Landscape and Identity:

Archaeology and Human

Geography
Edited by

Kurt D. Springs

BAR International Series 2709

2015

Published by
Archaeopress
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BAR S2709
Landscape and Identity: Archaeology and Human Geography
Archaeopress and the individual authors 2015

ISBN 978 1 4073 1360 3

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Contents
List of Figures ........................................................................................................................ii
An Introduction to Landscape and Identity ............................................................................ 1
Kurt D. SPRINGS
Monuments, Landscape and Identity in Chalcolithic Ireland ................................................. 3
Carleton JONES, Thor MCVEIGH, and Ros MAOLDIN
The Contiguity of Court Tombs and Wedge Tombs: Implications for the Continuity of
Megalithic Identity in Northwest Ireland........................................................................ 27
Kurt D. SPRINGS
Social Alterity and the Landscapes of the Upper Great Lakes, 1200-1600 .......................... 47
Meghan C. L. HOWEY
Monumental Civic Architecture Signals Group Identity, Affiliation, and Effective
Collective Action: Prospects for Investigation in the Greek Cities of Late
Hellenistic and Early Roman Asia Minor as Explored for Roman Aphrodisias ............. 55
Lu Ann WANDSNIDER and Lauren NELSON
The Transformation of Sacred Landscapes: Approaching the Archaeology of
Christianization in the Eastern Alpine-Adriatic Region during
the First Millennium AD ................................................................................................ 71
K. Patrick FAZIOLI
Greenwashed: Identity and Landscape at the California Missions ....................................... 83
Elizabeth KRYDER-REID
Multivocality in a Controlled Landscape: Memory and Heritage at
the Gettysburg National Military Park ......................................................................... 103
J. Loyal STEWART

THE TRANSFORMATION OF SACRED LANDSCAPES: APPROACHING

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF CHRISTIANIZATION IN THE EASTERN
ALPINE-ADRIATIC REGION DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM AD
K. Patrick FAZIOLI
Interdisciplinary Studies, Medaille College, 18 Agassiz Circle, Buffalo, NY 14214, USA
kpf27@medaille.edu

Abstract: This chapter investigates the transformation of sacred landscapes from the Late Roman Empire to the Early Middle Ages
in the eastern Alpine-Adriatic region (c. AD 300-1000). While the shifting religious topography of this period has traditionally been
seen through the totalizing lens of Christianization, recent scholarship has highlighted a range of methodological and conceptual
limitations with this concept. Most critically, the mechanism that allowed Christianity to rapidly disseminate among the broader
population remains under-theorized. This chapter identifies the syncretic blending of Christian and non-Christian beliefs and
practices as an underappreciated factor in facilitating the spread of Christianity across Europe and the Mediterranean world in the
first millennium AD. Support for this hypothesis is drawn from a range of historical and archaeological data that reveals the
complex manner in which Christians appropriated Late Roman and Early Medieval sacred places, landscapes, and objects (spolia).
Finally, evidence for the persistence of authentic pagan beliefs and rituals after the rise of Christianity in the late ancient, medieval,
and modern eastern Alpine region is critically considered.
Keywords: Late Roman Empire, Late Antiquity, Early Middle Ages, landscape, religion, Christianity, Alps

Introduction

methodological and theoretical problems with the concept

of Christianization. It then outlines an alternative model
for the spread of Christianity building on historical
scholarship that highlights the diverse ways in which
Christianity re-appropriated various elements of pagan1
beliefs and practices. The second half of the paper
presents an array of archaeological and textual evidence
for the syncretic blending of Christian and non-Christian
objects, places, and landscapes in the eastern AlpineAdriatic region. Finally, I consider the possibility of the
persistence of pagan practices in the eastern Alps into the
medieval, modern, and even contemporary world.

The contributions to this volume investigate the myriad

ways in which identity, memory, and power are written in
the landscape. This chapter explores these processes
within the context of sacred landscapes those parts of
the built and natural environment that connect the
individual with the cosmic frame that gives life and
meaning (Crumley 1999, 270). Specifically, I consider
the spread of Christianity across the eastern AlpineAdriatic region (today encompassing Slovenia, southern
Austria, northeast Italy, and northwest Croatia) in the first
millennium AD (Figure 1). This region experienced two
distinct waves of Christianization, first during the Late
Roman Empire (late 4th and 5th centuries AD) and again
in the Early Middle Ages (8th through 10th centuries
AD). Despite initial pockets of resistance and local
fidelity to pre-Christian cosmologies, this new faith
ultimately won the heart and minds of the broader
population during each of these periods. While historians
of Christianity have offered a myriad of possible reasons
for this remarkable success, this chapter builds
specifically upon recent historical and archaeological
work that focuses on Christianitys ability to absorb and
co-opt various aspects of non-Christian religious ideas,
practices, artifacts, places, and landscapes into its own
ideological framework. I seek to show how the
appropriation and transformation of sacred landscapes
provides a fruitful avenue for building a more
theoretically robust approach to one of the most
significant long-term processes in European history.

The Traditional Historical Framework

Late Roman and Late Antique Period
The 4th century was a critical turning point in the history
of Christianity. In less than one hundred years, this small,
often marginalized sect would become the official, and
only legal, religion of the Roman Empire. This
transformation began when the emperor Constantine I
chose to embrace the Christian movement after crediting
their God with his victory at the Battle of Milvian Bridge
in AD 312. The following year Constantine and eastern
emperor Licinius issued the Edict of Milan, which
officially ended the persecution of Christianity by
granting toleration to all the empires religions. Even
more significantly, Constantines conversion to
Christianity would establish a precedent followed by all
subsequent Roman emperors, with the exception of Julian
the Apostate, who ruled only briefly from AD 361-63.

The chapter begins with a brief sketch of the history of

the eastern Alpine-Adriatic region during the first
millennium AD, before turning to some of the limitations
of this traditional narrative, as well as the broader

While I acknowledge the derogatory origins of the word pagan

(Dowden 2000, 3), it is employed here as a useful umbrella term for the
various European and Mediterranean traditional polytheistic religions
that Christianity encountered during the first millennium AD.

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LANDSCAPE AND IDENTITY: ARCHAEOLOGY AND HUMAN GEOGRAPHY

Figure 1. Map of the eastern Alpine-Adriatic region with selected sites mentioned in text (generated at Google Maps)

By the late 4th century, Christian emperors such as

Theodosius I had begun to adopt increasingly exclusivist
religious policies designed to eradicate traditional Roman
polytheism. Traditional pagan rituals and institutions
were incrementally outlawed, public temples allowed to
fall into disrepair, and even the Altar of Victory was
removed from the Senate, an act that dramatically
symbolized a new religious orientation for the empire
(Fletcher 1997, 38). Over the next half century the
religious geography of the entire Roman Empire would
be radically transformed (Caseau 1999). In the eastern
Alpine-Adriatic region at that time divided among
imperial provinces of Noricum, Italia, and Pannonia
changes in the sacred landscape are evident in the
widespread abandonment of pagan temples and
appearance of Christian material culture and architecture
(Brato 1989; Ladsttter 2000).

disintegrated into a patchwork of barbarian kingdoms,

due to a fatal combination of prolonged civil strife and
external politico-military pressures. The following
centuries were marked by prolonged periods of political,
social, and economic instability across much of the
European and Mediterranean worlds (Halsall 2007). In
the eastern Alpine-Adriatic region, the once prosperous
and densely populated lowlands were widely abandoned
in the fifth century. In the subsequent period, often
termed Late Antiquity (c. AD 450-600), the remaining
local communities fled to more easily defensible
locations in the uplands or along the coast, where they
struggled to maintain a Roman and Christian way of life
(Cigleneki 1999a).
The Early Middle Ages
Greater stability returned to the region in the late 6th
century, when Slavic-speaking groups, under the auspices
of the Avar Empire, immigrated into this region from the
east, eventually settling in the river valleys (Gutin 2002).
While the nature of the relationship between these new

Yet, as Christianity rose to social and political

prominence, the Roman Empire was beginning to
crumble. Less than a century after Christianity became
the state religion, the western half of the empire
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K. P. FAZIOLI: THE TRANSFORMATION OF SACRED LANDSCAPES: APPROACHING THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF CHRISTIANIZATION...

settlers and the indigenous Romanized population is

shrouded in mystery (Milavec 2009), most upland
fortified settlements were abandoned (or, in some cases,
destroyed) during the 7th century. Over the next century,
this
region
of
Slavic-speaking,
non-Christian
communities described in historical sources as
Carantania enjoyed some degree of political
autonomy, despite being precariously perched between
expanding Germanic influence in the west and the
powerful Avar and Byzantine empires to the east (Brato
and Kahl 2000). In the mid-8th century, the local Slavic
aristocracy was forced to trade this independence for
protection from a renewed Avar threat, which eventually
brought this region under the political control of Bavarian
dukes (Kuhar 1959). Political submission was
accompanied by missionary activity from the
Archbishopric of Salzburg (Wolfram 1979). Early efforts
at Christianization were met with fierce resistance from
the local population, who probably identified them as
agents of imperial control. However, after the initial
opposition was crushed by Duke Tassilo in AD 772,
subsequent efforts at Christianization in the 9th and 10th
centuries proved much more effective. While the burning
of St Maximilians church in Bischofshofen (Austria)
suggests a continued resistance into this period (Posch
1991), the general population eventually followed the
Slavic nobility in embracing the Christian faith (Kuhar
1959; Karpf 2003).

sources, the profound asymmetry in the written record

has subtly encouraged generations of historians to adopt
the polemics of the victor (MacMullen 1997, 2). This
makes it difficult not only to reconstruct European
paganism in any detail, but also to understand how these
communities perceived this new ideology and what
factors contributed to their eventual conversion.
In recent decades, archaeological research has proven an
important complement to the textual sources for our
understanding of the spread of Christianity in the first
millennium AD, arguably providing a more balanced
picture of the topography of religious belief during this
enigmatic period (Carver 2003; Petts 2007). However, as
archaeologists are often the first to admit, the material
record particularly as it relates to questions of religion
and belief comes with its own set of ambiguities and
limitations (Hawkes 1954). Take, for example, the
identification of burials as Christian or pagan. While a
variety of elements have traditionally been used to
identify religious affiliation (inhumation vs. cremation,
presence and type of grave goods, burial orientation,
etc.), it is increasingly clear that these characteristics are
just as often the product of sociopolitical variables other
than religious identity (Young 1999). Moreover, in many
instances religious belief and ritual practice leave no
discernible material traces. The question of whether any
early medieval non-Christian cultic structures have been
identified in east-central Europe remains a contentious
issue (Machek and Pleterski 2000; cf. Curta 2008, 162).

Challenges to Investigating Religious Change

While this standard historical narrative for the rise of
Christianity during the first millennium AD is surely
accurate in broad scope, there is a growing sense among
scholars that it remains incomplete. This is due not only
to the inherent limitations of the textual and material
evidence, but also more fundamental conceptual
problems with using Christianization as the sole lens
through which to consider religious change in the Late
Antique and Early Medieval worlds.

Conceptual Challenges
The fragmentary nature of the textual and material evidence is not the only reason for our limited understanding
of the transformation of sacred landscapes during Late
Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages. A number of
theoretical problems with the concept of Christianization must also be recognized. For example, not enough
intellectual attention has been given to the mechanism by
which Christianity spread in Late Antiquity and the Early
Middle Ages, since rarely does the textual or material
record provide insight into the intensely personal process
of conversion. Many traditional church historians have
credited the inherent appeal of the Christian message, or
the zeal of early proselytizers, to the success of early
Christianity. More recently, secular scholars have
primarily understood its rapid spread as a byproduct of
the realpolitik decisions of sociopolitical elite. In other
words, once the emperor, king, or nobility decided to
adopt Christianity (for politically expedient reasons, of
course!), the subsequent conversion of the masses is
generally regarded as a fait accompli. The assumption of
a trickle-down effect (Petts 2007, 23) in the spread of
Christianity is not only vague and poorly theorized, but it
is guilty of reducing religious belief to other factors (e.g.
social, political, military). In other words, as William
Kilbride has observed:

Methodological Challenges
Although written documents represent an indispensable
source for understanding processes of religious change in
the Late Antique and Early Medieval worlds, we must
recognize that they disproportionately provide only one
side of a complicated story. This is because the vast
majority texts defending or promoting traditional
polytheism during the Later Roman Empire were
deliberately and systematically destroyed by zealous
Christians. Reliable textual evidence of early medieval
paganism is even more limited, since our primary
source for non-Christian beliefs and rituals comes from
church documents with little interest in offering impartial
descriptions of these practices (Dowden 2000). In the
eastern Alps, almost all of our historical knowledge for
early medieval religious activity comes from the
Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum (Conversion
of the Bavarians and Carantanians), a document written
in the 780s at the Archbishopric of Salzburg. Although
scholars are certainly aware of the inherent bias in these

If Christianity was only ever a veneer, then the lack of

mechanisms for its replication and dissemination
present us with little real problem. If, however

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LANDSCAPE AND IDENTITY: ARCHAEOLOGY AND HUMAN GEOGRAPHY

unfashionably, we think that at some point at least

someone in Europe might have been Christian, or that
someone might have made that claim, then we are
supposed to believe that the mechanisms that
performed this stunt existed entirely outwith the
religious frame (Kilbride 2000, 12).

traditions, and familiar ideas (Halbwachs 1992, 86,

emphasis added).
This passage explains how social change must always be
framed within a groups perceptions of the past what
Halbwachs famously referred to as the collective
memory. These insights suggest that the rise of
Christianity in the first millennium AD must be
understood within the wider context of the non-Christian
cultures and religions in which it was introduced. We
must therefore consider how Christianity was able to take
hold within pagan societies, becoming firmly rooted in
day-to-day habits and experiences, by acknowledging the
totality of remembrances, traditions, and familiar ideas
among the broader population.

Although we can reasonably posit that some conversions

were spurred by genuine spiritual epiphanies, while
others were simply pragmatic decisions to facilitate social
advancement or avoid persecution, this rather obvious
fact does not get us very far. Rather, a complementary
bottom-up approach to Christianization is needed
one that focuses less on which particular kings decided to
convert, and more on reasons why this new religious
orientation was able to so rapidly diffuse throughout the
Roman, Germanic, Celtic, and Slavic worlds. In order to
do this, we need to reject the notion that Christianization
was a wholesale change from one distinct, homogeneous,
and unchanging cosmology to another, and reconceptualize it as a syncretic blending of old and new
beliefs (Kilbride 2000, 8). While church leadership often
perceived a struggle between two incompatible
worldviews, in practice, the divisions between
Christianity and paganism were far more blurred,
particularly outside of the educated elite (Delumeau
1971; Schmitt 1983). We should also remember, as
Pluskowski and Patrick (2003) have pointed out, there
was never one authentic or pure Christianity, but always
multiple, fluid, and heterogeneous Christianities. How
these Christianities emerged within the socio-religious
framework of the Late Antique and Early Medieval world
is the focus of the remainder of this chapter.

In recent decades, a growing number of historians have

taken up this line of inquiry by exploring the myriad
ways in which Christianity absorbed, borrowed, and
transformed elements of traditional Roman culture and
religion into its own metaphysical framework. Roman
historian Ramsay MacMullen (1997, 154) has argued that
this strategy of appropriation allowed Christianity to
evolve into a full service religion that could effectively
attend to the basic psychological and emotional needs of
its adherents. The writings of early bishops reveal that
many newly-converted Christians in the Late Roman
Empire were skeptical that an all-powerful God would be
concerned with the minutiae of their everyday lives. So
while pagans could call upon a range of supernatural
intercessors to help with daily challenges, Christians had
not yet developed their own special language of gestures
and symbols in which to express their feelings or their
wishes to, or regarding, the divine (ibid, 150). Simply
put, who could Christians call upon if a family member
fell ill, or to ask for a bountiful harvest, or to petition
during personal crises? Similar concerns would be
expressed as Christianity encountered the indigenous
polytheistic religions of the Celtic, Germanic, and Slavic
worlds (Russell 1994; Walter 2006).

Christianization, Syncretism, and becoming a Full

Service Religion
How might we explain the rapid dissemination of
Christianity among the broader populations of the Late
Roman and Early Medieval world beyond the intrinsic
appeal of its message, or simply as a trickle down from
elite conversions? One potentially fruitful alternative was
articulated nearly a century ago by the eminent French
sociologist Maurice Halbwachs:

This psychological desire for divine intermediaries would

be met by the Christian cult that developed around the
saints and angels (Brown 1981), where, in many cases,
the shift from pagan to Christian patrons entailed little
more than a change in name. For example, in the early
medieval southeastern Alps, the qualities and
characteristics of the three most important Slavic gods
(Veles, Moko, and Perun) were simply transferred onto
St Stephen, the Virgin Mary, and St George, respectively
(tular and Hrovatin 2002, 47). Philippe Walter (2006,
183) has argued that in the Celtic world, medieval
hagiography was the machine used for Christianizing the
old European mythshagiographic legends or the
passions of the martyrs are often nothing but potpourris
of features borrowed from folk tradition (cf. Kravanja
2006, 54). Alongside the cult of the dead, Christianity
also appropriated the pagan calendar, placing liturgical
holidays (e.g. Christmas, Carnival, and Easter) on the
dates of pagan festivals (Walter 2006). In ritual contexts,
the use of altars, bell-ringing, offerings of incense and
candlelight, as well as the apotropaic power of placing

Above all when a society transforms its religion, it

advances somewhat into unknown territorySociety
is aware that the new religion is not an absolute
beginning. The society wishes to adopt these larger
and deeper beliefs without entirely rupturing the
framework of notions in which it has matured up until
this point. That is why at the same time that the
society projects into its past conceptions were recently
elaborated, it is also intent on incorporating into the
new religion elements of old cults that are assimilable
into a new framework. Society must persuade its
members that they already carry these beliefs within
themselves at least partially, or even that they will
recover beliefs which had been rejected some time
agoEven at the moment that it is evolving, society
returns to its past. It enframes the new elements that it
pushes to the forefront in a totality of remembrances,

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K. P. FAZIOLI: THE TRANSFORMATION OF SACRED LANDSCAPES: APPROACHING THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF CHRISTIANIZATION...

crosses in doorways and the singing of psalms were all

borrowed from extant pagan traditions (MacMullen 1997,
103-49). Valerie Flints (1991) makes a similar point in
her seminal study of magic in early medieval Europe,
revealing how the practice of astrology, belief in the
agency of angels and demons, and the mystical power of
the cross must be understood as an extension of magical
thinking already prevalent in the non-Christian
worldview of the population.

hearts and be more ready to come to the places they

are familiar with, but now recognizing and worshipping the one true God (quoted in Howe 1997, 67).
Although the direct transformation of pagan temples into
Christian churches was relatively rare, for both practical
and ideological reasons (Ward-Perkins 2003; Bayliss
2004), more common was the Christian re-branding of
pagan sacred places, particularly those associated with
nature (Grinsell 1986; Davies and Robb 2002). For
example, in his In Gloria Confessorum, Gregory of Tours
(AD 538-94) provides an account of a sacred lake on
Mount Helarius (France) that the local population would
frequently visit to give offerings or animal sacrifices.
After preaching against such practices proved ineffective,
the local bishop decided to build a chapel to St Hilarius
next to the lake, encouraging the local people to use the
saint, rather than water god, as their protector and
intercessor (Flint 1991, 255). A similar story is found in
the village of Divaa (Slovenia), where local women
having difficulty conceiving would pray for help to the
god Triglav at a nearby rock shelter. In response, the
church built nearby a chapel to St Francis of Paula, a
saint who also assisted with such troubles (ok 2012,
174). Moreover, the fact that over one-third of all active
Christian pilgrimage sites in contemporary Europe are
associated with natural places (trees, grottos, streams, and
stones) indicates the widespread nature of this practice
(Nolan 1986).

Documents from early church councils reveal that the

ecclesiastical leadership was generally aware of, and
often concerned with, the Christian borrowing of pagan
beliefs, practices, and mythology (Grinsell 1986; Flint
1991). Yet local bishops were forced to walk a tight line
between the enforcement of Christian orthodoxy and
making their religion comprehensible and appealing to
the populace. This made compromises often a matter of
necessity. As Walter (2006, 184) has observed:
Christianity would have had no chance of imposing itself
in the West if, on certain points of dogma and rites, it had
not responded to the religious needs of the converted
pagans. James Russell (1994, 211) has likewise argued
that the spread of Christianity into the Germanic world
required a deliberate obscuring of the inherent ideological
disparities between Christian and Germanic worldviews
in order to expedite the spread of the faith. While church
authorities often justified this accommodation by
assuming that more rigorous ethical and dogmatic
training would follow the initial wave of conversion, this
rarely occurred.

There is also growing archaeological evidence for the

Christian appropriation of pagan sacred spaces. At the
site of Gradina Zecovi near Prijedor in northern Bosnia,
an early Christian church was built in the fifth century
only a few meters away from where excavations
uncovered evidence of a taurobolium ritual, a widespread cultic practice in the ancient Mediterranean that
involved the bloody sacrifice of a bull to the Great
Mother Goddess (Cigleneki 1999b, 25; cf. Duthoy
1969). Similarly, recent excavations at the hilltop
settlement of Tonovcov grad in western Slovenia have
uncovered traces of a Late Iron Age cult site situated
directly beneath a large Late Antique ecclesiastical
complex. The presence of fibula fragments, bronze rings,
glass beads, military artifacts, and an offering plate
taken with the absence of ceramics is typical for ritual
sites in this region (Boi 2011, 267-69; Milavec 2012,
478). While no structural remains of a sanctuary have yet
been uncovered, they may have been destroyed in the
construction of the Late Antique churches, or may simply
have left a very faint archaeological footprint (Figure 2).

Christian Appropriation of Sacred Landscapes:

Historical and Archaeological Evidence
Appropriating Sacred Pagan Places
One key strategy for inserting Christianity within the
established cosmological framework of European
paganism was the appropriation of sacred spaces. The
religious topography of pre-Christian Europe was filled
with such numinous places; mountains, caves, streams,
lakes, trees, and stones were often seen as potential
conduits for contact with the preternatural world
(Dowden 2000). This sacred geography was deeply
embedded in peoples cognitive maps and daily routines
an indispensable component of their spiritual habitus.
While such traditions and customs would not be easily
forgotten or abandoned, they could be subtly redirected
(Grinsell 1986, 27). Although some Christians favored
the complete abandonment of pagan spaces, which they
viewed as demonic or ritually polluted, many bishops
adopted a more pragmatic approach. One of the most
famous examples of this attitude comes from a letter sent
from Pope Gregory I to the Abbot Milletus of London in
AD 601, in which the pope encourages the conversion of
pagan temples into Christian sanctuaries with the hope
that they should be changed from the worship of devils
to the service of the true God.

A third example for the Christian appropriation of sacred

places is evident at the site of the Hemmaberg in southern
Austria, which was the largest and most important
Christian ecclesiastical complex in the Late Antique and
Early Medieval eastern Alpine region. The discovery of a
dedicatory inscription (Weihinschrift) in one of the
churches, combined by local toponymic evidence,
strongly suggests that a sanctuary to the Celtic god
Iovenat was previously located at this hilltop site (Glaser
1982, 12). A local grotto with natural springs below the

When this people (sic) see that their shrines are not
destroyed they will be able to banish error from their
75

LANDSCAPE AND IDENTITY: ARCHAEOLOGY AND HUMAN GEOGRAPHY

Figure 2. Iron Age artifacts from structure 1 at Tonovcov grad, drawn by D. Knific Lunder.
1 bronze; 2 glass; 3-5 iron; 6 gilded bronze (after Milavec 2012, 479)

site, today dedicated to St Rosalia, provides another

example of the transformation of an old pagan sacred
place into a Christian shrine, like those described above
(Ladsttter 2001).

who argues that the Early Medieval landscape was

organized around the pre-Christian ideology of troan,
which connects the three basic forces of nature with
symbolic points in the landscape: (1) fire, oriented
towards the high place of the thunder god Perun, (2)
earth, represented by Veles, god of the underworld, and
(3) water, embodied by the goddess Moko (see also ok
2012). Pleterski contends that important sacred places in
the landscape (graveyards, shrines, churches, placenames, etc.) associated with these forces are each aligned
along a 23 angle, which reflects the angle of the sun
from due east and west at the solstices (at midwinter
solstice, it is 23 south of east/west, and at midsummer
solstice it is 23 north of east/west) (Figure 5). While the
names of these places were often switched from pagan
gods to saints after Christianization, the basic pattern and
structure of the landscape remained largely intact (cf.
Kravanja 2006, 54).

Appropriating Sacred Pagan Landscapes

The Christian appropriation of pagan sacred geography in
Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages occurred not
only at individual sites, but often across entire
landscapes. Archaeologists have explored the impact of
Christianity on landscapes in early medieval Scandinavia
(Fabech 1999; Andrn 2013), England (Turner 2006;
Foster 2008), and Spain (Oubia et al. 1998), but the
most dramatic example comes from the Alpine region of
Churraetia, today in eastern Switzerland. Drawing on an
array of archaeological research, Randon Jerris (2002)
has argued that not only were Christian churches placed
on top of pagan ritual sites, but they were also built on
astronomically significant places in the landscape. By
examining the location of Early Medieval churches on
Alpine sun-terraces across the region, Jerris was able to
demonstrate their alignment with important solar events
such as N55E and S56E marking the precise
location of the sunrise on the summer and winter
solstices, respectively (Jerris 2002, 94). Jerris further
hypothesizes that these churches were all built on top of
prehistoric astronomical markers, such as menhirs or
megaliths, which organized the pre-Christian agricultural
and ritual calendar.

Some scholars have been wary of this line of research,

and particularly skeptical about the validity of folkloric
and philological data for reconstructing Early Medieval
religious landscapes (e.g. Curta 2008). While the
synthesis of historical, archaeological, and ethnographic
datasets has the potential to provide a powerful
interdisciplinary model for investigation past landscapes,
one cannot afford to ignore the different nature of these
categories of evidence. As Pluskowski and Patrick (2003,
43) have warned, projecting folklore back onto the distant
past is dangerous because it may reflect potential reinventions within the framework of the Christian
paradigm.

Farther east in the Alps, a similar line of interdisciplinary

research has been undertaken by Andrej Pleterski (1996),
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Appropriating Sacred Pagan Objects

A final means by which the early church capitalized on
the extant power of pre-Christian religions was through
the incorporation of pagan objects into their physical
structures. While the reuse of old materials (spolia) in
new architectural constructions was a common practice
during Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Esch
2011), most known examples were used for political
purposes. For example, the emperors Constantine,
Theodoric, and Charlemagne all sought out spolia for
their monumental construction projects, probably as a
way to legitimize their political authority by emphasizing
continuity with the past (Brenk 1987). Although less well
studied, religious spolia such as stone blocks featuring
inscriptions or images of pagan gods have been found
in Late Antique and Early Medieval churches across
Europe. Examples from the eastern Alps include the
aforementioned Hemmaberg, where the name of the
pagan god Iovenat is preserved on an altar discovered in
the Late Antique church (ael Kos 1999, 41). Similarly,
at the Late Antique site of Rifnik in eastern Slovenia, two
stone pillars with inscriptions to the local water divinity
Aquo were reused in the construction of an early fifth
century church (Bolta 1981; ael Kos 2008; Figure 3). A
third example in this region comes from the Late Antique
ecclesiastical complex at Kuar in southeastern Slovenia,
where excavations have uncovered a smashed altar
dedicated to Jupiter, which had been reused for one of the
smaller podiums in the lower church (Dular et al., 1995,
137; Figure 4). This latter case has striking parallels with
an example from Fontaine-Valmont in Hainault (Belgium), where a Jupiter-Giant column was found supporting a chapel dedicated to St Wido (Dierkins 1998, 42;
Faider-Feytmans 1978). It should be noted that the reuse
of spolia in churches does not necessarily indicate that
they were built directly over pagan sanctuaries. The Aquo
pillars at Rifnik, for example, probably originally stood at
a shrine alongside a nearby stream (ael Kos 2008, 282).

Figure 3. Column dedicated to Aquo from Rifnik

(after ael Kos 2008, 283)

While the propagandistic value of using spolia in political

monuments is obvious, why would Christians have
deliberately incorporated pagan imagery and inscriptions
into their houses of worship? Although it is possible that
spolia were simply sought out as high quality building
materials, some scholars have argued this practice had
more ideologically significant purposes. Incorporating
such pagan objects into newly constructed churches may
have been an attempt to assign them a new meaning,
thereby neutralizing their magical powers (Esch 2011, 26;
Camille 1989, 74). Perhaps it represented a symbolic
conquest over paganism and a conscious statement of
the victory of the new religion (Schnapp 1997, 88;
Dierkins 1998, 42). There is also some evidence that such
objects were thought to have the ability to ward off evil
spirits (Camille 1992). Whatever the reasons, this practice
continued throughout the Middle Ages, and was even
brought to the New World by Spanish missionaries, who
incorporated the broken remains of pre-Hispanic god
idols into Catholic churches across Mesoamerica, under
the explicit instructions of Holy Roman Emperor Carlos
V (Hamann 2008, 813).

Figure 4. Smashed Jupiter altar from Kuar

(after Dular 1995, 137)
77

LANDSCAPE AND IDENTITY: ARCHAEOLOGY AND HUMAN GEOGRAPHY

Figure 5. Orientation of early medieval sites in Bled region, Slovenia (after Pleterski 1996, 172)

Persistence of Pagan Practices?

cannot assume that this meant the complete

disappearance of pagan practices across the empire
(Caseau 2004, 137). Indeed, as adherents to traditional
Roman polytheism became increasingly socially
marginalized in the urban centers, paganism enjoyed a
short-lived revival in the countryside. Worship at nature
shrines particularly experienced a temporary renewal, as
they constituted the last refuge for pagan piety (Lavan
2011). There is some tantalizing archaeological evidence
in the eastern Alpine-Adriatic region for the continued
practice of paganism after the Edict of Thessalonica (AD
380) made Nicene Christianity the only legal religion of
the empire. The temple to Mars-Latobius at the site of St
Margarethen in Laventtal in Carinthia (Austria) continued
to be actively used at least until the end of the fourth
century, as evidenced by a coin issued during the reign of
Arcadius (AD 395-408) (Ladsttter 2000, 222-3). The
temple of Isis-Noreia on the nearby Ulrichsberg was not
destroyed until the end of the fifth century (Alfldy 1974,
211). Yet, the most interesting case for the persistence of
pagan practices comes from the small hilltop settlement
of Tinje in Loka pri usmu in eastern Slovenia, which

Looming over the discussion of the Christian

appropriation of pagan sacred landscapes is the question
concerning the persistence of actual pagan beliefs and
practices. It is important to recognize the distinction
between the incorporation of pagan rituals and motifs
within an explicitly Christian framework extensively
explored above, and the continued practice of consciously
non-Christian systems of belief. For example, while there
are numerous cases of festivals and traditions in the
Alpine region that almost certainly have their historical
roots in pre-Christian rituals (Kuret 1984; Cigleneki
1999b; Jerris 2002, 97), this does not mean that the
participants in these festivities actively subscribe to a
pagan cosmology. I would like to briefly conclude this
chapter by considering whether pagan belief systems
endured in secret after the advent of Christianity, and, if
so, for how long.
While institutional paganism had all but collapsed in the
Roman Empire by the end of the fourth century, we
78

K. P. FAZIOLI: THE TRANSFORMATION OF SACRED LANDSCAPES: APPROACHING THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF CHRISTIANIZATION...

was occupied from the late fourth through end of the

sixth century. What appear to be the remains of a small
stone structure were uncovered at the edge of this site.
The associated burned animal bones and coin minted
during the reign of Valentinius I (AD 367-75) suggest
that this may have been used as a pagan sacrificial altar
(Cigleneki 2000, 43). Even more interesting is that this
altar is located in close proximity to a contemporaneous
childrens graveyard with Christian iconography on the
sarcophagi. While we cannot prove the contemporaneity
of these two religious traditions, it provides an intriguing
possibility for peaceful coexistence or syncretism.

ALMOND, P. 2000. Druids, Patriarchs, and the Primordial

Religion. Journal of Contemporary Religion 15, 379393.
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gradu in eleznodobna kultna mesta v Posoju (Prehistoric finds from Tonovcov grad and iron age cult
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While direct material evidence for pagan practices

disappears as we move into the Middle Ages, written
sources occasionally allow us to infer the continuation of
such beliefs. For example, Early Medieval church
councils at Arles (AD 443-52), Tours (AD 567), and
Toledo (AD 681) explicitly condemned the worship of
springs, wells, stones, or other natural phenomena (ael
Kos 1999, 23). These prohibitions would only have been
necessary if such practices continued among the peasant
population. Even as late as the fourteenth century, the
bishop at Cividale (Italy) organized a crusade against the
inhabitants of the town of Kobarid because they allegedly
continued to worship a holy tree and natural spring
(Milavec 2012, 484). Of course, it is important to
carefully weigh the credibility of accusations of pagan
belief, which could be merely false pretenses to malign
political enemies or an excuse to suppress a peasant
uprising. Nevertheless, it is entirely plausible that small
pockets of non-Christian belief could have existed outside
the reach of church authorities, particularly in the remote
villages of the Alps, which are well-known for
maintaining traditional religious beliefs (Guillet et al.,
1983). A recent ethnography by Boris ok (2012) has
claimed that non-Christian rituals continued to be
covertly practiced in southwest Slovenia well into the
nineteenth century! Even more controversially, he has
argued that these so-called Old Faith traditions were in
fact authentic descendants of Early Medieval Slavic
paganism, and not simply neo-pagan re-imaginings, such
as Neo-Druidism or Wicca, which gained popularity
in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Almond
2000). While further research is necessary to confirm
these provocative conclusions, there is no doubt that
pre-Christian religions left a powerful, long-lasting
imprint on the European landscape that is still discernible
today.

BRATO, R. and KAHL, H.-D. (ed.) 2000. Slovenija in

sosednje dezele med antiko in karolinsko dobo:
zacetki slovenske etnogeneze = Slowenien und die
Nachbarlnder zwischen Antike und karolingischer
Epoche: Anfnge der slowenischen Ethnogeneseslovenske etnogeneze. Ljubljana, Slovenia, Narodni
muzej Slovenije.
BRENK, B. 1987. Spolia from Constantine to
Charlemagne: aesthetics versus ideology. Dumbarton
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function in Latin Christianity. Chicago, University of
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CAMILLE, M. 1989. The Gothic idol: ideology and imagemaking in medieval art. Cambridge, MA, Cambridge
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CAMILLE, M. 1992. Image on the edge: the margins of
medieval art. Cambridge, Harvard University Press.
CARVER, M. O. H. (ed.) 2003. The cross goes north:
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CASEAU, B. 1999. Sacred Landscapes. In G. W.
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Antiquity: A Guide to the Postclassical World, 21-59.
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CASEAU, B. 2004. The fate of rural temples in Late
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Acknowledgements
I am grateful to Benjamin tular and Tina Milavec for
providing very helpful comments on earlier drafts of this
paper. I would also like to thank Rachel Fazioli for her
careful editing eye and Kurt Springs for the opportunity
to contribute to this volume. All errors and omissions
remain the sole responsibility of the author.
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