminal act in Indian law. Courts and legislatures have refused to read it as concurrent with the right to life, enshrined
in Article 21 of the Constitution. This, clearly, is out of step with a society that has nurtured the idea of ichhamrityu.
The Indian state, like most nation states, seeks to monopolise the right to take life. Suicide is an act of defiance the
moral assertion of an individual over the might of society or the state or life itself. An enlightened society or state
ought to understand the impulses behind suicide and deal with its many dimensions. To automatically deem the act to
be a crime is to be morally blind.
37.
Photo finish
The Indian Express | Category: Polity and Governance
Ruling on a case filed by the NGOs Common Cause and Centre for Public Interest Litigation, the Supreme Court has
prohibited the use of public funds by political parties in government to develop personality cults around their
leaders. Henceforth, only the pictures of the president, the prime minister and the chief justice of India may appear in
government advertising. The order will be well received by the public, which stoically endures advertising where
political leaders take credit for all sorts of successes, from submarine launches to space missions, which generally owe
to the industry of other people. Unfortunately, government advertising tends to visually associate schemes and
benefits with political individuals who may not have played a crucial role in bringing them to fruition.
However, the courts order is not wholly consistent while seeking to promote democracy by pruning the number of
mugshots in advertising, it turns up the lights on a trinity. This will prevent whole platoons of ministers from
appearing in state-funded advertising, but it will have the unfortunate effect of reserving the limelight for the head of
state and the head of government. The cult of the political pantheon would be replaced by the cult of the sole leader,
which is even more anti-democratic. At the same time, if it is legal to depict these three officials in advertising, why bar
the heads of important democratic institutions? By the implicit logic of the ruling, why should the speaker of the Lok
Sabha not feature in advertisements, for instance, or the army chief? With all respect, however, the chief justice must
please be released from the onerous responsibility of appearing in advertisements. The law is supposed to be above it
all.
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While political advertising at public expense is deplorable, the courts must tread a delicate line in such matters. As the
guarantor of free speech, they should not be seen to be curbing communications, unless it is to discourage false claims
and socially harmful messages. The Supreme Court has observed that the legitimate objectives of government
advertising can be achieved without publishing pictures of individuals. While that is technically correct, this is an
extremely visual age. Is the court competent to get into the minutae of unnecessary and insufficient conditions for
communications and persuasion at this point? In grappling with personality cults, too, is it not striking out beyond its
ken? Such matters, which lack legal definition, are best administered by prescriptive wish lists, rather than proscriptive
rules. Parties in office should know that advertisements featuring their leading lights like a rogues gallery are not
appreciated either by the judiciary or the common public. But if they persist in behaving deplorably, the electorate
knows what to do about it. The judiciary need not exert itself unduly.
38.
Karnatakas insistence on building two more dams on the Cauvery could lead to a showdown with Tamil Nadu.
Political mobilisations have begun in both states for and against the dam. Recently, an all-party delegation from
Karnataka led by Chief Minister Siddaramaiah met Prime Minister Narendra Modi to argue the states case and seek
the Centres help in building the dam. Earlier, an all-party team from Tamil Nadu had met the PM to impress that
states viewpoint. Bandhs have been observed in both states on the issue.
Tamil Nadu is justifiably apprehensive that the proposed dams at Mekedatu, close to the state border, would impact
the flow into the Mettur Dam, the states main storage system from which waters are channelised to the fields of the
Cauvery delta downstream. Karnatakas stance that it need not address Tamil Nadus concerns since the dams will
come up in its territory appears both insensitive and impractical.
Both states need to talk it out, and now. States should not conceive dam projects unilaterally and the needs of the entire
river basin must be taken into consideration when they are planned. Political parties in Karnataka and Tamil Nadu
also need to reconsider their strategy of working up subnationalist mobilisations over river projects. With early
predictions indicating a weak monsoon, creating a scare scenario over water is best avoided.
The Cauvery waters have been a bone of contention for the four southern states Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Kerala and
Puducherry that fall in the rivers basin. Though the Centre has notified the Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal
award on each states share of the river, both Karnataka and Tamil Nadu have challenged the allocation. Both states
want more water, but the question is: Can the river satisfy the need or greed of two states? The 765 km-long river
has been exploited to the hilt across its length, so much so that it has been reduced to a patchwork of shallow outlets at
its mouth. The cultivated area fed by the Cauvery most of it under water-intensive crops like paddy and sugarcane
has been expanding, stretching the rivers resources. Better water management and more judicious selection of
crops could help conserve the scarce water. The Cauvery is a living ecosystem and must be managed as such. Or else,
it could slowly die.
39.
With the Indian economy not picking up speed as was being anticipated, the spotlight is on the banking industry. It
has been asked why the industry has been reluctant to pass on the double-dose rate reduction effected by the Reserve
Bank of India in twin instalments outside the policy cycle this year. The answer is not difficult to find. The rising load
of bad loans has put banks especially those in the public sector in a pincer-like situation. A combination of factors
saw gross Non Performing Assets drop from a high of 12 per cent in 2000-01 to 2.5 per cent in 2008-09. These factors
included an improved economy, the establishment of debt recovery tribunals, and the enactment of the Securitisation
and Reconstruction of Financial Assets and Enforcement of Security Interest Act, 2002. But the trend was reversed and
the figure rose to 4.6 per cent in September 2014. An estimate by rating agency Crisil suggests that stressed assets
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could stay flat at 6 per cent in 2015-16. And Crisil put the value of such assets at a mind-boggling Rs.5.3 trillion. RBI
Governor Raghuram Rajan has said he isnt quite sure if the banking system has seen the peak yet in bad loans. Since
public sector banks account for two-thirds of all banking activity, it is turning out to be a huge worry.
Are bad loans a transitory phenomenon, or are they a chronic problem? If it indeed is a transitory issue, it should
slowly evaporate as the economy picks up. If they are the consequence of systemic ills, then the solution lies in fixing
the causes. If the economic slowdown is a part of the problem, scam-induced, court-ordained interventions in vital
sectors such as coal, mining and telecom have added to the banks misery with bad loans. The stressed banks are wary
of fresh lending. The need for stricter provisioning in view of the new Basel stipulations will add to their problems.
Moreover, banks will no longer be allowed to treat restructured loans as standard ones. The revamped 5/25 scheme is
essentially meant to remedy the situation. It allows banks to rejig long-term infrastructure loans by refinancing or
selling loans every five years. But the scheme will at best mask stressed assets since banks need not report such loans.
Bad loans have put the government in a moral predicament. Can it use the taxpayers money to nurse the banks back
to health? Besides putting in place a watertight loan appraisal mechanism, the situation calls for a new framework
outside the normal banking system to address the funding needs of long-term projects. Bad loans bode ill not just for
banks but also the economy. The issue needs to be addressed with the utmost priority.
40.
Up in the air
The Hindu | Category: Polity and Governance
The Prasar Bharati Corporation, set up in 1997 by an Act of Parliament with a mandate for public broadcasting services
through Doordarshan and All India Radio, to inform, educate and entertain, is today neither fish nor fowl. It is a public
service broadcaster only in name; in practice it continues to be the governments handmaiden. For most of its existence
it has faced questions over its relevance in the digital age. There are in the country today over 830 channels accessed by
150 million households that have TV sets. This is a far cry from the time Doordarshan was king and sole purveyor. The
virtual government control on the media once ensured that AIR and DD were able to attract the best programmes and
producers. The mid-1990s changed all that, and the entertainment channels were followed by private news channels.
The Corporation dreamed of being a BBC-lookalike. But that was a tall order. Globally there are over 30 public service
broadcasters and the most popular of them is the BBC, to which generations of Indians have been exposed, beginning
with radio and later TV. Its level of autonomy and independence has inspired many broadcasters to emulate the
model, and Prasar Bharati was no exception. But here is the catch. The BBC, with its much-admired programming, is
supported by revenue from licence fee that every TV-owner in the United Kingdom pays. And over 70 per cent of the
income is spent on the BBCs programming.
In sharp contrast, Prasar Bharati runs totally on government funding. Only 15 per cent of the budget is spent on
content; the rest goes to pay salaries to its over 31,621 employees. The Sam Pitroda Committee, as other committees
before it, wanted the Corporation to become financially independent and to be allowed to monetise its under-utilised
assets such as real estate, archival material and the scores of transmitters that have in any case outlived their purpose.
All this is easier said than done: the Corporation does not have the authority to give the nod even to open an ATM on
its premises. The prospect of autonomy also is seriously in doubt when you look at what it now does with news.
Successive governments have taken to managing news content with the next elections in mind or to project
governmental achievements. In the latest instance, the BJP government has issued a diktat requiring the news channel
to set aside prime time for Ministers to showcase their achievements. In a context where cable TV has penetrated over
92 per cent of the households, unless Prasar Bharati wakes up to the challenge of offering the right kind of
programming and technology, the threat to its existence will continue to loom large.
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41.
Reality economics
The Indian Express | Category: Economy
For over a year, India was one of the best performing markets for both stocks and the domestic currency. Behind it, of
course, was the hope that a new government led by a strong and decisive leader would revive growth and repair the
damage to investor sentiment from the previous regimes policy paralysis. In 2014 alone, foreign institutional investors
(FIIs) picked up $42.4 billion in Indian debt and equities. In the current year, too, they pumped in another $15.2 billion
till April-end. But since the start of this month, FIIs have been net sellers to the tune of $1.3 billion.
Meanwhile, the Sensex has shed nearly a tenth of its lifetime high of 30,000-plus points touched in early March and the
rupee sank to a 20-month low of Rs 64.05 to the dollar.
In good measure, this reversal of fortunes has to do with structural factors. Poor corporate earnings more so in the
latest March-ended quarter and over-leveraged balance sheets rule out any immediate revival in private investment
activity. Pressure on rural incomes from falling crop prices and extreme weather, along with weak export demand,
have only queered the pitch further. On top of these, global oil prices are on the boil once again, with the average price
of crude climbing by around $10 a barrel in the last one month.
Although the RBIs foreign exchange reserve position is vastly better than it was during the last run on the rupee in
August-September 2013, one knows from the past how rising oil prices can be a source of vulnerability for Indias
balance of payments situation. The pressure on the rupee now, if anything, queers the pitch for any interest rate cuts.
The RBI was, in fact, forced to raise short-term rates the last time around to counter attempts by currency speculators
to short the rupee.
The current government has only made things worse in a sense, through its confusing statements on retrospective
applicability of minimum alternate tax on FIIs. Understandably, the latter havent taken too kindly to these, after being
assured of this governments determination to end tax terrorism and bury the ghost of the retrospective amendment.
Their heavy selling serves as a warning to the government, which was seemingly lulled into complacency by low
crude prices, softening inflation and robust inflows. Thankfully, the wake-up call has come fairly early, before it
completes even one year in office. Prime Minister Narendra Modi needs to take direct charge of things now and clearly
convey that his government means business.
42.
Backward march
The Indian Express | Category: India and World
For three decades, until 2008, the story goes, paradise was a grim, dangerous place: even the slightest dissent led
straight to the dank interiors of Dhoonidhoo prison, banishment to remote islands and torture. Now, seven years
down, the Maldives appears to be sliding back into a dystopic past. Hundreds of anti-government protestors
including pregnant women, nursing mothers and senior citizens have been held for participating in a record 20,000strong May Day march in Male. The government is reported to have begun sacking opposition-linked workers from
public sector jobs; one minister has called for boat-owners who ferried protestors to the May Day protests to be
penalised.
Former President Mohamed Nasheed, convicted at the end of a terrorism trial internationally condemned as a farce,
will emerge from prison in 13 years unless international pressure leads the government to ensure due process
during his appeal. Leading opposition politicians are also in prison, while credible media accounts have charged
government ministers with using street gangs to intimidate dissidents.
Through all this, New Delhi has maintained a stoic and inexplicable silence. There are several good reasons why
India ought to be telling the Maldives government that its conduct is unacceptable, even outright dangerous. First, the
dismantling of the democratic opposition cedes political space to the Maldives growing, and violent, Islamists.
Hundreds of Maldivians are fighting with jihadist groups in West Asia; their return will, inevitably, pose political
challenges to the region that only meaningful democracy will be able to address.
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Then, India has a strategic interest in defending democracy at a time when it is under siege across the region. In
Bangladesh, Pakistan and Nepal, the idea of democracy is already facing severe tests. Delhi has long held that only
stable democracies can move the region forward towards a prosperous and peaceful future. It stands to reason,
therefore, that India must be willing to use its diplomatic resources to stand by democratic forces in the Maldives.
India has long hesitated before intervening in its neighbours affairs reluctant to engage in the kind of hectoring it
has often resented itself, and sensitive to the fact that foreign intervention can often be counterproductive. However,
whats at stake in the Maldives isnt just bad behaviour by government that domestic institutions can address. Delhi
must make clear to the Maldives leadership that they are crossing lines which cannot be violated without
consequences.
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United on border
Frontline-June 12, 2015 | Category: India and the World
The Indian Parliaments ratification of the India-Bangladesh Land Boundary Agreement, settling a festering border
dispute, has profound implications for bilateral relations in the South Asian region and beyond.
Former Prime Minister A.B. Vajpayee once commented: You can change friends but not neighbours. Divine
dispensation, geography and a tortuously shared history destined India and Bangladesh to be neighbours. Just as in a
community, quarrelsome neighbours sharing the same geopolitical landscape do not lend to good-neighbourly
relations or peace in their neighbourhood. The irony is that having coexisted peacefully and harmoniously within what
for millennia was known as the Indian subcontinent, a few centuries of colonial rule by gora sahibs from distant
shores transformed these peoples into each others sworn enemies. When the colonial masters realised that their muchtouted jewel in the imperial crown had become a millstone around their war-ravaged neck, they gave in to the
increasingly strident demands for independence by their subjects and quit these shores, only after presiding over the
partition of this once united domain into three entities, India and West and East Pakistan. The two wings of the newly
created Pakistan, separated by over a thousand miles of Indian territory, unnaturally configured as they were when
torn apart in August 1947 from the mainland of which they had historically been an integral part, could not have
remained together in an everlasting union. So, after a bloody nine-month War of Liberation in 1971, the Bengalis of
East Pakistan divorced the West Pakistani partner to set up house independently as Bangladesh. However, the issue of
the contentious boundaries between them remained and continued to fester.
After Independence in August 1947, under the Radcliffe Award which divided the subcontinent, India shared its
longest land border of 4,096 kilometres not with West Pakistan or China but with what emerged as East Pakistan. This
was a tortuously complex border that cut mercilessly across communities that had coexisted for centuries, and indeed
even households that had been one the night before. Apart from the sheer length of the border, some cutting across
rivers, the division also unwittingly spawned some strange creatures: (1) enclaves of one country within the newly
constituted national boundaries of the other (East Pakistani enclaves surrounded on all sides by Indian territory, and
vice versa), in which the inhabitants were notionally citizens of the new countries to whom the land belonged, but
totally isolated by virtue of their location, as the new country to which they found themselves belonging by virtue of
Partition could not reach governance or services to their notional citizens while the national entities, which now found
themselves saddled with these enclaves, refused to acknowledge these people as their own; and (2) adversely
possessed lands (lands in possession of one or the other newly carved national entities which, under the award, were
arbitrarily endowed to the other side, whether deliberately or inadvertently because the pen drawing the line on the
map had a thick nib).
Just as in a housing development area land allocated to buyers has to be demarcated through a survey that formally
marks the coordinates and perimeters that bound that piece of land, the partitioned subcontinent also required such
boundary demarcation to take place, to formalise the principles of division that Sir Cyril Radcliffe, the person
entrusted by the Crown in London to draw the lines across the map, in his wisdom had awarded to the reconstituted
entities that emerged. Post-Partition efforts at demarcation under the Firoz Khan Noon-Jawaharlal Nehru accord of
1958 were unable to resolve these festering issues. Although border demarcation work proceeded with the Surveyors
General of the two new national entities carrying on demarcation as per the Radcliffe Award, the strip maps (the entire
length of the new borders was divided into manageable strips to make the survey work easier) continued to remain
unformalised, with the plenipotentiaries of the two sides not signing on to them, whether deliberately or through
mala fide oversight. It may be noted that not getting the plenipotentiaries to countersign the strip maps agreed upon
by the respective Surveyors General left a dangerous situation for mischief because either side at any given point of
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time could contest that the demarcation in one or more strips had been inaccurately done. (Indeed, such a situation did
arise in mid-1995 but was contained before it escalated.)
So when Vajpayee enunciated this maxim, he was simply pointing to the practical necessity of arriving at a reasonable
understanding with Indias immediate neighbours so that all sides could move away from debilitating distractions of
managing contested borders and focus single-mindedly on development and the uplift of their teeming populations
out of the morass of poverty that plagued the entire region. While Indias relations with Pakistan continued to remain
star-crossed, the emergence of Bangladesh in 1971 presented an opportunity to get the relations with at least one
neighbour right. Prime Ministers Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Indira Gandhi, of Bangladesh and India
respectively, entered into a Land Boundary Agreement on May 16, 1974. That agreement laid down the principles of
demarcating the borders that the Radcliffe Award had bequeathed to the two sides. The brutal assassination of
Mujibur Rahman along with almost his entire family and some of his most trusted lieutenants and colleagues on
August 15, 1975, effectively stalled further efforts to bring the issue to closure. Relations between India and Bangladesh
became subject to mood swings depending on who was in power in Bangladesh. As a general rule, democratic India
got on better with the Awami League (the party founded by Mujibur Rahman) which had spearheaded the Liberation
Movement in East Pakistan, while relations with other, more authoritarian-minded, parties/forces in power tended to
be indifferent at best.
While some progress was made in improving relations with the Awami League, which headed a coalition government
in 1996 after having remained in the wilderness for almost 18 years (the Ganges Treaty and the Chittagong Hill Tracts
Accord, which ended the insurgency there, were arrived at in December 1996 and in 1997 respectively), the two
governments were unable to move significantly forward on other, more challenging, issues because of the weak nature
of the coalition dispensations obtaining on both sides then. Relations between the two countries deteriorated
significantly during 2001-06 when the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) came to power in Bangladesh. However, a
fresh opportunity presented itself when Sheikh Hasina and her Awami League were re-elected to power with a huge
mandate in December 2008. The two countries immediately began to engage earnestly to resolve the festering bilateral
problem. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina visited India in January 2010, a game-changing visit when both neighbours
turned a critically important corner in defining normatively what their relations should be. The Joint Communique
issued on January 10, 2010, was a remarkable document in that it clearly laid out the road map the two countries
would follow to set right all the issues that had for long been bothering them, including the boundary issue inherited
under the Radcliffe Award. After painstaking negotiations for a comprehensive package deal, on September 7, 2011,
during the visit of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, the two sides signed a Protocol to the 1974 agreement. The
Bangladesh Parliament ratified the agreement almost immediately, but the process was stalled as a progressively
weakening coalition government in India was unable to push through the complex ratification process in the Indian
Parliament. As India inched towards the next parliamentary elections in 2014, completion of the ratification process by
the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance-II government receded progressively.
It was, therefore, perhaps not entirely inappropriate that it was left to those who inherited the mantle of Vajpayee to
assume the task of completing what the Congress-led government had started. The unanimity with which the Rajya
Sabha (on May 6) and the Lok Sabha (on May 7) approved the Constitution (100th Amendment) Bill, operationalising
the Bangladesh-India Land Boundary Agreement, 1974, and the 2011 Protocol, was a historic, game-changing
development in the tortuous post-Partition annals of this fragmented subcontinent. It imparts to the historic accord the
strongest foundations upon which to build any magnificent edifice that leaders and peoples on both sides can dare to
dream. It testifies to the singular visionary statesmanship of the Prime Minster of India that he saw it fit to overrule
narrower political calculations that had been contemplated mercifully very fleetingly for the larger common good of all
peoples. It also put to rest the malevolent daemons that had been unleashed by the Radcliffe Award.
The entire process was by no means easy, as various local conflicting interests and sometimes viscerally antagonistic
opposition at different levels had to be dealt with, pacified and won over. One must congratulate the various field
officials on both sides who carried out the job entrusted to them by the leadership of the two sides. That they had clear
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instructions on how they should address the resolution process was of critical importance. Whenever difficulties were
encountered, the officials were given full support and backing and clear instructions by the chain of command at all
levels as was required. Without all this coming together, this stupendous task would not have been fulfilled. But,
above all, it has to be recognised that without the visionary leadership on both sides that eschewed narrower political
considerations in the interest of the larger common good, this would not have been possible.
Space for mutual comfort
Historically, undemarcated international borders have been known to spawn or aggravate other areas of dispute.
Conversely, resolution of such contestations helps restore harmony. The resolution of this border dispute has,
according to first reports, been welcomed by a vast majority of the peoples on both sides, irrespective of internal
political divisions. It has already widened the space of mutual comfort and mutual trust that are essential prerequisites
for cooperation and collaboration in any activity. The two countries can now focus on achieving the other broader and
far-reaching goals they had set for themselves in the Framework Agreement for Cooperation signed on September 7,
2011. Among other things, that remarkable document envisaged broader sub-regional cooperation between
Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal (to begin with) on a wide range of areas/sectors. While the process commenced
in 2012, it was tentative and hesitant, with non-completion of agreements already arrived at. One may expect to see
more determined and reinvigorated forward movement on a broad range of new initiatives that embrace common
river basin management, trade and connectivity expansion, joint or sole investments in important projects and
medium- and long-term energy security without which the new industrial revolution in this region cannot happen. A
more humane border management that will enable both sides to control illegal cross-border activities and encourage
legal, mutually beneficial movements is expected. In a sense, this is the first, and most important, prerequisite for
moving towards an economically integrated region.
On another, perhaps more significant level, this resolution stands out as an exemplar of visionary statesmanship,
common sense and pragmatism that deserves closer scrutiny and emulation by others. It sends out a clear signal to
others in the region that intractable issues bedevilling bilateral relations can be resolved if addressed with sincerity,
pragmatism, good sense and firm political will, keeping in mind the greater common good of all peoples concerned.
2.
The United States pays lip service to the issue of a political solution in Yemen even as it supports a Saudi-led bombing
campaign that has devastated the poor Arab nation and left it on the brink of a humanitarian catastrophe..
Yemen, one of the poorest countries in the Arab world, has been subjected to unprovoked aggression by its wealthy
neighbour, Saudi Arabia, since the last week of March. The Saudi kingdom has assembled an alliance that includes all
the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states with the honourable exception of Oman. Other non-GCC monarchies in the
region such as Jordan and Morocco have been participating in cowardly air raids targeting heavily populated Yemeni
cities. A Moroccan F-16 fighter jet was shot down over Yemen in the first week of May.
The Saudis failed to get Pakistan involved in their latest military adventure despite a great deal of arm-twisting. They
had also hoped to prevail on Egypt to support their initial plans to launch a ground invasion. But better sense has
prevailed in both Cairo and Islamabad. Both the Egyptian and Pakistani governments are indebted to the Saudis and
the rich GCC countries for bailing them out of dire financial situations in recent years. However, in both countries the
military has concluded that it is a fools errand to be involved in the domestic affairs of another Muslim country,
especially one with a volatile history. Public opinion in Pakistan was solidly against the dispatch of troops to Saudi
Arabia; only organisations like the Lashkar-e-Taiba supported the move. It has been reported that the Saudis also had
an additional demand that only Sunni members of the Pakistan Army be sent.
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Saudi munificence may have persuaded countries like the rump Republic of Sudan and Senegal to pledge troop
support to the ongoing military misadventure, but there have been protests in both countries against the move.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has also pledged support. Two years ago, the two countries had fallen out
bitterly over the ouster of the Muslim Brotherhood government in Egypt. Now, the Saudis are supporting an offshoot
of the Brotherhood in Yemen, the Islah Party. Saudi King Salmans brother, the late King Abdullah, who passed away
earlier in the year, had described the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organisation. The Brotherhood is also
banned in the United Arab Emirates.
The bombing raids on Yemen targeting major cities such as Sanaa, Aden and Taez have caused immense damage to
the impoverished nations infrastructure. Airports, hospitals, factories and schools have come under attack. The United
Nations estimates that over 1,500 civilians have been killed so far, many of them women and children. The U.N.s Food
and Agriculture Organization (FAO) has described the situation in the country as catastrophic. A spokesman for the
FAO said Yemen imported 90 per cent of the food it needed. For the past two months, it has not been able to import
anything owing to a Saudi-imposed blockade. The agricultural sector has virtually been destroyed with the Saudi-led
alliance targeting irrigation systems.
Even before the Saudis started their bombing campaign, there was 40 per cent unemployment in Yemen, which has a
population of 24 million. At the end of 2014, the U.N. had estimated that 60 per cent of the countrys population was in
need of humanitarian assistance. Ever since the bombing started, 12 million Yemenis have become food insecure,
according to U.N. estimates. The country now is in dire need of food, medicines and other basic necessities. The Saudis
even made it difficult for aid agencies to distribute relief during a five-day humanitarian ceasefire in the third week of
May.
Helping the Saudis maintain their draconian blockade is the United States. Seven Iranian ships carrying relief materials
to Yemen were stopped by the U.S. Navy in late April. The Saudis threatened to block an Iranian ship carrying muchneeded aid after the recent ceasefire agreement from docking in Yemeni waters. The U.S. has intervened militarily in
many countries on the pretext of the so-called responsibility to protect (R2P) vulnerable populations doctrine. So far,
there has not been a single word of condemnation from the White House on the havoc wrought by Saudi bombs on the
civilian population of Yemen. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry did, however, say in the first week of May that the U.S.
was deeply concerned about the humanitarian situation that is unfolding in Yemen. Despite the use of massive U.S.supplied air power and the deployment of banned weapons like cluster bombs against them, the Yemeni forces,
consisting mainly of the majority of the Yemeni army loyal to the former President, Ali Abdullah Saleh, and the Houthi
militia, are refusing to give up. The Saudis have conspicuously not targeted areas that have now fallen under the
control of Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). In Syria too, the Saudis, along with Turkey and Qatar, are
bolstering al-Nusra, the Al Qaeda affiliate in the region.
Many observers of the West Asian political scene are now comparing the actions of Saudi Arabia to that of Israel. The
Saudis, like Israel, have been intervening militarily in the affairs of their neighbours. In Bahrain, they sent in their army
to quell the popular pro-democracy movement. And like Israel, the Saudis are also targeting prominent leaders for
assassination. The house of Saleh in a populated area of the Yemeni capital was targeted by Saudi warplanes in the
first week of May. The Saudis also declared the entire province of Sada in the north-east of Yemen as a no-go area for
civilians; many of the civilian casualties of the latest war in Yemen occurred there. The indiscriminate bombing of
civilian areas, with or without prior warning, is in contravention of international humanitarian law, said Johannes
Van Der Klaauw, the U.N.s humanitarian coordinator in Yemen.
The Yemenis have always indicated their willingness to find a negotiated settlement to the conflict but have demanded
a complete stoppage of the Saudi-led attacks on their country before talks can begin. The Houthis and their allies have
refused to go to Riyadh or the capitals of the Gulf countries that are part of the Saudi-led military coalition for peace
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talks. Houthi leaders have also said they prefer that talks are held between the different political factions within their
own country.
We demand a complete end to the aggression against Yemen and the lifting of the blockade to resume the political
dialogue under the sponsorship of the U.N., the spokesman for the Houthi leadership said in the second week of
May. Earlier, U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon issued a call for an early end to the fighting and for talks to be held
under U.N. auspices.
The new Saudi leadership under King Salman planned the attack on Yemen even as talks on power-sharing between
the various political factions in that country reached a crucial stage. The Saudi leadership was privy to the talks and
knew that a political settlement was on the anvil. The war against Yemen, according to diplomatic sources, was part of
an Israeli-Saudi game plan to scupper the U.S.-Iran nuclear deal. By trying to paint the Houthis as Iranian surrogates,
the Saudi leadership hopes to score important propaganda points in Washington. They also wanted to draw Iran into
the military conflict at a time when it is engaged in delicate negotiations as it prepares for the signing of the formal
nuclear deal in June. Although the Barack Obama administration seems to have seen through the game plan, it is
happy to sell more weapons to Saudi Arabia to bomb the hapless people of Yemen and has given the Saudi monarchy
a long rope in that country. The Saudi air force could not carry out day-in-day-out bombing missions in Yemen
without help from U.S. trainers and maintenance experts and the flow of spare parts and ammunition, Bruce Reidel, a
Senior Fellow of the Brookings Institute and former top functionary of the Central Intelligence Agency, told The New
York Times. Saudi Arabia has spent $500 billion in the last 20 years on defence purchases; most of the money has gone
to the U.S. At a recent Camp David meeting attended by Gulf leaders, the Obama administration signalled that it was
for a speedy political solution of the situation in Yemen. President Obama also offered security guarantees to the GCC
countries. The Gulf monarchies know fully well that they are totally dependent on the U.S. for their security. All of
them host big American military bases on their territory. Anyway, as a commentator noted, it is not a so-called
nuclear Iran that the monarchs are afraid of, but the emergence of a prosperous and vibrant Iran that would play its
rightful role in the region.
The Houthis too are playing a waiting game. They also have sophisticated weaponry which the Americans provided in
the last decade when the government in Sanaa was aligned to Washington. The U.S. supplied more than $500 million
worth of arms to the Yemeni government from 2006 onward. Much of this weaponry is now in the hands of the
Houthis and their allies after they captured Sanaa in January. But they have desisted so far from using their missiles
and rockets against Saudi targets across the long common border. Their support on the ground seems to be only
growing as the Saudis keep bombing them and trying to starve them into submission. The man the Saudis want to
reinstall as President, Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi, remains safely ensconced in Riyadh while his countrymen are being
subjected to terror from the air.
3.
The GST is a tax reform that has been on the cards for more than a decade. In principle, it is the same as the Valueadded Tax (VAT) already adopted by all Indian States but with a wider base. While the VAT which replaced
the sales tax was imposed only on goods, the GST will be a VAT on goods and services.
In the current tax regime, States tax sale of goods but not services. The Centre taxes manufacturing and services but not
wholesale/retail trade. The GST is expected to usher in a uniform tax regime across India through an expansion of the
base of each into the others territory. This is why a constitutional amendment was necessary to give concurrent
powers to both the States and the Centre to make laws on the taxation of goods as well as services.
Not surprisingly, the economic arguments trotted out in favour of the GST are basically the same as were given two
decades ago for the introduction of VAT. These are twofold.
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First, the GST, by subsuming an array of indirect taxes under one rubric, will simplify tax administration, improve
compliance, and eliminate economic distortions in production, trade, and consumption. Second, by giving credit for
taxes paid on inputs at every stage of the supply chain and taxing only the final consumer, it avoids the cascading of
taxes, thereby cutting production costs, and making exports more competitive. According to the Union Finance
Minister Arun Jaitley, thanks to these efficiencies, the GST will add 2 per cent to the national GDP.
Only time will tell whether the GST will have a positive impact on the GDP. But there is one thing the GST will not
have a positive impact on: the States fiscal, and therefore, political autonomy.
A losing proposition for the States?
Things dont look all that dire on paper. As per whats being referred to as the GST Bill which is actually the
Constitution (122 amendment) Bill, 2014 passed in the Lok Sabha last month, India will have not a single federal
GST but a dual GST, levied and managed by different administrations. The Centre will administer the central GST
(CGST) and the States, the SGST. The monitoring of compliance will also be done independently at the two levels.
However, as Kavita Rao, professor at the National Institute of Public Finance and Policy (NIPFP) and member of one of
the Working Groups constituted on GST by the Empowered Committee of State Finance Ministers, points out, when
you move to a GST regime in a federal set-up, some curtailment of the States freedom is inevitable. All goods and
services will be divided into certain categories. The rates will be fixed by category, and if I am a state, I cannot shift a
commodity from a lower to a higher rate, or put it in the exempt category.
This is not the only limitation. The rates for both, the CGST and the SGST, will be fixed by the GST Council, whose
members will be State finance/revenue ministers and chairman will be the Union finance minister. Once the rates are
set by the GST Council, individual States will lose their right to tax whichever commodities they want at the rates they
want.
This development needs to be viewed in the context of a steady erosion in the states freedom to decide on taxes and
tax rates. The economist Prabhat Patnaik points out, According to the Constitution, the States have complete
autonomy over levy of sales taxes, which, on average, accounted for 80 per cent of their revenue. An attempt was made
to curtail this autonomy with the introduction of VAT. But it did not totally succeed because the VAT still had four
different rates that states could play with. But with the GST, which mandates a uniform rate, even this limited
autonomy would be gone.
In other words, while the loss in revenue of the States may well be compensated by the Centre (as provided for in the
GST Bill), how does one make good a States loss of the political right to fix its own tax rates?
Ms. Rao believes this is not necessarily a bad thing. Individual States are always catering to some interest group or
another. By placing limits on what they can do, we are effectively empowering them to resist interest group politics,
where someone or other is always lobbying for concessions or exemptions.
But this is a problematic argument. The underlying assumption here, says Mr. Patnaik, is that political
representative bodies are irresponsible. So give them less power, less discretion. This is a fundamentally antidemocratic vision of development.
Moreover, the restrictions imposed by a uniform tax regime could adversely impact States that may be more
committed to welfare expenditures. The AIADMK or the Left Front or Mamata Banerjee may have their own
development philosophies, says Mr. Patnaik. In order to express these philosophies, you have to be able to control
your tax revenue. Why should I give up this right which I already have and be sitting in some Council where I will
be outvoted by other states or the Centre telling me what I can or cannot do?
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Perhaps it is to allay this concern that the draft GST bill speaks of the GST Council fixing not just rates but rates
including floor rates with bands. A band would, at least on paper, give some room for states to vary their rates
depending on their need.
A floor-rate-with-band model (as opposed to a uniform rate) of GST is also what Ms. Rao is rooting for. To my mind,
it is the procedures, definitions, and credit rules that should be uniform for a harmonised tax regime. We should let the
States figure out what rates they want.
However, a GST regime where each State has a different tax rate for different goods and services doesnt sit well with
the industry demand for a single national market with a uniform tax regime. Besides, if rates will be different, the taxes
will be dual, and the dual taxes will be administered independently by the States and the Centre, why not just
streamline the existing tax architecture instead of erecting a new one?
The social dimension
The answer to this question leads us to the other aspect of the GST, to do with why it started to get widely adopted (as
VAT) from the 1970s, paralleling the rise to global dominance of neo-liberal economic thought.
The GST, even in the diluted version proposed in the GST Bill, would still accomplish one thing: widen the tax base
and make it identical for both the Centre and the States. That is because, unlike, say, an excise duty (whose base
consists of manufacturers) the GST is paid only by the final consumer. The seller of the good or service remits this GST
to the State after deducting the taxes already paid by him earlier in the supply chain.
In other words, while the GST, like all indirect taxes, is a tax on consumption, in seeking to institute a uniform rate on
all forms of consumption, it tightens the tax net currently riddled with numerous holes in the form of multiple rates
and exemptions and classifications in addition to widening it.
Many countries that have embraced the GST have also exempted essential commodities from it, or kept lower rates for
select goods. But the very logic of GST is such that it works best when the exemptions are zero or minimal. New
Zealand comes closest to the GST purists dream with very few exemptions. Once implemented in however
compromised a form this is the direction GST regimes gravitate toward: fewer exemptions, higher rates. New
Zealand introduced GST at 10 per cent today it is 15 per cent. In the countries where the GST rate was reduced over
time, it was made possible by a broadening of the base by minimising exemptions.
This brings us finally to the question that has monopolised the GST debate of late: what should be the taxation rate?
The report of the 13th Finance Commissions Task Force on GST recommended 12 per cent (7 per cent for SGST and 5
per cent for CGST). That was in 2010. In 2014, a panel of State government representatives mooted a revenue-neutral
rate or RNR (rate at which tax revenues for states and the Centre will remain the same as before GST) of 27 per cent (
12.77 per cent and 13.91 for CGST and SGST respectively.
Both these rates might be unrealistic. A 12 per cent GST will most definitely mean substantial revenue losses for states,
as the general VAT rate for many states hovers around the 13-14 per cent mark. And from this week, the service tax
(levied by the Centre) has gone up from 12.36 per cent to 14 per cent, a move, ironically enough, intended to smoothen
the transition to a GST regime.
A GST rate of 27 per cent, on the other hand, would impose an enormous tax burden on the wage-earning classes, and
could prove fatal for any elected government. Understandably, Mr. Jaitley has been quick to clarify that the GST rate
would be much lower than 27 per cent.
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In fact, the ideal way to bring down the GST rate without incurring revenue losses is to widen the base by including as
many goods and services under its purview as possible. But this could mean that some essential goods currently taxed
at a lower rate could end up being taxed at a higher rate under a GST, but it would hit the lower income groups
harder.
This might explain why in some developed countries, including Canada and Australia, the introduction of the GST
was opposed fiercely by the local working classes, especially the trade unions. The resistance to it was so strong in
Canada that the then Prime Minister Brian Mulroney had to invoke an obsolete, colonial era provision of the
Constitution drawing on special powers of the Queen to get the law passed in the Senate.
At any rate (pun unintended), the GST can only be implemented, believes Ms. Rao, by a leap of faith. She elaborates,
You cant do a calculation to the last penny and say only at this revenue-neutral rate will I implement GST. It has to
be acceptable to the masses, because at the end of the day, it is the average citizen who has to cough up the money.
The shift towards indirect taxation
Around the world, governments, faced with declining tax revenues, and too fearful that higher corporate taxes will
lead to capital flight (or capital slumber), have been turning their attention to indirect taxes, which have a wider base
than direct taxes, are more difficult to evade, easier to administer, and not income-dependant beyond a point.
Its because the poor and the working classes spend a greater proportion of their income on essential consumption
compared to the classes that are better off, that indirect taxes are considered regressive compared to direct taxes, which
are typically proportional to the ability-to-pay. India isnt immune to this global shift in favour of indirect taxation,
accompanied by lower taxes on capital and reduced social spending.
The National Democratic Alliance government has already ticked two of those boxes. The 2015-16 budget, which fixed
a roll-out date for GST (April 1, 2016), also abolished the wealth tax, and announced a lowering of corporate tax rate
from 30 per cent to 25 per cent over a four-year period. According to Mr. Patnaik, the same budget also grants direct
tax concessions to the tune of Rs. 8,315 crore, while planning to raise Rs. 23,38 crores through indirect taxes.
This is despite that fact that Indias direct taxes contribute only 37.7 per cent of total tax revenue, according to a 2013
study by the Center for Budget and Governance Accountability which makes Indias taxation regime already more
regressive than that of other emerging markets such as South Africa (57.5 per cent from direct taxes) or Indonesia
(55.85 per cent). When the third box, the GST, is ticked, it could become even more so.
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Man is curious and inquisitive by nature. He likes to explore things and places around him. Man is a dynamic creature
and this dynamism has facilitated as well as ensured his survival. During the entire evolutionary journey of mankind,
man has loved to travel, to explore and seek adventure. Man still loves to travel, explore and seek adventure, but not
out of some compulsion to ensure his survival rather for leisure and fun.
This distinct nature of man has paved the path for the development of a full-fledged service industry in the form of
tourism around the globe and India being no exception to this. Rather India has for ages captivated and ruled the very
imaginations and thoughts of travellers, adventure seekers, philosophers, traders, etc. So much so that it was no
exaggeration when our beautiful country was quoted as follows: India is the cradle of human race, the birthplace of
human speech, the mother of history, the grandmother of legend and the great grandmother of tradition. Our most
valuable and most artistic materials in the history of man are treasured up in India only.
In the background of the greater prospects that lie within the Indian domain for development of tourism, the question
can be answered by understanding the fabric of Indian tourism itself and how it can be further pushed towards seizing
growing global needs in tandem with various other development needs.
India is the epitome of the world. No single country in the world has been endowed with such diversity and as varied
geographical and climatic conditions as is India. This variety in Geography and climate has made each part of India
whether it is the deserts of Thar, coastal beaches of South India, Himalayas of the North, Rainforests and Wetlands in
the North East ample with beaming scenic beauty and a favourable tourist destination.
Throughout the year and across the country, mild temperature of South India, pleasant summer and cold freezing
winters at hill stations in North India, monsoonal rhythms of rainfall provide better and favourable conditions for
tourism.
Nowadays, the term geological tourism is in vogue, the rocky peaks, for climbing cliffs or scarps for hand gliding,
very steep snowy slopes for skiing; to a large extent attract people for hiking, trekking and mountaineering especially
in regions of Deccan plateau or Laddakh. On the other hand quiet rural landscape appeals for experiencing a nonurban way of life, providing an escape from the complex work and life style of this fast globalizing world; in the form
of rural tourism.
Riversides, gorges, waterfalls, springs, etc. provide spectacular views and adventurous rafting and rowing together
facilitate water tourism. The boat race in the backwaters (kayals) of Kerala Gods own country is a good example of
this type. Forest landscape irrespective of topography is equally attractive. The landscapes, flora and fauna which are a
part of the various National Parks, Biosphere Reserves and Wildlife sanctuaries not only offer great prospects for
tourism development but also play a vital role in the conservation and protection of endangered species, as well as
regulating global environmental ecosystem. The wetlands of India are no longer considered as wastelands. The
wetlands of Sunderbans mangrove forest is home to the majestic Royal Bengal Tiger.
Apart from the geography of India; the entire course of Indian history from Harappan civilisation to the India today,
played a significant role to promote and nurture Indian tourism. The history has left its indelible mark in the form of
various statues, shrines, tombs, minarets, forts, palaces, monuments, buildings every piece of art or architecture gives
us a glimpse into the Indian past.
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The performing arts (music, drama and dance), traditions and customs, costumes, cuisine, languages, social norms and
practices, religious rites and festivals are expression of the rich Indian culture and heritage. This distinct culture of
India has helped flourishing of variety of festivals, lively markets, vibrant lifestyle and traditional Indian hospitality
all of which act as sources which attract foreign tourists to India.
In a world based on knowledge economy, and growing health consciousness regarding the lifestyle in the western
world, there can be seen a pragmatic shift towards the conventional Indian wisdom based on Yoga and Ayurveda.
Nowadays, Yoga, Ayurveda and natural health resorts are contributing greatly to the growth of Medical tourism in
India. Also, significant is the urge of Spiritual Tourism in India; people visiting the Ghats of Ganga, seeking peace
and self realization towards exploration of inner-self.
Given such a shining profile and prospects of tourism, India has not fully leveraged the advantage hitherto, as others
have such as the South East Asian economics of Indonesia, Thailand, Phillipines, Malaysia, Singapore, etc. The tourism
sector is largely seen as a mere contributor towards foreign exchange reserves and employment generation. But if we
want tourism to be the next BIG THING for India, this perspective must be shunned. Tourism goes far beyond these
too alone. Its development has a wider and deeper rationale. Tourism can be greatly helpful in the social development
process also. The objectives of poverty alleviation and sustainable human development can be met in coherence along
with tourism development.
The local community stakeholders must be made aware of the prospects and benefits of tourism development in their
area. If they are engaged to promote tourism, it will boost their quality of life with the additional income theyll receive
from this engagement. This engagement can be nurtured and developed by the government as a part of its many
poverty alleviating programmes; the difference here being that instead of being dole recipients of allowances, the locals
can be provided with a platform whereby they can sell articles of handicrafts, such as jewellery, carpets, antiquities
wooden and metallic etc. directly to customers without being harassed by middlement brokers.
At community levels, tourism offers opportunities for direct, indirect and induced employment and income, spurring
regional and local economic development. The local people of a community know best about the resources in its
community. Therefore they can play a greater role in conservation and sustainable development of their region. Thus
the development of community or community development programmes facilitates sustainable development as well
as tourism development.
Tourism development and disaster management go hand in hand. While the incidents of Uttarakhand tragedy and
recent Kashmir floods are still afresh in minds, its high time we learn an early lesson before such incidents repeat
themselves in future. Incidents like these involving natural hazards, like cloud bursts and floods turn into havoc
disasters because of our unsustainable developmental activities.
Both Uttarakhand and Kashmir are highly renowned tourist destinations but wreck less and careless developmental
activities aggravated disasters. But all this doesnt confine to these places alone, many hill stations like Shimla, KulluManali, etc. have been ripped of their serenity and beauty for which they were once known in a hoard to develop these
as better tourist spots. Also, the increased tourist activities have caused serious environmental concerns. Therefore,
while the focus should surely be to develop tourism sector, it must be borne in mind to keep it in face with nature so
that we dont fall prey to its fury.
Tourism can also be seen as a way forward to promote pluralism and multiculturalism, which can further help to build
and spread feeling of secularism and communal harmony among diverse communities of India. India is often regarded
as a Hindu nation proudly by the majority of Hindu fundamentalist leader and masses and in the light of superior and
fear by the minority. And because of this highly flawed and narrow outlook tensions are created and spread in the
society. Here lies the importance and need for a reinterpretation of our History and culture. The very name of our
country Hindustan has no religious importance. The term Hindu nation has nothing to do with religion or rituals.
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The nation can have a number of groups professing different religion, faith or beliefs. Hindu does not connote a
religion. It connotes culture, certain value system. And the most salient feature of our Indian culture or value system is
the respect for plurality, diversity and inclusivity. We are a population of 1.2 billion people making a diverse,
multicultural of plural society with different beliefs, faiths, languages, dress codes, food habits and what not.
Our ancestors connected the whole land mass from Himalayas to the Indian ocean by emphasizing on the fundamental
unity of the country. The idol of Rama in far South of Rameswaram is to be washed with the water from the Ganga in
the North, the 4 dhamas, the 4 peethas of Adi Shankara, everybody remembrance of all rivers, etc all these are not
simply religious in nature they denote cultural unity.
And this is what we are now badly failing to understand and appreciate. Instead of looking in an integrated manner,
we are carving smaller and smaller factions possible. All the religious places are visited by tourists even local nationals
only as a part of either Char Dhaam Yaatra or as Holiday trip. If the attitude of Indian people is to be changed about
this that these places having religious connotation, or places of historical importance i.e. historical monuments must be
seen beyond exclusively in the sense of being mere tourist places. They rather provide deeper insights about the
evolution of our great tradition, culture and history over the ages. They will not only help in creating integration and
harmony, it will broaden our understanding of history and culture which will further help in promoting the ethos of
brotherhood and secularism in the country.
The right way to strive towards it would be to create awareness among the people. And it can be achieved via
education. For this there must be change in school curriculum and subjects history, culture and sociology must be
taught with a new and broader perspective. However, to achieve this in true spirit, attitude of teachers also must
change. In schools, students dread subjects like History & Culture not because of the way in which they are being
taught. As a result the future of India remains in darkness, under-informed or highly misinformed about the history
and culture of their own country.
Thus there must be significant change in the way such subjects are being taught in schools and colleges. The purpose
of education is to create or develop individuals as national human beings out of biological animals. Hence,
understanding our past (facilitated by better understanding of history, culture) and that of present (facilitated by
understanding social fabric of society we live in) can help us build a brighter future for ourselves.
To develop tourism sector in India in a prudent manner- local, domestic as well as international tourismmust be
focused for holistic effect. Also it can greatly help to increase Indias share in world tourism.
The Government of India too, realizing Indias potential took this issue seriously, dealing it with due importance in
Five year plans, setting up committees, departments and above all a separate Ministry of Tourism, but failed in
achieving any great success.
With India having so much to offer for global tourism, it is still plagued by serious problems. One of them is lack of
infrastructure including lack of connectivity which debars us from places offering vistas of scenic beauty in its pristine
form. The more serious issues are that of security such as problem of insurgency, naxalism and terrorism, which have
marred the spirits of tourists to visit areas affected by terrorist and naxalite activities. Incidents like 26/11 attacks of
Mumbai, activities of fundamentalist terrorist groups in valleys of Kashmir and naxalite movements as well as
insurgency in North-Eastern states of India have made major dent on the health of tourism in these areas. Then there
are also problems of frauds, misbehaviour and harassment by tents, even heinous crimes like rape and murder against
foreign tourists are committed which seriously harm the ethos of Indian hospitality.
The sense of pride in calling our country as Incredible India and our values of Atithi Devo Bhava are quashed
altogether with such acts of shame, causing irreparable damage to the tourism industry.
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The new Government at Centre is pushing for various reforms and taking new initiatives in all sectors, tourism being
no exception. In fact after the Swachh Bharat (Clean India) drive, how a Swachh Bharat, Swachh Smarak (Clean
India, Clean Monument) drive is to be proposed. The Ministry of Tourism via the programme of end-to-end tourism
seeks to address the problems faced by foreign tourists. Alongwith this to encourage tourist inflow areas affected by
militancy is on target with the motto of Tourism should replace Terrorism.
If the problems pertaining to the development of this industry are checked on time and a proactive approach is taken
to develop this sector, then tourism can turn out to be more than just another service industry significantly
contributing to the growth of economy.
We have for long focused on the growth of services sector driven by development of IT sector alone, ignoring other
options. Its time we get out of this Information Technology hangover and equally focus on other viable solutions. If
we really look forward to achieve a faster, sustainable and more inclusive growth; then tourism should be brought in
forefront and prioritized by the Government.
One of the factors that acts as a negative impediment for tourism in India is lack of professionals who can cater to the
needs of the tourist. In many instances the tourist guides give misleading explanations and conclusions about a
particular tourist place or monument. Moreover they are not able to give an overall pleasant experience to the tourists
visiting our country. Therefore, its high time we promote tourism studies in schools and colleges or centres of higher
education for bringing professionals to the tourism industry. This will in addition to increasing awareness about the
rich heritage and culture of country, increase efficiency and hence employability of people (youth) in the tourism
sector.
Further as a part of policy making, we must incorporate the success stories and experiences of other countries while
retaining our strengths in initiating development in this sector. We all know about Switzerlands high ranking in HDI
and other development indexes, but not many of us are aware that a major chunk of this development can be
attributed to the well-developed tourism sector of the country. Adventure tourism and water tourism of this country
makes it favourable tourist destinations. With India having the potential to develop in the same manner, must look
forward to learn some lessons based on this model.
Even, China has equally unleashed its potential and developed rural tourism while paying heed to industrial and other
service sectors also. In a country like India whose heart is in the villages, what can be better than this that instead of
urbanizing the rural areas, we leverage the huge potential lying there. For long, we have lamented on the rurality of
our country, its time we take pride and optimally utilize the underlying potential. With China showing the way, we
must reverse the current scenario.
But of all the most inspiring has been the developmental model of tourism in Singapore. Although devoid of
geographical assets and historical monuments yet it still manages to attract large tourist inflow every year because of
the metropolitan city life and various facilities that it offers. City based tourism and conducive business environment
encouraging business tourism are the pillars of tourism industry in Singapore. If India too promotes this type of
tourism then its dream of creating India as a business or industrial hub can become true soon and it will give impetus
to the Make in India drive.
Infrastructure development then becomes a necessary pre-condition. Though smart cities & bullet trains are sought to
become reality for India; we have to really work a lot for it. We still lack all weather roads, so firstly roads have to
become accessible throughout the year, there is a need to upgrade the quality and capacity of our railways and air
transport, providing faster and safer access to tourist places. Hotels & resorts should be developed as per needs to
tourists based on international norms and standards. Sanitation and hygiene must be given due importance. For this
Swachh Bharat Abhiyaan needs to be taken more seriously.
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While defining the growth trajectory of the country with the help of tourism it should be kept in mind that the
infrastructure development policy and urban development policies must be such which caters to preserving cultural
and natural heritage of our country.
Tourism is a multidimensional, actively and basically service industry, it would be necessary that all wings of central
and state government, private sector and voluntary organizations become active partners in the endeavour to attain
sustainable growth in tourism, if India is to become a world player in the tourism industry.
To make tourism crucial to economys growth, the role of common citizenry cannot be minimized. If we are conscious
enough about our basic fundamental rights, we must be aware of our fundamental duties too, and one of them clearly
states, to value and preserve the rich heritage of our composite culture and to protect and improve the natural
environment including forests, lakes, rivers and wildlife.
We must pledge to honestly abide by our duties and also make others to do the same. We must understand that these
are a part of our glorious past commonly shared by us. By pilfering waste and causing degeneration of these historical
and geographical assets of the country we not only are setting hurdles to growth & development of tourism in the
Country. We also become culprits in the eyes of future generations, as we deprive them of the mesmerizing beauty and
pleasure offered by these tourist spots.
Most importantly, the haphazard approach that we apply to development of tourism should be discarded and
replaced with a planned and long-term vision abiding by famous Japanese proverb which says, Vision without Action
is a daydream, but Action without Vision is a nightmare.
Lets be serious enough in our approach then surely tourism can become the next big thing for India. As tourism can
also act as a means of empowerment and upliftment of socially and economically backward and weaker sections of the
society; work as a powerful antidote to tackle poverty and help bring to reality the much aspired and needed faster,
sustainable and more inclusive growth.
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(Q1).
a)
b)
c)
d)
(Q2).
a)
b)
c)
d)
(Q3).
a)
b)
c)
d)
(Q4).
a)
b)
c)
d)
(Q5).
a)
b)
c)
d)
(Q6).
a)
b)
c)
d)
(Q7).
a)
b)
c)
d)
(Q8).
a)
b)
c)
d)
(Q9).
a)
b)
c)
d)
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(Q14).
a)
b)
c)
d)
(Q15).
a)
b)
c)
d)
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)
Codes
Only 1 and 2
Only 2 and 3
All are correct
All are incorrect
(2)
(3)
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)
(Q19).
a)
b)
c)
d)
Organization
a)
b)
c)
d)
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(Q22).
a)
b)
c)
d)
Agalega Island is in
Seychelles
Maldives
Mauritius
Madagascar
(Q23).
a)
b)
c)
d)
Assumption Island is in
Seychelles
Maldives
Mauritius
Madagascar
(Q24).
a)
b)
c)
d)
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(c)
(d)
(b)
(c)
(d)
Finance Minister
Finance Secretary
Home Minister
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)
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PART II: A bunch of 15 relevant questions on various themes of General Studies (Main) Examination have been put in
this issue for practice.
Why did the moderates lose appeal with the Indians and failed to elicit desired response from the British?
How did the movement for the liberation of women receive a great stimulus from the rise and growth of the
nationalist movement in India?
Form a critical assessment of the Non-Cooperation Movement.
How did the Government of India Act, 1935 mark a point of no return in the history of constitutional
development in India?
Why and how did the Congress come to accept the partition of the country?
Polity
Q1.
Q2.
Q3.
Q4.
Q5.
On what grounds the Legislative Councils are justified? How is it created or abolished in a State?
In what ways is the Rajya Sabha expected to play a special role in today's changing political scenario?
What is the importance of Directive Principles of State Policy? Mention which Directive Principles of State Policy
have got primacy over the Fundamental Rights.
How does Parliament control the Union Executive? How effective is its control?
What constitutes the doctrine of basic features as introduced into the Constitution of India by the Judiciary?
Geography
Q1.
Q2.
Q3.
Q4.
Q5.
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Answer (c)
Answer (b)
Answer (a)
Answer (a)
Answer (d)
Corporation Tax- 20%, Income Tax- 14%,
Excise Duties- 10%,
Borrowings- 24%
Answer (a)
States share- 23%, Defence- 11%, Interest
payment-20 % , Non-Plan expenditure- 11%
Answer (d)
Answer (c)
Answer (d)
Answer (b)
Answer (a)
Answer (b)
Answer (a)
Answer (c)
Answer (b)
Answer (a)
Answer (d)
Answer (c)
Answer (a)
Answer (c)
Answer (a)
Answer (b)
Answer (d)
Answer (c)
Answer (b)
Answer (c)
Answer (a)
Answer (a)
Answer (b)
Answer (a)
Answer (d)
Answer (a)
Answer (d)
Answer (a)
Answer (c)
Answer (c)
Answer (d)
Answer (b)
Answer (d)
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with fixing accountability for their interpretations. Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) is a recognized tool for
environmental screening of policies, plans and programmes in practice in particular in advanced countries.
Environmental Audit: Environmental audit i n mandatory terms is a formal procedure in India, except big industries
and corporations conducting detailed audits voluntarily. Practice of comprehensive environmental auditing must be
compulsory for all industries, establishments including housing complexes, municipalities, and institutions with
significant water, energy and material balance or involving hazards.
Natural Resource Accounting: The concept and practice of natural resource accounting or green accounting was
mooted and pilot studies undertaken during 1990s. However, the practice didnt continue to grow. The concept of
green accounting and green GDP must be integrated with national and state environmental action planning as well as
with developmental planning.
Economic evaluation of environmental impacts: In the absence of proper economic evaluation, environmental impacts
and hazards are not given due importance in planning and decision making. For example, the environmental damages
and losses due to disasters and environmental needs following a disaster situation havent been evaluated on economic
terms. This results in their undermining. The practice of ecological economics needs to be promoted in research,
planning and monitoring of developmental plans and policies.
Ecological Auditing (Eco- Audit): This is rather a new tool, extended from the principle evolved a decade ago. This
focuses on auditing of natural resource systems and environmental quality aspects on ecosystem approach. This takes
into account the ecosystem capacities, services and related sustainability parameters in the context of internal, external
and human induced factors.
Voluntary action on climate change in India has centered around economic decisions, such as cutting down on carbon
intensity and increasing renewable sources of energy. But what is lacking in the discourse is an understanding of
keeping the natural or conserving biodiversity. Two important events have taken place in the country, which are tied
to climate change and the pressing issue of how we deal with it. First, the Convention on Biological Diversity, a
Convention under the United Nations which seeks to regulate our use of the natural world, has reached important
funding decisions. Second, a high-level committee set up to propose amendments in environmental laws in India has
submitted its recommendations to the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF). Both developments set the tone
for changing the character of growth. So, our country has to tread a different path and need to seriously look at the
issue from the integration of biodiversity and climate change perspective.
Biodiversity and climate change perspective
Biodiversity and wildlife protection is often termed as a co-benefit of mitigating climate change. Other co-benefits,
usually understood as secondary to economic decision-making, are clean air, potable water, ecosystem services and a
stable microclimate. Conservationists have argued that biodiversity has become a low second fiddle to climate change
in international negotiations, and decisions related to biodiversity are not yet part of the mainstream decisions related
to growth, trade and carbon emissions.
In order to move the biodiversity agenda forward, approaches and tactics must evolve. In the framework of the post2015 development agenda, stand alone targets on biodiversity would not be useful. The principle of universality and
integration must define the nature of sustainable development goals.
Climate change action in India is currently focused on a lowering of carbon intensity in growth. But we are also
seeking to peak emissions by a certain period, allowing growth to optimise by then, and then allow a tapering off of
emissions. But this carbon space can also be consistently at odds with biodiversity protection efforts. For example, the
concept of peaking emissions holds no value for biodiversity, and may actively threaten it. A habitat once destroyed
takes decades to be restored as we set up man-made infrastructure. So the question is: are we going to dismantle
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natural infrastructure and then restore it? If the answer is no, then this will mean taking hard decisions, such as
identifying critical, inviolate areas in forests which cannot be mined or dammed, and setting thresholds for
environmental regulation and pollution.
On the topic of regulation, a crucial review is currently underway. A high-level committee chaired by former Cabinet
Secretary T.S.R. Subramanian has reviewed all the environmental laws of India including the Wildlife Protection Act,
the Forest Act, the Forest Conservation Act, and the Environment Protection Act. While decisions related directly to
biodiversity, such as species and habitat protection, are under the ambit of review, there are also indirect connections
which bridge decisions for both climate change action and biodiversity protection. One of the most pressing questions
is that of regulation. What will be revised thresholds for air and water pollution? The government has made moves to
lift the moratorium for projects (and thus allowing more emissions) in critically polluted areas, such as Vapi in Gujarat.
Further changes in these regulations will set the tone for levels of industrial effluents in seas, rivers, and the sky, and
how much clustering of infrastructure and projects can be allowed in an area.
The second question is one of environmental and forest clearances for projects. The government says it wants the
environmental clearance process made speedier and more transparent. This sentiment is echoed in States too: for
instance, Himachal Pradesh has a committee on Speedy development of small hydro projects.
Decision-making on environment should not be a question of time; rather it should be one of rigour. While developers
want to believe that problems in environmental decision-making lie in time spent around getting a clearance, the issue
really is one of technocratic discretion. The MoEF needs to have the forthright discretion to say no to projects with
deleterious impacts on biodiversity and climate action. While it is a Ministry meant to appraise projects and clear them,
it is also one that is meant to halt projects which denigrate biodiversity and environmental conservation efforts.
Changing consciousness
While conventional sources of energy will stay for a while, environmental regulation and post-project monitoring have
to be strengthened and upheld because the country is a constituency wider than just developers who clamour for hasty
clearances. Further, in creating a different scenario that is new forms of energy and low carbon development
pathways such as biogas, solar and marine, wind mill energy and energy efficiency there is a real chance for new job
creation.
Keeping biodiversity and nature protection at the centre of climate action, and thus our growth strategy, is a pressing
requirement. The World Bank estimates that India loses more than 5 per cent of its GDP each year to environmental
degradation. A robust and growing biodiversity protected area framework will save money spent on pollution-related
illnesses and buoy climate change mitigation work.
Lastly, by changing our lifestyle and creating consciousness, it can help us deal with climate change. This change in
consciousness and oneness with nature has to be rethought now, at the cusp of our new climate and biodiversity
action strategies. We cannot develop now to ask questions later.
Humankind has suddenly entered into a brand new relationship with our planet. Unless we quickly and profoundly change the
course of our civilization, we face an immediate and grave danger of destroying the worldwide ecological system that sustains life
as we know it.- Al Gore
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