Knowledge-Based Policy and

Program Development Initiative

Learning from CIDAs
Pakistan NGO Support Program Phase-II
(1996-2003)

STRENGTHENING CIVIL
SOCIETY IN PAKISTAN
MUSTAFA NAZIR AHMAD
October 2004

South Asia Partnership-Canada

and
South Asia Partnership-Pakistan

CONTENTS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY04
Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION TO CIVIL SOCIETY07
1.1 Literature Review......08
1.2 Modern Definitions08
1.3 Working Definition, Components and Role...09
1.4 Shift of Focus on Civil Society and its Key Manifestations11
Chapter 2: STATE OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN PAKISTAN..13
2.1 Overview....13
2.2 Structure.14
2.2.1

Mapping Civil Society

2.2.2

Regional Distribution

2.2.3

Thematic Focus

2.2.4
2.2.5

Human and Financial Resources

Membership Base

2.2.6

Networking/Umbrella Bodies

2.3 Space..17
2.3.1

The Right of Association

2.3.2
2.3.3

General Attitude of Government Agencies

Fiscal Framework

2.3.4

The Legal Framework

2.3.5

Open Hostility

2.3.6

Links to Government

2.3.7

Government-CSO Partnership: Current Scenario

2.3.8

Socio-Religious Pressure

2.3.9

Socio-Cultural Norms

2.4 Values.21
2.4.1

Tradition of Charity

2.4.2

Promoting Human Rights and Tolerance

2.4.3

Promoting Sustainable Development

2.4.4
2.4.5

Violence and Militancy: The Other Extreme

Other Folk Sub-Sectors

2.4.6

Gender Equity

2.4.7

Accountability and Transparency

2.4.8

Self-Regulation

2.5 Impact.25
2.5.1

Public Policy

2.5.2

Effectiveness of CSOs

2.5.3

Creating Awareness

2.5.4

Successful Lobbying

2.5.5

International Recognition

2.5.6

Portrayal in Media

2.5.7

Some Setbacks

Chapter 3: STRENGTHENING CIVIL SOCIETY IN PAKISTAN29

3.1 Major Challenges to Civil Society in Pakistan..29
3.2 SAP-PKs Approach.30
3.3 SAP-PKs Role..31
3.4 SAP-PKs Achievements.31
3.5 SAP-PKs Range of Partners..32
3.6 SAP-PKs Salient Programmatic Interventions33
3.6.1

Resource Development Program (RDP)

3.6.2

Provincial Coordinating Councils (CCs)

3.6.3
3.6.4

Small Capacity Building Inputs Program (SCBIP)

Local Research Program (LRP)

3.6.5

Inputs to Media and Other CSOs

3.6.6

Democratic Rights and Citizens Education Program (DRCEP)

3.6.7
3.6.8

Development Dialogue Series

Democracy and Human Rights Program (DHRP)

3.6.9

Technical Support Program (TSP)

Chapter 4: ENVISAGED ROLE OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN PAKISTAN56

4.1 SAP-PKs Vision57
4.2 Democratic Local Governance58
4.3 Social Development..58
4.4 Gender Equality.59

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Canadian International Development Agencys (CIDAs) Pakistan NGO Support
Program (PNSP), managed by South Asia Partnership-Canada (SAP-Canada)
and implemented by South Asia Partnership-Pakistan (SAP-PK), has been
providing financial and technical support to Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in
Pakistan for over a decade now. Its major focus has been to contribute to peoplecentred participatory community development with gender and sustainability as
the cross-cutting themes.
Through the window of PNSP, SAP-PK has not only developed capacity of its
partner organizations and their communities, but has also initiated research and
advocacy initiatives on a wide range of development like including governance,
peace, gender, human rights, agriculture, globalization, etc.
The Phase-I of PNSP, extending from 1987 to 1995, helped the organization
develop linkages with groups working at the grassroots level and nurture them
into community organizations. Going a step ahead, the focus of the Programs
Phase-II (1996-2003) was on civil society and its intended impact was to
enhance the capacity of Pakistani CSOs to implement programs aiming at the
promotion of gender equality, human rights and democratic local governance.
On the other hand, SAP-Canada is an active participant in Canadian civil society
and a strong proponent of Pakistani civil societys vital role in ameliorating the
situation of the poor in the country. The organization is uniquely positioned to
strengthen and build informed and cooperative communities in Canada and
Pakistan to contribute to poverty eradication.
At the culmination of PNSP Phase-II last year, SAP-Canada proposed, in
cooperation with SAP-PK and with support from CIDAs Pakistan Program, to
produce a learning document for the benefit of CIDA, other national SAP
organizations and CSOs in the South Asian region. The organization genuinely
believed that it was important to assess the outcomes and initial impacts of the
Programs Phase-II, so as to have an increased and better understanding of the
civil society issues in Pakistan.
It was envisaged that this initiative, titled Learning from CIDAs Pakistan NGO
Support Program Phase-II, will allow for documentation and analysis of the past
seven years experience, and will strengthen the basis for a stronger and
renewed partnership between CIDA and the SAP organizations in Canada and
Pakistan. Knowledge-Based Policy and Program Development Initiative of
CIDAs Pakistan Program supported this initiative on SAP-Canadas request.
Objectives
The main objectives of Learning from CIDAs Pakistan NGO Support Program
Phase-II are to:*
4

document and analyze the results achieved during the last seven years
under PNSP Phase-II;

document best practices for replication and upscaling strategies;

take stock of the lessons learned during the PNSP Phase-II with a view to
facilitate more strategic development interventions in future, and to root
the next phase of programming with CIDA in that continuous learning
process;

assess SAP-PKs success in integrating a gender perspective into its

programming;

inform Canadians about development issues in Pakistan through a civil

society lens, drawing on SAP-PKs experiences in the field; and

highlight the importance of partnership development, focusing on building

linkages as well as project support for Canadian and Pakistani
organizations working for social change.

Expected Outputs
The expected outputs of Learning from CIDAs Pakistan NGO Support Program
Phase-II are:

Increased knowledge and understanding among CIDA and other

stakeholders of the positive development results of PNSP Phase-II; and

Enhanced collaboration among CIDA, SAP-Canada, SAP-PK and other

Canadian stakeholders on key and emerging development issues in
Pakistan, in particular gender equality.

Expected Outcome
The expected outcome of Learning from CIDAs Pakistan NGO Support Program
Phase-II is Increased capacity of stakeholders to generate, access and use
information and analysis on development issues and experience in Pakistan for
improved program and policy development.
Strengthening Civil Society in Pakistan
In order to achieve these objectives, it was decided that the focus of Learning
from CIDAs Pakistan NGO Support Program Phase-II should be on civil society
in Pakistan. The present document, the end product of the initiative, has been
accordingly titled Strengthening Civil Society in Pakistan. It is further divided into
four main sections introduced briefly in the following:
Chapter 1, Introduction to Civil Society, studies the evolution of this concept and
situates it in the present context. After sharing some of the modern definitions of
civil society, an attempt has also been made to offer its working definition
exclusively tailored to serve the purposes of this document. This chapter also
introduces some of the key manifestations of civil society in the modern times.

Chapter 2, State of Civil Society in Pakistan, presents an overview of the

contemporary civil society along four dimensions: Structure (number of CSOs,
sectoral and regional distribution, resources, membership, networking, etc.);
Space (legal, political and socio-cultural environment that civil society operates
in); Values (norms and attitudes that civil society represents and propagates);
and Impact (civil societys contribution to various social, economic and political
issues, and its role in policy-making, implementation and monitoring).
Chapter 3, Strengthening Civil Society in Pakistan, enumerates some of the
major challenges civil society in Pakistan is confronted with before moving on to
SAP-PKs approach and programmatic interventions aimed at addressing them.
This section also briefly looks at the range of SAP-PKs partners and some of its
achievements with regard to strengthening civil society in Pakistan.
Chapter 4, Envisaged Role of Civil Society in Pakistan, looks at SAP-PKs vision
and how the organization plans to strengthen civil society through specific
interventions in the areas of democratic local governance, social development
and gender equality.

CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION TO CIVIL SOCIETY
Since the end of the Cold War, there has been a global ubiquity to the concept of
civil society among researchers and activists, and a widespread assumption
among many policy-makers in different parts of the world of its global relevance
to strengthening democracy and development.
Civil Society is usually understood as the population of groups formed for
collective purposes, primarily outside the state and marketplace. It is usually
seen as being situated beyond the household, and some writers argue that it is
composed of groups which cross-cut ties of kinship and patronage.
Civil society promotes democracy, so goes the prevailing orthodoxy in the mostly
western literature on democratization in emerging democracies. Inspired in large
part by the post-1990 triumph of liberal democracy in large swathes of the globe,
this fantastic creation also informs much of the current thinking in development
policy given its presumed utility both as an analytical concept and as an
instrument of change.
Romanticized as an autonomous sphere of associational activity constituted by
disparate societal groups, bonded together by the common passion of collective
action, civil society is assumed to be selflessly engaged in negotiating and
claiming what is rightfully the citizens' political, economic and social prerogatives
from state. Thus, it generates social capital and inculcates a general sense of
publicness that in turn makes the government responsive and accountable to it.
The idea of civil society has many different roots. Adam Ferguson saw it as a
socially desirable alternative both to the state of nature and the heightened
individualism of emergent capitalism. The German philosopher Friedrich Hegel
argued that self-organized civil society needed to be balanced and ordered by
the state; otherwise, it would become self-interested and would not contribute to
the common good. Both approaches shaped the concepts early evolution.
Moving from the social and political sphere to the narrower organizational focus,
the work of Alex de Tocquville has been influential and has been used to support
arguments in favor of civil society. His positive account of the 19th century
associationalism in the United States stressed volunteerism, community spirit
and independent associational life protections against the domination of society
by the state, and indeed as counterbalance which helped keep the state
accountable and effective.
This account and elements of those which preceded it tended to stress the
role of civil society as one in which some kind of equilibrium was created in
relation to the state and the market.

1.1

Literature Review

The concept of civil society has gained an unprecedented currency in the last
decade or so and now an enormous amount of literature is available on this
subject. However, answers to questions on the role of civil society and who is its
part and who is not continue to vary between countries, and even among social
activists and development practitioners from the same country.
Therefore, it is crucial to develop a rigorous understanding of the idea of civil
society and the form it takes. Before moving on to its definitions, components,
role, manifestations and the shift of focus on it, let us first delve into history to
trace its roots and study its evolution:
From the 17th century onwards, almost all political theorists have talked about
civil society. Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) and John Locke (1632-1704)
distinguished between the state and civil society the organized society over
which the state rules. They argued that it was possible not to have a state.
Therefore, they needed a concept to describe the remaining institutions. Civil
society, then, is the framework within which those without political authority live
their lives: economic relationships, family and kinship structures, religious
institutions and so on.
Locke drew a blueprint for a political system in which the government would be
severely limited in its role, and subject to control and even abolition by the
citizenry. He and later Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) argued that
sovereignty lay with the people, not with a monarch, and governments had their
authority only because the citizens consented to their rule to achieve specific
benefits. Friedrich Hegel (1770-1831) analyzed civil society as an intermediate
institution between the family and the political relations of the state.
In German Ideology, Karl Marx (1818-1883) and Friedrich Engels (1820-95)
argue that civil society is the true source and theatre of all history the
explanation of political events, legal changes and cultural development is to be
sought in the development of its structure. This Marxist conception was also
adopted by Antonio Gramci (1891-1937), who argued that between the coercive
relations of the state and the economic sphere of production lies civil society.

1.2

Modern Definitions

Since the use of civil society as a term has become fashionable, many
individuals and institutions have tried to define it in order to capture its diverse
perceptions and help maximum people relate to it. To facilitate better
understanding of the concept, some of the major modern definitions of civil
society are presented in the following:
It expresses the potential for toleration, for accommodating different
worldviews and lifestyles. It refers to communications and social relations

among people, a horizontal space where non-violent management of

differences become possible. (Roberto Belloni)
It is a collection of individual and collective initiatives for common public
good. (Society for the Participatory Research in Asia: PRIA)
An association unites the efforts of minds which have a tendency to diverge
in one single channel, and urges them vigorously towards one single end
which it points out. Feelings and opinions are recruited, the heart is enlarged
and the human mind is developed by no other means than by the reciprocal
influence of men (people) upon each other. (Alexis de Tocqueville)
The social capital embodied in networks of civic engagement seems to be a
pre-condition for economic development as well as for effective government.
Development economists take note: Civics matters. (Robert D. Putnam)
The network of autonomous associations that rights-bearing and
responsibility-leaden citizens voluntarily create to address common problems,
advance shared interests and promote collective aspirations. (CIVICUS)
It has three basic pillars: association, decentralization of the state, and
delegation of the exercise of some of its functions to relatively independent
entities. (Vaclav Havel)
It refers to that sphere of voluntary associations and informal networks in
which individuals and groups engage in activities of public consequence. It is
distinguished from the public activities of government because it is voluntary,
and from the private activities of markets because it seeks common ground
and public goods. It is often described as the third sector. For democratic
societies, it provides an essential link between citizens and the state. (Civic
Practices Network)

1.3

Working Definition, Components and Role

As we have already seen, various social and political scientists, philosophers,

and organizations have tried to define civil society in their personalized contexts.
However, we need to evolve a working definition of this concept exclusively
tailored to serve the purposes of this document. It goes as follows:
It is a panoply of organizations and individuals that engage in public life.
Those acting from a social justice perspective engage in public life to help
people, groups and governing institutions meet their mutual responsibilities to
the society; to check and balance the power of the state and market; and to
work towards making real a vision of a just, decent society.
Civil society includes, among others, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs),
Community-Based Organizations (CBOs), womens groups, philanthropic and

religious organizations, professional associations, civic organizations, community

gathering places, rural organizations, poor peoples groups, youth groups,
farmers associations, labor unions, and both ordinary and elite individuals. These
are illustrative examples and in no way limit the institutional possibilities.
Taken as a whole, it represents a diversity of identities, issues and perspectives.
It can draw strength from its pluralism and diversity, even though it cannot
represent or speak for the interests of all people all of the time, or even some of
the time. Overall, civil society excludes members of the state apparatus (the
military, police, bureaucracy, elected officials, etc.), political parties, corporations
and donor agencies. However, there is space for individuals from these
institutions to engage in public roles that are separate from their work affiliations.
Civil societys strength depends largely on its genuine autonomy from the state.
CSOs and their leadership must be independent of government authorities even
as they work to develop professional and public relationships with public officials
at all levels of government. A civil society includes a public process where
policies, legislation and regulations are crafted, implemented and revised.
Participation in this process is open and/or representative. Accountability,
likewise, is achieved and sought through this process. And, within this process,
debate and disagreement as well as compromise and negotiation are accepted.
Civil society is essentially a citizens domain, well captured in Marc Nerfins
formulation Neither Prince nor Merchant: Citizen. He distinguishes the citizen
from the prince and the merchant. Implicit in this symbolic formulation is the
fundamental characteristic of civil society: its relative autonomy from the state
and the market. The prince, the merchant and the citizen constitute three
different sets of institutions, each of which has distinct motivations and structural
preferences as shown in the following:
Institution Primary Concern Does Through
State
Preservation of
Legitimate
Sector
social order
authority and
coercive sanction
from society
Market
Production of
Mechanisms of
Sector
goods and
negotiated
services
economic
exchange and
profit maximization
Associating Articulation and
Shared normative
or Citizens actualization of a values of its
Sector
particular social
patrons, members
vision
and clients

Represents
Interests of the
majority (or
dominant
groups)
Individual selfinterest

Operates
In the realm
of the
political
system
In the realm
of the market

Interest of
those who
consider their
interest is
marginalized

In the realm
of the civil
society

10

1.4

Shift of Focus on Civil Society and its Key Manifestations

In the present context, three tendencies came together at one moment in history
and contributed to the emergence of civil society: overthrow of authoritarian
regimes; acceptance of democracy as the only form of political organization of
society; and triumph of the market. As a result of these and other factors like the
growth of communications technology, ordinary people are recognizing their
responsibility to help resolve issues of local, national and international concern.
This marks a shift in consciousness away from dependency on governments and
other elites towards the insight that interdependence is the keynote of all life,
implying that it is only through the enlightened thinking and actions of all that
global crises can be faced and resolved.
The growing number who have decided to live by this insight are the spearhead
of a new civilization which is based on that which has never yet before truly
existed right human relations. Although they still represent a small fraction of
the global population, they wield a force for good out of proportion to their
numbers. Furthermore, their numbers are increasing. Dramatic evidence for this
is provided by the growth in the number of NGOs, one of the principal channels
through which this new responsible living manifests.
One of the most important aspects of choosing to work within an NGO or other
CSOs is the fact that it is a definite opportunity to work in a group, rather than as
a separated individual. Group work makes it easier to leave behind the selfish
concerns of the individual, so freeing more energy to realize the service
objectives of the group.
The amazing growth of this tendency to work cooperatively in groups suggests
that a fundamental change is taking place in human consciousness: we are
perhaps beginning to unfold the capacity for group consciousness, in which the
best elements of all the individual minds and hearts involved are united in
constructive effort. A group of this sort thus represents a true unity-in-diversity: a
unity focused by a common vision and the principles through which that vision is
realized, and a diversity of expertise within each individual's field of responsibility.
Living up to such a new ideal is not easy, but the reward is a capacity to serve
others far greater than would be possible for the individuals alone. And on a
wider scale, the ability to create fluid alliances which recognize a shared purpose
is one which groups themselves are increasingly demonstrating.
A major example of this occurred at the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992,
when around 15,000 NGOs came together at the Global Forum, which ran in
parallel to the Summit. At all of the subsequent major United Nations (UN)
conferences of the 1990s there have been parallel NGO Forums, where ordinary
citizens were able to discuss the issues which their political leaders were also
debating.
11

Without doubt, the fact that so many concerned people were focusing on these
major global problems simultaneously with their elected representatives must
have helped to enlighten the mental atmosphere of the official discussions.
Further opportunity to clarify the issues came from the addresses which
individuals representing major groupings of CSOs made at the official
conferences. The positive contribution of NGOs to these conferences has been
openly acknowledged by the UN, as has their role in helping to implement the
measures contained in the important conference documents.
The UN is not the only international body which has attracted civil society to meet
in parallel to its conferences. While the Commonwealth Heads of Government
Meeting was going on in Edinburgh in 1997, the Assembly Rooms in the heart of
the city staged exhibitions, conferences, workshops and cultural performances by
some 140 organizations under the auspices of the Royal Commonwealth
Society. The success of this gathering of Commonwealth civil society led to
similar events in future years.
The meeting of Heads of Government of the G-7 that includes Britain, Canada,
France, Germany, Italy, Japan and the US (G-8 since Russias admission) has
been accompanied since 1988 by a parallel meeting for citizens' groups.
Founded by The Other Economic Summit UK (now the New Economics
Foundation), this meeting provides a forum where civil society can meet to reflect
on approaches to the world economy which ensure the safeguarding of the
environment and human rights.
At the 1998 meeting in Birmingham, called The People's Summit, a special focus
was placed on debt relief for the world's poorest nations. This was due in large
measure to the Jubilee 2000 Coalition, comprising around 30 CSOs, which
campaigned for a debt-free start to the next millennium for a billion people. The
Jubilee 2000 Coalition represented a slightly different kind of union of groups
within civil society, one which was brought together not so much for a specific
event as by the shared recognition of the need to campaign for a specific cause.
Another example is the Third World Network, which is involved in bringing about
a greater articulation of the needs, aspirations and rights of people in the Third
World; a fair distribution of global resources; and forms of development which are
humane, in harmony with nature and fulfill people's needs.
We could go on enumerating the various types of alliances, groupings and
coalitions which exist there has, for example, been no reference to the
communities of NGOs to be found on the internet. But the key point is that, no
matter how tenuous the outer links between groups, these alliances are
expressions of an underlying subjective unity: groups, just as much as
individuals, are increasingly identifying with each others' vision of a future world
in which goodwill and right relations are universal, and are responding by
synthesizing and integrating their constructive activities.

12

CHAPTER 2
STATE OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN PAKISTAN
2.1

Overview

In Pakistan the contemporary development discourse, academic discussions and

journalistic writings tend to employ civil society as an umbrella term for a range of
non-state and non-market citizens organizations and initiatives, networks and
alliances operating in a broad spectrum of social, economic and cultural fields.
These include formal institutions such as political parties, NGOs, trade unions,
professional associations, philanthropies, academia, independent and quasiindependent pressure groups, think tanks, and traditional, informal formations
such as faith-based organizations, shrines, seminaries, neighborhood
associations, burial societies, jirgas (councils of elders) and savings groups.
Notwithstanding a vibrant history of citizen action in the public sphere in this part
of the world, the term civil society has been in vogue only for the past decade or
so. It is yet to gain currency in popular parlance. The term has as yet no
equivalent in any of the countrys many vernacular languages. Similarly, there is
a lack of research material or studies on the concept and development of civil
society in Pakistan and its interaction with the state.
Pakistans civil society is characterized by hybrid forms, multiple inheritances and
the unresolved struggle between the practices and values of pre-capitalist society
and new modes of social life, between authoritarian legacies and democratic
aspirations. Its cultural manifestations appear as a collection of incoherent
voices, conflicting worldviews and opposing interests.
While some social forms such as councils of elders, neighborhood associations
and shrines continue from previous phases of society, many new groups have
been created organically through the development of capitalism. Such are the
dynamics of an evolving civil society, caught between the throes of a dying social
order and the birth pangs of a new one.
There remains a dearth of reliable and updated information on Pakistans civil
society. The limited work that has been done includes a three-year international
study, initiated in May 2000 by NGO Resource Center (NGORC), covering a
large spectrum of civil society in Pakistan. Another critical plug-in-the-hole was
the CIVICUS Index on Civil Society Project in Pakistan. Conducted in 2001 by
NGORC, this research filled a major gap in the existing literature on civil society
that seems to be lacking an all-encompassing and cross-sectoral analysis.
This research showed that civil society in Pakistan enjoyed a moderately good
health, especially with regard to its structure and values. The dimensions that

13

received a less positive rating were space and impact. It is interesting to note that
both of these dimensions not only look at civil society, but also at some external
factors and pre-conditions, especially the relationship to the state a) as a factor of
an enabling environment for civil society (space) and b) as a reference point on
which civil society is attempting to exert its influence (impact). This analysis
suggests that the internal characteristics of civil society are to be assessed as
slightly more positive than its external environment and its ability to influence it.

2.2

Structure

It is difficult to gauge the canvas of civil society in Pakistan as no comprehensive

database has been maintained on a regular basis. Although several initiatives
have been launched during the 1990s to collect data on various dimensions of
the civil society, no comprehensive analysis has been undertaken so far. The
available data, mostly focusing on NGOs, is sketchy and sector- or area-specific.
Other components of civil society, particularly the informal sub-sectors, are yet to
get the critical attention they deserve. There is no consolidated data available on
the number, funding sources and resources of such traditional civil society actors
as madrassas (seminaries), jirgas and panchayats (council of elders), savings
groups, burial societies, neighborhood associations and shrines.
2.2.1 Mapping Civil Society
Having reviewed a number of databases and surveys, it is estimated that there
are around 10,000 to 12,000 active and registered NGOs in Pakistan, the bulk of
them (59%) in Punjab followed by Sindh and the NWFP. If non-registered
organizations are added to those registered under the six laws, the number,
according to reliable government sources, could be anywhere around 60,000.
As for trade unions, the number is estimated to be around 8,000, with a total
membership of around one million (5% of the countrys employed labor force).
According to sources from All Pakistan Trade Union Federation (APTUF), this is
mainly due to the restrictive nature of the Industrial Relations Ordinance (1969)
and the Essential Services Act which debar entire categories of employees from
forming their unions. For example, temporary workers (workers in the informal
sector and agriculture) do not form part of trade unions.
It is believed that the number of trade unions and their members have actually
been on the decline due to privatization, retrenchment of the public sector
employees and closure of some industrial units. Of the total registered unions,
only 2,000 have the right to collective bargaining (negotiating with employers on
behalf of workers).
Mapping the NGO sector in Pakistan makes for a complicated task partly due to
the multiplicity of registration laws. There are six different laws under which
organizations can be registered: the Societies Act (1860), the Trust Act (1882),

14

the Charitable Endowments Act (1890), the Co-operative Act (1925), the
Voluntary Social Welfare Agencies (Registration and Control) Ordinance (1961)
and Companies Ordinance (1984). There is no system whereby non-functional
NGOs are struck off the registration records. Consequently, many NGOs that
have become defunct continue to be listed and present a false picture.
2.2.2 Regional Distribution
A vast majority of civil society knowledge bearers also hold that CSOs are not
spread across the country in a balanced way. Observers suggest that class
structure constitutes a major impediment to urban-based CSOs that might wish
to operate in the countryside as well as to the local rural initiatives, as the
traditional elites still hold sway over the rural society and economy.
The paucity of modern NGOs in the NWFP and Balochistan is attributed to
logistical difficulties, widespread illiteracy, limitations on womens mobility and the
tribal/feudal system that frowns upon efforts for social change. Because Pakistani
NGOs are predominantly urban, they do not genuinely represent more than 65%
of the rural-based population.
A UNDP study conducted in 1991 and titled NGOs Working for Others: A
Contribution to Human Development identified 4,833 NGOs. Of these, 2,714
were located in the Punjab, 1,742 in Sindh, 213 in Balochistan and 163 in the
NWFP. The survey also revealed that 70% of organizations were urban-based.
A more recent survey of intermediary NGOs reveals that 18% of intermediary
organizations are exclusively urban-based, 21% exclusively rural-based and the
remaining operate in both urban and rural areas. It must be pointed out that folk
sub-sectors are present across rural Pakistan; however, there is insufficient
information available on their size, number and regional distribution.
2.2.3 Thematic Focus
In terms of thematic focus, education (including basic, primary, adult and
informal) represents 56% of the total, with health and womens development
accounting for 39% each. Other areas of focus include early childhood
development (15.2%), sports promotion and recreation (12.3%), and community
development (12%). Intermediary NGOs and support organizations are also most
actively engaged in education (69%) and womens issues (56%).
2.2.4 Human and Financial Resources
It is difficult to estimate the total funds administered by the Pakistani CSOs, as
only a few of them report regularly and when they do it is usually in terms of
individual project funds. No attempt has been made as yet to define and regularly
update the quantum of funds from the main sources: government, institutional
donors and private donations. The sketchy information that is available suggests
that most CSOs have multiple sources of finance. Professional associations,

15

trade unions and employers unions rely mostly on membership fee to finance
their activities.
The impression that CSOs in Pakistan are heavily dependent on foreign funds
may hold true for large development-oriented and advocacy organizations.
However, civil society at large relies on indigenous funding, both private and
public. Aga Khan Development Networks report titled Philanthropy in Pakistan:
Initiative on Indigenous Philanthropy brought to light the high level of individual
giving in Pakistan. In 1998 alone, the report stated, Pakistanis gave about Rs.
41 billion in cash and kind, and another estimated Rs. 29 million in time.
NGOs in Pakistan range from those that are completely voluntary, and work with
small budgets contributed by the volunteers themselves, to those that have wellpaid full-time professional staff members. The majority, however, lie somewhere
in the middle. The 1991 UNDP study estimated that 89.5% of the people
engaged with the NGOs were volunteers and 10.5% were paid employees. It is
also estimated that the citizens sector employs roughly around 250,000 people.
2.2.5 Membership Base
The 1991 UNDP study NGOs Working for Others: A Contribution to Human
Development also found that the majority of NGOs had a small membership
base: one-third had fewer than 50 individual members, 17% had 50 to 99
members, 20% had 100 to 149 members, while only 5% of the total had more
than 450 members. However, there are no reliable figures available on the
membership base of CBOs and faith-based organizations.
2.2.6 Networking/Umbrella Bodies
Mutual coordination among Pakistani NGOs has been weak in the past.
However, this is beginning to change. Following government measures to control
the scope and space available to NGOs, in 1995-96, a large number of
organizations from across the country joined hands to form Pakistan NGO Forum
(PNF). Today, it provides a national platform to over 2,500 organizations that are
members of four provincial forums plus Rawalpindi-Islamabad NGO coalitions.
There are also a number of coordination bodies of NGOs that network sectorally.
Examples include the Advocacy Development Network (ADN), Coordination
Council for Child Welfare, Women in Development (WID) networks, Rural
Support Network (RSPN), Pakistan Reproductive Health Network (PRHN),
Pakistan Education Network (PEN), Micro-Finance Group (MFG) Pakistan and
the Environmental NGOs Network. NGOs are beginning to strengthen
themselves through local, regional, national and international networks upon
whom they draw for support and improvement of skills.
There are more than 100 trade union federations in the country, most of them
industry-specific. The largest cross-sector umbrella body of trade unions, the
Pakistan Workers Confederation, is said to be the representative of around 70%
16

of organized workers in the country. Other apex bodies include APTUF,

Muttahida Labor Federation (MLF), All Pakistan Federation of Labor (APFOL), All
Pakistan Trade Unions Congress and Pakistan National Federation of Trade
Unions, each one of them affiliated with a major political party.
However, there is a lack of information about the networking in civil society. It
would seem that the existing umbrella bodies need to become more visible and
pro-active in the society. The ability of the CSO umbrella body to promote the
common interests of the sector and encourage membership and participation can
also be questioned. It would be appropriate to say that the coordination between
CSOs is very weak and they largely operate in an isolated manner.
To summarize, it can be concluded that whereas intermediary NGOs in Pakistan
have multiple funding sources, CBOs rely mostly on indigenous resources.
Dependence on foreign donors is an issue for larger CSOs and it has a bearing
on their sustainability and credibility. There appears to be a need for CSOs to
increase their membership base and improve alliances and networking through
the establishment of effective and representative umbrella bodies.

2.3

Space

Civil society in Pakistan has borne the brunt of repeated military interventions in
the countrys polity. The state repression came in many forms including bans on
CSOs, arrest of civil society leaders and political pressure. While the situation
steadily improved with the restoration of democracy in the late 1980s, a truly
facilitative and enabling environment for civil society remained a distant dream.
After a quasi-democratic interlude, the country is again under military rule even
though this time round, the government has not imposed the kinds of restrictions
that many feared it would. Certain socio-cultural norms and attitudes continue to
impact on the strengthening of civil society.
2.3.1 The Right of Association
Freedom of association is guaranteed under Article 17 of the Constitution of the
Islamic Republic of Pakistan. However, this fundamental right has often been
usurped, curtailed and subjected to restrictions in the name of the national
interest. This has taken the form of frequent bans on public demonstrations and
assemblies, arrest of civil society leaders and public vilification. In the face of the
hostile attitude adopted by certain religious groups, the state has often been
wanting in its responsibility of ensuring the right of citizens to association.
The states attitude towards NGOs has been mixed and ambiguous. While it
appreciates the services that the NGOs provide, it also perceives them as a
competitor for donor funding. The governments concerns with the operation of
NGOs essentially hinge around issues of sovereignty, funding, monitoring and
supervision. The chequered history of the relations between the state and civil
society shows that while the former is relatively comfortable with the service

17

delivery and charity role of NGOs, it is the advocacy work that it finds unsettling
and provocative. Traditionally, the state has refrained from interfering with the
activities of informal CSOs such as madrassas, shrines and jirgas.
Trade unions have been subjected to state suppression for their perceived role in
the disruption of industry. The labor laws in Pakistan apply only to workplaces
employing more than 50 workers. Therefore, the right to form a union, a
constitutional provision, is denied to a large proportion of the workforce. Poor
working conditions, poor health and safety hazards, long working hours, poor
wages all of these co-exist in small-scale industries where workers are not
allowed to practice collective bargaining.
2.3.2 General Attitude of Government Agencies
It is generally believed that there is no clear-cut, comprehensive or cohesive
government policy on CSOs. In other words, there are no operating guidelines to
establish the parameters within which the government and CSOs could work.
Additionally, the government agencies dealing with CSOs are said to be lax.
2.3.3 Fiscal Framework
In line with international practices, the fiscal framework in Pakistan allows for a
range of tax incentives and exemptions to CSOs. However, a seminal study on
the subject titled A Study of the Fiscal Framework for the NGO Sector in Pakistan
pointed out that while the regulations might be in place they are open to the
interpretation of the officials. The study also noted that the discretionary powers
of the officials often served as a means of extortion or the creation of obstacles.
It can be said that the existing tax legislation is not necessarily problematic, but is
complex to understand. It would be pertinent to point out here that in 1998-99,
the government adopted two amendments in the fiscal bill proposed by NGOs,
thereby increasing the upper limit on corporate donations from 10 to 15% and
removing entirely the cap on donations set at Rs 2.5 million.
2.3.4 The Legal Framework
A number of studies have concluded that the legal regime within which CSOs
operate is confusing and outmoded. The complex language used in the laws
severely restricts public understanding of the legal regime. Consequently, most
organizations opting for registration are at a loss as to what the law entails and
what exactly is expected of them. It has also been pointed out that the
government oversight of the citizens sector within the prevalent framework
remains minimal due to indifference and capacity constraints.
It may be pointed out that the CSO experiences with registration vary from sector
to sector depending upon the nature of work and the corresponding registration
act. For example, an organization planning to venture out into advocacy may run
into problems while a service delivery-oriented one may get registered easily.

18

The laws governing trade union activities are considered obsolete and restrictive
by many. Existing labor laws do not cover either the agricultural sector or the
informal sector, where the largest percentage of the work force is employed. The
government has extensive powers to legally intervene in the internal affairs of the
unions. This makes legal strikes impossible.
Workers employed in hospitals, educational institutions, railways (open line), the
radio corporation, the Security Printing Press, the Defense Housing Societies,
agriculture, export processing zones, ordinance factories, Federal and Provincial
Government Service as well as in the informal sectors have no real right to
unionize and bargain collectively. However, as a way around this, employees of
many such organizations have formed Welfare Associations that appear to have
assumed de facto bargaining powers.
The government has imposed the Essential Services Ordinance on public sector
workers. This means that though they have the formal right to form a union and
to collective bargain, they have no right to hold strikes and the government has
the authority to ban their trade union activities at any time.
The previous government also made amendments to the Banking Ordinance of
1986, and section 27B now states that no worker is entitled to become a member
or officer of a trade union, if he or she is retrenched from the service. Trade
unionism, it has been argued, has remained weak and factionalized due to the
government policies of interference, co-option of leaders and setting up of rival
unions to break the strength of the more autonomous unions.
2.3.5 Open Hostility
The NGO-state relations turned overtly hostile in 1996 when the then
government proposed a bill in the Senate called the Social Welfare Agencies
(Registration and Regulation) Act. PNF and its coalescing units rejected the bill
as they found it to be a legitimizing tool for extraordinary interventions in CSO
affairs. The bill also proposed to eliminate civic education as a permissible CSO
activity, thus precluding the advocacy role of CSOs. While the bill was never
made law, it did engender a strong sense of vulnerability among CSOs.
In 1998-99, the then government launched a campaign against CSOs, deregistering as many as 2,500 of them in Punjab, Sindh and the NWFP. The
action came in the wake of the protests staged by NGOs against a proposed
religious legislation (Shariat Bill) and the nuclear tests conducted in May 1998.
Many CSOs, particularly in Punjab, also complained of being intimidated by the
personnel of intelligence agencies.
2.3.6 Links to Government
The instances of active government-CSO collaboration are few and far between.
Again, certain sub-sectors, especially service delivery NGOs and religious
organizations, have been more fortunate than advocacy and human rights
19

groups. Interestingly, certain religious groups have played an active role with
their leaders sitting on government committees like the Islamic Ideology Council.
The foremost example of NGO-government linkage is Pakistans National
Conservation Strategy (NCS), developed in collaboration with IUCN: the World
Conservation Union and approved by the federal cabinet on 1 March 1992.
Pakistan is one of the few countries where sustainable development has become
an official policy. NCS has also been dubbed as one of the most participatory
planning exercises ever done in Pakistan, where normally National Five Year
Plans and public policies are formulated by the bureaucratic and professional
elite without much involvement of non-officials.
Most of the rural support programs being implemented in the country also owe
their success to citizens-government collaboration. NGOs were also given a role
in the implementation of the Social Action Program (SAP) launched in 1992 and
more recently in the Pakistan Poverty Alleviation Program (PPAF).
2.3.7 Government-CSO Partnership: Current Scenario
Lately, the recognition within the government of the growing importance of CSOs
as partners in development has been rising. This is borne out by the appointment
of seasoned CSO activists on the federal cabinet, reliance on NGOs for the
implementation of the official poverty alleviation and devolution plans, and
supportive statements frequently emanating from the state.
The governments Three Year Poverty Reduction Program, brought out in
February 2001, states: NGOs and CBOs in general, and civil society at large,
are playing a very significant role in promoting individual welfare and collective
development through a variety of interventions. Recently, some NGOs have
played an unprecedented role in imparting political education, and encouraging
and helping people, particularly women, to participate in the local elections.
2.3.8 Socio-Religious Pressure
Certain sub-sectors of civil society had to face increasing hostility at societal level
in the recent past. Throughout 2000, NGOs were subjected to repeated verbal
assaults by religious leaders. The attacks came despite the support extended by
the government ministers to NGOs calling for their inclusion in advisory panels
and in undertaking work at the grassroots level. Religious extremists continue to
accuse development and advocacy-oriented NGOs of working against national
ideology by spreading liberal and secular values.
In August 2000, Khewendo Kor, an NGO active in girls education in Dir (NWFP),
reported that it had been combating continued threats from local religious
leaders. A number of other NGOs such as Sungi Development Foundation,
Pattan Development Organization and Sangat also reported having received
threats from religious organizations. However, one positive indicator is that CSOs
in Pakistan are not pressurized to join political groupings.
20

2.3.9 Socio-Cultural Norms

Volunteering and public spiritedness have traditionally been the hallmark of
Pakistani civil society. According to Philanthropy in Pakistan: Initiative on
Indigenous Philanthropy, 58% of Pakistanis give their time to individuals and
organizations in need. Of those volunteering time to organizations, a substantial
majority (78%) give their time to religious organizations. It has been observed
that Pakistanis value volunteering highly as a civic virtue. This climate of giving
time and money lends itself to establishing space that is enabling for CSOs.
In conclusion, it may be said that the space dimension of civil society in Pakistan
points towards the need for improved linkages with the government and
corporate sectors. Although the fiscal framework is allowing, the legal framework
needs revision. Hostile societal pressures prevail although socio-cultural norms
provide for an enabling environment.

2.4

Values

While civil society is far from homogenous in terms of values, the majority of
them do have a common vision and goals to pursue. There is, however, a
dichotomy between the values held by modern CSOs and traditional or folk subsectors in terms of vision and values.
2.4.1 Tradition of Charity
Volunteerism has traditionally been a deep-rooted impulse, encouraged primarily
by the religious obligation of helping the needy. During the colonial period,
prominent philanthropists established educational and healthcare charities that
were open to all regardless of caste, creed or color. They left behind a legacy
that was to guide and inspire many a future philanthropist and volunteer.
Charity organizations that were set up in Pakistan after Partition drew on the
historical tradition of providing relief to the needy. While such charity
organizations have rendered invaluable services to the poorest of the poor, they
have remained dominated by their founding fathers. They are characterized by
informal structures, and a lack of internal democracy and accountability.
2.4.2 Promoting Human Rights and Tolerance
Human rights groups functioned in Pakistan throughout the darkest years of
political and social repression. These organizations have performed the role of
defending and promoting human rights and social justice, often in the face of
state-sponsored bigotry and fanaticism. They have consistently opposed state
legislation that discriminated against women and minorities.
CSOs have repeatedly exposed serious human rights violations such as extrajudicial killings, torture by state agencies, honor killings and bonded labor
sanctified by centuries-old feudal and tribal systems. Amid the rising crescendo
of jingoism, citizens groups such as Pakistan Peace Coalition (PPC), Joint
21

Action Committee (JAC), Pakistan-India Peoples Forum for Peace and

Democracy (PIPFPD) and the Liberal Forum have openly advocated nonproliferation and dtente between India and Pakistan.
Barring faith-based and ethnic organizations, CSOs are generally secular in
nature in that their membership is open to people belonging to every religion and
their services are available to all regardless of caste, creed or sect. They have
enjoyed the support of the English press in articulating their agenda and getting
their points of view across to the government and the public.
However, given the sheer weight and number of faith-based and ethnic
organizations, they may overshadow the positive contributions of CSOs in this
regard. This, and the fact that enough CSOs have not specifically focused on this
key area, could possibly be the reason why CSOs are not considered to be
playing an important role in promoting harmonious relations amid the multiplicity
of religions, castes, ethnicities and cultures.
2.4.3 Promoting Sustainable Development
Development-oriented NGOs that sprang up in the country addressed the
problems faced by the millions of citizens that had been bypassed by economic
development. While the impact of citizens initiatives for development and poverty
eradication might be debated, they have consistently addressed the needs of
marginalized communities in the cities as well as the rural areas.
Many of them have opposed the diversion of scarce state resources towards
conventional and nuclear defense regimes at the expense of human
development. The fact that such CSOs are still few in number and their impact is
limited are some possible reasons for the fact that most people are divided in
their opinion about the role of CSOs in promoting sustainable development.
2.4.4 Violence and Militancy: The Other Extreme
A sub-set of CSOs comprising religious seminaries, however, has invariably
backed jingoistic and chauvinistic ideologies. Run mostly by religo-political
parties, many of these seminaries have served as training centers for militants.
The curriculum they teach tends to inculcate male chauvinism, intolerance and
violence as desired values in young minds. Their worldview is clearly at cross
purposes with the goals of social development, gender equality and social justice
espoused by other CSOs.
Similarly, jirgas in the NWFP and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA)
often condone violence, honor killings and gender discrimination in the name of
familial honor and traditions. Violence is also prevalent among student wings of
political and ethnic groups of all denominations.
While some observers blame political parties for infusing the culture of violence
into universities, others are of the view that campus unrest is first and foremost
22

attributable to raging student frustration with the deeply unsatisfactory nature of

the educational experience and with the often dubious prospects of suitable
employment thereafter. The intrusion of partisan politics into academic life, the
argument goes, is only an exacerbating factor.
2.4.5 Other Folk Sub-Sectors
Among the informal CSOs, sufi shrines and khanqas have historically been the
symbols of tolerance, non-violence and inter-faith harmony. Unlike the dogmatic
belief, which lends itself to sectarianism and intolerance, mystic Islam holds that
there are as many ways to God as human beings. In its heyday, mysticism in the
subcontinent, as elsewhere in the world, gave birth to a whole range of poetry,
allegory and music that was an amalgam of the unorthodox Islam and the
indigenous culture.
Sufi saints have been looked upon as models of piety and spiritual excellence.
Some of these saints gained greater popularity after their death, with the result
that their shrines emerged as centers of pilgrimage for people of all creeds and
sects. Through the years, however, many sufi shrines in Pakistan have lost their
essence to become hotbeds of drug addiction, quackery and prostitution. A few
of them still continue to provide genuine alternative space for faith, devotion and
cultural integration; thus playing an important socio-religious role.
2.4.6 Gender Equity
Studies have pointed out the need for trade unions to involve women workers
and to address their concerns and problems. Hitherto, there have been very few
instances where issues pertaining to women workers have been of major
concern to unions. Additionally, it has been pointed out that women have limited
opportunity to exercise leadership in trade unions. This is partly due to the
tradition of segregation and social restrictions on womens mobility.
Much like trade unions, professional associations, employers unions and student
organizations also continue to be male-dominated. The under-representation of
women in these organizations speaks volumes about their subjugated status in
the Pakistani society.
2.4.7 Accountability and Transparency
The increasing role of CSOs in the social sector has also given rise to greater
responsibilities and public expectations. According to one study, with a few
exceptions, NGOs and trade unions (as well as informal CSOs) do not have welldefined governance, transparency and accountability structures. NGOs are found
wanting in terms of internal democracy and participatory decision-making. While
professional associations, trade unions and employers unions regularly hold
elections to select office bearers, a small coterie of influential people usually
monopolizes the decision-making process within these organizations. Once in
office, the representatives seldom, if ever, consult the stakeholders.

23

CBOs are usually set up by individuals who are relatively better off and better
educated, and wield a certain amount of influence. This position generally results
in their having total control of the organization with very limited democratic
participation. Larger NGOs in Pakistan have remained caught up increasingly in
the world of foreign aid, which pushed them towards certain forms of evaluation
and accountability at the expense of others. When most funding is obtained
exclusively from foreign agencies, there is little incentive for organizations to
establish their credibility either to government or to society-at-large.
The findings from detailed monitoring of organizational finance and performance
by foreign donor agencies are not publicly available, and therefore do little to
enhance the local credibility of these organizations. However, with most donors
emphasizing the need for participatory approaches to development, many CSOs
have made efforts to include communities in planning, implementation and
monitoring processes. Many emerging CSOs are following suit.
2.4.8 Self-Regulation
The government actions against NGOs referred to earlier were also legitimized
by concerns about lack of transparency and accountability. While the
governments arbitrary move disquieted civil society leaders, it also highlighted
the need for organizations to be pro-active about accountability issues.
Consequently, PNF set up a committee to evolve guidelines for the NGO
community so that the highest standards of accountability, transparency and
good practices can be observed. PNF maintains that this was also done to
demonstrate that NGOs/CBOs not only teach others about principles of sharing,
partnership, transparency and accountability but also apply them to their
organizational and programmatic domains.
The PNF Executive Body and representatives of its coalescing units developed a
code of conduct in July 2000 after a painstaking consultative process. This code
intends to establish self-regulatory practices and norms for the member NGOs of
PNF in relation to the people for whom they work, their development partners as
well as their own staff and members. It could well be the first stepping-stone on
the path to viable citizens sector self-regulatory framework. Its enforcement
would be a powerful statement to donors, beneficiaries, government and the
society at large that citizens organizations have high standards and are willing to
take meaningful steps to promote internal democracy and accountability.
In conclusion, it may be said that public spiritedness and volunteerism are values
that underpin civil society in Pakistan. Fundamental human rights are defended
by CSOs as a rule. Concern for gender equity varies from organization to
organization and sector to sector. The majority of CSOs appear to be lacking in
well-defined/effective governance, transparency and accountability structures.
However, with effective self-regulation mechanisms in place, the first steps
towards internal democracy and accountability have finally been taken.

24

2.5

Impact

The overall impact of the civil society initiatives can be gauged from the fact that
CSOs in Pakistan are now accepted as partners in social and economic
development. Once an indistinct voice at the edge, civil society today is a force to
reckon with in the national arena. Functioning under resource constraints and in
an unfavorable environment as they do, CSOs contributions to the country are
indeed impressive as demonstrated in the following:
2.5.1 Public Policy
As mentioned earlier, civil society in Pakistan has evolved under the shadow of
frequent military interventions, and a debt-ridden and elitist state system. That
the ideals of people-centered development, human rights, gender equality and
social justice are slowly but steadily creeping into public policy frameworks has
much to do with the efforts that civil society has made over the past five decades.
The emergence of development-oriented and advocacy CSOs in the 1990s was
essentially a response to the governments misguided priorities and poor
planning as well as resource constraints because of ever-burgeoning defense
and debt-servicing expenditures. By showing ability to succeed where the
government has had difficulties, CSOs have, to an extent, helped to change
national perceptions and policies towards development.
The success stories have also contributed to a shift in donor policies towards
CSOs as a more effective vehicle for supporting development initiatives.
However, the role of CSOs, particularly development NGOs and advocacy
groups, in policy-making and monitoring of the government has apparently
remained minimal.
Here again, it must be pointed out that the faith-based organizations have had a
significant influence on policy drafting and generation. These are some times coopted by the state in order to capitalize on religious sentiments and to legitimize
their rule in the name of religion; and some times the street power wielded by
such groups forces the government to accommodate their demands.
2.5.2 Effectiveness of CSOs
In rural areas, initiatives such as the Aga Khan Rural Support Program (AKRSP)
have made a tremendous impact through micro-credit, education and income
generation. In the midst of governments failure to deliver assistance to small
farmers, growing disparities and deteriorating human conditions have been
addressed by various CSOs.
AKRSP, for example, has formed more than 2,300 village organizations and over
1,450 womens organizations; Rs. 1450 million has been disbursed in loans to
more than 600,000 villagers. The AKRSP model was replicated by each of the
four provinces in addition to the National Rural Support Program (NRSP) at the

25

national level. According to one estimate, by 2000, these rural support programs
had in turn formed more than 20,000 village-based organizations across
Pakistan, and also a rural support network to share experiences and provide
support to further their poverty reduction program.
The success of the model can partly be gauged by the fact that the government
is becoming increasingly open to accepting the flow of funds to CSOs, which
have demonstrated effective strategies for rural development and have worked in
complementary ways with government departments. Having said that, one must
add that the centuries-old feudal and tribal systems still reign supreme in many of
the countrys rural areas, and offer the most serious obstacle to the emancipation
and development of the rural population.
Despite some lobbying, civil society is yet to catalyze a shift in the agrarian
power formation away from a handful of landlords towards the poor farmers and
peasants. The feudal and tribal systems result in the total subjugation of the rural
population in economic, political and social terms. Some CSOs have also come
in for criticism for being insensitive to the needs and aspirations of local people.
2.5.3 Creating Awareness
Some NGOs in Pakistan have played an important role in creating awareness on
issues such as human and legal rights, womens role in development, and overpopulation. For women and minorities that have borne the brunt of religious
bigotry and social repression, civil society came as a silver lining in dark clouds.
Advocacy groups have consistently campaigned for repealing discriminatory laws
and reforming the electoral process. Civil society lobbying successfully blocked
an attempt by the second Nawaz Sharif Government to introduce religious coding
of the national identity cards.
Civil Societys efforts gave an impetus to the governments slowly growing
commitments towards greater gender equality, culminating in Pakistan ratifying
the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Oppression against
Women in 1996. The efforts of human rights advocates have led judicial
institutions to consider the plight of rape victims and take their claims seriously.
They have, thus, become more responsive to citizens than in the past.
Today, the number of women organizing at grassroots level and establishing
linkages with other institutions is remarkable, even though their impact at wider
societal level is not so visible. However, women across Pakistan still continue to
fight against primitive social customs and discrimination. Civil societys efforts in
this regard entail a slow process, as deep-rooted societal norms cannot be
altered overnight.
2.5.4 Successful Lobbying
Similarly, child rights organizations have played a key role in reducing child labor
in Pakistans football stitching industry. As a result of years of active NGO
26

lobbying, a partners agreement to eliminate child labor in the football industry

was signed in 1997 by the Sialkot Chamber of Commerce and Industry (SCCI),
the International Labor Union and UNICEF. The resulting project, based on a
multi-pronged approach of providing education to children displaced from the
football stitching industry and giving credit to their families, was an immense
success and went on to win the governments support.
Recently, civil society lobbying and networking catalyzed active womens
participation in the local elections. Aurat Foundation, a major advocacy
organization, mobilized women to exercise their right to franchise and canvass
on the seats reserved for them. In collaboration with government agencies, the
organization held meetings with local communities and disseminated information
about the devolution plan. That a substantial number of women turned out at the
ballot and were elected to the union councils can partly be attributed to civil
societys mobilization and awareness-raising campaigns.
2.5.5 International Recognition
These success stories have won acclaim at home and abroad. Eight Pakistani
leaders the late Akhtar Hameed Khan, Abdul Sattar Edhi, Bilquis Edhi, Dr.
Adeeb Rizvi, Tasneem Siddiqui, Shoaib Sultan Khan, Asma Jehangir and I. A.
Rehman have been awarded the prestigious Ramon Magsaysay Award. There
are many other CSO activists who enjoy international recognition as a result of
their contribution to human development.
2.5.6 Portrayal in Media
An NGORC study titled Press Coverage of Citizens Sector in Pakistan found a
sharp dichotomy between the English press and the Urdu press, with the latter
being generally negative towards CSOs. The most common allegations raised
against CSOs were adherence to foreign agendas, corruption, promotion of
Western values and lack of accountability. The perception that CSOs do not have
too positive a profile can partly be attributed to lack of mutual understanding
between media and civil society. It can be argued that NGOs need to become
more pro-active and professional about sharing information with the media.
2.5.7 Some Setbacks
Notwithstanding significant breakthroughs they have made, civil societys
development initiatives have some times also met with failure. Those CSOs that
have remained dependent on foreign donors to sustain their projects have often
seen themselves having to abruptly close down operations due to the
unexpected withdrawal of funding or at the culmination of the project period.
This dependence often translates into programs that are task-oriented, unsuited
to local conditions and bureaucratized. Such CSOs are forced to concentrate
more on immediate activities than on long-term planning, human resource
development, institutional strengthening and building a sound resource base.

27

Community-based initiatives may fall short of targets because of a lack of focus

and clear organizational structure. With bold dreams and unrealistic objectives,
they may pull in different directions and thus not achieve all their goals. They
seem to be in need of clear vision, focused objectives, well-defined strategy,
managerial and financial systems, planning and implementation skills, resource
mobilization skills, and linkages with the surrounding systems.
Trade unions, too, are hemmed in by capacity constraints. They have thus far
primarily participated in improving access to labor courts. They have few
organized and planned procedures for regular contact with the government.
Technical advice and training in situational analysis and devising strategies are
weak points that must be developed. This would be an important step towards
building their capacity to put forward alternative policies in their areas of concern.
CIDA-Pakistan Program conducted a social sector review in 1996 which revealed
that there were fewer than 100 effective development NGOs, but thousands of
generally weak CBOs in the country. Another recent study by NGORC titled
Directory of Intermediary NGOs in Pakistan confirmed these earlier findings by
identifying about 150 effective intermediary NGOs.
The lack of coordination in the sector often leads to duplication and the
concomitant wastage of resources. Cross-learning among organizations working
in different sectors and based in different parts of the country is still weak.
Studies have identified formation of strategic linkages with the government and
business as one possible solution to the question of impact.
Finally, it must be added that many civil society initiatives are well-geared
towards long-term human development although their results may not be visible
in the short-term, whereas CBOs still need some clarity in their long-term plans.
Changes in attitudes, levels of awareness and social consciousness are hard to
quantify thus much of civil society's impact invariably escapes public notice.
These facts bring into sharp focus the need for constructive linkages between
civil society and the state, especially in terms of policy formulation and the
monitoring of government policies. The role of development and advocacy CSOs
in this regard has remained minimal. For a lasting change on this front, the
possibility of establishing institutional mechanisms should be explored.
Additionally, greater collaboration among CSOs is a sine qua non for impact
maximization. They also need to become better communicators of their work;
and reach out to the public through both media and informal channels, so that
their role in development is accorded the due recognition.

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CHAPTER 3
STRENGTHENING CIVIL SOCIETY IN PAKISTAN
3.1

Major Challenges to Civil Society in Pakistan

There are a number of factors that can thwart the progress of a civil society and
create hurdles in the way of its fully vibrant expression. They may range from
non-conducive environment to lack of requisite skills and capabilities. In the case
of Pakistan, unfortunately, both these factors abound along with a host of others.
The first is an outcome of impediments to democracy in the country. Any attempt
to bring about a change has been traditionally, and is being still, construed as
ant-government and anti-state. Though there have been martial laws for more
than half of the countrys history, the democratic governments did not do much
either to improve this situation.
The second factor is also inter-linked with the first one. We do not have highcalibre experts and scholars who could conceive change because we lack proper
institutions. The absence of democracy also hampers the process of institutionbuilding, vital to the progress of any country. In comparison, our neighbor India
has hundreds of world-class institutions, most of them run by the government, in
diverse areas.
The present situation of our country is as demanding and as challenging as it
could be. The environment is apparently conducive for CSOs, as the Musharraf
Government has taken a few bold steps with regard to women representation in
assemblies and the issue of joint electorate. But, on a deeper analysis, one is left
with no choice but to believe that this is a mere eye-wash, aimed more at
appeasing the outside world.
The reason to believe this is largely that aspirations of common man have no say
in the decision-making process. There is no public or civilian involvement at all at
any level in the government functioning, and the military is spreading its tentacles
at a horrendous rate. It has already successfully taken the charge of almost all
the semi-government and government departments and institutions, ranging from
Pakistan Telecommunications Authority to Punjab See Corporation.
One fails to understand the logic behind hiring both serving and retired military
officers in civil departments when they have neither the expertise nor the relevant
experience. Secondly, what about the professionals who are much more qualified
for these posts? In this scenario, one does not need much thought to arrive at the
conclusion that it is nothing but a fight over the scarce resources of the country.
The misuse of government resources by the nexus of civil-military bureaucracy
costs billions to the exchequer and the brunt has to be faced by those who are

29

already struggling for their survival. That is exactly the reason why the
percentage of people living below the poverty line is increasing despite all the tall
claims of increased foreign reserves and growth. More and more people are
being rendered jobless without any suitable alternative to add to the already high
number of unemployed in the country.
To conclude, civil society in Pakistan is faced with a number of issues: provision
of sustainable livelihoods; land and irrigation reforms; and repeal of anti-women
and anti-minorities laws. The government is far from addressing these, and it is
suspected that the government is making use of religious parties becoming a
major stakeholder to perpetuate the status quo.
This situation provides civil society with a historic opportunity to come forward
and play its role for the revival of true democracy in the country. There are
diverse voices opposing the unconstitutional amendments introduced by military
dictator General Musharraf, but they need to gel together for tangible outcomes.
Now, we move on to see what have been South Asia Partnership-Pakistans
(SAP-PKs) role, approach and achievements with regard to strengthening civil
society; and what have been some of its salient programmatic interventions that
have contributed to emergence of strong civil society in Pakistan:

3.2

SAP-PKs Approach

SAP-PK fully realizes that unless there was a collective expression of the civil
society, the values it is striving for would remain an elusive goal. A vibrant civil
society offers a solution to most of our problems, as they call for a collective
struggle. In order to find a way for ourselves in this era of globalization, the Third
Sector has to come forward and play its role in a meaningful manner.
This is exactly why now SAP-PK has pinned all its hopes on strengthening civil
society and its institutions. Even if it does not solve all the problems, its presence
as a potent force reduces the possibility of any exploitation by the government or
the market. It, at least, provides a space to all those who have always remained
unheard in the decision-making processes.
Having firm belief in the potential of civil society to bring about a positive change
in the society, SAP-PK has always supported efforts that contribute towards its
strengthening or collective expression. At the same time, these engagements
with diverse civil society groups, political activists and development workers have
helped the organization expand its vision and outreach.
Since the beginning of the PNSP Phase-II in 1996, SAP-PK began developing
new relationships with organized groups of lawyers, farmers/peasants, fisher folk,
journalists, laborers/workers, academicians, elected representatives, etc. Efforts
were made to advance a shared vision on important issues among them, so that
they could directly interact with the authorities regarding their concerns.
30

3.3

SAP-PKs Role

SAP-PK believes in all earnest that despite the challenges the country is faced
with a vibrant, cohesive and engaged civil society could solve the problems
caused by increasing globalization; weak democratic institutions; lack of access
to social services; and religious, ethnic and sectarian extremism.
During the last two decades, SAP-PK and many other organizations have made
significant contributions towards the emergence of a strong civil society. As an
umbrella organization of about 2,500 civil society organizations and groups, SAPPK has been providing strategic inputs to them at various levels. Initially, the
organization focused on developing the capacities of community-based groups in
rural areas through training, financial and technical assistance, and advocacy.
With time, SAP-PK and other like-minded organizations have been able to craft a
common agenda on issues like democratic development, gender equality and
human rights. To promote this agenda, they have also developed a critical mass
of organizations, social activists and human rights workers working for and
advocating on behalf of the poorest of the poor, especially women and minorities.
SAP-PKs presence in all the districts of the country, through the CSOs it has
developed and nurtured, does on to demonstrate the role it has played with
regard to strengthening civil society in Pakistan. This geographic coverage also
provides it with a unique opportunity to simultaneously engage citizens from all
over the country in debates around key social, political and economic issues.

3.4

SAP-PKs Achievements

Under the CIDA-funded PNSP Phase-II (1996 to 2003), SAP-PK developed the
capacities of emerging community-based groups from all over Pakistan and
organized them into effective networks influencing social development in the
country. Employing the strategies of training, financial and technical assistance,
and advocacy, SAP-PK has been able to achieve the following results:

About 900 groups of women, farmers/peasants and laborers/workers are

contributing to effective delivery of social services at local level;

Over 2,500 community and civil society groups are advocating for their
rights in a coordinated and organized manner;

More than 200 long-term community development projects have been

supported, as a result of which sustainable development practices are
being demonstrated in these communities;

Linkages between the civil societies in Canada and Pakistan provided the
basis for greater comprehension of the role of effective citizenship and
organized civil society; and

Civil society, as a whole, is starting to emerge as a cohesive force to be

reckoned with.

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3.5

SAP-PKs Range of Partners

Here, it would not be out of place to do mapping of SAP-PKs partners. Because

of space constraints, only the broad categories have been defined. However,
ample care has been taken to ensure that all levels are covered, especially
considering the fact that the organization believes in a participatory approach to
development it tries to evolve relationship of a partner with both donor agencies
and emerging community-based groups.
Donor Agencies: SAP-PKs major partners in this category include Canadian
International Development Agency (CIDA), the European Union (EU), The Asia
Foundation (TAF), United Nations Development Program (UNDP), ActionAidPakistan (AA-PK), Oxfam-Pakistan, Church World Service (CWS), Department
for International Development (DFID)-UK and Heinrich-Boll Foundation (HBF).
Support Organizations: There are organizations like SAP-PK that also aim at
strengthening CBOs/NGOs, their networks and other CSOs. The important ones
include Aurat Foundation, Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), NGO
Resource Center (NGORC), Pakistan Institute of Labor Education and Research
(PILER), Pakistan Poverty Alleviation Fund (PPAF), Strengthening Participatory
Organizations (SPO), Sungi Development Foundation, Sustainable Development
Policy Institute (SDPI), Trust for Voluntary Organizations (TVO), Institute for
Development Studies and Practices (IDSP), Shirkat Gah and Simorgh.
Networks/Forums: SAP-PK is a member of many provincial, national and sectoral
networks. In fact, the organization has played a key role in the formation of the
important ones like Pakistan NGO Forum (PNF) and Punjab NGO Coordinating
Council (PNCC). It has also established Ghareeb Kissan Tehreek (GKT) and
Sindh Hari Abadgar Network (SHAN) in Punjab and Sindh respectively; both
having a membership of thousands of male and female farmers/peasants. SAPPK is also a member of a number of other campaigns and networks like
Legislative Watch Group for Womens Rights (LWGWR), Micro-Finance Group
(MFG) Pakistan and Pakistan Water Partnership Network (PWPN).
Community-Based Organizations: The real rays of hope for SAP-PK are its
partners at the grassroots level the Community-Based Organizations (CBOs).
The organizations efforts primarily focus on them and it has their biggest network
in the country with representation from all the four provinces. With time, some of
them have grown into NGOs and are successfully implementing their programs.
Other Civil Society Organizations: Over the years, SAP-PK has developed
linkages and working relationship with many groups and organizations other than
CBOs/NGOs. The partners falling under this category include media groups,
teachers associations, farmer groups, bar councils, fisher folk groups, trade
unions and other groups of concerned citizens. Apart from them, some
individuals mostly academics are also partners of the organization in the
sense they regularly participate in its activities and receive its publications.
32

Regional and International Organizations and Networks: The list of SAP-PKs

partners also includes many regional and international organizations and
networks. It is a member of South Asia Partnership Network and has always
been at the forefront of regional initiatives. It has also been actively involved with
CIVICUS, International Union for the Conversation of Nature (IUCN), NGO
Working Group on the World Bank (NWGWB), South Asia Small Arms Network
(SASA-Net), Society for Participatory Research in Asia (PRIA), PROSHIKA, The
Commonwealth Foundation, etc.

3.6

SAP-PKs Salient Programmatic Interventions

SAP-PKs nature of partnership with other groups and organizations for a vibrant
and strong civil society has been varied and diverse. In the following, we take a
brief overview of some of the organizations salient programmatic interventions
aimed at strengthening civil society in Pakistan:
3.6.1 Resource Development Program (RDP)
SAP-PK considers capacity building, defined as an ongoing process of enabling
people to realize their full human potential, an important means of strengthening
civil society. Considering CBOs the best vehicles to address community needs
and problems, the organization builds their capacity in development-related
areas through its various training interventions. The related activities are mainly
conducted by Capacity Building Division (CBD) of SAP-PK and Resource
Development Program (RDP) is unarguably the most important one among them.
The philosophy of RDP training is rooted in the fact that fundamental institutional
reforms demand a change in the existing control over the means of production
and access to key services. This does not only mean equal distribution of wealth,
but equity in every chance and equitable development of the countrys resources,
especially its people. Believing in the potential of the marginalized sections of the
society, SAP-PK considers this human resource vital and seeks to develop it.
RDP was initiated in 1991 with the realization that if hidden potential of CBOs
were utilized fully, the process of change could be kept in the right direction as
well as catalyzed systematically. So, its fundamental thrust has always been on
building the capacity of CBOs to plan, coordinate and execute development
projects, and enabling them to become viable and sustainable vehicles for social
change. The specific objectives of RDP are to:

empower participants to undertake social, economic and political

analyses, aimed at defining the development needs of their communities;

enable communities to move towards an optimum realization of their

human potential by teaching participants how to channelize local human
and material resources through participatory development activities; and

ensure that successful community development initiatives reach beyond

local parameters to help at the macro level.

33

The one-year RDP is conducted in two provinces every year, thus all the four
provinces of the country are covered in a two-year cycle. The process starts with
identification of potential CBOs for the training. The CBD team visits short-listed
organizations to meet their members and communities before finalizing their
names. After formal selection of about 20 organizations each from both the
provinces, they are asked to nominate two members (one male and one female)
to attend the series of eight workshops. The training is conducted separately in
both the provinces, but its content is exactly the same.
Follow-up visits are also conducted after three of the eight workshops in order to
ascertain whether the participants had shared the acquired knowledge with other
members of their organization and community or not, and to what extent was it
reflected in the work of their organizations. Additionally, meetings are held with
executive bodies of participating CBOs as well as local communities to gauge the
impact of RDP. In case of need, important issues discussed in the preceding
workshop are also reiterated for better understanding.
In the following is a brief introduction to the eight workshops offered during RDP
in sequential order:

2-day Mutual Acquaintance Workshop introduces participants to each

other, SAP-PK and RDP.

4-day Development Orientation Workshop develops skills among

participants to design a baseline survey of their communities.

6-day Capacity Building Workshop enables participants to integrate

development concepts in their work and critically review their
understanding of development approaches.

3-day Gender and Development Workshop helps participants understand

gender and its related themes, and foster a gender sensitive approach in
their organizational structure and program interventions.

4-day CBO Management Workshop enables participants to develop longterm community development programs, refine and rebuild their
organizational structures, demonstrate their communication skills, and
increase participation of people in development initiatives.

3-day Advocacy and Networking Workshop helps participants understand

the nature of advocacy issues, especially in relation to the UN Charter for
Human Rights and the Constitution of Pakistan, and exposes them to
various means of networking with other organizations.

3-day Financial Management Workshop imparts detailed orientation to

participants on key subjects of financial management like budget, record
keeping, accounting, trial balance, balance sheet, etc.

3-day Inter-provincial Workshop redeems the spirit of socio-political

activism by bringing together trained participants from both the provinces
for reflection on RDP.

34

To date, nine phases of RDP have been conducted successfully with 553
participants (346 males, 207 females) of 319 CBOs from almost all the districts of
the country. The details are: Sindh (Years: 1991-92, 1993-94, 1996-97, 19982000 and 2002-03; Organizations: 107; Participants: 180, 118 males and 62
females); Punjab (Years: 1991-92, 1993-94, 1996-97, 1998-2000 and 2002-03;
Organizations: 83; Participants: 155, 89 males and 66 females); NWFP (Years:
1992-93, 1995-96, 1997-98 and 2001; Organizations: 62; Participants: 116, 70
males and 46 females); and Balochistan (Years: 1992-93, 1995-96, 1997-98 and
2001; Organizations: 167; Participants: 102, 69 males and 33 females).
A lot of changes have been introduced to the format of RDP over the years. On
the one hand, emerging concepts like globalization, small arms, poverty
eradication, civil society, good governance, etc. have been added to the training
content; while, on the other hand, an attempt has been made to diversify
participation in these events by also involving civil society groups other than
CBOs and NGOs. These changes have positively contributed to strengthening
civil society in Pakistan.
3.6.2 Provincial Coordinating Councils (CCs)
The provincial Coordinating Councils (CCs) are a bi-product of SAP-PKs RDP.
As a result of one years association during the training package, the participating
CBOs tend to develop an esprit de corps. So, their desire to maintain contacts
with SAP-PK and their fellow CBOs after its culmination is quite natural.
The four provincial CCs serve this purpose as all RDP-graduate CBOs become
their members automatically. Their names and years of inception are: Bhitshah
Declaration Coordinating Council (BDCC), Sindh: 1992; Sarhad Coordinating
Council (SCC), NWFP: 1993; Network for Community Empowerment (NCE),
Punjab: 1994; and Balochistan Coordinating Council (BCC), Balochistan: 1995.
Through the provincial CCs, SAP-PK aims to strengthen and organize CBOs and
their networks at provincial level to bring about a socio-economic change. Their
specific objectives are to:

enable member organizations and groups to learn program designing,

implementation and monitoring as well as group formation;

promote liaison among member CBOs, so that they could share

experiences to devise new community-based paradigms of development;

design and implement sustainable and self-reliant programs; and

identify emerging issues and muster support to address them through

consensus.

The areas of operation of the four provincial CCs include networking, group
formation, capacity building, lobbying and advocacy, social and legal activism,
publications and information dissemination, field operations and social

35

mobilization, womens empowerment, strengthening civil scoiety, educating

media, and conducting research. They also facilitate dialogues on provincial
problems and issues, and form opinion for collective action on advocacy issues.
Although the CCs have emerged as effective provincial forums for community
development groups to interact and build the capacity of their members, they
have not been very successful in meeting the demand and needs of their
member organizations. A major reason behind this is that the CCs are still
grabbling with the issue of institutional sustainability.
3.6.3 Small Capacity Building Inputs Program (SCBIP)
Historically, SAP-PK imparts special inputs, mostly technical training, on specific
themes to its partner CBOs with the aim of solving their immediate community
problems. However, in the recent past, a need was felt to cater to the emerging
needs of NGOs, CBO networks and other CSOs. Accordingly, all such activities
were re-designed and since then have been organized under the banner of
SCBIP. The objectives of this program are to:

impart a detailed orientation on important emerging issues to participants

with an expectation that they would incorporate the acquired knowledge in
their work as well as that of their organizations;

facilitate organizations in making their work in line with the donors priority
areas and help them in taking the debate around these themes to their
communities; and

help mid-managers and CSO representatives in understanding new

concepts, so as to enable them to undertake the related work effectively.

Launched in 2001, SCBIP is a need-based program. As such, the workshops and

courses organized under it are not limited to any specific topic or training design.
Since the primary aim is to fulfill the specific needs of the participating
organizations, the topics of the workshops are finalized respecting their particular
desires. Banking on the Programs flexibility, a few workshops have also been
organized in critical areas that are not covered by any other program of SAP-PK.
Under SCBIP, the organization offers training to CBOs, NGOs, networks and
other CSOs in the following areas:

Organizational and Programmatic Development: Participatory Monitoring

and Evaluation; Community Mobilization; Development Orientation;
Program Planning and Management; Leadership Skills; and Networking.

Cross-Cutting Themes: Globalization; Sustainable Development; Civil

Society; Poverty Eradication; Peace and Regional Cooperation; and
Gender and Development (GAD).

Management, Planning and Human Resource Development (HRD):

Resource Generation; Accounting and Budgeting; and Results-Based
Planning, Implementation and Reporting.

36

Sectoral and Technical Themes: Proposal Development; Micro-Credit,

Micro-Entrepreneur and Rural Marketing; Theater and Poster Making;
Financial Management; Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) and Rapid
Rural Appraisal (RRA); Reproductive Health; and Non-Formal Education.

The SCBI successfully proceeded towards achieving its premier objective of

strengthening civil society through capacity building of CBOs, mid-level NGOs
and other CSOs during the year. The Program not only helped SAP-PK develop
links with a large number of CBOs from all over the country, but also facilitated
the participating organizations in expanding their contacts and forming networks
for raising collective voice on important issues.
3.6.4 Local Research Program (LRP)
Development is best promoted by free and critical debate informed by quality
action research conducted in a participatory manner. Recognizing this fact, SAPPK is trying to advance the concept of research as a public good. The
organization also understands that in order to better equip citizens of the country
to solve their problems and ensure their genuine participation in the decisionmaking process, there is a need to raise awareness among them. This is not an
easy task in a country like Pakistan where successive governments have
intentionally concealed facts from the people in order to keep them uninformed.
In this context, it is important to conduct quality action research with the help of
common and voiceless people, who are theoretically the ultimate beneficiaries of
most research initiatives. In other words, these people should be directly involved
at all levels of an interactive research process. Ideally, they should be conducting
research on their own, verifying its findings, redefining and re-identifying key
issues relevant to them, and then putting forward their views before the policymakers. The new consciousness gained by these people, it can be expected,
would help them in understanding their real issues as opposed to those projected
by governments to meet their own ends.
The need for participatory action research also stems out of a concern shared by
all forward-looking NGOs, who are often accused of only criticizing governments
without offering suitable and viable alternatives. Any research program which
regards peoples perceptions and involves them at all its levels is bound to
generate discussion and debate that will ultimately result in people-centered
alternatives to all contentious issues.
Additionally, such an arrangement would help establish an infrastructure of real
information at the local level. The fact that such an infrastructure does not exist in
Pakistan, which as a result leads to partisan decision-making banking on
estimates in the absence of facts, stresses its need all the more.
Let us also talk about another dimension of this issue. Research is necessary for
knowledge and knowledge is needed by all of us, especially by those who are

37

voiceless and marginalized so that they could improve their situation. But, we
have been conditioned in a way that research is something done by experts in
universities and laboratories. It is something that produces big books and learned
speeches. This belief makes us fear research and anything associated with it.
This is the mystification of research.
On the other hand, we have come to believe that academic studies will take us
nowhere unless participatory action research is conducted at the local level.
SAP-PK believes that common people, even poor rural women, already do some
research, and can be encouraged to do more research in order to survive and
improve their lot. This concept of participatory action research is premised on
involving these common people in an analysis of their own situation, and
imparting them skills and confidence to bring about a positive change.
Another major concern of SAP-PK has been to link micro-level issues of the
people with the macro ones. It believes that a healthy civil society cannot function
smoothly unless voices of common people reach the decision-makers. The
Development Support Communication (DSC) Division of the organization has
been arranging dialogues at various levels and publishing information material on
a wide range of issues to achieve this objective. More recently, the focus has
shifted to participatory action research.
The research initiated by SAP-PK in the past centered on key issues, but it was
not reflective of peoples aspirations per se. Realizing this, the organization
change its strategy and decided to ascertain views of common people about key
issues confronting them through their direct involvement in its research
programs. Although this involved a task as tedious as introducing a new
paradigm helping people to understand their problems and then conveying their
views about their solution to those who matter the expected outcomes were far
alluring for a development organization like SAP-PK to resist.
The organizations Local Research Program (LRP) takes accounts of all the
above-mentioned factors. The DSC Division of SAP-PK is facilitating this process
through its partner research groups in 15 districts of Punjab for the pilot phase of
the Program. After orientation on research techniques and methodologies, these
groups conduct both qualitative and quantitative research in their communities.
Regular interaction is maintained with them through filed visits aimed at providing
any required assistance on the spot.
The specific goal of LRP is to impart research skills to social activists and
organizations working at the grassroots levels with the ultimate objective of
developing comprehensive District Profiles through participatory action research.
It is hoped that these documents would become the bases of people-centered
development the prioritization of problems and needs done by the people
themselves would help both governments as well as donor agencies to initiate
development programs that are in line with the peoples wishes and aspirations.

38

The specific objectives of LRP are to:

form 15 research groups in Punjab, one in each district with two research
associates, and enable them to initiate and conduct research;

hold bi-annual training workshops for research associates in order to

inform them about latest research techniques and methodologies;

form resource centers and reference libraries at district level for provision
of real and authentic information to interested people;

develop linkages with local intelligentsia and academia to preserve

indigenous knowledge through its documentation; and

publish and disseminate findings of the research in the form of District

Profiles after verification of the data compiled by research associates.

For the pilot phase of LRP, research groups were formed in 15 districts of
Punjab: Bahawalnagar, Bahawalpur, Dera Ghazi Khan, Faisalabad,
Gujaranwala, Kasur, Khanewal, Multan, Muzzafargarh, Pakpattan, Rahim Yar
Khan, Rajanpur, Sialkot, Toba Tek Singh and Vehari. The selected groups
agreed to voluntarily facilitate and carry out research in their respective districts.
Based on the experience of trainings, field visits and meetings, as well as regular
interaction with the district research groups, the DSC Division prepared a format
for District Profiles. It was subsequently refined and finalized on the basis of data
submitted by the partner research groups. So far, profile of Rahim Yar Khan
District has been published while three others are in the pipeline.
3.6.5 Inputs to Media and Other CSOs
Considering the importance of media in this information age and its increasing
role as a component of civil society, SAP-PK has shifted its focus considerably to
target journalists as primary stakeholders of its interventions. As a result of
improved interaction with the media, the organizations activities were reported in
the press in a much more serious manner than before.
At another level, the frequency of contact with media also helped in dispelling
negative views of journalists about NGOs in general and SAP-PK in particular. A
very important feature of all the related initiatives was that most of their
participants hailed from the vernacular press.
Recently, SAP-PK has also made a deliberate attempt to enhance linkages with
civil society groups and organizations outside the development world. In this
regard, orientation meetings and workshops have been organized for
professional associations like Punjab Professors and Lecturers Association
(PPLA), National Progressive Educational Society (NPES), etc.; bodies and
groups of journalists like Lahore Press Club (LPC), Punjab Union of Journalists
(PUJ), Media Foundation, Lahore Association of Women Journalists (LAWJ);
Journalists Resource Center (JRC), etc.; and cultural groups like Lok Sanaihya.
39

The nature of support provided to media and other CSOs by SAP-PK ranges
from a single-session dialogue on a particular theme to a full-fledged
development orientation workshop. This not only helps the organization spread
its outreach across a diverse section of the civil society but also leads to better
reflection of its work in the media. In fact, this is a process of bringing more and
more people on your side by sharing your vision with them.
3.6.6 Democratic Rights and Citizens Education Program (DRCEP)
SAP-PK launched Democratic Rights and Citizens Education Program (DRCEP)
with the active support of five other national-level NGOs Sungi Development
Foundation, Pakistan Institute of Labor Education and Research (PILER),
Institute for Development Studies and Practices (IDSP), Sustainable
Development Policy Institute (SDPI) and Interactive Resource Center (IRC) in
September 2000, a month after the military regime officially announced the
schedule of local government elections. The stated goals of the Program were to:

promote political education among people to exercise their democratic

rights, so that their participation in the political structure and election
process could be increased;

promote the concept of good governance through a process of democratic

and electoral education of citizens, especially the disadvantaged groups
like women, minorities, laborers/workers and peasants/farmers; and

revive the confidence of people in the political and electoral processes.

The DRCEP aimed at achieving these goals by working for the following
objectives:

Build the capacity of a core group of social and political activists to

undertake democratic education of Pakistani citizens in general and voters
in particular.

Create a group of politically sensitive and motivated people active in local,

provincial and national level political processes.

Public sensitization and voters education on the devolution plan at the

national level.

Enhance awareness among citizens/voters/candidates on basic local

government functions.

Create constructive and positive civic engagements among people,

interest groups, political forces and CSOs.

Create a new body of knowledge on local government functions and

practices.

The following program strategies were adopted to achieve these objectives:

Public Education and Mobilization: Educating voters on their electoral and

democratic rights; building a conceptual background on the nature and
40

role of local government systems and structures; and facilitating people to

play an effective role in electoral and post-election monitoring.

Support to the Electoral Process: Facilitating candidates/voters from all

walks of life without political, social, religious, gender or other prejudices.

Training of Candidates: Enhancing candidates understanding of the

political significance, history, roles and nature of local government.

Networking and Advocacy: Trigger and optimally use the coalitions and
networks developed by CBOs/NGOs to achieve the Program objectives.

Research and Dialogues among Stakeholders: Developing, printing and

disseminating issue-based material based on analysis and research.

Documentation: Conducting action research by documenting the process

and key features of the local government elections; developing case
studies; and monitoring impacts along the way.

The primary stakeholders of DRCEP included women, minorities, peasants/

farmers, laborers/workers, youth and citizens; while political and social activists,
CBOs/NGOs, networks and coalitions, academicians, political groups, media,
and other CSOs were identified as the secondary stakeholders. It is important to
mention that the Program was situated firmly within the larger framework of
democratization of society.
With the military regimes decision to hold local government elections, SAP-PK
and its partners saw this as an opportunity to influence the devolution process.
The DRCEP, therefore, focused exclusively on local government elections. The
strategic framework of the Program, thus, was democratization of society,
concentrating on local government elections. Another clear strategic focus,
implicit in the objectives, was to contribute to the capacity building of CSOs, so
as to enable them to participate actively in decentralization of state and society.
SAP-PK assumed the responsibilities as the Central Secretariat and Coordinator,
Punjab for DRCEP, which was implemented in 87 districts of the country through
the available infrastructure of CBOs/NGOs and other CSOs. The organization
formed focal groups in all the 34 districts of Punjab in order to better undertake
the activities planned under the Program.
A series of public and district forums, interactive theater, and other educational
and mobilization activities were organized in collaboration with the district
partners. Material on basic democratic and electoral issues was also widely
distributed among voters and general public.
A large number of voters were imparted awareness through various activities
organized under DRCEP. SAP-PK and its partners also helped candidates
aspiring to contest local government elections on the seats reserved for women,
minorities, peasants/farmers and laborers/workers.

41

However, the principle achievement of the Program was the involvement of civil
society in democratization and electoral politics and, more importantly, in creating
space in the electoral arena for marginalized and disadvantaged groups. Another
important outcome was that many partners of SAP-PK contested and won the
local government elections.
After the successful implementation of DRCEPs Phase-I from September 2000
to December 2001, the national coalition partners designed its second phase
starting July 2002. In keeping with the modified objectives, the Program was also
renamed Democratic Rights and Citizens Empowerment Program (DRCEP). The
main objective of this four-month pre-election phase (July to October 2002) was
to enhance the effectiveness of CSOs to protect citizens democratic rights and
critically engage with the state.
The activities under DRCEPs Phase-II started with a National Partners Meeting.
The participants reviewed activities of the Phase-I, as well as critically analyzed
its achievements and failures. Next, a National Orientation Workshop was
organized for the district focal points.
Later, similar workshops were organized for other members of the focal groups in
all the districts to orient them on the purposes, methodology and themes of
DRCEPs Phase-II. These events helped in creating a shared vision and
common understanding among partners on the philosophy and approaches of
the Program.
The formats for the pre-election public forums and election monitoring were
finalized during a National Orientation Workshop on Public Forums and Election
Monitoring. It was decided that election monitoring would be conducted in all the
working districts of DRCEP and election monitors would have to submit their
reports to the secretariat established at the SAP-PK office within 48 hours.
The regular activities under DRCEPs Phase-II started with a series of Public
Forums. These events were organized at district level as a strategy to bring the
basic issues of state and society before the leaders and workers of political
parties gathered with other representatives of society. During these forums,
comments were invited from the participants on the issue of democratization,
especially in the context of the political situation that had emerged after the
announcement of the general elections by Musharraf regime.
These public forums were held on themes like history and problems of the
electoral process, root causes of the failure of parliamentary democracy, and
reasons behind deprivation of people in Pakistan. An attempt was also made to
assess how the state institutions had, either directly or indirectly, dominated the
decision-making process throughout the history of the country. The participants
of these forums also discussed why democracy could not evolve into the familial,
social and political structures of the society.

42

Finally, these forums urged the leadership of political parties to critically evaluate
their role in establishing democracy and do self-analysis. They also stressed the
need for a broader alliance among different sections of the society to strengthen
democracy and democratic institutions. The leadership of almost all major
political parties, interest groups and CSOs participated in these public forums,
held in 32 districts of all the four provinces of the country. The responses were
documented, compiled and shared with other interested groups.
The important outcomes of the public forums can be summarized as follows:

The Musharraf regime is taking immoral and illegal steps to deprive the
mainstream political parties and their leadership of their right to take part
in the elections. The state machinery is being used to support the kings
party and suppress its opponents. In short, the regime is resorting to the
worst kind of pre-poll rigging.

Democracy is the best system for our country. The tendency of military
dictatorships to depoliticize the society by creating division on ethnic,
religious and sectarian lines is the basic problem.

Pakistan should be a democratic, secular and peaceful country where all

the citizens irrespective of their cast, religion, sect, gender or other
individual or social identities are treated equally, and their rights are
protected under the Constitution.

Only people, through their elected representatives, have the right to rule
the country. The Legal Framework Order (LFO), proposed by the military
regime, is an attempt by the military to grab the peoples right to govern.

At the end of the series of district public forums, attended by more than 5,000
people in all, a National Forum was organized for the representatives of political
parties, media, CBOs/NGOs, trade unions, bar councils, human rights groups,
peace networks, DRCEP district focal points and other CSOs. The theme of this
forum was Democracy and Related Issues. The emphasis was on democracy
within the political parties, and participation of people in policy- and decisionmaking to promote democracy in Pakistan.
Four Provincial Round-Table Conferences were organized with the political
leaders and civil society representatives to initiate a broad-based dialogue.
These conferences critically evaluated the role of political parties in restoring and
establishing democracy, and supporting democratic institutions. Later, a National
Round-Table Conference was organized to discuss issues like manifestoes of
political parties and election code of conduct. Leaders of political parties, civil
society representatives, and prominent lawyers and journalists participated in this
conference, and presented their point of view on prevailing political situation.
To conclude the pre-election activities in a befitting manner, a Jamhoor Mela
(Democracy Festival) was organized on the theme of Peace, Tolerance and
Social Harmony. A large number of people from all walks of life participated in
43

this event including the members of district focal groups, journalists, political
activists, lawyers, women, minorities, etc. Folk singers from various parts of the
country performed on this occasion.
Election monitoring was an integral part of the Phase-II of DRCEP. The need to
monitor the October general elections stemmed from the bitter experiences of
earlier elections, which were marred by worst forms of rigging at the behest of
the establishment and agencies. It was realized that the gradual decrease in the
voter turnout reflected that the masses were being disenchanted with the
electoral process because they had been continually deprived of their right to
freely choose their representatives.
For this purpose, a Training Workshop was organized on Election Monitoring
Skills for 144 civil society activists from 72 districts of the country. The
participants were given detailed orientation on rigging patterns in the electoral
history of Pakistan. Most of them were apprehensive of the acts of local and
provincial authorities that could be termed as pre-poll rigging. Likewise, partiality
in the application of disqualification law, election code of conduct and condition of
graduation for contestants was pointed out. There was a consensus among the
participants that the military regime was using its resources and authority to
strengthen its favorites and weaken its opponents.
As a strategy, all the participants were assigned to further train 10 people and
form a team to monitor 30 polling stations (180 polling booths) in their district.
Thus, the monitoring team swelled to 720 people. Election-Day Monitoring was
conducted in 72 districts of the country. On the basis of data received from 2,160
polling stations, an independent report was prepared and disseminated widely.
4.6.7 Development Dialogue Series
The DSC Division of SAP-PK contributes towards emergence of a viable civil
society in Pakistan by helping marginalized sections of the society in raising their
voice on issues that directly affect their lives, and imparting them adequate
training so that they could design their own advocacy campaigns, and initiate
informed debate on issues through dialogues and publications.
An important activity in this regard is the Development Dialogue Series, which
was initiated taking into account the fact that development workers could only
bring about a positive change in the system if they possessed a comprehensive
knowledge of the cultural, historical, social and economic realities of the people.
The main objective of these dialogues is to help the participants link their micro
issues with the macro ones.
In the recent past, a number of changes have been introduced to the format of
the Development Dialogue Series. Historically, this year-long exercise comprised
of four dialogues (two provincial, one inter-provincial and finally one national) on
separate themes: the first two had some specific relation with problems faced by

44

the people of that province; the third one provided an opportunity for debate on
the solution to problems shared by more than one province; and the fourth one
on the most important issue facing the country at that particular point of time.
However, in 2000-2001, it was decided that the Development Dialogue Series
would be conducted around a single theme for more tangible results and better
impact; and Peace and Tolerance was selected as the theme-of-the-year. It is to
date one of the most concrete outputs of the organization around this theme.
During these dialogues, representatives of CBOs, mid-level NGOs and other
CSOs were imparted thorough orientation on the issue in a participatory manner.
The first one in the Series, NWFP Development Dialogue, was organized on the
theme of Religious Harmony and Intolerance. Next, Punjab Development
Dialogue was conducted on the theme of Sectarianism: Problems and Solution.
After this, Inter-Provincial Development Dialogue was organized for participants
from Punjab and the NWFP on the theme of Culture of Intolerance. Finally,
National Development Dialogue was organized on the Arms Culture in Pakistan
for participants from all the four provinces of the country.
These events not only promoted better understanding of the issue among the
participants, but also provided them with an opportunity to share their
perspectives on different dimensions of peace and intolerance. A very skilled and
qualified team of resource persons facilitated these dialogues. A follow-up of the
Inter-Provincial Development Dialogue was also conducted on the theme of
Sectarianism and Women in Pakistan at Rahim Yar Khan (Punjab).
In 2002, Good Governance was selected as the theme-of-the-year for the
Development Dialogue Series. It was also decided to shift its focus from activismoriented approach to a balanced mix of activism- and academic-oriented
approaches. The idea behind this was to develop the conceptual clarity of SAPPKs staff and partners on emerging issues in order to help them better
undertake policy-level advocacy campaigns.
This year also witnessed many other changes in the Development Dialogue
Series: first, their nature changed to a great extent as they became more of
thematic and academic courses; and second, they trickled-down to the district
level. While the duration of Provincial, Inter-Provincial and National Development
Dialogues ranges from two to three days, the District Development Dialogues are
single-session events, and basic information on the issue is shared during them.
Some of the other positive developments in this connection were that very
elaborate resource material was shared with the participants of all the dialogues.
Additionally, material like introductory flyers on the same themes in Urdu was
also printed for the communities these participants sought to represent. This
move also had link with the stated desire of increasing the outreach of SAP-PKs
activities to sections of civil society other than NGOs/CBOs and their networks.

45

3.6.8 Democracy and Human Rights Program (DHRP)

This Program was designed with the understanding that the democratization of
state and society was the basic and foremost task for civil society in order to
realize the ultimate goal of a peaceful and secular society. Its general objectives
were to contribute to re-establish peoples confidence in democratic institutions
and electoral processes; and increase peoples participation in the October 2002
General Elections at provincial and national levels.
A consortium of NGOs, under the leadership of SAP-PK, implemented this
Program of one-year duration (starting February 2002) with the financial support
of the European Commission (EC). The three target groups identified for DHRP
included media and journalists, political parties and candidates, and minorities;
while two cross-cutting issues, women and young people, were mainstreamed in
all the activities being undertaken within its context. The decision to work with
these target groups was based on the realization that their interactive efforts
could play an important role in bringing about the desired change.
The above-mentioned general objectives were achieved via the following specific
objectives related to the three target groups:
Media and Journalists:

Increase journalists understanding of their role in a democracy and, more

specifically, during the election process.

Promote quality reporting on political campaigns and public awareness

activities related to the national and provincial assembly elections.

Develop technical skills of journalists, especially those working at the

district level, to report on political campaigns.

Help the media monitor election and public awareness campaigns, and
post-election period.

Political Parties and Candidates:

Sensitize political parties and candidates on democratic principles.

Increase awareness of political parties candidates and leaders on role

and practices of political parties.

Sensitize political parties about election rules and procedures.

Promote the elaboration of political parties code of conduct.

Increase public understanding of political parties manifestoes.

Minorities:

Increase minorities awareness of democratic values, government

institutions and election regulations.

Promote minorities participation in the 2002 General Elections.

46

Sensitize political party leaders and elected parliamentarians about the

needs, rights and duties of minorities.

Now we take a brief overview of some of the major activities conducted under
DHRP and the philosophy behind them:
MEDIA AND JOURNALISTS
Most of the grave violations of human rights and political violence occur in rural
and semi-urban areas without ever coming to surface. In addition, most of the
inhumane traditions like honor killing are practiced in such areas with the tacit
protection and support of local political and state structures. Media was included
as one of three targets groups under DHRP with the belief that an aware and
committed local journalist can reduce the occurrence and intensity of such
practices and crimes by bringing them to the surface.
Hence, the activities related to media and journalists under DHRP were designed
specifically to impart awareness to and organize the journalists working at the
district level. This policy decision had been taken with the realization that the
district correspondents and reporters of national newspapers and magazines are
capable of playing highly positive and constructive role towards the
democratization of the state and society.
Inter Press Communication (IPC), a Karachi-based media group, conducted the
training activities under this component of DHRP in collaboration with SAP-PK.
The main objectives of these activities were to strengthen responsive media;
create media watchdog groups; encourage issue-based journalism; and establish
effective working relationship among journalists, political parties and CSOs. The
major activities under this component of the Program included the following:
Two-day Training Workshops were conducted on topics like human rights and
democracy for district correspondents of mainstream papers and magazines; and
owners, editors and sub-editors of local publications. Many seasoned journalists
were invited to these events as facilitators to narrate in detail the historic context
of issues like discrimination against women and minorities, freedom of
expression, etc. The training contents were designed after conducting survey on
the basic needs of the working journalists, especially those working in small
towns and rural areas. This need assessment also became the basis for
designing resource material for the trainings.
The main objectives of these events were to:

apprise the participants of the human rights perspectives of the sociopolitical issues they had to deal with while discharging their duties;

enhance the understanding of their role in strengthening democracy

especially during the election process; and

improve the quality of reporting of election campaigns of political parties.

47

In all, 244 journalists from 37 districts of all the four provinces of the country
participated in the six training workshops organized in Karachi, Sukkur,
Peshawar, Quetta, Lahore and Multan. The participants of these workshops were
assigned to contribute articles and features to local newspapers on issues
related to human rights, democracy, women and minority rights.
At the end of each workshop, all the trained journalists were asked to form a
Media Watch Group in their district. Now, these groups are functioning in all the
37 districts from where the journalists attended the trainings. They regularly
monitor and report on human rights violations in their districts, and engage with
other civil society groups and networks.
The two-day training workshops for journalists also included a Media Seminar in
which prominent media representatives, political leaders, lawyers, human rights
activists, scholars and academics from all over the country were invited to share
their thoughts and ideas. These seminars offered an opportunity to district
correspondents to meet with seasoned journalists, who gave them extensive
background information on different topics related to their work.
The participants of these seminars also learned to relate their professional
responsibilities with the struggle to protect human rights. Some of the important
themes of the media seminars included:

Role of Media in Strengthening Democratic Values and Practices;

Failure of Democracy in Pakistan;

Journalists as Watchdogs in the Society;

Reporting on Womens Issues and Human Rights in Vernacular Press;

Responsible Reporting and Media Ethics;

Reporting Tools and Tips, Objective Reporting, Ideal Reporting and

Qualities of a Good Reporter.

During these seminars, the participants unanimously criticized the role of state in
creating hurdles for the journalists. Disapproving the recently introduced Press
Council Act, they appreciated the role of NGOs in initiating such debates. One of
the main focuses of the media seminars was to discuss the problems and issues
of the reporters and correspondents working at the district level. Most of the
common issues were related to job insecurity, physical insecurity against local
mafias, and lack of information and background analysis.
With the objective of doing a solid and objective analysis of current socio-political
scenario, a National Media Conference was organized in Karachi for
representatives of media, political parties and civil society organizations. Its main
aim was to forge a minimal alliance and working relationship between and among
these important sectors of the society. Strengthening democracy was identified
as the common objective of media, political parties and civil society.
48

The participants viewed that the absence of civil rights and democratic freedoms
not only limits their role and clout in the society, but also harbors extremism,
violence and corruption. It widens and deepens the sectarian, religious and
ethnic hatred between the citizens. The politics, in turn, becomes a tool to
accomplish the animosities and fulfill the petty interests of individuals and groups.
The speakers made an attempt to situate the current socio-political issues in the
historical context. They believed that all the military dictators and civilian leaders,
in order to hold on to power, first of all tried to curb the freedom of expression
and difference of opinion. Ironically, all this was done in the name of privacy,
decency, national interest or religion. As a result, the civil society got weakened
and lost the strength to defend its rights and liberties. The participants especially
focused their attentions on the print media as it had witnessed covert or overt
state oppression throughout the history of the country.
POLITICAL PARTIES AND CANDIDATES
The DHRP activities related to political parties and candidates were conducted
directly by SAP-PK in collaboration with its partners at the district level. They
focused mainly on having constructive dialogues with political workers and their
leaderships for the promotion of genuine democratic values. Through concerted
efforts, the Program tried to lobby with the major political parties of the country to
do their politics following democratic principles and code of conduct.
Through DHRP, an attempt was made to sensitize the political parties, their
workers and candidates on different democratic principles like the importance of
peaceful dialogue in conflict resolution; the culture of democracy within parties;
the acceptance of young people, women and minorities in party structures, etc.
Moreover, the Program aimed at increasing the awareness of workers and
candidates of political parties on the ideal role and practices of political parties
while in the power and/or in the opposition.
For the promotion and elaboration of political parties code of conduct for these
October 2002 general elections, and increasing public understanding of party
manifestoes and programs via public debates, SAP-PK engaged with political
parties on a number of political and social issues like womens rights, minority
rights, women representation at local, provincial and national levels, etc. The major
activities conducted under this component of DHRP included:
The first activity of this kind in the political history of Pakistan, the District
Seminars provided workers and leaderships of major political parties with a
platform to discuss their common problems and mutual issues. Most importantly,
the workers of political parties got an opportunity to voice their concerns as well
as identify their common issues. In an environment where political parties were
virtually harassed by the tough disqualifying laws, this initiative provided a
platform where their leaderships and workers could talk without fear and express
their views candidly.

49

During these seminars, held all over the country during January and February
2003 and attended by over 3,000 people from all walks of life, debates were held
on the nature of the political system best suited to Pakistan. The participants
raised many important questions like who has the right to run the affairs of the
country: elected representatives or non-elected institutions? Should Pakistan be
a secular state or a theocracy? It was highly encouraging to note that most of the
participants spoke in favor of a true democratic system where all citizens are
treated equally irrespective of their religious, ethnic or sectarian backgrounds.
In almost every seminar, the participants identified regional peace as the
prerequisite for political stability in Pakistan. They viewed that the tension
between India and Pakistan allows both the countries to spend heavily on
defense at the cost of development of their masses. They believed that Pakistan
had been affected more by this phenomenon, as it had resulted in frequent
Martial Laws and usurpation of citizens fundamental rights by the state. The
participants also agreed that no society could create a healthy democratic culture
without first eliminating feudalistic behaviors, institutional imbalances,
fundamentalism, state repression, corruption and violation of human rights.
It was a consensus opinion of the participants that such seminars should not only
be election-specific rather, they should be held on an ongoing process. Some
of the important outcomes of these forums were as follows:

Political workers of different parties got an opportunity to question their

leaderships, express their common concerns, and share their views with
civil society activists, lawyers, teachers, labor leaders, etc.;

Current political issues were thoroughly discussed in the perspective of

socio-political history of Pakistan;

Different sections of the society formed networks to launch struggles for

the solution of common problems;

General impression about CSOs that they avoided real political issues and
tried to depoliticize the political workers was changed.

The October 2002 General Elections saw an unprecedented increase in the

number of women parliamentarians. This opportunity was seen as a possible
entry point for CSOs to advocate for the womens rights. It demanded working
closely with the newly-elected parliamentarians to establish practical coordination
among them for the promotion of womens rights irrespective of their party
affiliations. In this perspective, Provincial Public Seminars were organized on the
Role of Women Parliamentarians in Strengthening Democracy.
The presence of social activists, lawyers, journalists, students, etc. during these
seminars helped the facilitators to situate the issue in the larger context of state
and society. The speakers and participants viewed that the issue of sociopolitical discrimination against women was directly related to the issue of
democracy in Pakistan. Military dictators, in particular Zia-ul-Haq, deliberately
50

weakened the civil society and limited the role of women in the society. They also
demanded elimination of all the discriminatory laws against women.
It was a consensus opinion of the participants that credit of increased women
seats in the Parliament goes to the civil society. On this occasion, the women
parliamentarians committed to launch a joint campaign, irrespective of their party
affiliations, in the Parliament against discriminatory laws. They also vowed to
strengthen the democratic system in the country and resist every effort to curtail
the powers of the elected institutions of the state. Importantly, they agreed that
their practical coordination with CSOs was necessary to achieve these goals.
Similar Provincial Public Seminars were also organized on the theme of
Problems and Rights of Minorities in Pakistan: Role of Parliamentarians. It was
an attempt to bring minority parliamentarians at one platform and discuss with
them the entire socio-political scenario related to the minorities in Pakistan.
Some elected representatives of mainstream political parties were also invited to
these seminars with an objective to develop a meaningful working relationship
between Muslim and non-Muslim parliamentarians for strengthening democracy.
Besides politicians, lawyers, social activists, journalists, labor leaders, political
workers and other CSO representatives also participated in these events. There
was a consensus among the participants that the solution to the problems faced
by the minorities lies in strengthening democracy. It was suggested that the
minority parliamentarians should work with mainstream political parties and
CSOs for the democratization of state and society in the country. In this regard,
discriminatory laws were identified as a possible area of intervention for them.
The minority parliamentarians present during these seminars urged the major
political parties to lobby for the representation of the minorities in the Senate.
They also demanded property rights for the minority-dominated slum areas.
These seminars provided minority organizations and representatives with an
opportunity to present a common Charter of Demands, for which they had
worked extensively, to the parliamentarians.
A series of District Public Seminars was organized on the theme of Proposed
Constitutional Amendments and the Future of Parliamentary Democracy to
provide the political and social activists, working at the grassroots level, with a
platform to discuss the Legal Framework Order announced by the military regime
in August 2002. It was probably for the first time in the countrys history that core
issues like the Constitution, federation, decentralization, human rights,
democracy, etc. were discussed at the district level throughout Pakistan.
Most of the speakers and participants lauded these seminars as a very
meaningful intervention by the civil society at a crucial juncture in the countrys
political history. Despite the fact that the participants represented different, and at
times opposite, ideological stances, there was a unique conformity in the views

51

expressed by political activists and leaders, social workers, lawyers, teachers,

journalists, trade unionists, development activists and other sections of the civil
society. There was a general consensus among them on the following:

The people of this country are sovereign;

The elected Parliament is superior to any other institution of the state;

Only elected Parliament has the right to take any policy decision or amend
the Constitution;

The political consciousness of the people should be enhanced to protect

the democratic systems and attitudes like tolerance and peace;

Religious minorities should be brought in the political mainstream; and

The army has only one role and that is to defend the geographic borders
of the country. It has no role to play in the governance of the country.

The Provincial Public Seminars on How to Make Pakistan a True Federation

provided the speakers and participants with an opportunity to discuss national
issues and demand reforms in the state structures, so as to make Pakistan a true
federation where most of the powers and resources are vested with the
provinces. Most of them belonged to labor/trade unions, NGOs, political parties,
media groups, bar associations and other sections of the civil society.
The speakers recounted the events of initial years after Pakistans independence
to trace the genesis of the problem. They recalled how a new-born state was
subjected to the whims and caprices of the civil-military bureaucracy, which
ultimately resulted in the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. Most of the speakers
cited the example of the Dhaka debacle as a proof of the fact that the integrity of
a federation depends on the social and economic justice available to its citizens.
The question of democracy and distribution of power among different institutions
of the state was also discussed at length during these seminars. The speakers
questioned the dominance of the army over other institutions of the state and its
share in the annual federal budget. They also criticized the armys role for not
allowing democracy to flourish in the country by sacking elected governments
time and again. Allocation of resources to provinces and National Finance
Commission (NFC) also came under discussion during these seminars.
In the same vein, District and Provincial Issue-based Public Seminars were
organized at in the first quarter of 2003 on topics like Peace and Tolerance;
Peace for All; New Labor Policy and Industrial Relations Ordinance (IRO) 2002;
and Women and Democracy. In all, these seminars were attended by more than
2,500 people including elected representatives, minority leaders, women,
lawyers, academicians, trade unionist and other civil society actors. The major
objective of these seminars was to discuss these issues with elected
representatives and devise strategies to address them.

52

In seminars on Peace for All, the speakers viewed that lawlessness, disorder and
intolerance were promoted by army regimes. They said that army dictators gave
protection to religious extremists in order to use them for their ulterior motives.
The speakers also resolved that there should be a close contact among civil
society organizations, political parties and media to highlight related issues.
In seminars on Women and Democracy, the causes of the marginalization of
women were discussed at length. The speakers believed that democracy could
not flourish in Pakistan because the marginalized sections of the society were
never engaged in the political and democratic process. Most of them expressed
hope that women would play a major role in strengthening democracy after
getting enhanced representation in the assemblies.
Some of the speakers also lamented that women were not being treated equally
in the local bodies institutions. They urged the female political workers to assert
their right of getting party tickets on general seats. The speakers unanimously
recommended that there should be a quota for women in all sectors of life,
including various employment opportunities.
In seminars on New Labor Policy and IRO 2002, labor leaders tried to explain the
new labor policy to the audience. They strongly criticized IRO 2000 and declared
it against the spirit of the 1973 Constitution. Rallies were also organized after the
seminars and more than 2,000 people from all walks of life participated in them.
MINORITIES
DHRPs philosophical underpinnings emphasized the need to do way with
constitutional discrimination against minorities as well as elimination of all sorts of
social biases against them. The separate electorate system was identified as the
most appalling law against the interests of minorities. Fortunately, during the
Program, the military government announced the end of the separate electorate
system under the LFO and replaced it with joint electorate system. Justice and
Peace Commission, a Multan-based organization, conducted the activities
related to minorities in collaboration with SAP-PK.
It is always difficult to measure the outcomes of the efforts directed towards
behavioral change and conceptual clarity. However, it was a source of great
satisfaction that the efforts made through DHRP produced some encouraging
results. The most visible reflection was that the minorities actively participated in
the October 2002 general elections and adopted a common Charter of Demands.
The major outcomes of the activities related to minorities were as follows:

Minority activists were brought on one platform to discuss their problems

in the context of larger socio-political issues.

Different minority communities were integrated by providing opportunities

to minority leaders and workers to sit together and design common set of
demands, principles and strategies.

53

Consensus was built among minority activists regarding human rights

scenario prevailing in the country.

Political parties were convinced to bring minorities in their folds and

encourage their participation by allocating party tickets to them.

After the restoration of joint electorate system in August 2002, DHRP started
engaging minority community as voters and citizens. The selected minority
groups were given extensive training on thematic issues concerning electoral
politics and human rights. They were later assigned the task of holding pubic
meetings, forums and dialogues with other citizens. As an outcome of these
activities, a large percentage of minority citizens exercised their right to vote in
the October 2002 general elections.
In all, six Training Workshops were organized for 232 minority activists in Lahore,
Multan, Karachi, Hyderabad, Peshawar and Rawalpindi. The main objective of
these events was to bring minorities in the political mainstream of the country.
Resource material on important themes like human rights situation in Pakistan,
situation of minority rights in Pakistan, human rights and the Constitution of
Pakistan, political situation of minorities, basic concepts of human rights, and
minority, democracy and human rights was provided to the participants.
Another of the activities falling under this head was the preparation of a Charter
of Demands by the representatives of the religious minorities of Pakistan, which
put forward a number of demands before the government as well as the political
parties. It demanded of the government to:

abolish all of the discriminatory laws, and make Pakistan a truly secular
and peaceful country;

ensure the protection of the lives and property of all the citizens
irrespective of their religious identity;

provide protection to the minorities places of worship against attacks by

the religious extremists;

change the bias and prejudice incorporated against the minorities in the
syllabi to reflect their true role in the Pakistan movement; and

give appropriate coverage to the religious minorities on electronic media.

Similarly, the Charter of Demands urged the political parties to:

integrate the religious minorities into their rank and file;

disband separate minority wings and give party tickets to minorities during
the general elections;

incorporate the issues of minorities in their manifestoes; and

devote their struggle to the creation of a tolerant society by first

introducing democratic culture within them.

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A one-day National Minority Conference was organized at Rawalpindi on the

theme of Minority Rights and Future Strategy in March 2003, and was attended
by the representatives of Christian, Hindu, Sikh and Bahai religious minorities.
Besides them, a sizeable number of human rights activists, labor leaders,
lawyers, journalists and representatives of other CSOs also participated in the
Conference. The crux of the discussion was that the minorities of Pakistan
should continue their struggle for the right of equal citizenship.
The restoration of joint electorate system after more than 20 years was seen as a
great opportunity for the minorities to get back into mainstream electoral process.
There was a consensus among the participants that this was the only way to end
religious intolerance in the society. The Conference, attended by about 200
participants, also took out time to judge the impact of the past activities and
devise the future strategies. The joint Charter of Demands by minorities was also
thoroughly discussed once again and given a final shape.
3.6.8 Technical Support Program (TSP)
SAP-PKs interventions are directed towards provision of equal opportunities to
all people for the full realization of human potential. One major hindrance to this
goal is the inability of partner organizations to effectively design, plan, implement
and monitor community development programs. Therefore, it was realized that
RDP alone was insufficient to address their technical needs as it addresses
theoretical issues only. This, in turn, implied that the capacity building of partners
would remain incomplete until the training was not followed by a technical phase.
Considering this, Technical Support Program (TSP) was re-designed in 2002 to
facilitate the Program partners in managing (designing, planning, implementing,
monitoring and evaluating) community development initiatives. The Program has
been re-launched with the expectation that its implementation will help them to:

develop linkages with local government and line departments for allocation
of resources to implement community development initiatives;

effectively meet the developmental needs of their communities; and

acquire skills in managing low-cost community development programs.

The sectors and sub-sectors for the provision of technical support and training to
partner organizations have been identified after a thorough analysis of the
programs supported by SAP-PK since 1996. Among others, they include
Education (non-formal schools, teacher training); Health (preventive, curative and
reproductive health, family planning, service delivery); Income Generation (microenterprise development, marketing, micro-credit); Agriculture (modern agro skills,
agro marketing, farm water management, forest farming); Environment
(sanitation, solid waste management, drinking water supply); Advocacy and
Networking; and Institution Building and Sustainability.

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CHAPTER 4
ENVISAGED ROLE OF CIVIL SOCIETY
IN PAKISTAN
Institutions growing in the civil society aim to strengthen individual and collective
rights, to check state authoritarianism and to challenge oppressive social forces.
The prerogative of a fully matured civil society is the evolution of a representative
and responsive political structure, firmly based on principles of social justice and
equal opportunity for all.
In the context of Pakistan's social fabric and the existing power structures, civil
society will have to be anchored on decentralization, democratization and fuller
participation of the people. This would imply defying ideological totalitarianism,
elitist monopolies corporate and feudal, ethnic and sectarian fascism and firmly
entrenched state and bureaucratic hegemony.
The intellectual and institutional bases of emerging endeavors of civil society need
strengthening. Since these initiatives are different in form and nature from market
institutions, theories and practices development from the market institutions cannot
be applied blindly to the civil society institutions.
The CSOs need to internalize the lessons of efficient working, time management
and optimum utilization of resources from market institutions while retaining their
commitment, spirit and vision. Institutional development interventions for
strengthening civil society, however, will require much more than mere
organizational improvement. A new body of knowledge is required to plan and
design civil society institutions in a given socio-political context.
The civil society can be sustained only if its spirit penetrates deep down into the
core of existing structures, forcing change from within and bringing about
fundamental changes in structures and institutions. The challenge before the civil
society is to restore the confidence of the people through greater participation in
decision-making, and evolving durable mechanisms of accountability.
The roots of civil society can be found in democracy, supremacy of the constitution,
independent media and judiciary, and in a system where addressing the basic
needs of the people remains the top priority of the state. The evolution and
strengthening of the civil society is a dynamic process which continues to civilize
individuals and build social relationships.
According to the modern worldview, civil society encompasses the three, more or
less distinct, sectors government or state, business or market and non-profit or
citizens. This re-conceptualization of civil society is based not upon the sectors
but upon the relationships and linkages between the sectors, in which no one
sector is in the ascendant.
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The linkages between the sectors are dependent upon the quality and scope of
social institutions, and ultimately, upon the citizenry itself. In Pakistan, the
linkages between the sectors and a mutually supportive relationship are not in
place. There is a need for an understanding from all sectors to engage in a
dialogue and work with each other for society's overall benefit.
A true civil society reflects a mutually supportive and cooperative relationship
between the three sectors, in which each is at once strengthened by, and
strengthens, the other. This wider definition reflects the interrelations that exist
within society, and presents the more realistic viewpoint that all elements of
society are involved in social development activities, perpetuation of democracy,
and the creation and fine-tuning of policy.

4.1

SAP-PKs Vision

SAP-PK has recognized, through experience, that in order to further strengthen

civil society there is a need to promote:

cohesiveness of organized actions;

cross-fertilization of ideas and willingness to learn;

transparency, accountability and performance measurement;

involvement with other sectors such as the private sector; and

collaboration with the government on issues of social development.

SAP-PK has also planned for the future accordingly. Based on the experience of
PNSP Phase-II, the organizations vision is to improve the capacity of Pakistani
citizens, particularly women and the rural poor, to participate effectively in local
democratic structures and processes that promote their needs and interests.
The expected outcomes of SAP-PKs proposed program for CIDA-supported
PNSP Phase-III are as follows:

Selected CSOs and networks are in a better position to influence social

policies at the local level.

Peoples organizations are more effectively participating in local planning

and implementation.

Citizens, especially women and rural poor, have increased access to

quality social services.

Pakistani civil society is better connected to and participating in global

anti-poverty movements.

In line with CIDAs Country Framework for Pakistan (2003-2005), the proposed
program covers three major areas: Democratic Local Governance, Social
Development and Gender Equality. In the following, we briefly discuss the future
approach of SAP-PK in these selected areas:

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4.2

Democratic Local Governance

The Local Government Plan, under which the last local government elections
were held in 2000-01, offers space to citizens to participate in decision-making,
policy formulation and resource utilization at the local level. Likewise, the social
capital developed as a result of SAP-PKs efforts over the years can be utilized
for strengthening processes, structures, systems and mechanisms for local
planning, governance and management of resources. Additionally, the capital
now available in the form of more than 40,000 elected women representatives
needs to utilized constructively for societys overall development.
During the next five years (2004-06), SAP-PK plans to develop the capacities of
these actors at the local level through various training interventions as well as
link them with each other in the form of networks and coalitions with the specific
objectives of improving governance structures, strengthening civil society,
enhancing women representation in decision-making positions and promoting
respect for human rights and democratic principles.
To pursue these objectives, some of the proposed core activities are as follows:

institutional capacity development of CBOs/NGOs, farmers groups,

networks of CBOs, Citizens Community Boards (CCBs);

capacity development of elected representatives, future candidates and

local leaders, especially women;

democratic debates for public education;

capacity development of people so that they could become active and

knowledgeable citizens, advocating and eventually lobbying with the
government for more and improved services; and

promotion of womens participation and gender equality in CCBs, farmers

groups, networks, coalitions and civil society as a whole.

4.3

Social Development

Pakistans human and social development gap is large and growing. Trends in
education outcomes are particularly disappointing. At the beginning of the 21st
century only one in two children aged five to nine attends school, and perhaps as
many as half of primary school graduates are functionally illiterate. The health
outcomes, while less bleak, are still nevertheless poor. The health status of the
population, particularly women and children, is low and half of the children aged
12 to 23 months are not fully immunized.
Access to other basic services such as water and sanitation is still very poor, and
this together with poor nutritional status plays a major part in the viscous cycle of
illness and poverty. The countrys social indicators in terms of health, education
and population growth are amongst the worst in South Asia. According to Human
Development Report, Pakistan stands at 144 out of 175 countries in 2003.

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During the next five years (2004-06), SAP-PK plans to accelerate the process of
social development through community development programs and community
mobilization with the specific objectives of improving quality of life of citizens by
increasing their access to social services, developing social policy reform,
improving the quality of social services, and helping the government and the local
communities build their capacity to plan and implement those services.
To pursue these objectives, some of the proposed core activities are as follows:

financial assistance for community development projects to increase

access of marginalized groups, especially women to services in
geographic areas less covered by the government and other NGOs;

technical assistance for implementation of community development

projects by selected partner organizations;

promotion of gender equality in program delivery by supporting

sustainable agriculture programs focused on social and economic
development of marginalized women farmers;

leadership training for community leaders;

exposure visits to development models worth replicating/adapting; and

linking community groups and other CSOs with government line

departments dealing with essential social services.

4.4

Gender Equality

Pakistan provides one of the most challenging and sensitive environments in the
world in which to work on gender equality issues. Its array of ethnic groups and
their traditions make strategies on gender issues difficult to fathom and even
more difficult to plan into development projects, particularly into advocacy
initiatives. Gender disparities in Pakistan are severe and pervasive.
The country ranks 115 out of 143 countries in the gender-related development
index and ranks 100 out of 102 countries on the gender empowerment measure.
Deeply rooted cultural and institutional constraints prevent Pakistani women from
playing an active role in the development of their society. They remain largely
excluded from decision-making at national and provincial as well as community
and household level.
Pakistani women are less educated than Pakistani men, and their access to
employment and income generative activities is limited. The health standards of
women are poorer in comparison to their male counterparts with lower life
expectancy and high maternal mortality rates.
During the next five years (2004-08), SAP-PK plans to promote gender equality
through gender audit of its projects and programs and actions to advance equal
relations between men and women with the specific objectives of promoting

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equal participation of men and women as decision-makers, the realization of

women and girls of their full human rights, and reduced gender inequalities in
access to and control over the resources and benefits of development.
To pursue these objectives, some of the proposed core activities are as follows:

gender training for both men and women;

gender audit training and implementation for partners and networks;

advocacy for gender rights; and

community forums and dialogue focusing on mens acceptance of

womens equal and active participation in local political matters.

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