ts

Gender as Work
in the Tourism Industry

Tourist Studies
9(2) 109126
The Author(s) 2010
Reprints and permission: sagepub.
co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/1468797609360601
http://tou.sagepub.com

Soile Veijola

University of Lapland, Finland

Abstract
Recent theorizing on the changing patterns of gender and labour in contemporary capitalist
production provides a fertile starting point for investigating tourism as work and labour instead
of the more common themes of leisure, management and social or environmental impact. Current
working life in post-Fordist societies, for its part, is increasingly based on producing experiences,
images and affects, all familiar aspects of tourist scenes. This article argues that when investigating
tourism work as experienced and enunciated by workers themselves, we can not only gain a
better grasp of the production process of the tourist experience but also of the constitution
of contemporary subjectivity in late capitalist societies. Narrative analysis is performed on the
autobiographical narratives of two tourism workers from Finnish Lapland to investigate and
demonstrate the argument by focusing particularly on the interplay between skill and gender in
the context of new work.

Keywords
cultural studies; experience; gender; Lapland; narrative; new work; skill; sociology; tourism; tourism
studies

Introduction
Recent theorizing on work, working and the relation of work to life has produced a fertile
field of debate on the changing patterns of gender and labour in contemporary capitalist
production (e.g. Hardt, 1999; Adkins and Skeggs, 2004; Adkins and Jokinen, 2008). My,
somewhat paradoxical, claim is that this discussion provides a new horizon of thought
for tourism research by challenging its bipolarized knowledge interests of critical and
industry-driven approaches (see e.g. Ateljevic et al., 2007). Addressing tourism from the
point of view of work and workers (e.g. Gmelch, 2003; Weaver, 2005; Haanp et al.,
2005), instead of the usual frameworks of leisure, business, management, regional

Corresponding author:
Soile Veijola, Faculty of Tourism and Business, University of Lapland, P.O. Box 122, FIN-96101 Rovaniemi, Finland.
[email: soile.veijola@ulapland.fi]

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economy or an impact on natural and social environments, paves the way for a fruitful
encounter between the two paradigms. Admittedly, all of the former, more popular
themes call for labour and labourers as well but often render the latter merely an invisible
background for the staged, sought-after or, alternatively, criticized tourist experience. (It
bears mentioning that the ways in which travelling and tourism are often experienced as
laborious as work in itself is an intriguing issue on its own but is not of concern here.)
Choosing to view tourism research from the point of view of work, rather than other
topics, should further the field of tourism research in many ways. Firstly, issues that
dominate the academic subfield of tourism work and employment, such as staff turnover,
hotel work and management, guiding, seasonal work, recruitment, attitudes of employees, structure of employment and quality of service work (Kyyr, 2007; see also e.g.
Baum, 2006) tend to discuss the matter from one perspective only: that of management,
that is, the quality or quantity of labour force as part of a successful tourism industry.
Given the on-going epistemological debate over the reconciliation of knowledge interests in tourism studies (e.g. Tribe, 2005), this is hardly a sustainable situation in academic terms. Secondly, the spheres of work and labour are no longer as different from
that of tourism as they may have appeared to be in the former regimes of industrial and
bureaucratic labour. Indeed, contemporary working life in the Westernized world seems
to have become more and more tourist-like: being largely based on information, communication, hospitality and experiences. Everyday life and business-to-business relations increasingly imply strangers, referred to as guests, meeting each other in intimate
and elaborate settings, formerly typical of private spheres of life. As Andreas Wittel
(2001: 71) observes: In network sociality strangers become potential friends.
The remarkable differences in work and labour when producing commodities, services and friendships is currently being dealt with extensively in social and cultural theory (see e.g. Sennett 1998; Beck, 2000; du Gay and Pryke, 2003; Hardt, 1999) and also
in business consultation (e.g. Pine and Gilmore, 1999). Labour is not mere duration or
time spent on the job when the product of it is a social relation or an experience of an
affect, but a much more complex issue of organizing the relations between life, labour
and capital (Foucault, 1997). Thus, when for Jonas Larsen, John Urry and Kay Axhausen
(2007: 258), tourism is not merely an isolated exotic island but often a significant set
of social and material relations, I would agree - with the exception that tourism is no
longer an island at all, but a part of the continent of bio-political arrangements in late
capitalism (see e.g. Reid, 2009: 1739; Minca, this issue).
A more or less transparent constituent of this continental regime is gender. Studying
it from the point of view of workers rather than tourists (see e.g. Veijola and Jokinen,
1994; Jokinen and Veijola, 1997) is a way to gain a clearer insight into understanding
gender politics in the tourism industry. Even if the most common aspects researched so
far within tourism work do include gender divisions of work, emotional work and women
in tourism work (Kyyr, 2007), neither gender nor work have usually been conceptualized as research subjects in themselves (for important exceptions, see e.g. Adkins, 1995;
Brandth and Haugen, 2005). Here gender will be discussed in terms of the acts and performances of hostessing (Veijola and Jokinen, 2008) that the tourism and hospitality
industries lean on in an era of multiple mobilities and networked social worlds (see e.g.
Urry, 2000; Germann Molz and Gibson, 2007; Hannam, 2008).

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Interestingly, both gender and work are under revision in the post-industrial world. They
are acts and performances in themselves and a part of what is being produced (Adkins and
Skeggs, 2004; Adkins and Jokinen, 2008: 143) which is, in this case, the tourist experience.
The situation challenges the epistemological and ontological foundations of understanding
tourism as a separate subject of research from the everyday life and societal structures and
processes of labour that have traditionally concerned social theory. Moreover, the revisions
of gender and labour in the contemporary Western world are nowhere as acutely lived and
experienced as in tourism-related jobs and professions (Haanp et al., 2005). Thus the
argument put forward is that, by investigating tourism work as experienced and reflected
upon by workers themselves, we can grasp the bio-political dimensions of subject formation and social relations that characterize contemporary late capitalism, not only in the new
sectors, occupations and employment contracts of the new economy (see e.g. Shire, 2007:
57) but also throughout the spheres of private and public life.
The corpus of the data used here consists of 10 work-related life writings by tourism
workers in Finnish Lapland (see also Valtonen, this issue).1 For a closer inspection, two
narratives were selected: one by an independent tour leader, travel guide and country
manager of a foreign travel agency, Marja (in her forties) and the other by a marketing
manager Kaisa (no indication of age), employed in a large company. Even though initially the whole data was read for the task, the voices were narrowed down to two for
the following reasons.
Firstly, the jobs that Marja and Kaisa hold can be considered as knowledge-intensive
service-work, involving face-to-face contact with customers on a regular basis. Secondly,
their stories enrich the typical image of tourism work as low-paid, low-skilled seasonal
labour by an (often) migrant workforce (e.g. Baum, 2006). Thirdly, on a methodological
level, they contain thick descriptions of experiencing work on a personal level (rather
than just describing events or stating opinions) which makes them well suited for narrative analysis, that is, investigating the creation and interpretation of the self as an agent
who positions herself in various situations and social relations (Kohler Riessman, 2002).2
The narratives are, here, read as performatives of self on both levels; those of story
and narration. The aim is not to generalize or explain the personal narratives in question
but to understand the contemporary situation of tourism workers in the precarious new
world of work by looking at the ways in which tourism workers make sense of their
world: how they categorize, modalize, assert value judgements and attach meanings on
its various features. What does working mean for the person who works? What system
of choice and rationality does the activity of work conform to? (Foucault, 2008: 223).
Each has their own, personal experience (of work), but the very birth, constitution and
future of this own are what can be investigated (Veijola, 2006: 79).
Before addressing Marjas and Kaisas narratives of tourism work in the critical junctures between gender and skill, on the one hand, and life and labour, on the other, I will
introduce the theoretical landscape for the tour in more detail.

Arrangements of gender and labour

Womens work has become the paradigmatic model of labour and working in contemporary capitalism, both theoretically and empirically, reads the provocative claim put

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forward by Lisa Adkins and Eeva Jokinen (2008: 142). Working life has, in other words,
been culturally feminized (Gordon, 1983, cited in Haraway, 1991: 166) and the situation pertains to both high-profile experts with portfolios (MacJobs) and precarious workers in dead-end McJobs (Goos and Manning, 2003, cited in McDowell, 2008: 152).
More and more women work outside of home, typically in the kind of jobs temporary,
part-time, and poorly paid that also characterize mens employment at the present
moment (e.g. Massey, 1984; Adkins, 2001: 670). It is also asserted that skills that were
traditionally considered as feminine ones (domesticity, emotional labour, style and aesthetics) are now required from women and men alike in working places (e.g. McDowell,
1997; Adkins, 2001: 6701).
The transformation has been thematized by Jokinen and Jussi Vhmki in terms of
four shifts in the knowledge economy: in the relations between labour and gender, on the
one hand, and workplace and home, on the other (Jokinen et al., 2007; Adkins and
Jokinen, 2008). The shifts are not sequential or separate in a chronological sense, but
configurations exist side by side, albeit with shifting emphases, as are outlined below.

The four shifts

The first shift refers to an arrangement between the sexes (Goffman, 1977) in the
Western world whereby men worked in factories and offices and women occupied themselves at home reproducing the labour force through housework and emotional work.
The arrangement was based on a clear division between the private sphere of home and
the public sphere of work.
The second shift points at an era when women started to work outside of the home as
well, resulting in dual-earner families becoming the political and economic ideal of the
time while unpaid labour by women continued at home (Hochschild, 1989).
Jokinen et al. (2007) identify the third shift with the help of Arlie Hochschild (1997)
who drew attention to the ideological and affective reversal of home and work whereby
workplaces had become sites for self-fulfilment and joy for many middle-class people,
especially women, and home, for its part, had turned into a tedious place marked by
control and hard work.
Finally, in the fourth shift, which characterizes the contemporary situation, the border
between work and home has dissolved altogether. As Vhmki (2004) has crystallized, for
the contemporary worker the categories of time, space and action that used to separate home
from work have melted together into a borderless surface. The relation between life and
work has become both precarious and intimate: instead of having life-long careers as educated and skilled professionals and letting our personality blossom in leisure and private life,
we do not differentiate between work and home any more but opt for virtuosity in performance by using our personality and informal, domestic skills in the public life of work.
What is particular to the fourth shift is that, even if the capitalist (as well as socialist)
economy has always used women according to the needs of economic growth and the accumulation of profit through labour, it is only now that we witness an unprecedented intensification of appropriating women, femininity and womens work in the global labour market.
Present-day working life is marked by new constellations of emotional (Hochschild, 1983)
and affective labour (Hardt, 2007; Weeks, 2007; Ticineto Clough et al., 2007) utilizing vital

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corporealities of work and workers (see Deleuze, 1978/2008; Grosz, 1994: 16083; Plsson,
2009); value does not reside necessarily and solely in abstract units of labour time [in factory or office hours], but increasingly in sets of vital relations (Adkins and Jokinen, 2008:
139). For Michael Hardt (1999: 96), the labour in question is immaterial, even if it is corporeal and affective, in the sense that its products are intangible: a feeling of ease, well-being,
satisfaction, excitement, a passion even a sense of connectedness or community. In his
view (Hardt, 1999: 96), the issue is not merely about so-called in-person services in various
cultural and entertainment industries aiming at the creation and manipulation of affects, but
a much more complex and also precarious issue of affective production, communication and
exchange in which social relations are both produced by and producers of affects. For this
kind of work, femininity and women are an infinite resource of living labour, having been
responsible for and representative of intimacy and care in the earlier arrangements of labour
between the sexes (Hardt, 1999).
Let us next outline a constitutive connection between gender and the labour market,
that of skill.

Shifted skills?
In the first shift, with mostly men at (paid) work as artisans, farmers, factory or office
workers and women at home we could link virtuosity with enskilment. Becoming a
member of a community happened by growing into a skill either by following ones parents in childhood, ones master as an apprentice in a profession, or through years of
accumulating experience at work or in the domestic sphere (see Bourdieu, 1990; Plsson,
1994; Ingold, 2000). When an individual accumulates skill, craftsmanship and mastery
of his field over time, it happens via the history of his community and, in the illuminating
case of an artisan, his membership of his guild all of these being based on the duration
and depth of past experience (see Adkins, 2005). In the framework of enskilment, capacities of a skilled agent are, thus, accumulated properties in person and of the self, sedimented into the body through habit. They are an integral part of the agents identity: of
his habitus (Mauss, 1935/1968; Bourdieu, 1990; Adkins, 2005: 117).
Pierre Bourdieus theory on habitus as a lived history embodied and the active presence
of the past (Bourdieu, 1990: 56), is indeed central to the notion of skill through habit. The
latter is in accord with the idea of habitus as having a feeling for the game whatever the
game is (hunting, seduction, pottery). Passing as a skilled agent is possible only when the
rules of the game are both internalized and embodied in a persons habitus.
As is evident, in the second shift, women also started to claim the right to accumulate
skills at work which had earlier been denied them (see Adkins, 2008). The debate over
whether women can be as good pilots or football players as men reflects this shift. More
interestingly for the current task, after the third and especially in the fourth shift, in postindustrial economies, we are forced to revise our take on the concept of a skill as a
stored-up capacity based on the past. The skills required on the slanting surface of a
borderless life, being at work and at home simultaneously, do not lean on the past, on
stored up or accumulated labour time, but constitute a different kind of logic of accumulating value through labour (see Ingold, 2000: 194). Now, it is the ability to focus swiftly
on any new task that comes ones way that counts (e.g. Sennett, 1998; Wittel, 2001: 63).

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In other words, in the new economy claimed as becoming more and more virtual,
reflexive, networked and immaterial employee effectiveness is not measured on the
basis of production units or product quality but based on terms related to customers;
workers therefore focus attention not on their labour as a form of property in the person
as embodied skills and techniques as properties of the self but on the effects of their
labour (cultural work) on the intended audience (Adkins, 2005: 1223; see e.g. Arnould
and Price, 1993). (For the workerworker relations see Harris, this issue.)
For want of a better term, this work is often referred to as new work or new labour
even if the aim is not to state that something new would have replaced the old entirely.
The latter persists, but a new emphasis on human and physical capital in the forms of
communication and affective labour is prominent: a bodily mode of work that produces
social networks, forms of community, biopower (Hardt, 1999: 96; Foucault, 1990:
1401; 1997; see also Jokinen, 2009; Minca, this issue) and infiltrates the modes of old
work, ultimately turning them, too, to follow the new logics.
New work is, thus, predominantly immaterial labour in the form of services, relations, communication and information (Hardt, 1999) rather than labour that results in
material commodities or a visible change, as when cultivating land, manufacturing commodities or delivering services which commonly require know-how based on
enskilment. A service such as performing local culture for foreign tourists, for instance, is
not just a delivery but a co-production with the customers who are more and more commonly interactants in cultural production (Adkins, 2005: 122; see e.g. Arnould and Price,
1993). Experienced performers of traditional skills in tourist settings oftentimes invite
someone from the watching crowd to help them perform their show, for the pleasure of
all present. Likewise their task is often to engage entire groups of people in a joint experience (see Valtonen, this issue) or to create events that depend almost entirely on the creativity and activity of the participants (see e.g. Kozinets, 2002). Indeed, the offerings of
new work in tourism are commonly affective customer experiences such as spontaneous
joy, excitement or serenity in the here and now of the social situation. Thus, the emphasis
of work performance shifts from performers assumedly existing (read: authentic) personal characteristics and skills to the effect on the audience to be achieved (Adkins, 2005:
119). The latter, for its part, is relentlessly promoted by means of customer surveys, audits
and ratings, as well as job descriptions that foreground customer care, comfort, pleasure
and contentment (Adkins, 2005: 122; see also Veijola and Valtonen, 2007).
There is, in other words, a cultural tendency in working life where enskilment into a
communal or professional tradition is being severely challenged by skills in a network
sociality (Wittel, 2001) which emphasizes individualization, technology, information,
and the assimilation of work and play. At workplaces, working practices are increasingly
networking practices (Wittel, 2001: 53) and more and more jobs require or give priority
to people skills.

Flexible genders?
In the notion of people skills, we can easily depict fabrics that have traditionally been
conceived of as feminine. Women have been enskilled in emotional, social, aesthetic and
stylistic aspects of social life through habit, in the reproductive spheres of family and

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intimacy. Given the affective and communicative turn of working life described above,
however, work performances of femininity have gained new significance in the new
economy as situational and flexible gender performances required from both women and
men (e.g. Adkins, 2001). Thus, not even gender is an intangible property of self any more
but depends on its performance and reception (Adkins, 2005).
Elsewhere (Veijola and Jokinen, 2005, 2008) we have adopted a view on gender as
a contingent act, not unrehearsed but not predetermined either, and based on the notion
of habit (Bourdieu, 1990) and performative acts (Butler, 1990). Combining this notion
of gender with the framework of new work described earlier, we suggested that the
Western world is turning into a hostessing society. In other words, rather than the world
having become increasingly (masculine and) mobile (see Urry, 2000; Hannam, 2008),
the world has started to host and, even more interestingly, to hostess. Hostessing is a
qualification, competence, skill, appearance, offering and vocation that new working
life requires from both women and men; as a concept of doing and action, instead of
structure and actor, it evokes a gender aspect but does not glue it to individuals like the
noun of a hostess would do (Veijola and Jokinen, 2008: 170). It is a vital, albeit
often for those empowered by male gender transparent, element in the world economy
where gender is reproduced in the interplay between contingency and habit (Veijola
and Jokinen, 2008: 177).
Angela McRobbie has approached gender and working life from yet another angle.
She describes a situation that has opened up for young women in Western democracies
whereby they are finally treated with the social, political and economic freedoms
demanded by the feminist movement; they are, for instance in the UK, attributed with
capacities of success, attainment, and social mobility (McRobbie, 2007, cited in Adkins,
2008: 191). Even if true economic success, especially in esteemed male professions, is
not available for all young women, Anita Harris (2004, cited in Adkins, 2008: 192)
claims that at all levels of social class, young women play a critical part in the smooth
functioning of the new economy.
As has been astutely noted, however, it is mostly men whose work performances are
recognized as deliberate performances of mixing gender characteristics (or hostessing as
doing, for that matter) and are rewarded financially for their flexible body (Martin,
1994; Adkins and Lury, 1999). By way of an example, the enduring ability of Finlands
current foreign minister, Alexander Stubb, to smile incessantly increases rather than
compromises his work performance as imbued with young and vital masculinity (which
creates a sharp contrast to the nations earlier, more sinister regimes of patriarchal political power). When women for their part excel in feminine style, affectivity and charming
demeanour, their performances are usually attributed to their natural function or advantage (McDowell, 1997: 154, in Adkins, 2001: 689; Jokinen, 2005: 6994). Neither does
a woman adopting a masculine style of stern leadership necessarily receive unconditional acceptance (Adkins, 2001: 68687, 692). It bears mentioning, of course, that men
may also face reputational danger when flexing out with feminine style or womens
work: people and tasks are customarily downgraded when feminized (see e.g. Nixon and
Crewe, 2004).
Moreover, even if gender can now be seen as disentangled from the person and a
mobile object to be exchanged as a form of capital (Adkins, 2005: 1201), it is not

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something that workers are entirely in control of or originators of. Not everyone can
mobilize their gender at will (Skeggs, 2004: 53); nor does a mobilization of gender performance count unless it is recognized as having customer effects (Adkins, 2005: 123).
Especially in numerous old jobs for women, from maids and prostitutes to stewardesses, gender is a fixed identity as a female body (see e.g. Sinclair, 1997; Ehrenreich and
Hochschild, 2003; Veijola and Valtonen, 2007; Wood et al., 2008). Old work of industrial forms and hierarchies of work still characterizes employment in tourism globally,
featuring the predominance of low-skilled jobs, the appropriation of migrant labour, high
employee turnover, unsocial working hours and lack of trade union presence (e.g.
Sinclair, 1997; Baum, 2006: 128). Furthermore, domestic arrangements between the
sexes in the tourism industry lead into an inherently gendered workscape characterized
by not only rigid occupational gender segregation but also by sex-based exploitation of
female workers. For instance, in hotel and catering management, it has been customary
to include the labour of wives into the occupation of their husbands through the marriage contract. The salary of the wives is paid as part of their husbands (Adkins, 1995:
6892, 144).
Old work and new work in the tourism industry are, indeed, both characterized by
the very same precarious features of labour and its structure. Thus, it is even more pertinent to further investigate the global and local patterns of gender and work and class
and age to grasp to what extent and effect the generic warm bodies performing the
place-based tasks of servicing tourists (McDowell, 2008: 152) blur the lines between
high-skilled and low-skilled jobs in the hostessing society (see Harris, this issue).
Yet, in the tourism industry, in addition to cleaners, drivers, hotel managers wives
and other sex-based occupations, there are also numerous jobs and occupations that permit, encourage or require mobile work performances of gender. City and wilderness
guides, entertainers in bars and restaurants, animators in theme parks, social hosts and
hostesses on incentive trips tailored for corporations and workplaces are good examples
(see Minca, this issue and Valkonen, this issue). In Finnish Lapland, the bus elves and
safari guides on snowmobiles do the Christmas season, often as speed-trained first-timers, and live and embody the indeterminate social encounters that constitute the labour
processes of tourism products (Crang, 1997: 139). Just how easy or difficult this indeterminacy is to be put into order will be discussed in the next section, with the help of
Marjas and Kaisas writings about their work.

Meeting the staff

The satisfied worker
Interestingly, rather than being threatened or dispirited by the prospect and priority of the
positive audience response, which the workers are responsible for by means of their
personality and virtuous performance of the self, the response seems to be the chief
source of satisfaction for both Marja and Kaisa precisely because it deals directly with
their personality and person. Marjas views on the matter are especially illuminating. She
has returned to Lapland after a marriage and a divorce abroad and, after a few years of
working for safari companies, she now runs her own solo business as an independent city

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and bus guide in Lapland and abroad. She has completed higher education and has been
trained in tour leading and guiding. The following account captures the interactive, affective nature of her work:
The absolutely best thing is the personal and direct nature of the work. I work in front of peoples
eyes and receive direct feedback from it. When I am thanked for a well-done job, it is a direct,
personal response. I feel I get the compliments not merely for the way I do things but also for what
I am and what I am like. And the issue here is not just good language skills or my wanting to be
with clients. A good result at work is a result of not only know-how but also a passionate attitude.

Through Marjas account, we can grasp the corporeal and intellectual aspects of the new
forms of production whereby the increased autonomy of the subject corresponds to its
increased receptivity, as Hardt (2007: xxi) argues. Or, in the words of Patricia Ticineto
Clough (2007: 25), the processes of labouring, socializing, and entertaining are changed
as they become directly engaged in modulating affectivity. In Marjas view:
One of the most memorable compliments I have received is the following statement by an
Italian lady: In everything you say, love towards your country is conveyed. The sentence
made me very happy and conscious of having succeeded in my work. Right now I would not
change my work for anything.

Marja is quite articulate about her own active agency as a sought-after professional guide
who enjoys her good income, the irregularity of working hours and the freedom to perform her work the way she wants to. I feel I am a free artist who can change the model
of her work according to the audience. Even if the inquiries and needs of future clients
make up her weekly and monthly schedule, she is, as an independent entrepreneur, able
to adjust the former to fit with her other concerns in life. Should she have children, her
work and life situation would be feminized both ways: hostessing work would combine
well with flexible hours that would allow her to attend to domestic duties when necessary
(see e.g. Veijola and Jokinen, 2008: 1713).3
Kaisa also finds her work rewarding, oscillating between active and receiving agencies in both real life and its narrative performances:
I often feel I am an insignificant designer of tourist programmes. I would rather take part in
changing the world and help people in need. Then again, that is exactly what I do, in a way.
Exhausted businessmen forget themselves, their positions and the work pressure for a moment,
in the tumult of a captivating programme.

Hence, even if new labour draws from ones personality as a resource of communicative
and caring labour, one is able to share the satisfaction gained from the joint experience.
In fact, Kaisa is able to share more than just satisfaction which is an owned, personal
emotion that can exist one-sidedly. Her encounters with her clients also result in gratitude which cannot be anticipated or controlled in real-life situations, far less by means of
prior arrangements. Thus, instead of conceiving of the audience effects and customer
satisfaction merely as effects that deprive a worker of her independent will and

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unmanaged emotions, we could conceive of them as flexible affects of connectivity and

relationality (see e.g. Hickey-Moody and Malins, 2007; Dillon and Reid, 2009: 623;)
produced by skilful tourism work.
A life marked by flexible affects does not, however, come without a price. In the following, Marjas and Kaisas virtuosity at work will be explored further.

Life as labour
Both Marja and Kaisa are women with a higher education and jobs that fit the notion of
new work: emphasizing communication, knowledge and technology and combining cognitive and affective labour. Indeed, their narrated selves support the thesis by Kathi
Weeks (2007: 246) of the mutual constitution of work and life, and the impossibility of
judging either from an exterior position prior to a managed heart (Hochschild, 1983) or
too simple notions of alienation by the capitalist logics of the accumulation of value.
Kaisa, who sells Lapland abroad, reflects on the matter as follows:
In the tourism business, people are almost the same everywhere you go. A relaxed attitude to
life, partying and raciness are part of a working day and night If the task is to sell and market
tourism services, work becomes part of life even if you do not aim at that. It is hard to draw a
line between work and life.

Marja admits having sacrificed intimate relationships on the shrine of work: these suffered from her spending so much time with her (usually male) clients, first on snowmobiles all day and then late into the night at dinners.
When I was with someone I was always anxious to go home after dinner I remember how I
suffered forever and ever from a bad conscience. That luckily ended at the break-up. I felt
somehow liberated and was finally able to commit myself to work the way I had always dreamt
of. Now when I leave home in the morning I am not obliged to make explanations to anyone
about the time when I call it a day.

Life can, thus, slide into mere labour. Marja admits that work swallows a big part of her
life at the moment and that a few times she has felt on the verge of burn-out because of
a tight working period. Currently she aims at keeping her Sabbath days holy. For
Kaisa, who works for a company aspiring to grow exponentially, a working day often
turns into an evening without time to rise from the chair or much less go for lunch.
Indeed, all narrators in the data, not only Marja and Kaisa, note the intensification of
working life in tourism. A life-style seems to have become a labour-style, a mere
means of livelihood. This, according to Kaisa, is witnessed by
the tempo of work, the goals of euros and people. Less and less often work feels like fun, now
we are doing business and euros rather than experiences. I am not saying that there are no more
people out there who still would like to hang around with clients late at night in Lapland, but I
do claim that it is more common today to move around by car and, making an excuse, to leave
the clients partying and to go home to sleep or head back to the office.

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Work can also get tiresome because of less festive clients. Marja has encountered
mentally ill individuals, displeased with everything. Coping with them requires
techniques of the self (Mauss, 1935/1968; Foucault, 1977: 135). Marja describes hers as
follows: Since I evidently cannot argue back I have learnt to behave in a very cold and
indifferent manner I am open and social but I can also be immensely withdrawn and cold.
This has, according to her friends, also spread to her private life. Affective labour can, hence,
be perfected into a virtuosity of withdrawal as well, not only into intimacy or affection.
Illuminatingly, while other writers in the data mostly lamented on the loss of calendar
rites such as Christmas, Easter and free Sundays, Marja turns the fact into a gain: In my
view, Sundays are really repelling days to have a day off everything is closed and you
cant even run your errands. She appreciates the double pay on Sundays, too.
Marja and Kaisa embody communicative and affective labour understood as skilful,
professional hostessing for which they claim to also be paid properly contrary to the
findings referred to earlier as regards rewarding women for their performances of feminine skills at work (Adkins, 2001: 689). They manage (so far) to hold burn-out at bay,
distance themselves from unpleasant moods or troublesome people, and even postpone
or refrain entirely from intimate relations. Marja felt liberated after her divorce and subsequent break-ups; Kaisa does not even mention relationships in her story.

Performances of top girl femininity

In terms of the notion of gender as a mobile performance at work, Marja offers an interesting account of her range of sexual mobility:
People often think that we are all disreputable women [who] like to grab a drink and hang
around in restaurants. We are stared at when we are in the company of a foreign group,
chattering in foreign languages. Well, I can only say that Finland is a small country and in the
tourism industry everyone knows one another. Should one lead a so-called bad life, it would
certainly be reflected quickly in the amount of work. I am fully booked and my calendar has
markings until spring 2009 [i.e. two years in advance]. Long and wet [alcohol] nights certainly
manifest themselves in working ability and the gigs run out quickly.

Thus, even if Marja gave up her love relationship for a chance to stay out late with male
clients, this was not really to play around with them (either) but to be able to work even
more efficiently: for the joint satisfaction of herself and her clients. Even if flirtation is
part of the occupation when working as a guide for groups of the opposite sex (see e.g.
Veijola and Jokinen, 2008: 175), Marja positions herself clearly in her story and narration
as someone who maintains her professional and moral reputation. An indication of this
may also be her will to stay mentally and physically fit; she regularly runs up to 30 kilometres in order to empty her head after work and also to endure 1216-hour-long working days that often involve physically active programmes for the clients. Marjas work
and choices of everyday life clearly go hand-in-hand: fit for work and leisure and not
letting go in either of them.
The ways in which Marja maintains professional and personal integrity at work, displaying high moral, spiritual and physical vitality, are emblematic of the fourth shift,

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whereby affect and emotional labour become requirements to display value and governance in and of oneself (Skeggs and Wood, 2008: 570). Hers might very well be a culturally flexible body, managing the wilderness experiences of snowmobile safaris as well
as the city tours abroad, but her actions do not seem to be flexible at all. It is a transferral
of middle-class norms and respectabilities (Wood et al., 2008) in a tight feedback loop
between her self-surveilled affects and emotions, on the one hand, and the intended audience effects, on the other.
When reading Marjas narrative of self, we can depict new shades of colour in the
gender performance of new worker in tourism. It is a fixed, non-floating, ascetic, middle-class (with flavours from an aristocratic life-style) position which calls for an incessant affect-control and demanding solo performances of multi-tasking. Workers like
Marja (and perhaps also Kaisa) sacrifice (the unpredictability or, alternatively, predictability of) a permanent relationship and devote their creativity, time and goals in life to
producing unforgettable experiences for their clients this becoming a deep source of
gratification for them.
Giving priority to work relations over private ones could be interpreted as doing all
the shifts (but one) at work all the time: the second, third and fourth. The only difference is that the home (the space of the woman in the first shift) is now merely a space
for an auto-reproduction of ones own labour power, with no strings attached to a personal, social or communal life structured, as these often are, by Sundays, calendar
rites and holiday seasons (see e.g. McRobbie, 2003: 105). The top girl workers seem
to take care of everything and everyone including their own needs. They turn themselves into fountains of hospitality and affective connectivity, and their lives into incessant vital labour.

Conclusion
Above, I have argued for the centrality of studying work and labour in tourism research
and also, vice versa, emphasized the fruitfulness of investigating the workscapes of the
tourism industry for understanding wider contemporary societal, cultural and economic
transformations. The subject of focalization has been tourism workers themselves,
instead of the more commonly considered managerial concerns of employment and
labour force in the hospitality and service sectors. Neither gender nor work has been
dealt with as a mere background variable or a given category but theorized and analysed
as tangible performances aimed at producing desired audience effects in late capitalist
societies featured by new work and affective labour. The interplay of the two, in their
current forms, has been thematized in the form of the hostessing society: a concept that
articulates the complexity of the restructuring of gender while seeing it as a processual
act, infused into and inseparable from the relations of production (Adkins and Jokinen,
2008: 1423).
Marjas and Kaisas narrative performances of self, while supporting many aspects of
the alleged hostessing society, underscore tourism work as a fixed habit of constant care
and concern as much as performances that incorporate variability and creativity when
having a feel for the game. Simultaneously, the readings of the narratives suggest that
there is no going back to the authentic self, unmanaged heart or uncivilized body

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(see Elias, 1939/1978, 1939/1982; MacCannell, 1976; Hochschild, 1983) of the local
host but, instead, who one becomes at work and life are mutually constitutive (Weeks,
2007: 246). Here the becoming seems to configure into a capacity for an affective connectivity which anticipates and coordinates the needs and wishes of customers by means
of the flexible affects and an incessant self-governance of the worker. As Vhmki
(2008) points out, knowledge, emotion and affect always exist in a living form; they can
neither be stored up nor reduced to a quantity the way information or dead labour time
can. Tourism work performed with a passionate attitude, as described in these narratives, thus lends support to the claim of an expansion of the exploitability of womens
renewing potentiality to care, love and thereby to produce life (e.g. Hardt, 1999; Veijola
and Jokinen, 2008; Plsson, 2009).
The mutual constitution in question can also be perceived in terms of a more foundational reorganization of life and labour. Marjas and Kaisas skilful deployment of gender
at work in situationally accurate ways, along with other dimensions of their professional
know-how and knowledge, cannot be questioned on any grounds. Their skilled labour is
an essential part of the economic offering and the product of affective labour called the
tourist experience and judging by the results of it, their skill is as much a property in
person (the craft work of people and place skills) as it is an audience effect to be measured and monitored for its effectivity.
Nevertheless, the truly human interest issue, which goes beyond mere academic or
business-related knowledge interests, deals with the choice and rationality of our protagonists to act, think and feel in their working lives. Is this what women want? The
question that tortured Sigmund Freud and his followers in the era that believed in individuated desires is valid today in unforeseen ways. Is this what, how and why I want? As
Kaisas final words in her story indicate, the constitution of contemporary Western subjectification has become not only disciplined, precarious, governed and boundaryless but
has reached the state of surrogate mothering of a nations economic growth: giving birth
to the biopolitics of tourism.
One carries the tourism branch inside oneself, like it were a child, it is part of me and I would
like to make it and its future a sustainable and successful one. At the end of the day, I cannot
influence how things evolve, it is the future that decides what sells and what doesnt. Trends
govern tourism. Now it is trendy to come to Lapland, so we get along fine and there is enough
work to do. But what happens if, for instance, global warming changes the climate so much that
we dont have snow here any more? Who is going to be there calling us into work evenings,
weekends and Christmas Eve?

Acknowledgements
For theoretical inspiration, I am grateful to the vital academic networking between Eeva Jokinen,
Lisa Adkins, Beverley Skeggs and Jussi Vhmki in the research seminars held in Finland
(Patterns of Gender and Working Life in Tampere in January 2006; New Work in a Mobile
World: The Third International Winter Academy in Rovaniemi in May 2007; Borders of Life,
Life on Borders in Joensuu in May 2008). Equal gratitude is owed to Claudio Minca, Candice

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Tourist Studies 9(2)

Harris, Julian Reid, Johanna Moisander and Susan Merilinen for the fruitful collaboration with
our research team Tourism as Work, funded by the Academy of Finland 200609 (grants nr 111276
and 113786). For critical and insightful comments on later drafts of this article, I thank the referees
and the Editor of Tourist Studies, Mike Crang, Eeva Jokinen, Jennie Germann Molz, Julian Reid,
Leonie Ansems de Vries, Anu Valtonen, Seija Tuulentie and Zo Koivu.

Notes
1. The collection as a writing competition on tourism work was organized by Jarno Valkonen
and Seija Tuulentie of the Tourism as Work research team. Writing competitions are a
common way of gathering autobiographical data in Finland. This one was addressed to
people who work or have worked in tourism-related jobs in Finnish Lapland: from taxi
drivers to programme service entrepreneurs, safari guides to waiters, cleaners to restaurant owners. The submission time lasted from December 2006 until July 2007. The competition was marketed in regional newspapers, in the union magazine of service
professions and by distributing the competition announcement in tourist bureaus and destinations. The writers were asked to describe what tourism work means to them as work,
profession and working place; what challenges and requirements it poses to workers;
what the working places are like; what joys and sorrows are included; and how work has
changed over the course of their years of experience. Most writings conformed to the
autobiographical genre but there were a few of another type, too. From the data, four texts
were selected by the research team on the basis of content and literary quality, and three
writers were given small sums of money; all four were published in connection with a
research article by the research team (Valkonen and Veijola, 2008; Veijola and Valkonen,
2008: 1113.)
The entire data includes five narrators working for hospitality and catering industries, a
retired entrepreneur, a voluntary cultural worker, a freelance tour leader and a marketing manager. All but one writer are women. All names have been changed to protect the anonymity of
the writers, even if some of them gave permission to publish theirs. The autobiographies were
turned in by email, they were around 510 pages long each, written mostly single-spaced, and
for this treatise, they form a corpus of data of 50 pages. This corpus is used by the entire
research team. It is stored according to the instructions of the Academy of Finland, and will be
available for other researchers after the project is completed (Veijola et al., 2008: 25).
2. The societal site where the data was produced deserves attention. A writing competition has
possibly provided the narrators the chance to position themselves as voluntary representatives
of the industry, or, on the contrary, as dissidents who, for once, may say what is in their heart,
without consequences, given the small circles of their particular business world.
3. A point made by Jennie Germann Molz (personal communication).

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Soile Veijola is a sociologist and Professor of Cultural Studies of Tourism at the University
of Lapland, Rovaniemi, Finland. Her earlier publications include feminist critiques of
tourism theories, mostly co-authored with Eeva Jokinen, and semiotic analyses of modal
subjectivities in sports. She is currently leading an interdisciplinary research project
financed by the Academy of Finland entitled Tourism as Work, in which her own research
focuses on gendered workscapes in tourism.
Address: Faculty of Tourism and Business, University of Lapland, P.O. Box 122, FIN96101 Rovaniemi, Finland. [email: soile.veijola@ulapland.fi]