CHRISTIAN AGENDAS

A STUDY IN SOCIAL CONTROL

by Willow Moon
copyright 2000

History is a story that outlines the roots of belief and the deeds of a people. In some cultures,
history is viewed realistically as a myth, which describes not only physical events in a romantic
manner but also the longings and psychology of a particular people. Sometimes, however, a people
so believe their historical mythos that it appears to them as a series of facts. There is an old saying
that history doesnt like losers, which means that history is written by the victors. This being well
known doesnt stop some from erroneously assuming that their story of past events is absolutely
accurate while others are completely wrong. Myths are a necessary part of a culture, they pass on
information from one generation to the next. Interweaving the divine with the ordinary, myths speak
to us on many levels of our existence. They inform our beliefs, hence they influence our feelings
and actions. The importance of history, whether seen as myth or as fact, is that it gives the
individuals of a culture a basis for action and sets limits on what is possible. Reclaiming our Pagan
history is an important step to broadening our social possibilities and giving us a firm path to tread
into the future.
The first volume of the Cambridge Medieval History (1911) says that with the foundation of
Constantinople as a Christian capital in 312 AD the ancient Pagan world was finished and the
Christian Middle Ages had begun. Suddenly, the triumph of the new religion appeared fully
manifest and irreversible. It has only been since the 1980s that a more realistic story has emerged,
as hesitant doubts of historians and contrary hints found their way into print. It is now possible to
see that Paganism and Christianity interacted to a much greater degree and much longer in time than
had been previously admitted. This is not to dispute the fact that the Roman emperor Constantines
conversion to Christianity in 312 had almost immediate consequences. Great favors, privileges and
legitimacy were bestowed on the Christian church while an increasingly explicit disapproval was
directed at the old religious cults and institutions. Constantines son Theodosius created harsh antiPagan laws and ordered the destruction of the immense, world-famous temple of Serapis in
Alexandria. The rejection of Symmachus passionate appeal for religious tolerance to Saint
Ambrose in 384 and other factors gave great publicity to the rise of the Christian faith in Italy.
According to histories, in a single day the Counts Gaudentius and Jovius overthrew the temples of
the Gods and broke up all the images in Africa. However, there remained contradictory practices
and events noticed by chroniclers for many centuries thereafter.1
Ramsay Macmullen, Dunham Professor Emeritus of History and Classics at Yale University, says
these events are not easily noticed in literary sources, for the truth was deliberately distorted by
church historians. Christians misrepresented the true proportions of Pagan and Christian historical
interaction not only by their well known exaggerations of events, but also by the disproportionate
bulk of Christian written material. One can measure this disproportion by holding the only
surviving volume of the Pagan historian Zosimus in one hand while standing in front of the hundred

imposing volumes of history written by Christians during the fifth to seventh centuries.2
What was written in the past had to be passed from one generation to the next. Church attitudes
allowed the writings of Christianity to be transmitted but not the writings of non-Christians. Both
secular and ecclesiastical authorities repeatedly destroyed non-Christian and heretical texts in huge
bonfires in public ceremonies in town squares throughout the empire. Thousands of Origens and
Porphyrys works, as well as Manichaen and Nestorian texts were forever destroyed along with
countless other writings. People who could write were afraid to have their hands cut off if they
dared to copy forbidden texts.3
Church leaders did not merely attack non-Christians. It was common for ecclesiastical rivals to
declare each other heterodox and therefore heretical. The victors tried to insure no trace of their
rivals existence remained, except as victorious disproofs and rejoinders. The father of ecclesiastical
history, Eusebius, denied telling the whole truth. He admitted to limiting his account of history to
what may be of profit. His successors found this tactic to be useful, and willfully distorted or
passed over all sorts of details of the times. They deliberately forgot important church councils and
entirely suppressed knowledge of historical events, to the extent that even the im-proper saint or
pope might vanish from the record. As the upper ranks of the church became richer and more
influential, the chances improved for their version of history to be recorded and circulated.
Augustine, like most church officials, could afford to have slaves to help him write. The Pagan
authors of the time were increasingly economically restrained and thus had a harder time producing
written texts. After texts had been written, it was Christians who were in the position to determine if
it should be preserved. So, it is no surprise that the surviving record suggests that Pagans were not
only defeated by the end of the fourth century, but that they had in fact all been converted.
Historians consensus on these events, up until the 1980s, rested upon a corrupt foundation.4
During the 1980s, historians began to recognize the real continued vitality of Paganism, and to
question the long held assumption that the eradication of Paganism really required no effort. Prior to
this time historians were wont to parrot the opinion of Dr. Johnson who said on April 15th, 1778,
The heathens were easily converted because they had nothing to give up. For example, Meer
wrote in 1961, the whole of the ancient cult was nothing but a vast growth upon what had been for
centuries a stagnant pool. Dodds wrote in 1965, one reason for the success of Christianity was
simply the weakness and wear-iness of the opposition. Although, this is no longer an accepted
interpretation of the events at the beginning of the Middle Ages nowadays, a few individuals still
held to outworn attitudes as late as 1995. P. Karmel, art reviewer in the New York Times wrote on
December 29: paganism had by late antiquity become little more than a hollow husk.5
Since the 400s, it has been conventional wisdom among the leadership of the church that fear
constituted an essential element in the mix of motives that could bring an audience around to its
point of view. This message was codified in the 470s by bishop Martin of Braga to his diocese in
northern Spain. He presented sermons that were a basic outline of beliefs intended as a model for
the other bishops to imitate. They were designed not to convert those already converted but as a
reminder for the audience to behave. Church leaders knew that conversion by the sword did not
change the Pagan heart of individuals; that is why they needed to continue preaching about the
dangers of disobedience. He speaks at great length about the sufferings of the damned, all of whom
in their flesh and for all time to come are dispatched to Hell, where dwells that inextinguishable

fire forever, and where the flesh, regained through the resurrection, groaning, is eternally tormented
- wishing to die once more so as not to feel its punishments but not all-owed to die, thus that it may
endure unceasing tortures.6
Persuasion by fear of torture after death was not enough. The bishops had to show the populace that
indeed they and their God had some clout, that their damnations werent just showy words to
frighten children. Some element of fear, some sense of the Christian Gods awful strength needed to
surround the bearers of the churchs message as well. Bishops and ascetics cloaked themselves with
fear by claiming responsibility when those who disrespected them died suddenly.7 For example
Paulinus Nolensis, who was later sainted and considered to be perhaps the most beautiful
personality among the great figures of the transition from the ancient world to the Christian world,
gave credit to the martyr Felix when the homes of uncooperative neighbors were burned to the
ground. Saint Paulinus wanted to have a wider vista in front of the martyrium he had built for Felix,
and the homes and workplaces of his neighbors stood in the way. His neighbors resisted his plans
and talked back to the saint until the martyr Felix himself from his tomb miraculously removed
them by burning down their obnoxious buildings. The gracious favor of Felix had us in mind,
declares the bishop, with this gift.8
In a story from V. Wulfric, the cellarer (wine/food stewart) of the Cluniac house of Montacute
refused to send food to the anchorite Wulfric, so Wulfric proclaimed, May God today take away
from him his sustenance, as he has taken away mine. The cellarer drowned during a journey that
same day.9 This holy mans curse was not limited merely to humans. The holy anchorite Wulfric of
Haselbury killed a mouse that had gnawed his cape by cursing it. Perish the mouse that has
damaged my cape! he said and the mouse fell dead at his feet, so great was the force of his word.
By its death, comments Wulfrics Cistercian biographer J. Ford, it gave glory to God and peace to
the holy man.10
The biographer Eyns wrote about when St. Hugh, bishop of Lincoln (1186-1200) was attempting to
reconcile an estranged couple, and the irate woman spat in his face. He said to her, Since you have
wanted my blessing but have desired my curse, lo! a curse shall take hold of you. He
excommunicated her and within a few days the woman was dead.11 Excommunication, segregating
an in-dividual from the Christian community, was a regulated and legal form of the curse. It was
intended to be an awe-some act, pronounced publicly, with lighted candles and church bells
sounding. Its effects were to remove the victim from Gods protection and thus allow the Devil to
rage furiously against their body and soul.12 The emerging agents of Christianity enhanced their
impression of power by aggressively reporting what happened to the churchs enemies. While in the
non-Christian world there was virtually no testing of the merits of one God against another, in
Christianity such testing went on constantly, continually defining approved worship against its
opposite. The wrong was to be swept away by any means necessary.13
Why was it necessary to hasten the process of complete conversion by anything beyond gentle
persuasion? The Christians were given an imperative which allowed no rest as long as unbelievers
clung to their old ways. Good believers must fulfill the divine command: Ye shall destroy their
altars, break their images, and cut down their groves;...for the Lord, whose name is Jealousy, is a
jealous God. (Exodus. 34:13) Saint Augustine declares that God who speaks truth has both
predicted that the images of the many false gods, are to be overthrown, and commands that it be

done.14 There was talk of peace between the Christians and the Pagans during the second and third
centuries and there were many expressions of acceptance of the one toward the other. However,
when the pagan Symmachus directed his appeal to Saint Ambrose in 384, it was too late to speak of
religious tolerance. By then the Christian church had the upper hand and was in such a position of
political power as to allow the free expression of their deeply held imperative.15
In the first 300 years of Christianity ten percent of the empires population were converted in
response to positive inducements such as the advertising of miracles, debate and the worldly
advantages of prestige, money and political power. With only positive inducements however,
progress was so slow that complete victory seemed impossible. Anyone whose particular needs
were satisfied by an alternative religion and who did not respond to the social and economical
inducements held out by the Christian empire, or respond to the arguments and demonstrations
proving the rightness of Christianity, must be persuaded by other means.16 The church chose not
to undertake an organized missionary effort in order to accelerate the rate of conversions. Instead
they chose to focus on negative inducements such as public ridicule, destruction and murder
because these were more dramatic. These triumphs could be traced through dates and popular
stories which grew more and more frequent as the third century turned into the fourth, fifth and
sixth.17
In the foreground of the mission to convert all the people to Christianity were specific demands by
zealots such as Firmicus Maternus for aggressive action. He adjured the emperors in 346, Little
remains, before the Devil shall lie utterly prostrate, overthrown by Your laws, and the lethal
infection of a vanquished idolatry shall be no more...The favoring numen of Christ has reserved for
Your hands the annihilation of idolatry and the destruction of profane temples. He continues on to
remind the emperors of Deuteronomy. 13:6-9, If thy brother, son, daughter, or wife entice thee
secretly, saying, Let us go and serve other gods,...thou shalt surely kill them.18
Most Christians, like most good hearted people, had no taste for violence. The violence that broke
out was mostly instigated by agitators, professionals and specialists or it arose from the
authorities who commanded it.19 The model of the ideal evangelical efforts held up for imitation is
an indication of the degree of urgency felt within the church. Evangelical heroes were the sort that
would lock up for life an old man in their private dungeon or burn a Pagan priest to death. Bishops
would urge the government to threaten, fine, confiscate, exile, imprison, flog, torture, behead and
crucify the unbelievers. Thus, over the course of centuries, compliance of the populace was
eventually secured.20
Long before it could be expressed in actions, this urgency was clear in the way Christian writers
described Paganism. From the beginning of Christian literature some trace of denigration was
almost always added to their descriptions of ancient customs. Such words as laughable,
loathsome, wicked, disgusting, ignorant, and contaminating were freely applied by
Christians to everything religious that was not Christian.21 Ridicule was seen as an appropriate
response to the different beliefs and customs of non-Christians. This was to embarrass and belittle
the people who revered such practices to encourage them to convert. This method of using ridicule
to shape social norms is still in use today in most modern peoples reaction to what they consider
superstitious. Ridicule is designed to suppress the opinions of people who subscribe to nondominant paradigms. This tactic, however effective, only works if the person (who may have low

self-esteem) becomes embarrassed and is thus forced by social pressure to conform.

The pressure to conform is well documented in modern psychology. We know scientifically that
people can be blinded to the most simple observations by the desire to fit in. For example prior to
250 AD, the intellectual elite were familiar with empiricist elements in ancient Pagan thought.
Descriptions of natural phenomena in natural terms were accepted by the upper classes as pragmatic
models of reality. It was only after 250 that analytical thought lost favor among the elite. During
this time it became popular among intellectuals to explain natural phenomena in terms of
supernatural agencies. This was a view of the world that most of the uneducated masses held to.
Consequently the elite and the masses came into broad agreement about how the universe worked.
Thus society as a whole became more gullible which opened the way to the acceptance of novel
rites and beliefs such as those of Christianity.22
Despite the religious imperative for intolerance, the cultivated atmosphere of fear surrounding the
message bearers and the boasting of accomplished miracles, this was not enough to convert the
masses as quickly as the church leaders wanted. Rising from the status of a minority at the
beginning of the 300s to comprising half of the population of the empire by 400 AD was just too
slow of a rate of conversion for the church fathers. Due to the urgency of their imperative, the
process of conversion had to go beyond the compulsion of both words and the use of sticks and
stones by monks. It had to pro-gress to the application of the ultimate force of the sword. Only the
emperors agents were allowed to wear and use a sword and so the conversion of the emperor
Constantine was given top priority by the church leaders.23
The domination of secular society developed quite rapidly in the wake of Constantines conversion.
Although the senators of Italy tended to be religiously conservative and thus were some of the most
powerful staunch Pagans in office, with the conversion of Constantine the senate suddenly became
evenly divided between the Pagans and the Christians. Later, during Julians reign, the Pagans
regained a temporary domination of the senate. Although both Pagan and Christian senators were
few in number, they wielded tremendous political power on behalf of their co-religionists.24
However, by 400 both Eastern and Western governments had become overwhelmingly Christian, it
is clear that Christianity made no clean sweep of the summits of power and authority. There was
Romes Pagan prefect Pompeianus, who in 408 performed rites to the old Gods on the Capitol, in
hopes of stopping the invader Alaric. Several North African municipal senates remained in the
hands of Pagans up until about the same time. The emperors Pagan personal physician, who had
been honored by the senate with statutes of himself, helped many of his Pagan friends escape harsh
punishments. For instance, he helped his friend Isocasius, the Quaestor of the Imperial Palace, to be
released in 467 from charges of religious disloyalty with only a compulsory baptism.25
Asclepiodotus, a leader in the municipal council, and Pytheas were two prominent, rich, influential
Pagans who were honored in the Christian city of Aphrodisias in the late fifth century. In remote
regions, Pagans more often leave traces in history past the date of mass conversion of 400.26
According to the historian Trombley, non-Christian acts continued to be reported on into the ninth
and tenth centuries, at Harran in the old province of Osrhoene or at Giza at the point of the Nile
Delta.27
Pagan customs survived for many centuries afterwards in the more outlying areas. Even as late as

the 12th Century it was very difficult to prevent people from venerating persons, places, or times
that had not been sanctioned by the Church. The Council of Westminster of 1102 ruled, Let no one,
through unheard-of boldness, treat as holy any bodies of the dead, or springs, or other things (as we
have known has happened), without permission of the bishop.28 There are stories of St. Hugh of
Lincoln, who had a bitter struggle up until 1200 to stop the veneration of springs at Berkhamstead
in Hertfordshire, High Wycombe in Buckinghamshire, and other places in his diocese.29
The peoples continued yearnings for Paganism left its traces in history. We can be assured there
were reasons that the 12th Century writer Herbert Losinga wrote it is not seemly for the same
mouth to preach Christ and recite Ovid and that William of Malmesbury, whose classical learning
was immense, had to defend himself against the charge of reading and copying so many pagan
books. These forbidden studies continued later on in the 12th century when Peter of Blois faced
similar charges of saying things that smacked more of the pagan philosopher than of one who
professes the Christian faith. Even early in the 13th century Alexander of Ashby, in his treatise on
preaching, De artificioso modo predicandi on page 903 excused his use of precepts of the
pagans.30
With the support of the emperor who could decree laws, the bishops tapped a power of persuasion
which was the most extreme act of barbarity, the power to kill. The Theodosian Code, presented to
the empire as a Christmas gift in 438, outlawed the nefarious rites of their sacrifices and the false
doctrines of their deadly super-stition of the Manichees, Jews and Pagans, since with their natural
insanity and stubborn insolence they depart from the path of the true religion. This legal document
became the basis for further secular persecution of heretics and non-Christians of all faiths.31 What
had been words became reality. Laws and arms were turned against any and all who did not follow
the prevailing ecclesiastical truth. During the century which ushered in the Peace of the Church,
more Christians died at the hands of fellow Christians than were killed by Pagans in all previous
centuries. The Christian readiness for extreme action has been downplayed by modern historians
even as late as 1993, when R.M. Price praises the church for converting the ancient empire without
society tearing itself apart ... the fourth century said goodbye to bloody religious strife.32
The willingness of Christian leaders to resort to political subterfuge and murder is demonstrated by
the fate of the Alexandrian priestess Hypatia in 415 AD. The patriarch Cyril was in conflict with the
provincial governor for pol-itical strength and numbers of followers. To win the contest between
them, Cyril called on his muscled parabalani or church workers along with hundreds of even
stronger monks from the Nitrian wilds to shout down and stone the governor. The governor barely
escaped with his life. The patriarch then focused on his resentment toward the outspoken Pagan
priestess Hypatia. He had a lot of angry monks on hand and saw an opportunity to silence another
rival. She was snatched from the street, hacked to death and then burned, purposefully desecrating
her body to prevent any rebirth in the afterlife.33
This type of behavior had its precedence with Honorius directive to bishops in the west to employ
whatever numbers of servants they had in the suppression of Pagan cult meals. Bishops played a
major role in directing the dismantling of Pagan culture. By the 500s they were often called on as
informants and spies to report on the enforcement of the emperors laws which defined correct
religion. By 681 AD in Toledo they were quoting vengeful verses from Deuteronomy like Firmicus,
calling upon the civil authorities to seize and behead all those guilty of non-Christian practices of

whatever sort. As in Alexandria, bishops might on occasion bring monks to bear as a physical force
in support of their objectives, in Constantinople and all throughout the eastern provinces. This did
not occur in the west because the monks were not as numerous and had a different character.34
The Eastern emperors were aware of the many crimes committed by monks and in 398 ordered the
local authorities to boldly confront any monk who attempted to snatch accused persons from
custody. The church itself had doubts about the reign of terror perpetrated by the monks, when in
451 at Chalcedon, the monks were ordered to respect the authority of the bishops and involve
themselves in none of the business of the church nor of the secular world.35 However, men who
were more used to asserting their religious convictions with a big stick rather than words were
useful to the churchs purposes. These men were especially effective in rural parishes because,
according to Trombley, they grew up in the local area, spoke the dialect, had friends among the
Pagans and understood the yearnings which lay behind the cults.36
Merely by making himself acceptable, an ascetic might induce others to join him in his worship.
However, a man accustomed to violent behavior, who was able to make friends and instill fear in
enemies was considered a valuable asset.37 Authorities evidently judged that conversions could only
be made through intimidation and physical force. However, this was not so easy; 250 years after
Constantine began the long campaign of official temple destruction, Justinian was still engaged in
the war upon dissent. He used his wealth and armies to demonstrate his power to mutilate or
crucify, exile or bankrupt, coerce and bribe.38
The patriarch of the Eastern capital, Saint John Chrysostom, assembled early in the fifth century
zealous ascetics, armed them with imperial laws on idolatrous shrines and sent them forth. Wealthy
women provided the money for the workmen who destroyed temples while monks were used as
shock troops. Using monk shock troops in Syria and Palestine in the early decades of the 400s
was preceded by the destruction of the Alexandrian Serapeum and other shrines in the 390s.39
Sometimes, the Pagan population did attempt to defend themselves. When ridiculed, they answered
indirectly through comic theater. It was a common ancient practice to poke fun at the Olympian
Deities and this was adapted to the new religion. Pagan villagers were given a voice in reply to the
preaching of a bishop much like many other people throughout history have done in response to the
repression of free speech by dictatorial forces.40
Once the church had assumed political and social power and had the backing of the emperor,
councils were convened to define the limits of Christian belief and worship. Constantine thought
that it would be wonderful if there was one authorized creed, one world government, one universal
religion, one holy scripture with one emperor (God) to rule over it all. Of course the most
appropriate emperor was himself and Christianity gave him the philosophy to make it happen.
During the reign of the first three Christian emperors, the church fathers conveniently ignored the
required worship of the emperor as a God because he was so useful to their plan.41 Control of the
world could only work if everyone believed and thought in the same manner. So the councils of the
bishops were created to regulate how people thought about themselves and Christianity, by defining
what was and was not Christian. The definitions of Christian were enforced by the destruction
of those heretics who did not agree with authorized beliefs and practices.
Despite the autocracy of the laws, at the local level they were tempered with considerable

accommodation, compromise, and just plain kindness shown to hapless victims by Pagan
sympathizers in official posts. Persecution reflected the balance of beliefs in the community, where
neighbor must confront neighbor. Thus, progress toward the extermination of religious error could
only be slow. A full two centuries after the conversion of Constantine, the old cults lingered.
Frustrated emperors, echoing the imperatives of frustrated bishops, enacted a string of decrees
aimed at threatening those officials down through the ranks even to the most obscure city fathers.
They were compelled to respond with zeal to the laws forbidding the showing of mercy toward
Pagans. The problem of corruptible law enforcement, such as the governors of Sardinia accepting
bribes to permit Pagan sacrifices, continued to be a thorn in the bishops side until they were forced
to turn their attention elsewhere in the 450s with the advance of the Vndals and Huns.42
It would seem from the historical record available to us today that the triumph of Christianity over
Paganism was not sudden and complete by the dawn of the fifth century. Paganism continued to
linger, particularly as superstitious customs which were not recognized as religious piety by the
church leaders. This was because the Pagan world was dismantled from the top down. In the
process of eradicating Paganism, the most provocative, accessible and vulnerable aspects were
attacked in sequence. The cults of the Great Gods fell first as the public rites and temples were so
accessible. The public blood sacrifices made an easy target against which to turn the horror of
decent citizens, but was merely the beginning. Within two centuries the emperor would outlaw
simply making a racket at the moon. The acts of community leaders were criticized and controlled
through intimidation before the church leaders focused on controlling the actions of the poor, rural
and socially unacceptable folk. It took centuries for the church leaders to focus their attention on the
destruction of private rituals performed in the home. As a consequence, the Pagan aspects that
survived longest were those closest to the rural masses, closest to home, closest to superstition.43
The church developed a plan to destroy the power of the ancient priesthoods by a process of
sequential attacks which involved the use of individual zealots, monks, bishops, civil officialdom
and the emperor. Due to their imperative they accumulated wealth and political power to lend
prestige to their rhetoric. They progressed from the use of rhetoric to the use of force by sticks and
stones. After converting the emperor, they made sure laws were enacted with the backing of the
ultimate level of coercion - the sword. Despite these measures, the triumph of the church was
neither quick nor tidy. Modern historians have now demonstrated that Pagan beliefs and practices
were not eclipsed or displaced by Christianity but that they persisted or were transformed. The
victory of the Christian church was not one of obliteration but of assimilation. Christianity itself
changed considerably due to its contact with Pagans and absorbed many Pagan customs such as the
cults of the Saints and martyrs which were originally the cults of the Gods and heroes, holy day
celebrations, artistic piety, burial customs and the date of the birth of their Savior. The cathedrals,
icons and sacred music all mimic the ancient Pagan Roman temples in architecture, style and
cadence. Even the burial rites of pope Pius IX in 1878 equipped him with the coins to pay Charon to
cross the river of the dead.44
What Eusebius and Augustine had ridiculed as Pagan practices continued unchanged, except in the
Gods addressed. The burning of candles and incense, the ringing of bells, the marking of sacred
objects with special signs or the kiss bestowed to propitiate and bless are all borrowed from
Paganism. Not only did the language of actions with which humans communicated with the divine

remain the same, so did the language used by the divine to teach humans. The bishops as well as
most of their congregation believed in the divine origins of dreams and visions as well as the
importance of such signs as where thunder was heard or how the flame flickered on the altar. These,
as well as what children are heard to say or which page falls open in revered texts, have been known
from the oldest traditions as intelligible signs of superhuman communication.45
All the devices used by Christians to protect themselves from supernatural malevolent beings,
except signing with the cross, were derived from Pagan practices. Holy water and holy dust, the
blood and bones of holy persons and magical charms were commonly used. Wonder-workers were
relied upon to control the weather for good crops, especially after access to temples had been
forbidden. The church forbade resorting to wonder-workers, the throwing of coins, little lamps or
other offerings into lakes and wells, but it did little good. Everyones life de-pended upon the
season, and the realities of life demanded relief from uncertainty. The ecclesiastical teachings did
not suffice to fill the peoples demand for protection and the reduction of lifes anxieties. The
abundant continuation of ancient practices within Christianity after many centuries was partly
reduced, partly reluctantly allowed and partly heartily embraced. The huge influx of Pagans
reshaped Christianity to accommodate the religious needs of people who related to the divine in a
magical way.46
If one were to rely merely upon the surviving histories or define religion as a creed, one might
conclude that indeed Christianity triumphed over Paganism. However, if one were to define the
bulk of any religious system as consisting of what the masses do and believe, then one can only
conclude that Paganism was never completely stamped out. Into the 16th century, the herbarius
Bock declared the clergy to be greater practitioners of magic than the laity in rites not greatly
changed since Plinys day (23-79 AD). Since the 17th century, healing water has flowed from the
breasts of a Mother-Goddess-made-Mary near a spring in Savoie. Up to the 1600s, petitioners for
health scratched a pinch of dust from the walls of churches and drank it down, much like their
Pagan ancestors did at temples. In the 19th century the inhabitants of Eleusis still attributed the
fertility of the fields to Saint Demetra, hung garlands on Her kanephoros statue, and lit lamps to Her
on festival days. In the traditions of Caristia, animal sacrifices have continued on holy days with
churchyard feasts and graveside lamps on into the 20th century. Sacred dancing (another Pagan
invention) still persists inside churches in Egypt, Spain, Germany, Switzerland and France. The
grand scheme of the Christian church did not and could not conclude in any sort of a total eclipse or
displacement of the past.47
Reclaiming our history from biased literary sources is not an easy task. It is my hope that this article
will provide you with a stimulus to know more about our lost history. Perhaps, in the future the
blinders imposed on historians and society by religious intolerance will be removed and we will
have cause to celebrate our survival.

Notes
1 MacMullen, Ramsay. Christianity and Paganism in the Fourth to Eighth Centuries. New Haven: Yale University,

1997. 2,3.
2 Ibid.3.
3 Ibid.4.
4 Ibid. 4,5.
5 Ibid. 12.
6 Ibid. 11.
7 Ibid. 11.
8 Ibid. 11.
9 Bartlett, Robert. England Under the Norman and Angevin Kings, 1075-1225. New York: Oxford University, 2000.
440-441.
10 Ibid. 447-448.
11 Ibid. 448.
12 Ibid. 448.
13 Macmullen. 12.
14 Ibid. 12.
15 Ibid. 12.
16 Ibid. 72.
17 Ibid. 33.
18 Ibid. 14.
19 Ibid. note 44. 170.
20 Ibid. 72.
21 Ibid. 13.
22 Ibid. 153.
23 Ibid. 20.
24 Ibid. 22.
25 Ibid. 22, 23.
26 Ibid. 23.
27 Ibid. 152.
28 Bartlett. 472.
29 Ibid. 472.
30 Ibid. 518.
31 Macmullen. 14, note 43. 170.
32 Ibid. 14,15.
33 Ibid. 15.
34 Ibid. 16.
35 Ibid. 16.
36 Ibid. 17.
37 Ibid. 18.
38 Ibid. 151.
39 Ibid. 17.
40 Ibid. 18.
41 Ibid. 34, 35.
42 Ibid. 24.
43 Ibid. 72, 73.
44 Ibid. 110.
45 Ibid. 157.
46 Ibid. 157, 158.
47 Ibid. 159.