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Political Economy
Andrew Sayer
Department of Sociology, Lancaster University, Lancaster, UK;
e-mail: a.sayer@lancaster.ac.uk
Introduction
In the last 25 years, there has been a remarkable turnaround in radical
political sensibilities. Formerly, problems deriving from economic
system mechanisms, such as inequality, insecurity and unemployment,
were recognised and criticised, on the understanding that it would be
possible to construct alternative economic systems that would resolve
such problems. At the same time, issues of inequalities and differences
relating to gender, ethnicity and sexuality were either not noticed,
dismissed or treated fatalistically as unavoidable. Now the position
seems to have reversed. There is considerable interest in gender, ethnicity
and sexuality and a general belief that, despite the deeply ingrained
nature of inequalities and problems of recognition, they can be opposed successfully. However, there is now either much less interest in
economic systems and less concern about the problems they generate
or a fatalistic approach to them (Phillips 1999).
2001 Editorial Board of Antipode.
Published by Blackwell Publishers, 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden,
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With respect to the more cultural issues of the politics of recognition, this turnaround looks radical and progressive, and these are
the areas in which postmodernism and poststructuralism have been
influential. From the perspective of political economy they look less
progressive, for they offer no means for challenging the economic
system, indeed, there are many unacknowledged affinities between
postmodernism and neoliberalism (Nussbaum 1999; ONeill 1998a;
Sayer 1995). This shift, or cultural turn, from the politics of distribution
to the politics of recognition has influenced radical geography and
sociology and related subjects, and cultural political economy is one
of its products (eg Harvey 1996; Lee and Wills 1997; Ray and Sayer
1999; Schoenberger 1997). It is also a shift of focus from system to
lifeworld, to use Habermass terms (Habermas 1984, 1987).
In this paper, I argue that, if the new cultural political economy is to
be a worthwhile enterprise, it needs to be more critical of contemporary
economy, culture and society than it has been thus far. In particular,
it needs to retain a distinction between system and lifeworld, and avoid
reducing the former to the latter, as appears to be happening. It also
needs to couple its interests in the social and cultural embedding of
economic processes with a focus on the powerful disembedding forces
of economic systems and the problems these cause, eloquently identified
by Marx and Engels (1967) and Polanyi (1944). Finally, a critical cultural
political economy should expand its scope to include and develop
some older perspectives on economy and society, going back to the
classical political economy of the 18th and early 19th centuries, and even
as far back as Aristotle. I shall deal with these three themes in order.
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The way in which systems develop out of but gain some independence from the lifeworld is particularly clear in the case of market systems,
where the role of unintended consequences of actions is particularly
important. Market forces are largely unintended outcomes of myriad
individual decisions to produce, consume, buy and sell or change
prices, and of relationships that are not the product of any intentional
design but that shape subsequent decisions. Once we have acted in a
market, the wider effects of our actions in terms of movements of prices
and stocks are largely beyond our control. Consequently, markets
exemplify the way in which systems have a logic and momentum that
are not wholly reducible to the actions on which they depend.
Habermas (1987:155) refers to this as the uncoupling of system
from lifeworld. Yet the uncoupling, and the domination of practical
reason by instrumental reason, can only ever be partial, so it is preferable to talk of systems developing relative autonomyor emergent
propertiesfrom the lifeworld, rather than uncoupling or detaching
themselves. To the extent that systems are necessarily embedded
in the lifeworld, they can never be pure. Thus, as we noted regarding the fuzziness of the distinction, in using these concepts we can
keep in mind continuous and related qualitative difference, not a
purification equivalent to imagining that the front of our head is
separate from the back.
This is consistent with Geoffrey Hodgsons principle of impurity,
which asserts that no single type of economic or organisational system
can exist entirely on its own without the support of different forms of
organisation (Hodgson 1999:12430). Markets need nonmarket forms
of organisation, such as state regulation, to make them sustainable
and are always embedded in relations of trust, at least at a minimal
level. The central economic planning attempted in the former communist countries needed an informal shadow economy of markets
and barter to function. Similarly, in practice, bureaucracies need some
degree of support from nonbureaucratic forms of organisation, particularly in terms of ad hoc action and interpersonal relations among
members of such organisations, if they are to function effectively. In
each case, at least up to a point, the second alternative form of organisation supports rather than undermines the first dominant form. The
principle exposes some of the limitations of bureaucracies and markets,
though of course it does not mean that they are ineffective. It also
reminds us that the differentiation of modern society into separate
spheres is (fortunately!) never fully achieved, and draws attention to
the problems of the modernist overenthusiasm for simple, monistic
principles or schema.
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Economic
politics of
redistribution
Cultural
politics of
recognition
Class
Gender, race
sexuality
Hypothetical "pure"
politics of redistribution
(fully marketised
society)
"Bivalent"
categories
Hypothetical "pure"
politics of recognition
tradedis unattainable, and because stigmatised identities are unlikely to escape economic penalties. Fraser (1999:31) sees gender as a
bivalent social differentiation a hybrid category with roots in both
culture and political economy. Other forms of politics are located
between these two extremes, though they may be closer to one end
than the other. For example, the politics of sexuality is predominantly
about recognition, but, insofar as this influences distribution, so
that those with despised identities are denied access to economic
resources, it is to some extent bivalent.
However, while this conceptualisation is an improvement on the
schema illustrated in Figure 1, and while concrete political struggles
are usually bivalent to some degree, the different origins of the forms
of division and the problems they contest are obscured in this conceptualisation. I would like to propose a different schema, one that
highlights the origins of the various kinds of inequality, difference and
oppression. In particular, while most social divisions and problems
involve both economic inequalities and misrecognition or symbolic
domination, one of these is usually determinant in the lastor rather,
the firstinstance. Thus, for example, the economic problems experienced by gays and lesbians are in the first instance culturally generated. The economic disadvantages suffered by gays and lesbians
derive from homophobia, which bars them from access to some
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Lifeworld
Cultural problems
eg sexism, racism,
homophobia, and so on;
misrecognition,
symbolic domination
eg instrumentalisation of
cultural values and practices
for profit, undermining
uneconomic but beneficial
cultural forms
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the economy was capitalist, society need not be. Capitalism has indeed
produced those effects on labour that he feared, though advanced
capitalist countries have managed to provide free education for all,
which he advocated. His normative ideas would now be regarded as
a strange mixture of reactionary elementsparticularly his defence of
classand progressive oneshis defence of labour and his criticisms
of the effects of narrow specialisation on labour, of naturalist explanations of ability and of vanity and greed. He would presumably be
dismayed to see how the development of global capitalism has continued to cause concern on all these fronts. And, of course, he did not
anticipate how issues of gender, ethnicity and sexuality would become
issues of moral concern. As long as ideas of a feasible and desirable
alternative to capitalism are in short supply, the possibility of capitalism within a moral society becomes the next best thing to which to
turn (Tabb 1999).
Conclusion
There is no doubt that a cultural turn has been needed to counter the
previous extraordinary neglect of culture. The question is, what kind
of cultural turn is most insightful? In this context, we also need to
consider which parts of older political economic theory, including the
strongly cultural classical political economy, can be salvaged and
redeveloped. These older theories are not necessarily antithetical or
simply irrelevant to contemporary concerns. On the contrary, we can
benefit from a dialogue or synthesis between them. We do not have
to flip from the dogma of the economy as determinant in the last
instance to the dogma of culture going all the way down. There is no
sense in making general pronouncements on their relative importance, since this is always an empirical question that will depend on the
particular case in which it arises.
Some areas of social life, including economic activities, are coming
under new and progressive moral-political influences through, for
example, the weakening of patriarchy, and more generally through
attempts to counter those economic problems that originate in the
lifeworld as consequences of various forms of discrimination and
misrecognition. In other words, in recent years, the politics of recognition has had more success in influencing economic life than a more
traditional system-oriented politics of distribution has had. However,
the system mechanismsand the problems and benefits they generate
continue to grow. To comprehend this, we need a new cultural
political economy that incorporates both an understanding of these
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Endnotes
1
I also leave aside much of Habermass theoretical apparatus, including his concern
with communicative rationalisation in the lifeworld.
2
For example, patriarchy would probably not qualify as this kind of system, despite
being called one under the looser definition used in discussions of dual systems
theory (eg Walby 1986).
3
One could, of course, choose to call everything cultural, but then it would mean
nothing in particular, and it would cancel all the way through (Eagleton 1996).
4
Of course, lifeworld and system have many nonproblematic and beneficial effects,
too.
5
This is a standard critical realist form of explanation, in that, instead of seeing
causality as a matter of regularities, it sees it in terms of the causal powers of an object
that, when activated, have effects that depend on the nature of the contexts in which
this happens.
6
Bureaucratic systems may contingently be given identityeg racistgoals, as in the
case of the Nazi bureaucracy dealing with the extermination of the Jews, but this is not
a necessary feature of bureaucracies.
7
Note that to say that a relation is contingentthat is, neither necessary nor
impossibledoes not mean it is less important politically than are necessary relations.
8
The single European market project tends to threaten distinctive national and
subnational forms of embedding: contrary to the orthodoxy that associates
efficiency and superior performance with the absence of any form of collective
intervention between producers and consumers. Europes competitive advantage is
confidently attributed precisely to the role that these meddling intermediaries perform in
generating and updating worker skills, in ensuring flexible use of resources, in diffusing
information, in sharing research and development costs, in lengthening time horizons and,
generally, in underwriting what Streek has called diversified quality production.
(Schmitter 1997:398; emphasis in original).
9
I am grateful to Ivaylo Vassilev for discussions on this point.
10
I know this avoids the unpalatable fact that his concerns only extended to free men
and that their well-being depended on the subordination of women and slaves, but this
can be corrected for without undermining his analysis of chrematistics and economy.
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