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The two fragments into Ivhiclz Britain, before its ivitJidrawalf,.om the subcontinent, had split the Iiidian Empire, carried witli thenz a legacy of ~ i i u r i ~ a l
distrust. This could not but irzfliience the coiirse of sirbseqirent events in the
sub-continent. So have the attitudes of the erstwliile coloiiial a i d other
powers towards the new states iri the light of their respective regional interests. hi the conparatirely short period of thirty-seveii j'cars, short in the
life of nations, the two states have been involved in hostilities on tliree occasions, iiot coiriitiiig Pakistan's attack on Iiirlia in tlih Kutcli sector in April
196s.
Ttnie no doubt is a great healer but it takes saiiie tiiire for deep wourids to
Ileal. The Iiealiiig process ~vorrldbe aided mid succeed only if the governnicnts of both coirritries are conviriced that not miitiial hostility but at least
co-existence, if not ntuttrrll amity, is good f o r both countries and strive to
create conditioiis f o r peacefiil co-existence. If only o m side is anxioirs to
niaintairi peace arid the otlier wislres to iiiaiiitain teiisioii, t i e latter will prevaiL Ptrblic opiiiioii iit the fwo corrrrtries, if ntobilised for proniotiiig coexislerice rather than coifroiitatioii, ~rotrlrlhe@. In rieiiiocrotic court tries, at
least iri theory, public opinion i s aforce to reckoii with and 110 goveriiiiiciii
con f o r long afford to disregard public opiriion. Tltc itiedia, agairt in theory,
reflects piiblic opinioii and serves to consolidate aitd strenptlieii it, in the
process coiiipelliiig thc goreriiirient of tlie day to consider careJrIIy the issues
raised. IIIpractice, hoivever, goveriiriients, eveit irt 6cIiberal" democracies call
influence promimiit segments of the iiiedia to project issues in the iiiaiiiier
desired by the foririer, i.e., the niedia can atid regrettably are being irsed to
misirfornr tlic public at horiie arid abroad. Everi so, in de~iiocracios, irltiniately, goveriiiiiental efforts iiot withstandii1g, at least soi~iesections of the
niedia discover. facts and fiarlessly expose gowrririieiits' earlier efforts to
niisiilforn: the pirblic. This is the inhereiit strength of democracies.
l i t dictatorships this is diffcirlt. Rut there are dictatorships and dictatorships! In Pakistan, for esanlple, by all accoirnts the goreriimcnt of Genera!
Zia ul Hag, in its own way, has managed to seciire tolerance ifiiot tlic enthusiastic support of a inajority of urban n t i d l e and lower niiddle classes for
the niartial law reginre. A sec!ion-even a large section-of politically conscious urban and rirral gtotcps are totally urlreconciled to rule by generals f o r
a number of reasoiis. Aiiotlier section of the same siratn of Pakistani society
again for its own reasons, supports the reginie. Tlius General Zia is secure,
Col Rama Rao (Retd) is at the Birla Institute of Scientific Research, New Delhi.
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CERTAIN
other factors too have to be taken into account in understanding Pakistans attitude towards world events and towards India more
particularly. First, to Pakistanis, their country was carved out of undivided
India in order t o provide Muslims of the sub-continent a homeland where
they could practice their religion without hindrance. This however has
its qualifications, since Muslims were by no means a persecuted minority
in India. On the contrary they were the favoured group in the country,
where traditionally the majority community has been the silent sufferer. The
creator of Pakistan, Jinnah, wanted his people t o shake themselves free
from earlier prejudices. He made this clear in his opening address as
President of the Constitutent Assembly of Pakistan when he called o n his
people to bury the hatchet, let bygones be bygones and to live as free
citizens, contributing their mite for the well being of Pakistan. He also
pointed out that you are free; you are free to go to your temples, you
are free to go to your mosques or to any other place of worship in this
State of Pakistan ...y ou may belong to any religion or caste-that has
nothing to d o with the business of the State ...We are starting in the
days when there is no discrimination, no distinction between one community and another. We are starting with this fundamental principle that
we are all citizens and equal citizens of one State.
Noble principles, well enunciated and not surprising either, since even
in 1946, before the final shape-of Pakistan was decided upon, Jinnali in
an interview with Reuters correspondent at New Delhi had categorically
declared that, the new state (Pakistan) would be a modern democratic
state with sovereignty resting with the people and the nienibers of the new
nation having equal rights regardless of their religion, caste or creed.
However, shortly after Pakistan came into being its architect passed away.
Soon thereafter, Liaqat Ali Khan too departed from the scene, having
fallen to an assassins bullet. However puny Liaqat Alis stature may
Seem to some Pakistanis, i n comparison with that of the founder of
Pakistan, the fact remains that those who succeeded hini proved to be
shorter in stature and far less competent than Liaqat Ali. Shortly thereafter another respected leader Khan Sahib was also assassinated. Meanwhile, n nexus was established between the burcaucracy, army and feudal
and reactionary elements of the Muslim L e a g ~ e , which
~
grew stronger after
Liaqat Alis death, and this oligarchy, except for brief intervals, has been
running the country since then.
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R. RAhIA R.4O
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R. RAhlA RAO
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Every country has certain basic security concerns arising from its geostrategic location, the character, strength andattitudes at any given time
of neighbouring countries, and equally on the countrys own internal political dynamics and attitudes of the ruling elite or party. In the case of
Pakistan, threats from external sources have been minimal if not altogcther absent. Soviet troops have been in Afghanistan since December 1979,
but judging from Pakistani troop dispositions which are not close t o the
Afghan borders but to those of India, it is difficult to maintain that
Pakistan fears aggression from across its Western borders. Nor does it
have any concerns regarding its borders with China since the two countries havd repeatedly affirmed that maintenance of close friendship with
each other is,one of their principal foreign policy objectives.
This leaves Iran and India. Iran under the Shah was closely allied to
Pakistan both as a non-Arab Muslim country as well as a partner in the old
Central Treaty Organisation formed under US auspices. The new Iranian
regime is fundamentalist, based on Shiite principles. Pakistan is an Islamic
StateI2 and General Zia-ul-Haq has been extremely careful in adopting and
declaring, whenever necessary, Pakistans neutrality in the Iran-Iraq conflict. Hence Iran has no c a w for complaint. Furthermore, Iran has its
hands full with several problems and has n o reason to confront Pakistan,
despite the latters alliances with the United States and Arab States. It
could, in fact, be argued that sllould Iran so much as consider confronting
Pakistan, America using that as an excuse might land its RDF on the
coast of Iranian Baluchistan and establish positions inland as well. Hence
Pakistan has nothing to worry about its Iranian frontier also except that
in the event of American overt or covert intervention in Iran, the Shiite
minority of Pakistan may feel extremely insecure and niay react, Hence
the only -frontier from which, for the sake of argument, Pakistan could
feel threatened is that with India. Here at the risk of stating the obvious,
it must be said that India has not in the past and is not going to, now or
in the future, attack any country. It has been the victim of aggression all
along. At best it reacts and tries to repel aggression.
General Zia-ul-Haq is not unaware of this but given the different pulls
within his country, the India bogey, as in the past, could be, resurrected,
and once resurrected could make Pakistans ruler a prisoner of his own
actions.
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R. RAhlA RAO
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quelling a l o k rebellion, as Yahya Khan wanted his operation in Bangladesh to be, could ultimately get out of control. General Zia is not going
to make similar mistakes. However, his advisers may argue that with
the formidable conventional strength that they have built up with American
and Chinese assistance and the nuclear might that it has acquired in a
decade of intelligent and hard work, Pakistan can indeed deal India a
crippling blow and further, that if India is allowed time the prospective
victim too might build some nuclear weapons and a preemptive strike
may become difficult. These arguments are, no doubt, reminiscent of
those used by Ayub Khans advisers two decades ago. Hopefully, General
Zia ul Haq will not allow himself to be pushed to the point of no return.
The reasons for hope are that given Pakistans internal dynamics, unless
Zia secures a victory over India in the manner that Israel demonstrated
in Egypt in 1967, by destroying the latters air-and ground forces before
they could move, Zias position a t home may become untenable, Further,
if India is not wiped out in the first wave of attack, India may suffer, but
the shock waves that would arise in the wake of the first phase of
Pakistans attack would not only have their impact o n India but far more
perhaps on Pakistan. Here comes the uncertainty of victory. In a dictatorship-although Pakistan is set to transform itself into a state with a
civilian head-the main source of concern for the ruler are the disgruntled
members ofthe armed forces. Several of these have been rounded up from
time to time in Pakistan. This danger will arise again at the first sign of
trouble a t the front. Additionally, there is the problem of minority provinces and this problem added to the others could constitute the proverbial
last straw on the camels back.
Indias interests as well as the true interests of all i n the subcontinent
are clear-namely to prevent a war, conventional and even more earnestly,
a nuclear war. Furtherniorc, India is eager to promote positive cooperation among the countries of the subcontinent, big and small, in matters
of trade, exchange of scholars and generally to bring about conditions
under which fanlilies in onc country could visit their relatives in another
without irksome restrictions, newspapers and literature published in one
country may be available in another and at least over a period to ensure
that mutual suspicious are replaced by inutual trust.
Lest impetuous elements on the other side may be tempted with
prospects of easy victory, India would need to buiId up its defenceconventional and nuclear --while persevering in its efforts to establish
cordial relations with Pakistan as well as other neighbours.
March 1985.
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REFERENCES
1 Mohammad Ali Jinnahs Address to Pakistans Constituent Assembly, 11 August
1937 at Karachi, reproduced in Speeches of Quaid-i-Arant Muoliaiitmad AIi Ji/rnah.
Governor General of Pakistan, p. 10. Karachi, 1948. See also Stanley Wolpert,
Jinnah of Pakistan (London, 1984). and Chief Justice Mohammad Munir,
From Jiniiafi to Zia, (New Dellii, 1981).
2 See Mohammad Munir, Front Jiniiah to Zia, n. 1, p. 29.
3 Pakistan :Sub-Continent, South (London), February 1985, pp. 8-9.
4 On 23 April 1955 at Bandung, Chinas Prime Minister Chou En-Lai stated that he
had received assurances from the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Mohammad Ali
Bogra, that although Pakistan was a member of a military treaty it was not against
China and further that if the United States too); aggressive action under the
military treaty o r if it launched global war. Pakistan would not be involved in it
just
as it was not involved in the Korean War, China and Pakistan also agreed
.
to keep this understanding seeret from both t h e United States and India.
From Documents on International Affairs for 1955 pp. 421-2, cited in Sangat
Singh, Pakistans Fore&/? Policy (Bombay 1970), pp. 105-106.
5 Naveed Ahmed, Sino-Pakistan Relations, 1971-1981, in Pakistarr Horisott
(Karachi), Vol. XXXlV, no. 3, 1981, p. 59.
G White Paper on Kashmir issued by the Pakistan Government - reproduced in
Pakistait Tiiires (Lahore), 16 January, 1977.
7 Ibid.
8 Prem Chopra (Ed.) : If I aiir Assasci/rattrf (Delhi, 1979).
9 Henry Kissinger warned Pakistan, at a meeting in Paris \\it11 Pakistans then
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Aziz Ahmed that, should Pakistan proceed with its
nuclear weapons programme, the United States mould, make a horrible example
of that country (i.e., Pakistan). See JWIS (Karachi) and news report in Sfatesnmrr,
(New Delhi), 10 November, 1977.
10 The Suirduy Telegraph (London), as early as January 1980, had suggested that
Pakistan has probably received tacit approval from USA and China for going
ahead with its nuclear programme. See news report in Patriot (New Delhi),
14 January, 1980.
1 1 Vice President George Bushs statement reported in Statesriran (New Delhi). 19
May, 1984 and Armacosts interview at Islamabad in Tiriles of I d i u (New Delhi),
13 March, 1985.
12 As Chief Justice Mohammad Munir has noted, it is difficult to define precisely
what Islam is since no two schools of Islamic theology agree on the subject. There
are 73 sects in Islam. According to Sheikh Abdul Qadir Jilani there are as many
as 150 sects and according to the followers of one sect those of all other sects are
heretics. Hence the difficulty in prescribing Islamic laws in a country where
members of more than one Islamic sect may be living. See n. 2, p. 140.
13 I n the Hindusfan Times (New Delhi), 8 April 1979, General Zias stand was reinforced by the Chairman of the Senate Foreign Affairs Committee, Senator Zabblock when hepointed out to the Secretary of State t h a t security concerns w r e a
factor in Pakistans drive for acquiring nuclear weapons.
14 Senator Craostons address in the Senate on 21 June 1984 reproduced in Strutegic
Digest (New Delhi), August 1984,pp. 827-833.
15 Dr. Qadeer has clearly pointed out that Pakistan is among the t o p five or six
countries which have uranium enrichment facilities on a large scale. In this respect
Pakistan is on par with Britain and West Germany, he said, adding that the capa-
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cities available in Japan and India. for example, are quite small. Hc also added
significantly that Pakistan has the capacity to enrich uranium beyond 90 per cent
which i s needed for the bomb-A or H. Tiriles of Indiu, 14 March, 1985.
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