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Applicability of General Power-Control Theory to Prosocial and

Antisocial Risk-Taking Behaviors Among Women in South Korea
Bitna Kim, Jurg Gerber, Craig Henderson and Yeonghee Kim
The Prison Journal 2012 92: 125
DOI: 10.1177/0032885511429275
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Applicability of
General Power-Control
Theory to Prosocial and
Antisocial Risk-Taking
Behaviors Among
Women in South Korea
The Prison Journal

92(1) 125150
2012 SAGE Publications
Reprints and permission:
sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/0032885511429275
http://tpj.sagepub.com
Bitna Kim1, Jurg Gerber2, Craig Henderson2,

and Yeonghee Kim3
Abstract
Grasmick and colleagues expanded general power-control theory to include
both pro-and antisocial risky behaviors more than 10 years ago; however, to
date, there have been no empirical tests of their theoretical modifications.
The current study tested the comprehensive model of general power-control
theory using three different samples from South Korea: women who enter
traditionally male-dominated occupations, female prison inmates, and women
incarcerated for intimate partner killing. Results related to womens patriarchal attitudes and preference for general risks supported our expectations
and confirmed the tenets of general power-control theory that focus on both
pro- and antisocial risky behaviors. In addition, the ones related to patriarchy
of the family of origin supported Hagans original power-control theory focusing on only antisocial risky behaviors.
Indiana University of Pennsylvania, Indiana, PA, USA

Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, TX, USA
3
Chungbuk National University, Cheongju, South Korea
2
Corresponding Author:
Bitna Kim, Department of Criminology, Indiana University of Pennsylvania,
Wilson Hall, Indiana, PA 15705, USA
Email: bitna.kim@iup.edu
126
The Prison Journal 92(1)
Keywords
power-control theory, womens risk-taking behavior, South Korea
Introduction
Increasing rapid social change is postulated to have significant ramifications
for criminal behavior and delinquency, especially with regard to differences
between male and female patterns of offending. Hagans (1989) power-control theory is one prominent theoretical explanation of gender differences in
criminal behavior. Specifically, power-control theory proposes that changes
occurred over time in womens workplace experiences, the consequential
rise in their control of work and home-based resources, and their increased
power in family relationships represent significant transformations in family
life (McCarthy, Hagan, & Woodward, 1999). The effects of these transformations are heightened in less patriarchal, egalitarian households (McCarthy et al.,
1999; Morash & Chesney-Lind, 1991).
Proponents of power-control theory suggest that as families become
decreasingly patriarchal and increasingly egalitarian, daughters will, in turn,
experience greater latitude in their behavior as compared with daughters from
patriarchal families. The increase in latitude is the direct result of a decrease in
informal social control previously imposed by their families. Ultimately, this
shift in monitoring will result in the daughters engaging in more risk-taking
behaviors, including delinquent behaviors, thereby contributing to a reduction
of gender differences in delinquency rates (Blackwell, 2000; McCarthy et al.,
1999). In contrast to theoretical expectations, empirical studies have found
that despite the growing labor force participation of mothers and their enhanced
occupational power, female rates of offending have not shown a large increase
(Chesney-Lind, 1989; Hagan, Boehnke, & Merkens, 2004; Karstedt, 2000).
However, some degree of convergence in male and female property crime
involvement has been observed (Grasmick, Hagan, Blackwell, & Arneklev,
1996; Hagan et al., 2004; Heimer & De Coster, 2001).
Grasmick et al. (1996) proposed a modification of the base theory, naming
it general power-control theory. Speculating power-control theory is not
merely a theory of gender differences in delinquency, but it, in fact, explains a
broader range of risk preferences, both prosocial and antisocial in nature. In
other words, general power-control theory can explain a wide variety of consequences of a risk preference. Given that crime is relatively rare in adulthood,
Grasmick et al. suggested that it is also important to consider that risk preferences among adults raised in egalitarian families may lead them to engage in
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Kim et al.
other kinds of risky, but legal, behaviors. However, to date, there have been no
empirical studies testing the theoretical propositions of general power-control
theory.
Since Hagan (1989) formulated power-control theory using a Canadian sample (Blackwell, 2003), the theory has been tested primarily in Canadian and
U.S. settings. Recently, researchers have begun to test the theory with samples
from Europe (Hadjar, Baier, & Boehnke, 2003; Hadjar, Baier, Boehnke, &
Hagan, 2007) and Russia (Finckenauer, Weidner, & Terrill, 1998). The majority of these studies have demonstrated that the cultural context in which the
research is performed significantly influences the results.
In spite of the strong cultural support for patriarchy, South Korea (abbreviated as Korea) has experienced change toward less patriarchal families. Tsuya
and Bumpass (2004) have shown Korea has surprising similarities to the United
States in several trends since World War II: the growing labor force participation of women, [the increasing delay in marriage], a sharp decline in fertility,
a similarly sharp rise in divorce, some increase in non-marital cohabiting relationships, and, most importantly for our purpose, a large increase in the labor
force participation of married women (Hagan, 1989, p. 163).
With self-report data from three different groups of Korean women105
incarcerated women for intimate partner killing, 238 female offenders, and
296 policewomenthe current study addresses the question of whether general power-control theory can explain not only womens criminal behavior, representing antisocial risky behavior, but also womens selection of
highly stereotyped male occupations as careers, representing prosocial risky
behaviors.
Literature Review
Antisocial and Prosocial Risky Behaviors Among Women
The central goal of power-control theory (Hagan, Gillis, & Simpson, 1979;
Hagan, Simpson, & Gillis, 1987) was to explain the gender gap in delinquency
(Hadjar et al., 2007). Therefore, previous tests of the theory only focused on
only explaining gender differences. Only Simpson (1991) addressed the potential of the power-control model to explain ethnic differences in female group
variation in violent crime. Uggens (2000) study, although designed to address
the gender difference, found that girls with mothers having workplace authority were more likely to violate the law than girls whose mothers lacked such
authority. Based on this result, he suggested that the theory may be extended
to explain womens illegal behaviors. In addition, Blackwells (2000) study
128
indicated that females reared in less patriarchal families perceived significantly lower levels of embarrassment than even males.
Morash and Chesney-Lind (1991) explained that it has long been understood that girls who deviate from conventional definitions of femininity, or
who support feminism, do not necessarily become more delinquent even in the
face of opportunities for delinquency (p. 373). Grasmick et al. (1996) suggested that the adult world, compared to adolescence, offers a more extended
menu for those with a taste for risk, and many of the options are legitimate
(p. 195). Therefore, it is expected that the high-risk preference of women from
less patriarchal families does not necessarily result in engaging in illegal
behaviors. Because the negative impact of committing crimes, particularly on
social relationships and reputations, are much stronger for women than for
men (Blackwell, 2000; Richards & Tittle, 1981), even women with high-risk
preference may not commit crime. Rather, Grasmick et al.s revised version
implies that recent parallel increases in the involvement of women in prosocial areas, including, for example, athletic competition and risky leisure
activity, occupational decisions to pursue non-traditional jobs and risky
career moves, and financial planning and investments that involve a penchant
for risk (p. 181) can be explained by power-control theory. Grasmick and his
colleagues (1996) proposed that a fruitful area for future study on the outcomes of high-risk preference among women raised in less patriarchal families is risk-taking behavior in labor forces traditionally reserved for men.
Nontraditional occupations often involve barriers against women such as
gender discrimination, and thus, women would have to take risks to enter
these occupations.
Women Killing Intimate Partners

The relationship between gender and violence is well known (Simpson, 1991).
Violent crimes account for a very small proportion of female crimes, and, on
rare instances when females are violent, the victims tend to be their intimate
partners, children, or other family members (Browker, 1981; Norland & Shover,
1977; Ogle, Maier-Katkin, & Bernard, 1995; Simpson, 1991). This is especially
true in homicide cases (Browne & Williams, 1993; Bunch, Foley, & Urbina,
1983; Choi, 1996; dOrban, 1990; Goetting, 1988; Mann, 1990; Ogle et al.,
1995; Wolfgang, 1958).
Feminists view the killing of an abusive partner as a womans last attempt
to protect herself or her children from further physical and mental harm (Ogle
et al., 1995; OKeefe, 1997; Walker, 1989; Wells & DeLeon-Granados, 2004).
Studies comparing women who killed their intimate partners to other female
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Kim et al.
offenders (Browne, 1987; Leonard, 2002; Mann, 1996; OKeefe, 1997) or to

women staying in shelters (Grant & Curry, 1993) conclude that women using
lethal violence in intimate or marital relationships are similar in many ways
to nonoffending women except for their severe abusive experience (Walker,
1989). In other words, these studies found that the women who killed their
intimate partners or husbands tended to be socially conforming in other ways
(Ogle et al., 1995).
In societies with gender inequality, leaving abusive marital relationships
often requires women to take social and economic risks (Grasmick et al.,
1996). For example, if they choose to divorce, women may face blame and
biases from family members and society because they have violated traditional
gender roles. For women, the opportunities of employment are much more limited and wages are much lower than men in most societies. In addition, previous studies have shown that women in abusive relationships have had limited
access to financial resources. This has held true even among upper-class women
(Ogle et al., 1995). Women who stayed at home without outside employment
may be discouraged to choose divorce because they will face economic risks
after divorce (Grasmick et al., 1996). In contrast, womens enhanced willingness to take risks can be a resource for ending a bad marriage (Ford, 1991;
Grasmick et al., 1996; Kim & Titterington, 2009).
Based on these previous studies, it is expected that strong patriarchal attitudes and the subsequent consequence of low-risk preference leads abused
women to stay in abusive marital relationships. However, there may be a tipping point. In some cases, the abuse may become so severe that it has escalated to the point that women feel their well-being and even their lives are in
immediate danger (Jensen, 2001, pp. 11-12). In these cases, women may
react with lethal violence against their abusive partners. In fact, previous studies found that women who killed their intimate partners have a tendency to
support conventional sex roles (Ogle et al., 1995). Kim and Titterington (2009)
found that women incarcerated for the deaths of their male partners are more
supportive of traditional patriarchal norms than battered women staying in
domestic violence shelters.
Women in South Korea

Since the mid-1960s, Korea has experienced dramatic macro social-structural
changes, including unprecedented economic growth, urbanization, and rapid
industrialization (Moon, McCluskey, & Lee, 2005). These changes have had a
major impact on womens educational attainment and overall status in Korean
society (Hong, 2005; Tsuya & Bumpass, 2004). Although gender differences
130
in education still exist, there has been a remarkable increase in the proportion
of women with higher education (Tsuya & Bumpass, 2004). However, Choe,
Bumpass, and Tsuya (2004) found that the educational level of married women
has a negative relationship with their employment. They suggested that female
education may improve womens life prospects through marrying higher
status partners rather than through employment.
Several researchers (Lee, 1978; Smith, 1987; Tsuya & Bumpass, 2004; Tsuya
& Choe, 1991) have noted that Korea has one of the most patriarchal family
and gender role systems found in modern history (Tsuya & Bumpass, 2004,
p. 2). Historically, the most important obligation for women has been marriage
and procreation; thus, Korean women have been excluded from opportunities
of paid employment outside the home (Tsuya & Bumpass, 2004).
Bumpass and Choe (2004), using national data from South Korea, Japan,
and the United States, examined attitudes regarding gender roles. According
to their study, the proportions supporting traditional gender division of labor
and opposing married women working were highest in Korea and the lowest
in the United States. Even the youngest age group in Korea agreed with
traditional values more than the oldest one in the United States. Choe et al.
(2004) stated that having undergone industrialization most recently, Korea
remains the most traditional with respect to attitudes toward appropriate
gender roles (p. 99).
Crime trends in Korea are consistent with other published studies in that
women commit fewer crimes and their crimes tend to be less serious than those
committed by men. Nonetheless, crimes committed by women are increasing
and becoming more severe in nature (Choi, 1996; Hong, 2005; Radosh, 2002).
Women constituted only 5.3% of the whole Korean incarcerated population in
2006 (International Centre for Prison Studies, 2006). The 2,431 women incarcerated in all correctional institutions comprised only 0.015% of the Korean
female population (23,961,000) in 2006.
A large proportion of incarcerated women in Korea were incarcerated for
intimate partner homicide (Kim, Park, & Lee, 2004; U.S. Department of State,
2004). Jensen (2001) suggested that traditional social expectations may be
related to womens rates of intimate partner killing. That is, women living in
societies with strong traditional norms may stay in abusive marital relationships as they respond to traditional social expectations, and these women may
kill the abusers in self-defense. Although the Korean government and some
public and private organizations have recently provided shelters for battered
women, most of the shelters have not been well used, and some shelters remain
empty as the abused women intentionally have avoided seeking help from
outsiders (Lee, 2006; Song, Eo, Yang, & Suh, 2005). Practitioners working in
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Kim et al.
shelters for abused women report that the main reason for Korean womens
reluctance to seek shelters is that they do not want to expose their problems to
outsiders (Lee, 2006).
Although there has been a rapid increase in South Korean divorce in recent
years, it is still much lower than that of other societies (National Statistical
Office, 1998; Tsuya & Bumpass, 2004). In contrast to the United States where
marriage and divorce are seen as primarily a matter of individual choice for
the happiness and well-being of couples and their children (Bumpass & Choe,
2004, p. 20), South Korean families and relatives continue to be deeply involved
in the processes of partner selection, marriage, and divorce. As a result, divorce
in South Korea might be much more difficult than in the United States. In addition, previous studies have found that many Korean women are reluctant to
divorce because they do not want their children to suffer the stigma of having
divorced parents (U.S. Department of State, 2004).
The Current Study

Previous tests of power-control theory have focused on gender differences in
delinquency. To date, researchers have not explored the theorys potential to
explain differences among adult women and whether variation in womens
risk preference is related to risk-taking behaviors (Blackwell, 2000; Simpson,
1991; Uggen, 2000). The present study is a preliminary test of the general
power-control theory, focusing on mean differences in the latent construct
between prosocial and antisocial risk-taking groups. In the present study,
choosing a male-dominated job represents prosocial risky behavior (Grasmick
et al., 1996), whereas committing crime represents antisocial risky behavior.
This study separates women incarcerated for intimate partner homicide from
other female offenders. Unlike other female criminals, women who killed
their partners are expected to have strong patriarchal attitudes and lower affinity for risk, which may inhibit them from leaving abusive relationships.
Specifically, by analyzing a confirmatory factor analyses (CFA) measurement model with a mean structure across multiple samples (Kline, 2005), this
study tests the following hypotheses: Compared with female perpetrators of
intimate partner homicide, risk-taking groups of women (policewomen, female
physicians, and female offenders) are predicted to (a) have been raised in less
patriarchal families where the parents were more likely to challenge gender
roles and gendered activities and were less likely to exercise instrumental as
well as relational controls of their daughters, (b) have been more likely to
reject beliefs consistent with conventional patriarchy, and (c) have a higher
preference for risk taking.
132
Method
Participants
The data were drawn from self-report questionnaires administered to female
inmates, policewomen, and female medical doctors in South Korea. IRB
approval was granted from the senior authors academic institution. All research
was conducted in accordance with ethical practices.
In the fall of 2004, female inmates were recruited from Cheng-Ju Womens
Correctional Institution, the only womens prison in South Korea. Local
researchers intended to distribute the questionnaires to all 531 women who
served prison sentences in 2004. Women who were at work or in the hospital
were excluded by the prison administration. After respondents were assured
that their participation was voluntary, 352 agreed to participate. There were
no differences in demographic characteristics between the study participants
and those who could not participate. An additional 9 participants were deleted
from the current study because they provided no information on their parents,
leaving a total sample of 343 female offenders. These women were convicted
of a range of offenses, with homicide (55%) and fraud (14%) being the most
common. Of these 343 women, 133 of them were incarcerated for killing
their partners/husbands.
Although the feminist view of killing an abusive partner as a womans last
attempt to protect herself and her children from further physical and mental
harm has been dominant, some scholars suggest that not all women killing
their husbands are in reaction to abuse or in self-defense (Browne & Williams,
1989, p. 79; Dutton, Nicholls, & Spidel, 2005; Kim & Titterington, 2009; Scott
& Davies, 2002). For the purpose of the present study, reaction to abuse should
be the primary reason for their crimes. According to the study respondents
official criminal justice records, 78.9% (n = 105) of those who killed their intimate partners reported histories of physical abuse by their male intimate partners and, thus, 105 women were included in the analysis.
South Korea had 91,660 police officers in 2004. The total number of policewomen was 3,524, and they constituted 3.8% of the police population in April
2004 (Oh, 2004). The Korean police are a highly centralized national police
(Moon et al., 2005). Under the supervision of national police headquarters,
14 provincial police headquarters administer police stations in each geographical district (Moon et al., 2005). The group of police officers surveyed consisted
of women located in five provincial Korean police headquarters. In 2005, with
the assistance of each provincial headquarter, the questionnaire was distributed to the total uniform police population of 298 female officers working in
these five provincial headquarters, of which 296 (99%) completed the survey.
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Kim et al.
Anonymous and voluntary participation was emphasized (Moon et al., 2005).

The sample of 296 officers is demographically similar to respondents in other
studies on policewomen in South Korea (Hong, 2005).
Measures
Consistent with the tenets of power-control theory, this study examines parental preferences for patriarchal gender roles, parental relational and instrumental controls, patriarchal gender-role preference, and risk-taking preference
(Blackwell, 2000, 2003). Sample-specific means, standard deviations, and
reliabilities are provided in Table 1. As illustrated in Table 1, some of the
Cronbachs alpha coefficients of Parental Reference of Patriarchal Gender
Roles and Patriarchal Gender-Role Preferences are below .7. Pallant (2001)
explains that with short scales with less than 10 items, it is common to find
quite low Cronbachs values (e.g., .5). In the present study, all of the scales
have less than 10 items, ranging from 4 to 9. As Pallant (2001) and Briggs
and Cheek (1986) suggest, we checked the mean interitem correlation for the
items with low Cronbachs alpha coefficients, and we found every item satisfies an optimal range for the interitem correlation of .2 to .4.
Structural Patriarchy in the Family of Origin

To measure structural patriarchy in the family of origin, the present study
employs retrospective questions that are consistent with the original measures
used in Hagans own studies (Blackwell, 2000, 2003). Each respondent was
asked to report whether their parents main jobs involved supervision of others. Those in supervisory positions were considered to hold authority, whereas
those who did not, or who were unemployed, were designated as having no
authority (Bates, Bader, & Mencken, 2003). Following Hagans original strategy, families with fathers in occupational power positions greater than that of
mothers are classified as more patriarchal and are coded as 1. Families in
which fathers work without occupational power and mothers did not work
were also included in the category of being more patriarchal. Conversely,
families with mothers having occupational power greater than that of fathers
and families in which both parents held equal powers or no power in the workplace were categorized as less patriarchal (coded as 0). In this study, there are
also 33 cases that involve respondents who had lived with only their mothers
during their childhoods, whereas 7 respondents had lived with only their fathers.
Based on Bates et al.s (2003) revised model of multiple types of family structure, this study included these single-parent families in the analysis.1
134
Table 1. Inventory of Measured Variables, Frequencies (Percentage), Mean Scores

(Standard Deviations), and Consistencies
Variables
y1: Occupational patriarchy
More patriarchal
Less patriarchal
y3~y11: Paternal references
of patriarchal gender-rolesa
Cronbachs
y12~y20: Maternal references
of patriarchal gender-rolesa
Cronbachs
y30~y38: Patriarchal genderrole preferencesa
Cronbachs
y23~y24: Paternal
instrumental controlb
Cronbachs
y27~y28: Maternal
instrumental controlb
Cronbachs
y21~y22: Paternal relational
controlb
Cronbachs
y25~y26: Maternal relational
controlb
Cronbachs
y39~y42: Risk-taking
preferencesb
Cronbachs
Police
women
(N = 296)
General
offenders
(N = 238)
Partner
killers
(N = 105)
191 (64.5%)
105 (35.5%)
20.70 (3.893)
122 (51.3%)
116 (48.7%)
25.41 (4.990)
56 (53.3%)
49 (46.7%)
24.85 (4.230)
.790
18.87 (3.615)
.756
25.76 (4.289)
.662
25.38 (4.053)
.774
17.13 (3.391)
.658
26.24 (4.308)
.646
27.45 (3.500)
.757
5.42 (1.174)
.677
4.98 (1.928)
.471
5.47 (1.689)
.837
6.19 (1.150)
.906
5.78 (1.890)
.868
5.95 (1.451)
.879
4.94 (1.292)
.948
4.62 (1.766)
.942
4.95 (1.668)
.677
5.83 (1.245)
.622
5.50 (1.889)
.629
5.45 (1.576)
.662
7.32 (1.931)
.729
5.93 (2.55)
.625
5.30 (2.028)
.774
.868
.789
a
Responses were coded strongly disagree (1), disagree (2), agree (3), strongly agree (4), with 1st,
4th, 5th, 7th, and 8th measures reverse coded.
b
Responses were coded strongly disagree (1), disagree (2), agree (3), strongly agree (4).
Preferences for Patriarchal Gender Roles

Grasmick et al. (1996) extended the theory by introducing an attitudinal measure of patriarchy. Their findings indicated that a patriarchal measure using both
occupational and attitudinal dimensions is the best fit with other theoretically
relevant constructs (Bates et al., 2003). To measure patriarchal attitudes of the
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Kim et al.
respondents fathers, each respondent was asked if her father would strongly
disagree, disagree, agree, or strongly agree, with nine statements
concerning sex-role attitudes on child rearing, housework, and authority in
the family. The respondents were then asked how their mother would have
responded to the same nine statements2 (Bates et al., 2003). Items were reversecoded if necessary, so that higher scores indicated more patriarchal attitudes.
Separate attitudinal patriarchy scores were made for fathers and mothers by
adding together their respective responses. For respondents who were raised in
single-parent families, their final patriarchal attitude score was the total score
for their single parent (Bates et al., 2003). To examine participants own gender
role preferences, they responded to same nine attitudinal statements employed
to gauge the parental patriarchal attitudes but asking about their own opinions
(Grasmick et al., 1996; Hagan et al., 2004; McCarthy et al., 1999).
Maternal and Paternal Control

We used retrospective measures of parental control consistent with Hagans
(1989) original measures to assess parents instrumental and relational control. Instrumental control was measured with a two-item scale tapping parents supervision over the participants behavior and whereabouts when they
were growing up (Blackwell & Reed, 2003). The higher scores indicate higher
instrumental control. Relational parental control refers to the attachment children feel to each parent and was measured by the scores to two questions.
Risk-Taking Preference
In the current study, risk-taking preferences were measured using four questions from Grasmick et al. (1996): (a) I like to test myself every now and then
by doing something a little risky; (b) Sometimes I will take a risk just for the
fun of it; (c) I sometimes find it exciting to do things for which I might get
into trouble; and (d) Excitement and adventure are more important to me than
security. Reponses were coded as strongly disagree (1), somewhat disagree
(2), somewhat agree (3), and strongly agree (4). The higher scores show a
higher risk preference.
Findings
Data Analysis
The variables of interest in power-control theory are best conceptualized as
latent constructs that cannot be measured directly (Hadjar et al., 2007; Hagan
136
et al., 2004; Hagan, Gillis, & Simpson, 1990; Heimer & De Coster, 2001;
McCarthy et al., 1999). A CFA measurement model with a mean structure
across multiple samples allows researchers to examine both measurement
invariance and mean differences on latent constructs using multiple group
comparisons (Kline, 2005; Marsh & Grayson, 1990). To analyze differences on the extent to which the groups differed on the mean of the latent
power-control theory constructs, we conducted a latent mean analysis
(LMA) using a multigroup CFA approach available in the software AMOS
7 (Arbuckle, 2006; Byrne, 2001; Hong, Malik, & Lee, 2003; Kline, 2005;
Marsh & Grayson, 1990).
Although considered a large-sample analytic method, Kline (2005) suggests that sample sizes between 100 and 200 cases are an acceptable minimum
for conducting structural equation modeling (SEM) analysis. We also simplified the models by creating item parcels rather than using the items as indicators of the latent constructs. Item parcels are combinations of items that are
treated as continuous indicators of a latent construct (Kline, 2005; Vazsonyi &
Belliston, 2007). Using a random item allocation strategy advocated by Gibbs,
Giever, and Higgins (2003), three parcels were generated for each latent construct of paternal, maternal, and respondents own patriarchal attitude, as nine
items constituting the respective scales were randomly assigned into three parcels (Figure 1). Internal consistency reliabilities of the three parcels for each
scale were as follows: .810 for paternal reference of patriarchal gender-role,
.803 for maternal reference of patriarchal gender-role, and .840 for patriarchal
gender-role preference.
As suggested by Kline (2005) and Sabatelli and Bartle-Haring (2003), the
multiple-group CFA measurement model with a mean structure (Figure 1)
was analyzed in two steps. In the first step, the measurement model without
the mean structure is simultaneously estimated across groups to determine
whether the measurement model is invariant across groups. Establishing factorial invariance is a critical first step in multiple group tests because a lack
of measurement invariance suggests that the construct may have different
meanings for the different groups (Marsh & Grayson, 1990).
Given reasonable evidence for at least partial measurement invariance
(Byrne & Watkins, 2003; Stein, Lee, & Jones, 2006), the mean structure was
added to the CFA model in the second step (Kline, 2005). In order for multiple group models incorporating mean structures to be identified, typically
researchers specify a reference group (in this case, the women who killed
their intimate partner) and set the means of the latent constructs of that group
to be zero. The mean estimates of other groups then represent the relative
differences from the reference group (Srbom, 1974).
137
Note: Boxes represent measured variables (y1, parcel 1 to parcel 9, y21 to y28, y39 to y42: see Table 1); ovals represent latent constructs (structural patriarchy, father/mother patriarchal attitudes, father/mother parental control, my own patriarchal attitude, and risk-taking preference).
Figure 1. Final structural equation model
138
Examination of Factorial Invariance

Results revealed that each individual item (or parcel) loaded significantly on
its associated latent construct with the entire standardized factor loadings
exceeding .50. This pattern was replicated in each of the three samples. Next,
a baseline structural model was tested separately in each sample (Vazsonyi
& Belliston, 2007). The findings were consistent across groups in revealing
exceptionally large correlated errors between y21 and y22 (father-parental
control), and between y25 and y26 (mother-parental control), as well as residuals of father- and mother-parental controls (see Figure 1), and we, therefore,
allowed the residuals of these items to correlate.
The invariance of the factor loadings of the observed indicators or parcels
of latent constructs across groups was examined in a multiple-sample CFA.
Table 2 presents the results of chi-square tests for the invariance tests we conducted. The initial model considered here (Model 1 in Table 2) incorporated
the assumption that all factor loadings varied freely across the four groups.
This baseline model yielded the 2 value of 1748.447, with 822 degree of freedom. The ratio of 2 to the degrees of freedom of this model was 2.127, which
is acceptable by Carmines and McIvers (1981) standard. The RMSEA value
of .032 indicated a very good fit of the model.
The comparison of 2 values between the model in which the factor loadings were freely estimated and the one with the factor loadings constrained to
equality across the three groups was statistically significant, 2(15) = 49.57,
p < .001. To more specifically locate the source of variance, we conducted
a series of models depicted in Table 2. The final model (M13 in Table 2)
was a model in which the factor loadings of parcel 1 and parcel 2 on Paternal
Patriarchal Attitude, factor loadings on Maternal Patriarchal Attitude, factor loadings on Paternal Control, factor loadings on Maternal Control, factor
loadings of parcel 7 and parcel 8, and factor loadings of y1 and y2 on RiskTaking Preference were invariant across groups, and the remainder of the
parameters were free to vary.
Examination of Latent Variable Mean Comparisons

Table 3 presents latent mean parameter estimates for the pairwise comparisons for LV means using the group of women who had killed their partners as
the reference group.
For structural patriarchy, it was predicted that compared with perpetrators
of intimate partner killing, criminals and police officers were more likely to
have been raised in less patriarchal families. In contrast to the hypothesis, the
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Kim et al.
Table 2. Goodness-of-Fit Statistics for Tests of Invariance: Summary
Model description
M1. Baseline model
M2. Factor loadings
constrained equal
M3. Factor loadings on
PPA constrained equal
M4. Factor loading
of Parcel 2 on PPA
constrained equal
M5. Model 4 with factor
loadings on MPA
constrained equal
M6. Model 5 with
factor loadings on PC
constrained equal
loadings on MC
constrained equal
M8. Model 7 with
factor loadings on PA
constrained equal
loading of Parcel 8 on
PA constrained equal
M10. Model 9 with
factor loadings on RP
constrained equal
loading of Y39 on RP
constrained equal
constrained equal
constrained equal
Comparative
model
df
Statistical
df significance
Model 1
1748.447 822
1798.021 837 49.574 15
p < .001
Model 1
1759.122 824 10.675
p < .001
Model 1
1750.678 823
2.231
ns
Model 4
1756.524 825
5.846
ns
Model 5
1764.210 828
7.686
ns
Model 6
1767.795 831
3.585
ns
Model 7
1775.172 833
7.377
p < .05
Model 7
1769.104 832
1.309
ns
Model 9
1783.590 835 14.486
p < .01
Model 9
1777.995 833
8.891
p < .01
Model 9
1774.143 833
5.039
p < .05
Model 9
1769.341 833
0.237
ns
Note: 2 = Difference in 2 values between models; df = difference in number of degrees

of freedom between models. PPA = paternal patriarchal attitude; MPA = maternal patriarchal
attitude; PC = paternal control; MC = maternal control; PA = respondents patriarchal
attitude; RP = risk-taking preference.
140
Table 3. Group Differences on Latent Constructs

Partner
killers
Latent constructs
Structural patriarchy
Paternal patriarchal attitude
Maternal patriarchal attitude
Paternal control
Maternal control
Respondents patriarchal attitude
Risk-taking preference
General
offenders
0.000
0.000
0.000
0.000
0.000
0.000
0.000
-0.018
0.124
-0.391
-0.141*
-0.095
-0.175
0.169**
SE
Police officers
M
SE
0.059 0.116*
0.056
1.162 5.096
15.909
2.601 5.916
35.506
0.061 -0.083
0.053
0.095 -0.035
0.088
0.175 -1.294*** 0.169
0.057 0.640*** 0.080
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
results implied that prosocial risky taking groups of women (police officers)
were more likely to be raised in more patriarchal families, while no significant
group difference was found between antisocial risky taking group of women
(criminals) and incarcerated women who killed their intimate partner. Second,
it was hypothesized that the parents of risk-taking groups of women (general
offenders and police officers) would be less likely to support patriarchal attitudes than the parents of perpetrators of intimate partner killing. However, we
found no significant differences for either paternal or maternal patriarchal
attitudes. As expected, fathers of general offenders exercised significantly
less instrumental control over their daughters than fathers of women who
killed their intimate partners. Finally, although the differences were not statistically significant, the parameter value of .083 for police officers on the
latent construct of paternal control suggests that prosocial risk-taking group
of women (police officers) were less likely to be the objects of paternal control
than female perpetrators of intimate partner killing. For the latent construct of
maternal control, no statistically significant mean difference across groups
was found.
As shown in Table 3, results showed prosocial risk-taking groups of women
(female police officers) to have significant lower scores than women who
killed their intimate partners on their own patriarchal attitudes. Although
the difference is not statistically significant, the negative value of latent
mean parameter for general female offenders indicates that compared with
women who killed their intimate partner, female offenders rejected beliefs consistent with conventional patriarchy. Finally, we found support for expected
141
Kim et al.
group differences on the latent construct of risk-taking preference. That is, risktaking groups of women (criminals and police officers) reported significantly
higher levels of risk-taking preference than female perpetrators of intimate
partner killing.
Discussion
The present study tested tenets of Grasmick et al.s (1996) general powercontrol theorys global implications by explaining the variation in Korean
womens preference for both prosocial and antisocial risk-taking behaviors.
Several key findings emerged from the current investigation. This study found
that women who violated the law (female inmates, women who killed their
intimate partners) were more likely to have been raised in less patriarchal
families, whereas noncriminal women regardless of their preference for risk
(policewomen) were more likely to have been raised in more patriarchal families. This finding regarding structural patriarchy is consistent with the notion
of Hagans (1989) original power-control theory and is inconsistent with
Grasmick et al.s (1996) general power-control theory.
The present findings imply that general power-control theory has relevance for preference for general risks as well as prosocial and antisocial risky
behavior among women, helping to account for both the frequency of female
crime and the increase of womens involvement in prosocial areas which
require risk taking. It is important, however, that the results of the present
investigation only support the part of general power-control theory focusing
on the role of risk preference but not the most central hypothesis of the theory; that the variations in preference for risk and eventually in risk-taking
behaviors are produced in children in patriarchal families but not in less patriarchal families (Grasmick et al., 1996). Therefore, this study provides no
answers as to how lower patriarchal attitudes and high-risk preference among
high-risk-taking groups of women (policewomen and female offenders) are
produced. In fact, without help of power-control theory, it was expected that
esteemed entrepreneurs (Grasmick et al., 1996), successful business people
(Veblen, 1934), and police officers (Skolnick, 1966) are very similar with criminals in that they have high-risk preferences (Douglas & Wildavsky, 1982;
Grasmick et al., 1996; Heimer, 1995).
The partial support of the present investigation for general power-control
theory may indicate that the theory is not fully generalizable to prosocial and
antisocial risk-taking behaviors of Korean women. Confucianism has influenced all facets of Korean society (Kim, Park, Kwon, & Koo, 2005; Kwon &
Roy, 2007; Park & Cho, 1995). Korean men have inherited a tradition of
142
paternal authority from Confucian norms, whereas the rights of women were
virtually nonexistent (Kim et al., 2005; Kwon & Roy, 2007). Despite the integration of Western values with the rapid modernization over the past 50 years,
Confucianism still remains influential in modern Korea (Kim et al., 2005;
Kwon & Roy, 2007). Compared with their counterparts in Western societies,
South Korean women have historically had considerably less control at home
under Confucianism. In South Korea, mothers occupational power may not
be translated into the familial power at home.
Despite the richness and novelty of the data set, the methodological limitations of this study caution against drawing firm conclusions regarding the ability of general power-control theory to explain variations in both prosocial and
antisocial risk-taking behaviors among Korean women. The data on
respondents own information supported the theory whereas the data on
parents-related information (parents occupational authority, parents patriarchal
attitudes, and parental control) provided no or little support for the predictions.
Previous studies using nonadult samples (Hagan et al., 1985, 1990; Hagan et al.,
2004) used parents reports of employment. In contrast, as in Grasmick et al.s
(1996) study using adult samples, the current study used female adults proxy
reports of parents-related information. However, the average age of the sample used in the present study is much older than previous studies. In addition, the
data on parents-related information may just represent the participants perception of their parents. Therefore, the accuracy and validity of retrospective recollection on parents-related information may be questioned (Blackwell, Sellers, &
Schlaupitz, 2002).
The hypotheses developed for this study were only concerned with group
mean differences on latent variables to be tested. In other words, the present
study did not test the differences in the varied trajectories across groups. This
decision was made because the identification of multiple-group CFA was, in
fact, impossible due to the fairly small sample sizes for some groups (e.g., the
group of women incarcerated for partner killing; N = 105). However, the finding of potentially important variation in structural patriarchy and patriarchal
attitudes, but limited variation in paternal and maternal control implies the
need of the extension of the SEM approach to test the group differences in
sizes of relationships depicted in the structural model (Choi, Harachi, Gillmore,
& Catalano, 2005).
Future study focusing on Korean women may benefit from testing Hagans
(1989) own simplified power-control model of gender and delinquency in
which the causal link between maternal relational control and maternal instrumental control is included, but latent constructs of paternal controls are omitted.
143
Kim et al.
In Korea, as a reflection of Confucian tradition, fathers participation in child

care or child-rearing activities is considered to be culturally inappropriate
(Kwon & Roy, 2007), and the relationship with mothers have great importance for daughters. Evidence exists in both Korea and the United States that
mothers are the most important influence in their daughters socialization and
career orientation (Song, 2001). Furthermore, the results of previous studies
demonstrate that the internalized image of women as subservient or second
class is passed down from mothers to daughters because of their shared gender
(Song, 2001). Researchers also have reported maternal education and employment to be related to daughters sex-role attitudes (Baruch, 1972; Broverman,
Vogel, Broverman, Clarkson, & Rosenkrantz, 1970; Meier, 1972; Song, 2001;
Vanfossen, 1977). In fact, Hagan (1989) stressed the crucial role of the mother
as a model who socializes daughters.
Second, future studies need to employ measures of patriarchy reflecting
specific social, cultural, and historical contexts especially in industrialized nonWestern societies. For example, in Korea, the extended family was considered
the basic family unit in traditional agrarian communities (Kim et al., 2005). The
proportion of three- or four-generation households in the population was 23.2%
in 1970 (Yoo, 2006). With modernization, urbanization, and industrialization,
the nuclear family structure has replaced the traditional extended families;
however, many of the women in the present study have likely lived in
extended families (Kim et al., 2005). Other family members living under one
roof, especially grandparents, have played an important role in childrens
gender role socialization in Confucian countries like Korea, China, Taiwan,
and Japan (Yoo, 2006). Therefore, future studies conducted in these Asian
countries may benefit by addressing other family members influence on
children.
Authors Note
This article was presented at the annual meeting of the American Society of
Criminology in St. Louis in November, 2008.
Acknowledgments
The authors would like to thank Gaylene Armstrong, Brian Lawton, and Mike Vaughn
for comments on earlier versions.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article.
144
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Notes
1. Separate statistical estimates in measurement and structural models were made of
only those women who were recorded as having both parents. We obtained substantively similar conclusions to those using the data of all women which are reported
in the text. This study included women from single-parent family into the analysis
because small sample size would have increased the likelihood that CFA analyses
would not converge to a solution in four-sample multigroup analyses (Vazsonyi &
Belliston, 2007).
2. (a) It is acceptable for a mother to work full-time when their youngest child is below
age 5; (b) Preschool children are likely to suffer if their mother is employed; (c) It
is difficult for young children when their mother is employed full-time; (d) Parents
should encourage just as much independence in their daughters as in their sons;
(e) Mothers should encourage their daughters to seek a career just as their sons;
(f) It is much better for everyone if the man earns the main living and the woman
takes care of the home and family; (g) If a husband and a wife both work full-time,
they should share household tasks equally; (h) If a woman is offered a promotion,
her husband should be willing to move for the sake of her career; (i) Men are by
nature better leaders for the family than are women (1st, 4th, 5th, 7th, and 8th measures reverse coded).
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Wolfgang, M. E. (1958). Patterns of criminal homicide. Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press.
Yoo, G. (2006). Changing views on family diversity in urban Korea. Journal of
Comparative Family Studies, 37(1), 59-74.
Bios
Bitna Kim, PhD, is assistant professor of criminology at Indiana University of
Pennsylvania (IUP). Specific areas of interest include meta-analysis, gender issues
in CJ systems, and international criminal justice issues. Recent publications have
appeared in Journal of Criminal Justice, Violence and Victims, and Crime and
Delinquency.
Jurg Gerber, PhD, is professor of criminal justice and director of international initiatives in the College of Criminal Justice at Sam Houston State University, Huntsville,
Texas. He has coedited two books on drug policy, one on white-collar crime, and has
published extensively in all of the above areas.
Craig Henderson, PhD, is assistant professor of psychology at Sam Houston State
University and voluntary research assistant professor at the University of Miami
School of Medicine, Center for Treatment Research on Adolescent Drug Abuse. His
research focuses on family psychology and addictive behaviors, particularly the treatment of adolescent substance use.
Yeonghee Kim, PhD, is a professor in the Department of Child Welfare at Chungbuk
National University in Cheongju, South Korea. She also serves as director of the
Cheongju Healthy Family-Support Center in South Korea. Her interests include family
counseling and intimate partner homicide.

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