Another 9/11 waiting to happen

Wayne Madsen Wayne Madsen Report June 16, 2008

Roland "Tony" Carnaby, the one-time CIA station chief for the Southeast Region slain by Houston police on April 29, was
an advocate of increasing "HUMINT" resources in and around the sprawling Houston port complex, from Houston to
Galveston. Houston is the largest port in the United States for foreign tonnage.
Carnaby had in his possession the morning of April 29 information that someone wanted and wanted badly enough to
order the Houston police to treat the well-known former CIA clandestine agent and president of the local chapter of the
Association for Intelligence Officers (AFIO) as a dangerous armed criminal.
After an extensive investigation, WMR has learned that those who ordered the "hit" on Carnaby were part of a team,
including smugglers tied to the Russian-Israeli mob, who were involved in terrorist planning activities in the greater
Houston area.
Carnaby and his intelligence and federal and county law enforcement associates were concerned about the potential for a
"9/11-like" false flag attack on either Houston's port facility, airports, or all of them in and around the Memorial Day and
Independence Day weekends.
WMR has learned that at a meeting of tugboat captains last week in Houston, the possibility of an imminent terrorist
attack on the Houston port was discussed.
Carnaby's belief in HUMINT as a determinant of terrorist plans likely caused him to believe that Houston was in imminent
danger for an attack. WMR spoke to Carnaby's intelligence and law enforcement colleagues who share his concerns.
Suspiciously, the Houston police, in violation of US Judge Keith Ellison's order to preserve all evidence related to
Carnaby's shooting by the Houston police, admitted that it disposed of the evidence.
Moreover, after having secured Carnaby's Blackberry, which is known to contain contact numbers for CIA and other
federal agents, as well as their informants, was returned to the custody of the Houston police by Secret Service Special
Agent R. Jennings, the reported SAC (Special Agent in Charge) of the Houston office.
Jennings has been accused by Carnaby's colleagues of cooperating with the very same elements, including individuals
connected to Israeli intelligence activities in the Houston area and their well-placed moles inside the Houston Police
Department, who wanted access to Carnaby's contacts and other information. The compromise of Carnaby's information
represents a potentially devastating compromise of national security and are in direct violation of the National Security Act
of 1947, according to Carnaby's colleagues.
It still remains unknown what happened to Carnaby's Mac laptop computer as well as a number of other cell phones,
including an I-Phone and a Bang and Olufsen mobile phone in Carnaby's possession at the time of his shooting.
Carnaby's colleagues revealed that Carnaby possessed a number of cell phones because some were dedicated to activating
video and camera systems placed in strategic locations in and around Houston's ports and airports and downloading
images to his phones and eventually to his laptop.
At least three phones in Carnaby's possession on the morning of April 29 were used to activate cameras and download
photos and videos from sites in and around Houston. One mobile phone number was reportedly used for this surveillance
activity -- 713 208-0000.
On May 16, 2008, WMR reported: "The CIA was concerned that details of Carnaby's classified and covert work for the
CIA in the Port of Houston, as well as his non-official cover Carnaby Shipping Company Ltd. and American Global
Enterprise contacts in the United States and Lebanon may have been compromised to Israeli Mossad agents who have
infiltrated the Houston Police Department primarily through blackmail techniques.
The Israeli Consulate General in Houston is reportedly at the center of the Israeli influence and intelligence ring in the
fourth largest city in America and the home to the largest port for imports in the United States."
The evening before Carnaby was shot, a man approached Carnaby and two friends at Houston's Capital Grille, a favorite
meeting spot for Houston's business elite. A man, pretending to be inebriated, went up to Carnaby and acted as though he
was an old friend. He was carrying an open bag, the type in which "to go" food orders are usually placed. Carnaby
reportedly reached for his concealed handgun and told the man he had never seen him or met him before.

The man apologized, quickly left the restaurant, and drove off in a car with diplomatic license plates. Carnaby's associates
now believe the man was assigned to the Israeli Consulate General in Houston.
The I-Phone and Mac in Carnaby's possession were officially owned by American Global Enterprise. Carnaby's American
Global cover firm operated a warehouse in the Houston port area, a reported center from which traffic from the port into
Mexico and outbound via the ship channel was monitored.
The actual security for the Port of Houston is maintained not by the Houston Police Department but by the Harris County
Sheriff. The jurisdictional problems affected Carnaby's relationship with both agencies. Whereas the Harris County
Sheriff's office was usually cooperative, the Houston Police was generally not as willing to work on increasing the security
of the port.
Carnaby's fear about lax port security was borne out when this editor easily gained access through the main gate into the
Port of Houston in a rental car. Although containers in bound and out bound from the port are x-rayed and checked for
radioactive materials, the overall security is poor and that prompted Carnaby into calling for a better HUMINT program.
However, better HUMINT would also result in the arms, drugs, and auto theft activities of the Russian-Israeli mob, Israeli
intelligence assets, and their allies in the pro-Mojahedin e Khalq (MEK) Iranian expatriate community in Houston being
identified by federal authorities.
For example, WMR learned from US intelligence and customs agents that the 1998 terrorist bombings of the US embassies
in Nairobi, Kenya and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania had a Houston connections.
The terrorist attacks were blamed on Osama Bin Laden and Al Qaeda. The two trucks used in the two East Africa
bombings were stolen vehicles that were shipped from Houston via Guatemala. In addition, the bombs used passed though
the same Guatemalan smuggling route.
In 1998, Israel's Mossad and Guatemala's intelligence services continued to enjoy a close relationship and the Central
American nation's successive military juntas could count on the support of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee
(AIPAC) and other Israeli lobbying organizations in Washington.
Carnaby also had under surveillance a widespread vehicle smuggling ring that operated out of Houston, location of one of
the largest vehicle import port facilities in the United States.
One of Carnaby's law enforcement colleagues revealed that a network of body shops in Houston have been used to strip
and smuggle stolen vehicles out of the United States, mostly to Mexico. Some of the theft operations operate under cover
of "import-export" businesses and one operation has laundered $250 million in proceeds from the vehicle thefts.
These illegal enterprises have been linked to Middle East expatriates linked to Israeli intelligence operations, including the
Iranian MEK terrorist group and far right Lebanese Phalangists allied with Israel who are supported by the Israeli Lobby
in Washington.
One of WMR's colleagues, German journalist Jurgen Cain Kulbel, has been imprisoned in Berlin for reporting that the UN
chief investigator of the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, Detlev Mehlis, was once employed
by the Israeli intelligence front organization, Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP). Mehlis steered UN
investigators away from the real assassins of Hariri, Israeli intelligence who hired a number of rogue agents from Syrian
intelligence, Lebanon's Druze and Christian Phalangist communities, and Palestinian refugees. Kulbel's imprisonment is a
direct result of pressure from Washington and Jerusalem on the German government.
Some of Carnaby's associates were also critical of the security contract for the Houston that involved ex-British commando
Tim Spicer, whose Aegis Defense Services, the recipient of a number of private military contracts from the Defense
Department and the former U.S.-run Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq.
Spicer, in 2002, managed to convince Per Christiansen, a retired Norwegian naval officer whose Hudson Maritime won a
Homeland Security Department to secure various American ports, including Houston, to bring him on as a partner. Thus
was born Hudson Trident (the Trident being Spicer's interest in the firm).
However, Spicer's work on Houston's port security was soon criticized by the government, including Carnaby and his
associates. Spicer, who had previously received a port security contract in Haiti around the time of the U.S.-sponsored coup

against democratically-elected President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a coup that saw a number of weapons enter Haiti's ports
illegally.
Spicer's lack of performance on the Houston port security contract soon saw him lose out on similar port contracts for
Morocco and Chittagong, Bangladesh, according to sources with whom WMR spoke in Houston. A U.S. intelligence
source in Houston said, "Spicer fk'd up the ship channel contract," adding, "this guy merely did plausible deniability work
for MI6 and MI5," Britain's foreign and domestic intelligence services, respectively.
It is clear that a number of Carnaby and his intelligence colleagues are skeptical about the "official version" of 9/11 and
fear another such attack, possibly during the upcoming Fourth of July holiday.
---Note: It is clear that WMR's reporting on the Carnaby shooting is irritating certain "quarters," also known as the "usual
suspects" and the "amen corner." WMR's contacts with Carnaby's friends has resulted in a number of other doors on "cold
cases" being opened.
They extend from Dallas in November 1963, to the fate of the US merchant vessel "SS Poet" in 1980, Mena, Arkansas and
Nicaraguan contra drug smuggling in the 1980s, and the back doors used to corrupt the Federal Aviation Administration
(FAA) and North American Defense Command (NORAD) computers and networks on the morning of 9/11.
WMR will continue to report on these and other stories regardless of the pressure that is being exerted, mostly not from
the right-wing but from the usual "left-wing" gatekeepers and their dubious web sites. The very same gatekeepers who
have been keeping the wool over the eyes of the American people, most notably, since the events of 9/11.