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Gerassimos Pagratis
The British showed interest in the Ionian Islands almost immediately after
the dissolution of the Venetian Republic. Domination of the archipelago in
the Ionian Sea was dictated, prior to the opening of the Suez Canal, by geo-
strategic, political and economic reasons. Whoever possessed these islands
possessed a precious naval base from which to sally forth into regions of
outstanding strategic significance and to control the sea routes to the
Adriatic (mainly via Corfu) and the East (via Cephalonia and Zakynthos).
When the British Empire acquired the Ionian Islands in 1815, it added
another powerful pole to a system of naval bases that included Gibraltar
and Malta, which had been formed for the strategic control of the entire
Mediterranean and to secure communications with regions on the route
leading to the Middle East and India, where it had vital political and
mercantile interests. Moreover, the fact that the Ionian Islands bordered
with sultanic lands endowed them with the role of last bastion of
Christianity, while giving the British the opportunity to observe at first
hand what was going on in the Ottoman Empire, in a period during which
the Eastern Question was at its height.1 In the economic sector, the islands
not only offered the British exploitable natural resources (Corfiot olive oil,
Zakynthian and Cephalonian currants, etc.), but also a new market for
their industrial goods and a safe trading station on the sea lane to the
markets of the Levant. British merchants were facilitated in their trans-
actions by a favourable customs tariff, which allowed them to import
British industrial products with a tax of 2% to 7%, at a time when local
merchants were paying an export duty of 19.5%, even if circulation was
inter-island (the argument being that it was a Federal State).2
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1
Guido Zucconi, “Corcira Britannica (1814–1864). Urban Architecture and Strategies in
the Capital of the Ionian State”, in Aliki Nikiforou-Testone & Ennio Concina (edts.), Corfu:
History, Urban Space and Architecture, XIV–XIX cent. (Corfu, 1994), 95. Gerassimos
Chytiris, “Dimossionomika ke Statistika tou Ioniou Kratous”, Deltion tis Ioniou Akadimias,
2 (Corfu 1986), (in Greek), 301. Domna Donta-Visvisis, “The British documents. A source
for the History of the Ionian Islands”, Proceedings of the Sixth International Ionian Conference
(Zakynthos, 23–27 September 1997), 1 (Athens, 2001), 294.
2
Gerassimos Chytiris, I Kerkyra sta messa tou 19ou aiona (Corfu, 1988), 18–19.
132 Gerassimos Pagratis
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3
Constitutional Chart of the United States of the Ionian Islands as passed on 2nd May 1817
(Corfu, 1818). C. R. Ricotti, Il costituzionalismo britannico nel Mediterraneo (1794–1818),
Roma-Milano 2005; C. R. Ricotti, “Il costituzionalismo britannico nel Mediterraneo fra
rivoluzione e restaurazione. Dal ‘modello corso’ (1794) al ‘modello ionio’ (1818)”, in Il
modello costituzionale inglese e la sua ricezione nell’area mediterranea fra la fine del ‘700 e la
prima metà dell’800, a cura di A. Romano, Milano 1998, 391–434.
4
Nikolaos Mosconas, “Ta Ionia Nissia kata tin periodo 1797–1821”, in Istoria tou Ellinikou
Ethnous, XII (Athens, 1975), 401. Yeoryios Alissandratos, “O Eptanissiakos Risospastismos
(1848–1864)”, in To Ionio: Perivallon-Koinonia-Politismos, Proceedings of Conference, Athens,
15–17 October 1984 (Athens, 1984), 27–28.
The Ionian Islands under British Protection (1815–1864) 133
_______________
5
Alissandratos, “Eptanissiakos Risospastismos”, 27–28. Moschonas, “Ionia Nissia 1797–
1821”, 401.
134 Gerassimos Pagratis
the fifty years of the British protectorate are divided into three main
periods, on the criterion of the degree of difficulties the Protectorate
encountered and the corresponding modifications to its policies:
(I) The Ionian islanders’ memories of the first two Lord High
Commissioners — especially Maitland– were anything but fond, chiefly
because of their callous attitude during the 1821 Greek Revolution.
However, there is no doubt that both managed, with the well-known
British methodical approach, to organize a modern state and to carry
out projects of benefit to the local communities, even if these works
were unequally distributed between the islands. Thanks to their extensive
powers, the High Commissioners were able to keep the nobles in check,
both in disputes between themselves and against the weak tenant farmers.
The abolition in 1825 of many feudatories belonging to the Church and
to the public sector aimed at protecting the latter. Moreover, measures
The Ionian Islands under British Protection (1815–1864) 135
were taken to boost trade and shipping, the judiciary system was
reorganized, fiscal control was instituted, the gendarmerie was set up,
mechanisms for dealing with crop failures and natural disasters were
put in place, and so on.6
When Maitland died (1824), Frederick Adam was appointed to
succeed him. Adam was well acquainted with the problems of the islands,
as he had already served there and had married a girl from the local
aristocracy. His term of office was the “golden age” for investments in
public and welfare works. His activity was designed to create a petite
capital and included both showcase projects around the central square of
Corfu (Esplanade) and infrastructure works all over the island. His bronze
portrait statue, which was set up outside the High Commissioner’s palace,
surrounded by water, reminds Corfiots that it was in his time (1831)
that the aqueduct — a work of vital important which supplied the entire
city of Corfu with water — was inaugurated.7
Adam took measures to construct a dense network of carriage roads
on all the islands. Whereas under the Venetians these amounted to no
more than a few dozen kilometres, by 1864, when the islands were
handed over to Greece, they had reached a total of 853 kilometres. Public
health stations, quarantine stations, harbour installations, charitable
foundations and so on were organized too. In the sector of education,
the number of schools multiplied. The major work in this sector was
without doubt the Ionian Academy, the first university foundation in
Greek lands, which opened in Corfu in 1824, on the initiative and with
the generous sponsorship of Frederick North, Count of Ghylford.8
Adam spent a large sum of money on restoring the fortifications of
the islands. He was one of those Britons who believed in the strategic
role of Corfu and in the need to modernize its defensive infrastructures.
Within seven years of his arrival, he had expended 154,000 pounds
sterling on public works, at the time when the annual budget of the
Ionian State was of the order of 140,000 pounds.9
There were objections to Adam’s spending and to the concentration
of works exclusively on Corfu, the most vocal of which were expressed
by Charles Napier, the Resident of Cephalonia. In 1833, Napier accused
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6
Panajotis Chiotis, Istoria tou Ioniou Kratous 1815–1864, II (Zakynthos, 1877), 2–33.
7
Zucconi, “Corcira Britannica”, 96–98.
8
Chiotis, Istoria, 2–33. Chytiris, Kerkyra, 17. For the Ionian Academy cf. G. Typaldos-
Iacovatos, Istoria tis Ionias Acadimias, Athens 1982.
9
Henry Jervis-White Jervis, The Ionian Islands during the present Century (London, 1863),
78 f.
136 Gerassimos Pagratis
The Lord High Commissioners after Adam had to cope with two
extra difficulties in relation to their predecessors: on the one hand they
had to justify to the British Parliament the costs of occupying a fortified
position that had lost most of its defensive value. As Goodison, army
doctor in the Ionian Islands, wrote characteristically in 1822: “Corfu
might be considered impregnable, should it ever be necessary to render
it so.”12 On the other hand they had to give reason to the Greek people
for the necessity of maintaining British rule in the Seven Islands.
In general, however, in the first thirty-three years of the British
protectorate there was no organized opposition to the extent that was
worrying to the authorities. Despite the reactions to the anti-democratic
and non-liberal nature of the 1817 Constitution, among its positive points
was the restoration of social calm in local communities, after decades of
social unrest and relative anarchy.
Parliament, which in the second phase of the British protectorate
was to be the principal source of problems for the Lord High
Commissioners, functioned more or less procedurally until the mid-
nineteenth century, since it simply approved the High Commissioner’s
draft laws. Nonetheless, it is a fact that the British “Protection” had
become anti-populist almost from the outset. Apart from the illiberal
constitution of 1817 and the high-handed behavior of the first two High
Commissioners, the British collaborated with the nobles, who represented
big land-ownership on the islands and enjoyed privileges that were
based on a latter-day feudal regime and which were bleeding the peasant
farmers dry.
The anti-British climate was further exacerbated in 1819, with the
influx to the Ionian Islands, especially Corfu, of some 5,000 refugees
from Parga, which the British had sold to the Ottomans in order to
obtain the Sublime Porte’s recognition of the Septinsular Protectorate.13
However, what affected the Ionian islanders most of all was the
harsh and merciless stance of the British High Commissioners towards
the Greek War of Independence and to the fugitives (some 20,000) who
had fled to the islands. Adam perceived their presence in the islands as
a serious threat to fomenting issues of irredentism. With the declaration
of the Revolution in 1821 several Ionian islanders had sought ways of
supporting their fellow Greeks. Those Ionians who had been initiated in
_______________
12
William Goodisson, Historical and Topographical Essay upon the Islands of Corfu, Leucadia,
Cephalonia, Ithaca and Zante (London, 1822), 31.
13
Mosconas, “Ionia Nissia 1797–1821”, 401.
138 Gerassimos Pagratis
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14
W. David Wrigley, “The Ionian Islands and the advent of the Greek State (1827–1833)”,
Balkan Studies, XIX (1978), 418.
15
Wrigley, “Ionian Islands, 1827-1833”, 414–415.
16
Wrigley, “Ionian Islands, 1827-1833”, 416–418, 422–423. On British diplomacy towards
the Greek Revolution in the years 1826–1827 cf M. S. Anderson, The Eastern Question,
1774–1923 (New York, 1968). Harold Temperley, The Foreign Policy of Canning, 1822–1827
(London, 1925).
17
On Capodistrias cf C. M. Woodhouse, Capodistrias (London, 1973).
The Ionian Islands under British Protection (1815–1864) 139
_______________
18
Wrigley, “Ionian Islands, 1827–1833”, 413–426.
19
Nikolaos Karapidakis, “Ta Ionia Nissia, 1815–1864”, Istoria tou Neou Ellinismou 1770–
2000, IV (Athens, 2004), p. 272.
20
Chiotis, Istoria, 36–37.
21
Chiotis, Istoria, 92 f.
140 Gerassimos Pagratis
(II) The more general clime in Europe was one of liberal optimism.
In France the king was overthrown, in the German states constitutional
reforms were going ahead, in Poland, Hungary and elsewhere there
were uprisings. The spirit of “the People’s Spring” reached the Ionian
Islands via the Italian refugees from the revolts of 1848, as well as Ionian
islanders who had taken part in them.
Even so, the more specific circumstances in the Ionian Islands in the
mid-nineteenth century was negative. The Ionian State was plagued by
economic crisis, due to the fall in the price of currants and problems in
the operation of Ionian shipping. Usury was rife. The Ionian Bank,
founded in 1839 with mainly British capital, was unable to offer solutions.
_______________
24
Sulla condizione attuale delle isole Ionie promemoria presentata in Agosto 1839 da Andrea
Mustoxidi, Cavaliere e membro del Parlamento Ionio a sua Signoria e Ministro delle colonie
(Londra, 1840). Cf also Chiotis, Istoria, 107–110.
25
Chiotis, Istoria, 130.
142 Gerassimos Pagratis
The dominant issue in the political clubhouses was the liberation of the
peasants from the debt burden and hatred of the nobles was ubiquitous.26
When the appropriate pretext presented itself, the smoldering social
opposition, which were founded in pronounced economic inequalities,
ignited and stability was overturned. The first acts against the regime
broke out in 1848. The most important of these took place on the night
of the 13 to 14 September, when 200 armed peasants marched into the
town of Argostoli on Cephalonia and clashed with the British garrison.
It became apparent later, from the interrogations, that the Resident of
the island was also involved in this incident, in an effort to convince the
High Commissioner that he should be wary indeed of the Liberals. Seaton
was disinclined to take punitive measures. Instead, he preferred to press
ahead with constitutional reforms, in order to pre-empt new reactions.
It was in these circumstances that he formulated his proposal for granting
press freedom.
The bitterest and bloodiest insurrection broke out the following year.
On 15 August 1849, armed peasants attacked eminent nobles in the
wider area of Skala in southeastern Cephalonia. Events lasted five days,
during which one nobleman was set alight and one British soldier was
killed. On 19 August British troops landed at Kateli harbour and the
rebels scattered. The reprisal and repression that followed were
particularly ruthless, ending in the setting up of courts martial that
sentenced several locals to death by hanging.
In addition to removal of the British and union with Greece, the
rebels sought the overthrow of the political and social establishment
that had entrenched the ‘Protection’. During the expression and evolution
of the movements, class motives were predominant and the events that
took place permitted the characterization of the rebellion as a
“Commune”. 27
The Lord High Commissioner Sir Henry Ward conducted inquiries
and other investigations, in order to establish the cause of this social
unrest. He came to the conclusion that the nationalist sentiment was
uppermost among all Ionian islanders, but with differing intensity
depending on social status. The upper class, for example, considered
their interests were served satisfactorily by the Protectorate. The greatest
danger for the British came from the rural population, mainly of the
_______________
26
Chiotis, Istoria, 133–140.
27
Miranda Paximadopoulou-Stavrinou, Oi exeyersseis tis Kefallinias kata ta eti 1848 kai 1849
(Athens, 1980).
The Ionian Islands under British Protection (1815–1864) 143
_______________
28
Yoryos Souris, “O Gladstone sta Eptanissa. Enotiko kinima ke vretanika adiexoda”,
Historica, VI, No 11 (Athens, 1989), 282–284.
29
Alissandratos, “Eptanissiakos Risospastismos”, 20–30.
30
Antonis Liakos, “I diathlassi ton epanastatikon ideon ston elliniko choro 1830–1850”,
Historica, I (1983), 102–121.
144 Gerassimos Pagratis
The Radicals’ ideas found wide appeal in all social strata, particularly
in the southern islands (Cephalonia and Zakynthos). But the broad base
of the party was made up of farmers and, secondarily, urban labourers,
artisans and petty tradesmen. The prospect of Union loomed large in
the eyes of all these as a prospect of vindication, not only at the national
level but also at the socio-economic one.
Close to them ideologically, but with a different ranking of priorities,
were the Reformists. They belonged politically to the Centre and were
generally moderate, liberal and progressive. Although they did not reject
the cause of Union, they did not bring it before Parliament because they
considered it extremely premature. They accepted “Protection” as a
necessary evil. Their basic aim was to achieve constitutional freedoms
and reforms to the 1817 Constitution. The Reformists frequently enjoyed
the favour of the “Protection” and as a rule held the majority in
Parliament, while their electoral power base was mainly in Corfu.
The third party, the “Katachthonioi” (lit. Undergrounders) expressed
the conservative social ideology and served the interests of the land-
owning oligarchy. The “Katachthonioi” regarded “Protection” as in the
islands’ interest and essential, because it guaranteed social order and
calm. They always reacted against the granting of constitutional reforms
and fought against the idea of Union with Greece. Distinguished
members of their leadership came from old feudal families as well as
the nouveau riche bourgeoisie.31
The greater stability in political life, thanks to Seaton’s liberal reforms,
presaged difficult days for the High Commissioners. The Radicals pushed
things forward rapidly. On 26 November 1850 they submitted to
Parliament their famous decree in which they petitioned for Union with
Greece. However, even before the decree had been fully read, the new
High Commissioner Ward ordered the closure of Parliament. Later he
also sent the two Radical leaders, Zervos and Momferatos, into exile on
the islands of Antikythera and Erikousa respectively, and stopped
publication of radical newspapers. The Radicals had won the battle for
hearts and minds both at home and in Europe, where the press referred
to events in the Ionian Islands.32
_______________
31
Alissandratos, “Eptanissiakos Risospastimos”, 30–32. Nikolaos Moschonas, “To Ionio
Kratos” Istoria tou Ellinikou Ethnous, XIII (Athens, 1977), 208.
32
Ilias Zervos-Iacovatos, I epi tis Agglikis Prostassias Eptanissos Politeia ke ta kommata,
Parartima Praktikon Tritou Panioniou Synedriou, Athens 1969, p. 92. Alissandratos,
“Eptanissiakos Risospastismos”, 35. Moschonas, “To Ionion Kratos”, 210.
The Ionian Islands under British Protection (1815–1864) 145
_______________
35
Chiotis, p. 375-376. Cf also, Gerassimos Chytiris, “Young ke Gladstone. Prospatheies
ya paratassi tis epikyriarchias”, Kerkyraika Chronika, XXVII (Corfu, 1983), 61–85.
36
Souris, “Gladstone”, 287–288.
37
Souris, “Gladstone”, 288 f.
The Ionian Islands under British Protection (1815–1864) 147
Ionian State would remain under the Crown. His instructions from the
Minister for the Colonies, Lytton, ruled out completely the Bowen Plan
and the suspension of the constitution. He was duty bound, moreover,
to take into serious consideration the relations between Britain and the
Ottoman Empire. Last, the minister also drew his attention to the fact
that if, after his stay in the islands, he came to the conclusion that the
sole solution was their annexation to Greece, he must keep such a view
to himself until such time as it was discussed by the Cabinet.38
Gladstone prepared himself adequately, poring over documents on
the status quo in the Ionian Islands as well as consulting bibliography
on their history and culture. He was, however, particularly unlucky,
because whilst he was travelling to the islands, the Daily News (10/11/
1858) published Young’s letter to Lytton concerning the plan for annexing
the islands to Greece and the incorporation of Corfu in the British Empire.
This naturally caused a stir in the Ionian Islands and Gladstone was
viewed with suspicion before even reaching his destination. However,
it gave the British the opportunity of weighing up the international
reactions to this prospect; these proved to be strong, mainly regarding
the second aspect.
Gladstone’s visits to the various islands caused mixed feelings. He
had very positive impressions of Corfu, where he was welcomed with
great respect. But on Cephalonia he was received with organized pro-
Union and anti-Protection protests, which he attributed initially to the
unfortunate publication of the letter from Young, whose recall he
requested and obtained.39
In Gladstone’s correspondence with the Ministry for the Colonies he
advocated the creation of a responsible elected government in the islands,
an aim which at that time was preoccupying the British, with regard to their
colonies. The state machine frequently ground to a halt on account of the
“Protection’s” involvement in party rivalries, which fact brought it into
constant opposition to the Ionian islanders’ national sentiment and ended
up with their division into pro-British and anti-British. The British govern-
ment, through the Minister for the Colonies, Lytton, disagreed with
Gladstone’s plans and forced him to modify his proposed reforms.
Gladstone’s efforts to keep a balance between the British govern-
ment and the Ionian islanders prevented him from realizing that his
effort was in vain, because however much his proposals improved the
_______________
38
Souris, “Gladstone”, 293–294.
39
Chiotis, Istoria, 387f.
148 Gerassimos Pagratis
current regime in the islands, they were not going to satisfy the demand
made by the majority, namely, Union with Greece. Thus the rejection of
his proposals by the overwhelming majority of the Ionian Parliament
was inevitable.40
(III) After this negative development for the Protection, the young
Lord High Commissioner Storks returned to the tried and tested practices
of Ward and Young, showing the Ionian islanders that the time of illusions
was over and done with. Gladstone, during his brief sojourn in the islands,
had grasped the nature and the magnitude of the problem, and put blame
for the lion’s share of the political impasse on the shoulders of the High
Commissioners and their erroneous and short-sighted policies with regard
to the growing issue of Union. He wrote down his conclusions in four
memoranda, which he submitted to his government when his mission was
over. He acknowledged the existence of a nationalist sentiment in the
islands, which was interwoven with social and economic demands. He
treated the Radical parliamentary deputies mildly but did not believe that
the desire for Union was a generalized sentiment. He was afraid that the
Union of the islands with Greece would awaken Greek irredentism and
would topple the delicate balances in Southeast Europe, at a peak-time for
the Eastern Question. He also believed that Union would not serve the
interests of the islands, since the Greek State was in a difficult political,
social and economic situation, which heightened its aggressive stance
against the Ottoman Empire.
At the same moment, the British Ambassador to Greece, Wyse, wrote
that superior political circles in Athens were treating with misgiving the
prospect of the union of the islands with Greece. They were frightened
by the activism of the Radicals and the prospect of the Radicals
demanding from the still fragile Greek State institutional changes and
violent overthrows of established interests. Even so, the Greek politicians’
reactions, although expressive of just one section, were used by the
British as arguments against the ceding of the islands.
It had now become clear that Gladstone’s mission had come too late.
The publicity surrounding his efforts gave international public opinion
the chance to learn about the nature and the extent of the Ionian Islands
Question. The Unionist movement emerged boosted for another reason
too: the British government was persuaded that the issue of the islands
_______________
40
Souris, “Gladstone”, 300–304.
The Ionian Islands under British Protection (1815–1864) 149
(a) the views prevailing from time to time in Britain on the geo-
strategic role of the islands, and which were linked also with,
(b) the cost of upkeep and modernization of their fortifications,
(c) the more specific politics of current British policy on the Eastern
Question, as well as
(d) the position Britain had taken vis-à-vis nationalist movements,
such as that in Italy. However, a decisive role was played by the
High Commissioners’ inability to deal effectively with the growing
Unionist movement, which was nurtured by expectations both of
national rehabilitation and social and economic upgrading of the
downtrodden rural element and the proletariat labour force in
the cities. This inability led to paralysis of the state machine,
with the taking of severe repressive measures which further
exacerbated popular dissatisfaction with the “Protection”.
_______________
41
Souris, “Gladstone”, 297, 301–304, 307–309.
42
Alissandratos, “Eptanissiakos Risospastismos, 40. Moschonas, “To Ionion Kratos”, 217.
P. Panas, Viografia Iosif Momferatou (Athens, 1888), 28.
150 Gerassimos Pagratis