ReparationsAffirmative NDI09

NHSI 2009
Arnav, Max, Mike, Collin, Avantika

Seniors Lab
Reparations Affirmative Wave One
Reparations Affirmative
Reparations Affirmative v1.3..........................................................................................................................................1
1AC Inherency.............................................................................................................................................................3
1AC Plan Text..............................................................................................................................................................4
1AC Race Construction...............................................................................................................................................5
1AC Property Rights..................................................................................................................................................11
1AC Solvency............................................................................................................................................................15
1AC Risk Calculus.....................................................................................................................................................19
***Case Debate...........................................................................................................................................................21
Inherency Stripped Reparations.................................................................................................................................21
Inherency Stripped Reparations.................................................................................................................................22
Reparations Solvency Trust Funds Solve..................................................................................................................23
Reparations Solvency Would Use Money for Education...........................................................................................24
Reparations Solvency Monetary Key........................................................................................................................25
Reparations Solvency Low Income Persons Key......................................................................................................26
Reparations Solvency Low Income Persons Key......................................................................................................27
Reparations Solvency Obligation to the Poor...........................................................................................................28
Reparations Solvency Collective Compensation Key...............................................................................................29
Reparations Solvency Federal Government Key.......................................................................................................30
Reparations Solvency Momentum Now....................................................................................................................31
Reparations Solvency Blacks Want Them.................................................................................................................32
Reparations Solvency AT: But The Slaves Are Gone................................................................................................33
Reparations Solvency Must Compensate Current Blacks.........................................................................................34
Reparations Solvency AT: SQ America Responsible..............................................................................................35
Reparations Solvency AT: Corporations Key............................................................................................................36
Racism Solvency Federal Action = Global Spillover................................................................................................37
Racism Solvency Reparations key to Self-Sufficiency.............................................................................................38
Racism Solvency Exposure Key................................................................................................................................39
Racism Solvency AT: Turn: Plan Recognizes Race...................................................................................................40
Property Rights Solvency Reparations Key...............................................................................................................41
Property Rights Solvency Reparations Key AT: Welfare........................................................................................42
Property Rights Solvency Welfare Dependence High...............................................................................................43
AT: Apologies Solve Not Enough..............................................................................................................................44
AT: Apologies Solve Not Enough..............................................................................................................................45
Welfare Dependence Now AT: Affirmative Action Good..........................................................................................46
2AC Add-On Reparations key to Value to Life.........................................................................................................47
2AC Add-On Reparations key to Value to Life.........................................................................................................48
2AC Add-On Cultural Value......................................................................................................................................49
2AC Add-On Civic Engagement...............................................................................................................................50
Civic Engagement Solvency Reparations Key Ext....................................................................................................51
Civic Engagement Solvency Reparations Key Ext....................................................................................................52
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***AT: Off-Case Arguments......................................................................................................................................53
2AC T Social Services...............................................................................................................................................53
2AC T Social Services...............................................................................................................................................54
2AC T Social Services AT: Govt Definition..........................................................................................................55
2AC T Social Services AT: Govt Definition..........................................................................................................56
2AC T Poverty...........................................................................................................................................................57
2AC T Poverty...........................................................................................................................................................58
2AC T Poverty...........................................................................................................................................................59
2AC Vagueness Sufficient.........................................................................................................................................60
Generic AT: DAs Risk Calculus................................................................................................................................61
Generic AT: DAs Risk Calculus................................................................................................................................62
1AR Economic Calculations Bad.................................................................................................................................63
1AR Economic Calculations Bad Ext...........................................................................................................................64
AT: Economy Impacts...................................................................................................................................................65
AT: Politics Bad Policymakers..................................................................................................................................66
1AR AT: Politics Bad Policymakers..........................................................................................................................67
1AR AT: Politics = Democratic....................................................................................................................................68
AT: Politics Obama Pushes........................................................................................................................................69
AT: Politics CBC Likes It..........................................................................................................................................70
AT: Politics Plan Costs PC.........................................................................................................................................72
AT: Nietzsche Kritik Plan Positive Politics..........................................................................................................73
AT: Capitalism Kritik - Generic 2AC Stuff..................................................................................................................74
AT: Capitalism Kritik 2AC Perm Solvency...............................................................................................................75
AT: Capitalism Kritik 1AR Perm Solvency...............................................................................................................76
2AC States CP...............................................................................................................................................................77
2AC Courts CP.............................................................................................................................................................78
2AC Just Monetary CP.................................................................................................................................................79
1AR Monetary Incentives CP Beggar DA Ext...........................................................................................................80
1AR Monetary Incentives CP Dependence DA Ext..................................................................................................81
2AC Specific Reparation CP........................................................................................................................................82
AT: No Child Left Behind CP.......................................................................................................................................83
AT: Reparations Word PIC............................................................................................................................................84
***Negative Section....................................................................................................................................................85
Social Services Violation - Welfare...........................................................................................................................85
No SolvencyAT: Japanese Reparations Prove..........................................................................................................86
2NC CP Solvency Litigation Key..............................................................................................................................87
Reps K1NC Link.......................................................................................................................................................88
Reps KLink...............................................................................................................................................................89
Economic Collapse Turns Aff.......................................................................................................................................90
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1AC Inherency
Observation OneInherency:
The senates recent apology with no reparations only angers the African American
populace reparations are the only way to heal such explicit injustices
William Douglas, 6/19/2009, McClatchy News Service, Star tribune, Senate call for slavery apology meet
unlikely foe
WASHINGTON - The
Senate passed a resolution on Thursday calling on the United States to apologize officially for
the enslavement and segregation of millions of blacks and to acknowledge "the fundamental injustice, brutality and
inhumanity of slavery and Jim Crow laws."The resolution, sponsored by Sen. Tom Harkin, D-Iowa, passed on a voice vote. It now
moves to the House, where it may meet an unlikely foe: members of the Congressional Black Caucus. Several caucus members
expressed concerns about a disclaimer that states that "nothing in this resolution authorizes or supports any claim
against the United States; or serves as a settlement of any claim against the United States ." Those caucus members say the
disclaimer is an attempt to stave off reparations claims from the descendants of slaves . "Putting in a disclaimer
takes away from the meaning of an apology," said Rep. Bennie Thompson, D-Miss. Thompson noted that a 1988 apology that the
government issued to Japanese-Americans held in U.S. camps during World War II had no disclaimer and didn't prevent them from receiving
compensation. "The language is unacceptable," said Rep. William Lacy Clay, D-Mo., "I'm a reparations man -- how else
do you repair the damage?"
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1AC Plan Text

Text: The United States federal government should provide sufficient reparations to
descendents, living in the United States, of those enslaved in the United States.
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1AC Race Construction

Advantage One Race Construction:
Slavery was directly tied to biological race construction - justifying the daily exploitation
and murder of millions of slaves and human beings
ANDREWS, Associate Professor of Law at San Francisco, 2003, Rhonda V. Magee, The Third Reconstruction:
An Alternative to Race Consciousness and Colorblindness in Post-Slavery America, 54 Ala. L. Rev. 483, l/n, p. 5112
Over the course of the nineteenth century, it became increasingly clear to critical observers that the Constitutions sanction
of slavery
translated into the daily experience of degradation, humiliation, rape, maiming, torture, and murder of millions of
human beings, and all of this under a political system ostensibly aimed at establishing justice and securing the
blessings of liberty to all.35 It was the wholesale incompatibility between the natural law based principles expressed in the Constitution and
the Declaration of Independence and the practices of slavery that fueled the abolitionists outrage over the system and lent political legitimacy,
social urgency, and moral superiority to their cause. The denial of full citizenship and dignified treatment to blacks was
rationalized, explained, and justified under the law, both explicitly and implicitly, by a socially and culturally
constructed theory of race.3 This theory posited race as an objective fact, and the white race as inherently and
biologically superior to all others.38 Indeed, the theory of white superiority and widespread commitment to the
practices of racialization based thereon were important to the maintenance of the institution of slavery, and later
segregation, in light of the Nations stated founding principles of universal equality for men.3 As has been explained elsewhere,4 the
modem notion of race and the ideology of white superiority were seventeenth and eighteenth century cultural constructs designed to
answer these otherwise unacceptable contradictions between principle and practice in a way that would permit
continued super-exploitation of blacks under the emerging capitalist system.41 Against the background of the theories of
biologically-determined race and white superiority, social Darwinism and the theory of natural selection came along in the nineteenth century to
lend an aura of scientific legitimacy to racialist assumptions and hunches prevalent among eighteenth century leaders.42 Perhaps even more
devastating for its lasting implications, these latter theories served not only to absolve official society of its sense of moral or legal responsibility
for the consequences of state-sponsored slavery and racial subordination, but also to call into continuing question the causal connection between
these officially sanctioned subordinating practices and the experiences of racialized groups in America.43
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Reparations will expel the notion of a biologically superior race -Recognizing slave
descendants as equals is a precondition for their acceptance as humans
Zack 3 (Naomi, Philosophy @ University of Oregon, Reparations and the Rectification of Race, The Journal of
Ethics, Vol. 7, No. 1, pp. 139-151, Springer, http://www.jstor.org/stable/25115752//northwestern-ak)
Why is it necessary to dig so deep? Because recognition of the social construction of racial categories raises questions of
when they were constructed, by whom, and for what purpose, and also questions of whether they were on the whole good or bad
social constructions. Most writers now concede that race was socially constructed as an ideology that would justify and
enable the practice of slavery, but they often make the concession superficially, because they want to carry on with their work
on the basis of the same social construction. The nature of the value of the social construction of race is thereby often neglected, glossed over.
The value of the social construction of race has a moral component and one relating to truth and falsehood : It was
morally wrong to create a hierarchy of human worth, based on biological racial categories, and the biological taxonomy of
human racial categories is now known to be false.5 The false biology of race was taken as true within the social - in this
case scientific - construc tion of race from the beginning, and it persists to this day, in racialized society that is partly the
historical effect of slavery. The larger project of rectification, not to mention the even larger project of existing morally and thoughtfully
in the world, requires a radical rethinking of those racial categories. If this call for a rethinking of racial categories themselves
is difficult to fathom in the present, highly racialized context, imagine a case of reparations for descendants of a religion whose practitioners were
enslaved by members of another religion. Imagine that the enslaving religion had contemporary members who were much better-off than the
descendants of the enslaved religion. Imagine that you think all religious categories are socially constructed and that there is
no evidence for the superiority of any of them. Now assume that you have sound reasons for being an atheist and that you are
obligated to consider how we should think about the people in the past who were enslaved on account of their religious difference. If your
atheism is well-grounded, would you not try to imagine the slaves in a way that did not buy into the ways in which
their owners categorized them religiously? Notice that such reflection goes beyond assumptions that religious freedom is an inalienable
right. The project of rectification thus requires more than egalitarian pluralism on the grounds of race . It is not enough to
say, "It is morally wrong to treat people differently on the grounds of biological race and people who behaved that way in the past were wrong."
We have to be prepared to say "Not only is it morally wrong to treat people differently on the grounds of biological
race but it is mistaken and wrong to think that there are biological racial differences among people, and it is
mistaken and wrong to think that such differences existed when they were used as a basis for slavery ?' That is, we
have to be prepared to think about slave owners and their slaves as members of the same biological race,
because nothing less than that will fully restore humanity to our ideas of slaves. While it may seem disrespectful to
suggest that African Americans who may resist the idea that they are same race as whites are thereby mistaken, I think it is worse than
disrespectful to deny that slaves were of the same race as their owners. They were of the same race according to universal human rights doctrine,
insofar as that doctrine purported to extend to all of mankind, its hypocrisy not withstanding. And they were of the same race to the extent that
social constructions of racial categories rest on biological categories that are now known not to have factual support
in biology.
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This biological construction is an ontological damnation of African Americans only
reparations can overcome our history of oppression
Although biology is by no means the whole story of the lifeworld of race, the notion that human racial taxonomy is
biological has always been a background assumption during the modern history of the idea of race in the West .7 This
biological sense of race posits different human races with hereditary biological traits. While it is true that members of different social races
paradigmatically have different hereditary physical traits, human variation in such traits is not consistent enough to support a
scientific racial typology.8 The enslaved were raceless in the biological sense before slavery, during slavery and after emancipation, in two
ways. The first resembles the way in which the earth has never been flat. The earth was not flat during the time it was believed to
be flat and if after it was proved not to be flat, the public continued to believe that the earth was flat, this would not
make the earth flat. Human racial divisions have never been biologically real and the constructions of race in
generations of lifeworlds does not make the taxonomy real. The lifeworlds, of course, were and continue to be real. However, the
biological idea of race was not fully developed until U.S. slavery was well established as an institu tion. The second way in which the
enslaved were raceless is that there is no evidence of the biological idea of race in the histories of the African
cultures from which those enslaved originated. The biological idea of race was always a Western European and U.S.
scientific idea imposed on human beings who were otherwise treated unjustly and it was imposed precisely by their
oppressors. As an imposed identity, biological race is a scientific idea. Its nature is mainly cognitive in that it avowedly depends on
evidence and conclusions from the biological human sciences. To be sure, African Americans have always had other ideas of race
than the biological scientific one, ideas connected with resistence, distinctive cultural transmissions and creations, personal
identity and group identity. Those ideas, like the false biological idea, have been attached to physical appearance , social
status, and family genealogy, but in lived ways, rather than cognitive scientific ones. These lifeworld ideas of race have
been the inside view of the imposed false biological taxonomy, as well as the inside view of the imposed moral taxonomy that
accompanied the false scientific one. U.S. slaves were raceless biologically, but not, of course, existentially. Their resistance,
creativity, suffering and endurance, under the imposed idea of biological race was a socially and psychically real racial existence. But in the
cognitive dimension of the taxonomy that was used to justify their enslavement, the slaves were as raceless as their owners. To view them in this
way restores their humanity to our ideas of them, because it removes from those ideas all the malign imputations of human inferiority and moral
baseness that were an integral part of the false hierarchical biological taxonomy that constituted the ideas of race when slavery was defended.
There was nothing inherent about the slaves that was biologi cally black or "negro " - remember that Negro was written with a
small 'n' until W. E. B. Du Bois's efforts in the 1930s - to which a false moral taxonomy could be attached. The fiction of physical racial
essences was dead in biological anthropology when the last candidate for racial essences, human blood types, were
found to vary independently of social racial groups.9 Moreover, the biological typology of race always character ized entire human
beings as Negroid, Caucasoid, Mongoloid and so forth. The ontology of races was thus a totalizing form of human identity. To remember
U.S. slaves as full human beings whose humanity was distorted, injured and obscured for no reason other
than that such assault and depriva tion benefitted others, is to restore ontological as well as moral innocence to those
enslaved, concerning the grounds of their enslavement. If the slaves are viewed as raceless, the moral judgment
against their oppressors becomes all the more harsh because their ideas of biological race become evident as
convenient, interested justifications. In this context, it is no excuse to plead innocence of later science, just as it is no excuse to plead
innocence of later law. Perhaps, less anachronistically, it could be claimed that the scientists who created the false biology and those who
benefitted from slavery were part of the same white supremacist group, all both individually and collectively responsible for the wrong of
slavery.10 Furthermore, that U.S. citizens who were not themselves slave owners condoned, accepted or merely acknowledged the existence of
slavery on the grounds of false racial divisions that were developed after the fact of slavery serves to condemn the whole society for its mass
delusion. And, to repeat, it restores ontological innocence to the slaves, on the grounds of their enslavement. It is no
longer even necessary to remind people that the slaves did not choose to be biologically black. Rather, remind them that the
slaves were no more biologically black than the ancestors of those who are not African American. Remind them that because race is
biologically unreal, there is no physical hereditary stuff to which the imputed inferiorities could have been attached .
What Glenn Loury has recently called racial stigma, or "dishonorable meanings socially inscribed on arbitrary bodily marks"11 cannot include
being descended from slaves without a mediation of something unique about slaves that was associated with their slavery. The practice of genera
tionally inherited racial stigma could not have come into being without a belief that race is inherited. Those phenotypic traits that have been racial
ized are inherited, but they are no different from any other heritable traits and there is no guarantee that if an ancestor had one or more of them,
that descendants will have them as well. Nothing short of the traits defining all Homo sapiens as a species are present in any
group large enough to count as a race in the social sense, given the reality of Mendelian heredity.12 Rather than focus on racial
stigmas in diagnoses of ongoing racism, liberatory critics should begin investigating the slander and libel involved in applying the idea of
biological race, and they - we - all U.S. citizens should interrogate the context in which those who were enslaved in the
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U.S. were, in addition, insulted by being racialized in a false biolog ical way. Such interrogation can be directed to many different
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contexts in U.S. racial history: segregation, white supremacy, special neglect of the black poor, special apprehension and punishment of black
criminals, and so forth. How Biological Racelessness Affects Material Reparations How does the biological racelessness of U.S.
slaves affect the discourse of material reparations and/or punitive damage s? It raises the value of such reparations to heights
difficult to calculate, which is a further practical problem with reparations for U.S. slaves. But those who are still slandered, libeled,
insulted and slighted by having false ideas of biological race applied to them could seek reparations for the harm
which has occurred in their lifetimes. Ignorance of the truth is no longer a credible excuse, given that biologists and
anthropologists have been disabusing themselves of the idea of biological race for well over fifty years. The information is available for school
children and for principled educators who care to teach them. But, perhaps this stretches the meaning of reparations. We do not speak of
reparations for present crimes. If the perpetrator is found guilty in civil court, the term is "damages," while if society pays the victim, the term is
"compensation." How, specifically, does the biological racelessness of U.S. slaves affect the nature of reparations for slavery? Let us forget for a
moment that reparations are presently impractical and figure out who alive today would be entitled to reparations, given what is now scientifically
known about biological race. It cannot be said that all who are racially black in an objective biological way are entitled to reparations, for several
reasons: there were free blacks since before slavery and black immigrants who arrived after slavery was abolished. Even if these problems could
be solved, there is no objective way to determine who is black because "black ness" as a biological category has no meaning scientifically. If we
say that the descendents of slaves would be entitled to reparations, the ques tion is how slave ancestry could be proved for all the cases to whom it
would apply. The situations were different for American reparations to Japanese Americans for unjust internment during World War II and for
German payments to Jewish survivors of the Jewish Holocaust, or their relatives. Both Japanese Americans and German Jews had civil rights in
the offending countries before the injustices against them were committed. The antecedent possession of such rights and the attendant social
status of Japanese Americans and German Jews, as persons, made it relatively easy to document their victimization and their family genealogies
decades later. The crimes against U.S. slaves were crimes against people with no civil rights or even the minimal social standing that would
document their identity as persons (e.g., addresses, surnames, property ownership, and birth, death and marriage records). Can we say that all
who have been considered black are entitled to reparations because they have been affected by a distinctively U.S.
form of racism that originated in slavery? Yes, but it is not the historical origins of racism that are important here but the fact that
present U.S. anti black13 racism is associated with the belief that blacks were once slaves in the U.S. That is, U.S. anti-black racism is cruel,
because it punishes people unjustly in part because they belong to a group that has a history of unjust punishment.
The truth emerging here is that whether we like it or not, reparations, even on the impractical level
of discourse, concerns payment to people alive today, on account of what they are still suffering
today. Should there be a needs test so that black millionaires are ineligible for reparations, or is suffering from racism a question of mental pain
and suffering? Again, present racism becomes the subject. Perhaps some of the confusion about reparations can be clarified by
focusing on who should pay. There are the similar problems identifying the white racial group: white immigrants may have arrived after
slavery; some whites had ancestors who were enslaved during the colonial period; there is no objective way to determine a white race, any more
than a black one. The problem of proof of ancestry is not likely to come up on the part of those who would make
payments, but it could come up for those who wanted to claim exclusion from having to make payments . However,
all whites do presumably benefit from ongoing racism and blacks suffer from it. Since there is no fair and objective way to
pick out the payees, as white, perhaps state and federal governments, as the present incorporations of past governments condoning slavery, should
pay reparations to all who are now considered black, because they still suffer racism that is connected with the belief that they are descended
from slaves. Since governments get their money mainly from taxation, everyone, including members of the group considered black, would be
paying for reparations. There is a cruel irony in this. Even on a purely theoretical level, with no consideration of cost, the idea of reparations for
slavery flounders. However, as even this brief discussion of the problems with reparations makes evident, any justific ation of reparations
as payment to people alive today, will likely have some reference to present racism. If the descendants of U.S. slaves now
constituted a ruling class, or even a solid middle class, it is difficult to imagine the subject of reparations for slavery arising.
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1ACRace Construction
The biological determinations of the current racist system make social normalization
possible and unchallengeable
ELDEN, lecturer in politics at the University of Warwick, England, 2002
Stuart, The War of Races and the Constitution of the State: Foucault's Il faut dfendre la socit and the Politics of
Calculation, Boundary 2 29.1, Spring, p. 132-3
Responding seemingly to comments he had received, Foucault begins the following week's lecture by noting that he is not undertaking a history
of "racist discourse" but one of "the war or the struggle of races." Modern racism is only "a phase of, a returning to, the reprise of" this
older discourse (FDS, 57). To put this into more explicitly Foucauldian language, he is undertaking a genealogical study of
the struggle of races, and this history may enable him to make more general points about modern racism as a history
of the present. As the editors of the course note, the contemporary context is set by the events of 1968 in Czechoslovakia and France, the
Vietnam War, Black September in Jordan (1970), student revolts in Portugal (1971), the IRA in Ireland, the Yom Kippur War, the "Colonels"
regime in Greece, the overthrow of Salvadore Allende in Chile, fascism in Italy, the miners' strike in England, Francoism in Spain, the Khmer
Rouge in Cambodia, and civil war in Lebanon, Peru, Argentina, Brazil, and several African states. 17 However, this older discourse, in
sociobiological terms, served the ends of social conservatism and, in some cases, at least, colonial domination (FDS,
57). Modern racism replaces the theme of the historical war with the biological theme , postevolutionist, of the struggle
for life. "It is no longer a battle in the sense of a war, but a struggle in a biological sense: differentiation of species,
selection of the strongest, survival of the best adapted races . Indeed, the theme of the binary society . . . becomes replaced
by that of a society which is, on the contrary, biologically monist" (FDS, 70). Similarly, there is a transition in the role
of the state. The state no longer serves the interests of one race against another, but as "the protector of integrity, of
the superiority and purity of the race" (FDS, 7071). The dominant race does not say "we must defend ourselves against
society" but "we must defend society against all the biological perils of this other race, this sub-race, this contrarace which we are in the process of, in spite of ourselves, constituting" (FDS, 53). It is not therefore simply a struggle of one [End Page 132]
social group against another but of a state racism, a racism that society exercises throughout itself, an internal racism, a permanent purification,
one of the fundamental dimensions of social normalization (FDS, 71).
It makes extinction inevitable.

ELDEN, lecturer in politics at the University of Warwick, England, 2002
Stuart, The War of Races and the Constitution of the State: Foucault's Il faut dfendre la socit and the Politics of
Calculation, Boundary 2 29.1, Spring, p. 144-5
It is then, and only then, I suggest, that we can see the final chapter of La volont de savoir in context. War has been used as a grid of
intelligibility of historical processes. War has been conceivedinitially, and for [End Page 144] practically all of the eighteenth century
as a war of races. The same notion of war is finally eliminated by historical analysis with the principle of national
universality, at the time of the French Revolution. The theme of race does not disappear, however; rather, as has been intimated, it
becomes reborn as a state racism. It is reborn, because power takes control of life, of the human as a living being, a sort of
extension of state power (tatisation) over biology (FDS, 213). The power of the sovereign over individual lives was , of course, an
ancient right, deriving from the Roman patria potestas (VS, 177; WK, 135), and by the time it was put on a contractual basis by
the likes of Hobbes, it was already in a circumscribed and diminished form . The sovereign could directly take a life only
to defend an attack on his body, or, only when the threat of external enemies was great could he expose people to the
risk of death to defend him. The symbol of this was the sword (le glaive) (FDS, 214; VS, 178; WK, 13536). The nineteenth- and twentiethcentury development is that life can be protected, by death if necessary, through the defense of the social body as a whole (FDS, 214; VS, 179;
WK, 136). The right of sovereignty was to make die or let live; the modern state can make live or let die (FDS, 214). It is
worth thinking this through in a little more detail. As Foucault notes, "Never have wars been so bloody as they have been since the
nineteenth century, and all things being equal, never before did regimes visit such holocausts on their own
populations" (VS, 179; WK, 13536). He suggests that the modern formidable power of death is the counterpart of a power
that administers life through precise controls and comprehensive regulations (FDS, 215; VS, 17980; WK, 136). What
happens is that politics becomes increasingly scientific: medical and mathematical. There is a discipline of the
individual bodyan anatomo-politicsand a regulation of the social bodya bio-politics of the population or
10
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human species (FDS, 216; VS, 183; WK, 139). Bio-power involves the builing up of profiles, statistical measures, and so on, increasing
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11
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1ACRace Construction
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knowledge through monitoring and surveillance, extremely meticulous orderings of space, and control through discipline. Birth and death rates
and measures of longevity become important; fertility, illness, diet, and habitation become measured; statistics and demographics come together
with economics and politics (FDS, 21516; see also VS, 36; WK, 25). This use of figures is pronounced in medical campaigns at the time (FDS,
217). This notion of calculation is both a particular case and the foundation of the more general science of ordering. As Foucault notes, " The
body is a bio-political reality; medicine is a bio-political strategy " (DE, 3:210). Issues such as geographical area, climate, and
hydrography become [End Page 145] important: there is a particular stress on the link between epidemics and proximity to swamps or marshes.
The organization of the town becomes a central problem (FDS, 218). Governments, therefore, are not just concerned with their territory and the
individuals within it but with an economic, political, scientific, biological problem, a problem of power, that of population (FDS, 21819; see also
VS, 3536; WK, 25). Two series, then: "the series bodyorganismdisciplineinstitutions; and the series populationbiological processes
regulatory mechanismsstate. An organic institutional ensemble: an organic-discipline of the institution, if you will, and on the other side, a
biological and statist ensemble: bio-regulation by the state." Foucault is keen to stress that there is not a clear separation of
institution and state here; the disciplines tend to overflow their institutional context, the state is involved in the disciplines (FDS, 223).
Equally, as the editors of the course underline, there is not a separation of these two understandings of poweras discipline
and normalizing bio-powerin Foucault's work. They are not independent of each other, or successive to each other, but
rather are two conjoined modes of the functioning of knowledge/power . 34 The reason that the problem of sexuality is so
politically important for Foucault is that it is situated at the crossroads of the body and the population, of discipline and regulation (FDS, 224; see
also DE, 3:153; FR, 67; VS, 19192; WK, 145). "Sex was a means of access both to the life of the body and the life of the species" (VS, 192;
WK, 146). The campaigns against masturbation and incest, which allow power to infiltrate the heart of the family, are examples here. 35 The
creation of norms, by which the individual body can be measured and disciplined, and the social body can be
measured and regulated, is central (FDS, 225). 36 "The Constitutions written throughout the world since the French Revolution, the
Codes drafted and revised, all this continual and noisy legislative activity should not deceive us: these are the forms which make acceptable this
essentially normalizing power" (VS, 190; WK, 144). Understanding the demographics of a population could lead to campaigns to control
birthrates and prolong life: This was the power to "make live" (FDS, 21920). The extreme form of this is the power to make life, to
make the monster, to make uncontrollable and universally destructive viruses (FDS, 226). [End Page 146] The reverse
side is the power to allow death. State racism is a recoding of the old mechanisms of blood through the new
procedures of regulation. Racism, as biologizing, as tied to a state, takes shape where the procedures of intervention "at the level of the
body, conduct, health, and everyday life, received their color and their justification from the mythical concern with protecting the purity of the
blood and ensuring the triumph of the race" (VS, 197; WK, 149). 37 For example, the old anti-Semitism based on religion is reused
under the new rubric of state racism. The integrity and purity of the race is threatened, and the state apparatuses are
introduced against the race that has infiltrated and introduced noxious elements into the body. The Jews are
characterized as the race present in the middle of all races (FDS, 76). 38 The use of medical language is important. Because certain
groups in society are conceived of in medical terms, society is no longer in need of being defended from the outsider but from the insider: the
abnormal in behavior, species, or race. What is novel is not the mentality of power but the technology of power (FDS, 230). The recoding of
old problems is made possible through new techniques.
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Advantage TwoProperty Rights:
Slavery was a violation of private property rights federal action to promote economic
equality is key to revitalizing them
Arceneaux, Taniecea (L) 2005. ("Reparations for Slavery: A Cause for Reparations, A Case Against David
Horowitz" The Review of Black Political Economy, Vol. 32, No. 3-4, Winter-Spring, pp. 141-148
@EBSCO//greenhill-ak)
Private property rights are at the core of libertarian political philosophy. Libertarians claim that the physical invasions of
persons or property are unjustified and should be punished. Therefore, the issue of economic reparations is based on the idea of
forced return of stolen property. The reparations issue, however, has deep roots. Forty acres and a mule (Sherman, 1865) was the
compensation supported by Abraham Lincolns administration for the soonto- become ex-slaves. However, White America was not prepared to
pay forty acres and a mule as reparations to the Africans they enslaved, exploited, and humiliated for about 250 years. Not only was the exslaves cry for justice not heard, but indeed, the Black community in America experienced new injustices that culminated in
peonage, lynching, and Jim Crow laws. Slavery was not only an injustice of its era, but it also fueled more economic
inequalities that exist even today. By the end of the 19th century, Blacks were deprived of wealth through taxation and
fiscal policies to the benefit of Whites (Philosophy, Race, and Social Justice, 2001). Even during the first half of the 20th century, the
African American community was discriminated against by government al as well as private institutions with respect to home
ownership, a critical source of income for American families (Philosophy, Race, and Social Justice, 2001). Libertarian theory claims that
in order to apply private property rights to the subject of economic reparations for slavery, it is necessary for a
person to provide specific evidence that the stolen property is rightfully his. Furthermore, the only person who owes the
stolen property is the one who stole it in the first place, not the general taxpayer; and, it is owed only to the rightful owner,
not to any person who wants it or those of a given race or ethnicity. That is, to return the stolen lands to those Blacks in the present
day who can prove their ancestors were forced to work on slave plantations is thus to uphold private property
rights1 (Block, 2002). Furthermore, the criminal (the slave holder) has no natural right whatsoever to the retention of property that he has stolen
(Rothbard, 2002). I agree that the central issue surrounding economic reparations is the return of stolen property to its
rightful owner, but it is essential to clarify what one means when speaking of private property rights . Slavery was an
institution that deprived Black Americans of their land, their homes, their security, their well being, their education, and their humanity. When I
speak of justice and reparations, I demand that those of African American descent, those who are the descendents of slaves,
those who suffer from day to day in an American society that has as its foundation an inherent oppressive nature to maintain the sense of
inferiority and humiliation of its Black people be repaid of all that they have been deprived. Some may argue that the
of reparations is not to make Blacks equal or to ensure racial opportunities like affirmative action. Instead, the theory of
point
reparations is to identify and atone for economic injuries and harms that Blacks as a group suffered under
enslavement. But I claim that American slavery also suppressed much more than economic progress. The institution of slavery denied
Blacks the economic fruits of their 250 years of backbreaking labor. They could not make and enforce contracts. Blacks were
denied the property rights of use, ownership, and management that they should have received from their market
participation. The slave holding states did not confer legal status on Black families; through inheritance, the family is one of the primary
institutions of wealth transfer, but Black slaves were excluded from intergenerational wealth transfer , one of the centerpieces of
Anglo-American culture (Davis, 2000). From the public sphere of market labor to the intimate sphere of the family, Black economic
relationships were systematically and often brutally suppressed . For the first 250 years of American economic
history, the law excluded Blacks from the market in a society in which market participation was emerging as vital to
personal, political, and social well being (Davis, 2000). It is for this reason that I believe that the need for economic reparations goes
much farther than simply giving land back to those from whom it was taken and paying for labor that went unpaid. Slavery
has been the cause of years of economic deprivation of African American people that exists way past the years of
emancipation. Contrastingly, David Horowitz and his colleagues stand firmly in their position against economic reparations for slavery. Horowitz
particularly considers and rejects ten separate claims for reparations (Horowitz). First, he claims that assuming there is actually a debt, it is not at
all clear who owes it . . . It was not Whites but Black Africans who first enslaved their brothers and sisters. They were abetted by dark-skinned
Arabs . . . who organized the slave trade. Are reparations going to be assessed against the descendants of Africans and Arabs for their role in
slavery? There were also 3,000 Black slave owners in the antebellum United States. Are reparations to be paid by their descendents too? (2001).
The fact remains that slave holding is a crime, regardless of the skin color of the person who owns the slave. Furthermore, the issue at hand is the
payment of reparations to Black Americans for the injustices of American slavery. It is irrelevant from whom Americans obtained the
idea of slave trading or the means to trade them. Those who owe reparations to Black Americans are those who practiced
slavery in America; since no one living now was alive during the times of enslavement in America, it is the <CONTINUED>
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<CONTINUED>
responsibility of the American government to repay this debt to current Black Americans . Now, it is true
that not everyone in the United States has illegitimately inherited property that does not belong to their ancestors. But, those who do live in
America today have an implicit contract with the United States government their occupation of land and property
in this country implies their compliance with its institution. Therefore, if the government of America owes a debt to Black
Americans, then it is the responsibility of all American citizens to repay this debt.
Current forms of welfare have only made the problem worse reparations are a vital form
of economic freedom this independently promotes African-American self-determination
Arceneaux, Taniecea (L) 2005. ("Reparations for Slavery: A Cause for Reparations, A Case Against David
Horowitz" The Review of Black Political Economy, Vol. 32, No. 3-4, Winter-Spring, pp. 141-148
Furthermore, welfare is a program that has the effect of maintaining the current level of poverty among Americas
Black people.5 The best chance for lifting the poor out of poverty is not to give them the property of others, but
rather to grant them economic freedom (Block, 2000). Poor African Americans tend to live in impoverished inner-city
neighborhoods, where school dropout rates are high and test scores are low. Employment opportunities are few and far
between, and this lack of opportunity because of structured segregation is in itself a racist consequence . As evidenced by
Charles Murray (1984), the act of giving money to Black people in a method that discouraged the formation of their families
only undermines their economic and social condition. Therefore, one cannot claim to attempt to heal the wounds of
discrimination with medication that only deepens them. Ninth, Horowitz makes the claim that Blacks owe a debt to America
to White Americansfor liberating them from slavery . . . there was never an antislavery movement until White Englishmen and Americans
created one (2001). As slaves, Black Americans lost a sense of individuality and humanismqualities that were stripped
of them from the White Englishmen and Americans who enslaved them. There is no debt owned to those who liberated slaves. Slavery is a crime; it is a
basic human right of Americans to be protected of such crimes. Also, there was never an anti-slavery movement until White Englishmen and Americans created one because slaves were not even
considered human. It is impossible for someone who has no idea what self worth and human rights are about to rebel against the oppression of a society that constantly reinforces this inhumanity.
Only after White Englishmen and Americans have admitted their wrongs can Black Americans rightfully seek reparations for these injustices. Lastly, Horowitz asserts that the final and summary
reason for rejecting any reparations claim is recognition of the enormous privileges Black Americans enjoy as Americans, and therefore of their own stake in Americas history, slavery and all
(2001). It is true that as Americans, we do enjoy certain rights of freedom and liberty that citizens of other countries are not as fortunate to enjoy. But, Black Americans do not enjoy enormous
Black Americans have certain inalienable rights that all Americans possess. Current privilege of
Black Americans is not a relief for the Whites who currently own illegitimately obtained property. Furthermore, reparations are justified
only to the extent that they serve to directly alleviate the ills of the past. Horowitz claims that for all their countrys faults,
African Americans have an enormous stake in America and above all in the heritage that men like Jefferson helped to shape. This heritage
enshrined in Americas founding and the institutions and ideas to which it gave riseis what is really under attack in the reparations movement
(2001). What is under attack in the reparations movement is the crime of dehumanizing a race of people who were
privileges as Horowitz claims.
taught to devalue themselves in a society that even today continues to deprive Black Americans of the opportunities to enjoy the basic rights of American citizenship.
Truthfully, the institution of slavery is a part of Americas history, but it should not be an aspect of American livelihood that is held in esteem, as Horowitz attempts to portray. Furthermore, it
only makes sense that those seeking reparations have a lack of American pride and loyalty. Why should they claim to love a place where they once were and continue to be victims of such a
What is
most important to consider when approaching this debate is not the question of whether stolen property should be returned to its rightful
owner, but what has been stolen from a race of people so brutally oppressed for hundreds of years . It is no longer
only a matter of giving forty acres and a mule to every proven descendent of slavery. This ancient deprivation of land and property is
but a symbol for the true property that has been stolen from Black Americansthe possessions that are dearest to
their survival and prosperity as American citizens. Those, like me, who are fervent in their cause for reparations are only asking for
the resources required to remove all badges and indicia of slavery. Reparations are needed to repair the wrongs, injury, and
damage done to Black people by the United States federal and state governments, their agents, and representatives (The
National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America, 2004). The governments past principles and current actions have made
clear that its vision for African Americans is one of a jobless, imprisoned people with a lack of self-worth and identity.
The United States Eurocentric educational system has failed to prepare African American children for liberation,
nationbuilding, and self-determination; this educational system produces people, many of which who are Black
Americans, who are self-alienated and anti- Black . It is true that the leaders of the American government have acknowledged that
hateful act for which the country does not even want to provide justice? The argument of reparations for slavery is enriched with several strong points presented on either side.
slavery was one of the greatest crimes in history and that enslaved, unpaid labor created the prosperity of the United States (Millions for
Reparations, 2004). But, it is my cause as well as that of those who have been oppressed and dehumanized by the past ills of slavery and the
current deprivations that have resulted from it to demand reparations of the possessions and the basic human rights that have been stripped of
Black Americans from the time they arrived in this country to the present.
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These intrusions snowball into massive governmental intervention makes the government
all powerful
Browne 95 (Harry, Former libertarian party candidate for President and Director of Public Policy for the
DownsizeDC.org, Why Government Doesnt Work, p. 31)
HOW IT ALL BEGAN
As we can see, there is no such thing as a little coercionany more than a woman can be a little bit pregnant. Coercive programs
almost always failand on the way to failure they get bigger, more expensive, and more intrusive. So maybe now we can see why
and when the government became the unworkable monster it is today. The seed of today's runaway government were planted
when it was decided that government should help those who can't help themselves. From that modest,
compassionate beginning to today's out-of-control mega-state, there's a straight, unbroken line. Once the door was
open, once it was settled that the government should help some people at the expense of others, there was no stopping it. If the
coercion of government can endow one person with property he hasn't earned, then everyone will want to use
government to get something he wants. So it's not surprising that, over the past two centuries, more and more people have concluded
that they deserve government's help. "Helping those who can't help themselves" is a paraphrase of Karl Marx's famous dictum: "From each
according to his ability, to each according to his need." And once that principle is adopted, more and more people will want to be
part of the needy, rather than part of the ablebecause nearly everyone prefers to be on the "to" side of transfers, rather than the "from" side.
You can't help a few people without everyone else wanting to be helped as well. You can't limit government's coercion to just those
transfers you believe are fair, because you can't give government the power to force good on the country without
also giving it the power to force enormous evil on the countryin fact, to do anything it wants. It becomes a tool for
obtaining whatever anyone can't get on his ownan instrument for every frustrated ambition. So it was inevitable
not only that the government would grow and become more powerful, but that the growth would accelerate perhaps
imperceptibly at first, but then faster and faster. The potential beneficiaries (as well as Congress, the executive, and the bureaucrats) have an
interest in pushing government to get bigger. And since politicians aren't legally liable for the harm they do, there's no point at
which they have a reason to stop expanding their own power and wealth by expanding the government. Thus it's no surprise that
after stripping us bare, they continue on and mortgage our children's future to pay for further expansion. Nor is it a surprise that
people elected to change the system usually join it instead. After all, once elected, these people have the power of big
government at their disposaland power is a heady commodity. Few can resist the temptation to use it to "do good"to
receive the applause of reformers and the gratitude of those on the receiving end of government favors. And it should be no surprise that every
attempt to reform government simply makes it worse. "Reform" won't transform a gorilla into a lamb , and politicians
and administrators who have spent their lives seeking power aren't suddenly going to decide not to use it.
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This makes extinction inevitable
Kateb 92 (George, Professor of Politics and Director of the Program in Political Philosophy at Princeton, The
Inner Ocean p. 121-123)
I have said that statism is one of the main ideas that are implied in official (and lay) rhetoric rationalizing the use of nuclear
weapons. But the role of statism in the nuclear situation is not confined to this function. In another form it makes another contribution. The
form is best calledonce again a French name is most aptdirigisme, the unremitting direction by the state of all facets of life. Let us translate
the word as "state activism." The contribution is indirect but insidious and pervasive, and consists of the general tendency to leave citizens in a
condition of dependence which borders on helplessness. The virulent practitioners of state activism are, of course, the police
state, tyranny, despotism, and totalist rule in all their varieties. Whenever a nuclear power is also one of the latter
regimes, then the disposition among a compliant population is to get used to the idea that the state, as the source of
practically all benefits and penaltiesall those outside the intimate sphere and many inside ithas the right to
dispose of the fate of the people in any way it sees fit. The way it sees fit seems the unavoidable way. Such compliance
strengthens the readiness of officials to think seriously about using nuclear weapons. Just as the people are used to the idea
that the state has the right to dispose of their fate, so the state gets used to the idea that it may even use nuclear weapons in
disposing of its people's fate. My concern here, however, is not with the mentality of unfree societies but rather with that of democratic
societies. I propose the ideait is no more than a hypothesisthat the growth of state activism in a democracy is the growth, as well, of that
compliance creating and resting on dependence which makes it easier for the government to think of itself as a statenot only in our earlier sense
of an entity whose survival is held to be equivalent to the survival of society itself, but in the related but separate sense of an entity that is
indispensable to all relations and transactions in society. The state, in this conceptualization, is the very life of society in its normal workings, the
main source of initiative, response, repair, and redress. Society lives by its discipline, which is felt mostly as benign and which
is often not felt as discipline or felt at all. The government becomes all-observant, all-competent; it intervenes
everywhere; and as new predicaments arise in society, it moves first to define and attempt a resolution of them. My
proposed idea is that as this tendency grows and it is already quite far advancedpeople will, to an increasing degree, come to
accept the government as a state. The tendency of executive officials (and some in the legislative and judicial branches) to
conceive of government as a state will thus be met by the tendency of people to accept that conception. People's
dependence on it will gradually condition their attitudes and their sentiments. Looking to it, they must end by looking up to it. I believe the
"logic" of this tendency, as we say, is that officials become confirmed in their sense that they, too (like their counterparts in unfree societies), may
dispose of the fate of the people. Entrusted with so much everyday power, the entire corps of officials must easily find
confirmation for the rationalization of the use of nuclear weapons proposed by the foreign-policy sector of
officialdom. There may be a strong, if subterranean, bond between the state as indispensable to all relations and transactions in everyday
society and the state as entitled to dispose of the fate of society in nuclear war, even though officials receive no explicit confirmation of this bond
by the people. Under pressure, however, a people that habitually relies on the state may turn into a too easily
mobilizable population: mobilizable but otherwise immobile. My further sense is that a renewed understanding of the moral
ideas of individualism is vital to the effort to challenge state-activism.I say this, knowing that some aspects of individualism do help to
push democratic government in the direction of becoming a state, and to push the state into state activism. Tocqueville's prescient analysis of democratic despotism
must never be forgotten. Even more important, we must not forget that he thought that democratic despotism was much more likely in those democracies in which
individualism was narrowly or weakly developed and in which, therefore, the power of a full moral individualism had never corroded the statist pretensions of
political authority. His main anxiety was for France and the Continent, not for America. Thus, following Tocqueville, we may say that individualism provides no
remedy for the deficiencies: the remedy is to be sought from individualism itself. One task of a renewed and revised individualism is to challenge everyday state
activism? Remote as the connection may seem, the encouragement of state activism, or the failure to resist it, contributes to nuclear statism and thus to the disposition
In the nuclear situation, one must be attentive

to even remote connections that may exist between human activity and human extinction.
to accept and inflict massive ruin and, with that, the unwanted and denied possibility of extinction.
Every rejection is key their framework leads to mass chaos

Petro 74 (Sylvester, Professor of Law at Wake Forest University, University of Toledo Law Review, Spring,
p.480)
However, one may still insist, echoing Ernest Hemingway I believe in only one thing: liberty. And it is always well to
bear in mind David Humes observation: It is seldom that liberty of any kind is lost all at once. Thus, it is unacceptable to
say that the invasion of one aspect of freedom is of no import because there have been invasions of so many other
aspects. That road leads to chaos, tyranny, despotism, and the end of all human aspiration. Ask Solzhenitsyn. Ask
Milovan Djilas. In sum, if one believes in freedom as a supreme value and the proper ordering principle for any society
aiming to maximize spiritual and material welfare, then every invasion of freedom must be emphatically identified and
resisted with undying spirit.
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Observation Four Solvency:
The plan is key material reparations are key to ending government discrimination
through race-based programs
Harvard Law Review 2 ("Bridging the Color Line: The Power of African-American Reparations to Redirect
America'sFuture", Vol.115, No. 6, pp. 1689-1712, April, @JSTOR)//northwestern-ak
African-American reparations claims do not appeal to the same traditional values as the Japanese-American claims, but it is still pos-sible to
eliminate zero sum notions that reparations take from "us" and give to "them" by emphasizing the cathartic and economic benefits to the polity.
Reparations, as proposed here, should restore some of the lost chapters of our history and explain, and ultimately remedy, the wealth and power
divides of today. The public investigation into the lingering effects of slavery and Jim Crow should create an unabridged
version of American history, one that would provide the country with closure regarding the shameful history of
slavery and Jim Crow. This emotional closure, combined with economic and educational programs, could eventually
bring the end of race-preference programs and the start of a dialogue about race focused on the future.
Reparations that focus on investment in education and training for blacks should result in better skilled workers who are less
reliant on welfare, enabling the economy to maximize its previously underutilized human capital .' Affirmative action in
employment will ensure that blacks have an opportunity to develop and utilize these skills.105 Providing resources to predominantly
black neighborhoods106 to rebuild the educational infrastructure beginning at the elementary level107 might
eventually allow all American students to start from the same point, rather than rely on affirmative action
programs to make up the difference at the college level. Prosperous black-owned businesses, fueled by government subsidies and
support,108 could invigorate the economy of both the local neighborhoods they inhabit and the nation.109 Grants to black community-based
organizations for investment in community development projects - parks, cultural symbols, and security, for ex-ample - should reduce
crime and increase pride in inner city neighborhoods; this investment could carry over into increased efforts to keep
communities safe and clean.10 The government should also provide incentives for asset accumulation to address wealth inequal-ity.1ll
Wide distribution of a commission's findings would aid in educating the public regarding the link between past wrongs and present injustices.
Admittedly, these investments will be costly in the short term, but over time, the beneficial effects should be enjoyed throughout the country. The
hope is that a reparations plan such as the one proposed here can empower blacks to overcome the lingering
impediments of slavery and Jim Crow to achieve equality. South Africa is considering a plan with similar components to repair its postapartheid polity. The proposal for reparations before the South African government includes individual reparations grants
(payments to qualified individuals), symbolic reparations (constructions of monuments and memorials), com -munity rehabilitation
(creation of community-based services and activities, including health care, education, and housing), and institutional
reforms (measures to ensure that human rights abuses do not occur again).112 The Truth and Reconciliation Commission was created to
provide a forum for victims and perpetrators to tell personal narratives regarding violations that occurred during apartheid in hopes of
disseminating truth and building a unified country.13 Unofficial reparations have also been offered to empower groups
disadvantaged under apartheid. South Africa's black empowerment policies include affirmative action in educationll4 and preference for
black businesses in government work allocation - corrective measures the country has deemed necessary in its move from "discrimination to true
equality."116I n light of South Africa's history, the government finds a narrow focus on individual rights too limiting and thus recognizes that
racial differentiation( as opposed to discrimination)is necessary to give substantive meaning to mandates for racial equality.117 The African-
American reparations package proposed in this Note will likely gain acceptance only if America emulates South
Africa's determination to eradicate the lingering effects of government-sanctioned discrimination through
programs intended to uplift those groups disadvantaged by that discrimination.
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The federal government is accountable for the demise of African Americans it has the
moral imperative
Lyons 4 (David, Law @ BC, "Reparations and equal opportunity",
http://www.bc.edu/schools/law/lawreviews/meta-elements/journals/bctwj/24_1/09_FMS.htm//northwestern-ak)
When the colonies were first established, the British common law, which the colonists brought with them, lacked any law of slavery. 11 The
[*PG181]legal framework for chattel slavery was constructed by colonial legislation. 12 After Bacons Rebellion, slavery was given a racist
character.13 The colonial elite, which understandably felt threatened by the uprising of black and white servants acting together, decided that
their security and privilege required them to divide and weaken the multi-racial servant class. Slavery was then restricted to people of color, and
became a condition into which white servants were assured they could not fall.14 A century later, slavery was incorporated into the new federal
system by constitutional provisions. Slave states were given extra representation and therefore extra influence in the federal
government, and all states acquired a constitutional obligation to return escaped slaves.15 Until the Civil War, public policy supported the
slave system. After slavery was abolished, the federal government took important legislative 16 and constitutional17
steps to aid the former slaves and guarantee them equal rights. But the federal government soon gave up those
onerous tasks, broke its solemn constitutional promises, and knowingly allowed a new system of racial subjugation to be brutally
established.18 In fact, federal policies promoted racial segregation. Consider housing. In the 1930s, federal agencies embraced the
practice of red-lining, which disqualifies applicants in African-American and transitional neighborhoods from
home purchase and home improvement [*PG182]loans. That policy was subsequently followed by private lenders. The practice
severely restricted home acquisition and repair in African-American neighborhoods. This, in turn, substantially limited wealth accumulation for
African Americans, which largely accounts for the substantial wealth gap between African-American and European-American families. Federal
agencies also supported the segregation policies of local public housing agencies, and other federal policies
promoted the development of permanent black urban ghettoes and lily-white suburbs .19 During the 1950s and 1960s, under
extraordinary foreign and domestic pressures, the federal government denounced race discrimination and took important steps to ameliorate
poverty and guarantee equal rights. However, once again, it soon gave up those onerous tasks. It allowed the entrenched disadvantages of African
Americans to remain unchallenged by law or public policy. Federal fair housing legislation, for example, at first lacked
significant enforcement provisions.20 When enforcement authority was later added, enforcement was not part of federal policy.21 In
sum, federal policy supported slavery before the Civil War. After the Civil War, the federal government pledged to support racial
equality, but after a brief time period it violated or failed to enforce relevant federal law. After Jim Crow was denounced, the federal
government failed to rectify the inequitable legacy of its own prior policies. The federal government has thus been
complicit in the systematic, grievous wrongs done to African Americans. Slavery and Jim Crow were in large part public, not
private wrongs. And their legacy is a matter of public concern because its persistence reflects current policy. The federal government is
the single most important currently existing party that can truly be held accountable . In view of that
history and the entrenched nature, the wide scope, and the great magnitude of the persisting inequities, the
federal government is a fitting target of moral demands for corrective justice .
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We must make sacrifices material reparations are worthless unless we are forced to take
a hit this is the only way for those in poverty to succeed
Hall 4 (David, Law @ Northeastern, "The spirit of reparations", http://www.bc.edu/schools/law/lawreviews/metaelements/journals/bctwj/24_1/02_FMS.htm//northwestern-ak)
In a society where the economic power and well-being of a group determines so much of its social , physical, and
educational well-being, there must be economic solutions and remedies. This will never happen through an individualized civil rights
approach to justice. We can not level these playing fields with marginal remedies that do not go to the heart of the problem. Certainly money
alone will not cure these social injuries, but without a major infusion of economic resources into the social wounds
that this society created through laws and customs, we will not only remain a separate nation, but we will never fulfill the true
calling of this nation. Many African-American children are attending public educational institutions that are in need
of enormous resources and new ideas about learning and achievement. 24 [*PG9]Progress will not occur through the normal incremental
budgeting process at the local or state level. Any viable reparations claims must address these educational, economic, and
social issues through whatever judgment is rendered or legislation enacted . Therefore, funds and resources must
be targeted toward African Americans who have failed to succeed economically . The most compelling claim
for reparations, centuries after the initial violation occurred, is made by those who are still locked out of this countrys dream despite years of
legislative initiatives. Reparation is for children in urban areas who will not be able to leap over poverty, crime, and
hopelessness in a single bound. It is for families who, despite their efforts, have been unable to break the chain of
generational poverty and limited dreams. Yet the real reason for reparation extends beyond financial compensation and redress.
Embodied in the reparations movement and decision is an opportunity for this country to release itself from the
psychological bonds of social and individual guilt and unresolved shame. Reparations can also serve to free Black people from
the spiritual bondage that this society still subtly imposes. When this nation chose in 1865 and again in 1867 not to provide reparations to newly
freed Africans, it not only postponed an appropriate legal remedy, it also placed a psycho-spiritual chain around the heart and soul of this nation.
Despite the efforts of the Civil Rights movement, this chain has never been broken. This nation is still trapped in spiritual chains of indifference,
guilt, and shame. Each generation has learned to live with these spiritual chains, to cover them up, to rationalize them away, or to deny that they
even exist. To cover up the shame and guilt, some developed theories of inferiority to justify slavery and segregation. 25 Others use the present
dysfunctions that exist in some Black communities to rationalize away any responsibility for this countrys treat[*PG10]ment of Black people in
the past.26 So many White Americans bathe daily in these rivers of denial that water the soil of this land . Yet the spiritual
heart of this nation is still mired in the sins of the slave trade, slavery, and years of subjugation, lynching, and murder. Buried deep in the
crevices of this nations consciousness is the stark and brutal truth of this human tragedy . I am not suggesting that a large
amount of money can free us from this pattern. The money is as much symbolic as it is substantive. It is an act that must come from the heart of
this nation and not just from its coffers. This society is trapped spiritually in a race conundrum there appears to be no escape from it.
Discussions about race and racism are still among the most uncomfortable and emotionally charged conversations to have in this country. Even
among individuals who share similar political perspectives, there often remains an underlying tension and
tentativeness. Many Blacks and Whites who worship and praise the same god choose to do so in separate churches, temples, and mosques.
There is a wall, a spiritual and psychological wall, that still separates us. Something drastic must happen to alter our understanding
of the past and deepen our commitment to a common future. I believe that reparations could serve this purpose. From a spiritual
perspective, in order to reconcile people or groups that have been torn apart, something must be sacrificed. Professor Bell, in his seminal text,
Race, Racism and American Law, eloquently made the point that Black people in this society have been the involuntary sacrifice to keep
various groups of Whites united in this society, and to bring about a sense of equilibrium between competing political perspectives. 27 The time
has come for Black people and their rights to cease to be the sacrificial lambs to bring about reconciliation in this
country. This quest for reparations, therefore, is as much a spiritual quest for reconciliation as it is a substantive demand for resources. For
the sacrifice is meaningless if society gives up something that is of little value . Words alone will not
break these spiritual chains. Even legislation, if it does not dramatically alter existing positions and serve as a sign of
repentance, will not serve as the spiritual sacrifice that is so desperately needed. In various religious traditions
the seriousness and sacredness of sacrifice is deeply understood and enacted . God tested Abraham to see if he would
sacrifice his son in order to be more connected to God.28 The Torah is filled with commands and instructions about sacrifices,
especially when people have violated or failed to comply with sacred law.29 Christians believe that Jesus was the sacrificial lamb
to bring humanity back in line with divine order. 30 What will America sacrifice to bring about the long overdue
reconciliation between those who suffered because of this crime against humanity and those who benefited from it?
The conundrum is that in America, it is difficult to sacrifice financial resources when we dont value those who
will be the recipients of those resources. Many will oppose reparations for African Americans because they cannot
see the underlying wrong, or the value in redressing those who claim they were wronged. Reparation dollars may still, therefore, prevent
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this society from being released from the invisible badges and incidents of slavery.31 Let us hope that this will not be the response of the
courts<CONTINUED>
1AC Solvency
<CONTINUED>
or Congress to these latest appeals to break our spiritual chains. For these mental and spiritual chains that we all still carry around with us must
be released in this generation. We must, in this generation, release into the universe a true spirit of justice and respect. We must release into the
universe ideals of forgiveness and repentance. Let us release into the world a balm to heal the wounds of a nation broken long ago.
Reparations [*PG12]contains within it that spirit. It has the potential to be that balm in Gilead32 to heal the sin-sick soul
of this nation. There are numerous legal hurdles that stand in the way of any reparations claim. Many of these hurdles, like causation, statute
of limitations, and class limitations, will be thoroughly discussed in the companion articles to this symposium issue; therefore I will not
venture to address them here.33 In addition, there are major concerns about how one would administer and distribute resources if these claims
is important that we not allow these issues and hurdles to blind us to the
substantive and spiritual merit of reparations claims . Yet some may ask, why now? The answer is, why not
are deemed meritorious. Yet it
now? Dr. Martin Luther King once asked the question at the end of the Selma to Montgomery March, How long? How long would it be before
Black people would receive the right to vote and be truly free? He answered his own question by saying, not long. 34 Thirty-four years after his
death it is still too long. Though his optimism proved right in regards to changes in the voting rights laws, it did not prove right in regards to
changes in underlying conditions. We have all paid a high price for this delay. The spiritual challenge facing this nation is whether
we will continue to pass this burden on to future generations, or whether we will once and for all make racial justice
and healing a national priority. As some of the symposium articles eloquently indicate, we are facing one of those rare moments in the life
of a society where we can choose to reverse centuries of injustice, or we can allow these legal and procedural hurdles to blind us to our social,
moral, and spiritual responsibility. May the following articles, and our sobering reflection on the past, serve as a catalyst for us to remove our
blinders and vividly see the limitations and unlimited potential of this nation.
Its not our burden to decide if the consequences are palatable if we win reparations are
justified vote affirmative
Yanessa Barnard 2/11/06 *Professor of Law The University of Dayton* Takings Clause Solution to
Reparations http://academic.udayton.edu/race/02rights/repara39.htm)
Reparations offer the country a unique opportunity to reconstruct fractured communities .
It is necessary to acknowledge the ongoing

inequities and create a workable plan to restore to African-Americans their rightful place in society. It is not conducive or
even recommended that the process attempt to lay blame; reparations is a moral obligation that we all share to take care of those
who have suffered. The perpetuation of pain as a direct result of slavery and discrimination taints us all. And yet,
coming to grips with injustice is not easy. However, it is not justice's duty to make reconciliation palatable. There
is no doubt that reparations must be the result of America's struggle with a problem that is older thanthe nation itself. And there can be no doubt
that the U.S. owes a debt to the descendants of those who were the backbone of the nation's growth. The Fifth
Amendment's Takings Clause mandates the federal government pay for private property that it commandeers without the permission of the
property owner. Slaves lost the value of their labor, and more importantly, the value of their self-ownership. As a result, their
surviving descendants and African-Americans at large continue to suffer from the vestiges of slavery that manifest in
modern day society's treatment of the race. In acknowledging the wrongs, a Takings Clause argument creates a kinder, more gentle and
reasonable approach to the idea of repairing the damage and expands the possibilities for conversation and debate in the process of attaining just
compensation.
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1AC Risk Calculus

Observation Four Our Impacts First:
The avoidance of reparations has led to a morally bankrupt state reparations are a vital
pre-requisite to avoiding future policy failure this precludes your disads
Janna Thompson, Melbourne professor & member of the Center for Applied Philosophy and Public Ethics,
Memory and the Ethics of Reparation pg 17, 2005.
If a government is to act as an intergenerational agent: if it is to be able to make promises that future people will be
required to keep, if it is to take responsibility for failing to keep promises, including promises made by past
generations, if it is to pursue long term policies and make reparation for unjust policies of the past, then its citizens
must be prepared to take responsibility for deeds that were done by their predecessors. Nevertheless, we have seen that
many people, including some defenders of black reparations, insist that it is morally obnoxious to make people assume such responsibilities. One
of the reasons for this opposition has already been defeated. It is sometimes morally legitimate for people to make moral
demands of their successors: the freedom of individuals of each generation to make their own decisions and live life
according to their ideals does not free them from having obligations in respect to the past and people of the past. So
an objection to reparation which assumes that it is unacceptable to make present people take any responsibility for
the past is unsound. Moreover, there are reasons why citizens should want their government to act as a morally
responsible intergenerational agent: to keep its agreements, to maintain valued institutions and practices, to
pursue policies for the good of themselves and their successors, and to acknowledge and make up for past
wrongs. Citizens have lifetime transcending interests; they believe in some cases that they can make legitimate
demands of their successors. They need and are entitled to demand that their government maintain the institutions
and pursue policies that support morally important intergenerational practices and make it likely that their important
lifetime transcending interests will be satisfied. These requirements mean that a government has to act as a
responsible intergenerational agent, maintaining the security of the polity in a world of polities, initiating and
carrying out long term environmental and social policies, maintaining through the generations the institutions
that underwrite intergenerational practices and ensuring that important lifetime transcending interests of
citizens will be respected. But this presupposes that citizens regard themselves as having a duty to support and maintain the practices that
enable their government to be a responsible intergenerational agent. The belief that a government is, or should be, a responsible
agent underwrites the legitimacy of the demands for justice made by individuals who are oppressed or
disadvantaged by its policies. They have a claim against their government: against the polity in whose name it acts.
Its responsibility as an agent does not end with disappearance of the generations who carried out these policies. It
has an obligation to acknowledge the historical injustices it has done, and when, as in the case of injustices to
African Americans, these injustices have been persistent and directed against family lines, its duties of reparation
will be far more extensive.
This debate round is vital persistent grassroots activism is necessary to overcoming

hostility towards reparations
Statistics and facts alone will not be enough to transform deeply held opinions that have been shaped by years of exposure to
negative rhetoric regarding race-based policies. Without grassroots political ef-forts to sway the moral tenor of the
debate, the probable result of reparations claims for modern blacks to remedy past wrongs will be a deeper ingraining
of existing hostility toward race-preference programs and reparations. Politicians and community leaders, not just lawyers, should
frame the public debate over reparations.
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The logic of their counterplan is flawed the only way reparations will succeed is if we
uncondition them we shouldnt try to define their flaws
Cynthia Lucas Hewitt, 2004, American Behavior Scientist, One Capital Indivisible Under God: The IMF and
Reparation for in a Time of Globalized Wealth
It is important that a framework of restitution be operative when reparations are discussed . This precludes viewing debt
cancellation or transfer for SDRs as aid and requires that there must be no conditionalities, oversight, or involvement, of nonAfricans in defining the use of reparation and social order they seek to construct. Reparation for slavery is
compensation for the abrogation of African human rights the right to the proceeds of their labor. Therefore, any
attempt to place conditions on its use or transferal is completely illegitimate . Segev (2000) wrote of a scene involving David
Horowitz, a representative for the Jews during their reparation negotiations.
Any form of reparations must be devoid of economic calculation - Americas political and
economic system is founded on an intentional exclusion of black Americans
Greene 9 (Dekera, Clemson University Ain't no Peace until we get a Piece: Exploring the Justiciability and
Potential Mechanisms of Reparations for American Blacks Through United States law, Specific Modes of
International Law, and the Covenant for the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination ("Cerd"), The
Modern American - Nbr. V-1, April 2009)
Since America's political and economic traditions are based on a system of private property and capitalism, borne of
thinkers like John Locke, democratic participation is premised on property ownership .29 Property is a natural right
derived through labor, with ownership contingent upon "useful" development and value of the land.30 This
natural right31 precedes governmental sovereignty, based on a social contract in which the people consent to being
governed. As such, the government is subject to the will and volition of the people32-presupposing the people's right
to revolution.33 This ultimately connects fundamental rights (including the right to revolt or hold government accountable),34 democratic
participation (governmental access and engagement),35 and value (societal contribution and intrinsic worthiness),36 to ownership of private
property. The benefactors of this oppressive structure designed it for their own success (and continued success
for
their progeny) by directly exploiting37 and dispossessing enslaved Africans of private property ownership and
depriving them of control over their own labor. The government sanctioned this system, and White society
perpetuated it 3839. It deprived enslaved Africans of property ownership (inhered value in this society)40 and subjected them to the
expropriation of their work.41 The direct result of this systemic marginalization influenced the place Black people
stand in today-deprivation of access to democracy, citizenship, and participation in governmental functions,42 and
the intrinsic value 43 manifested in subjective conceptions of cognizable societal contributions and "earned" wealth.
Extending the elimination of American Blacks' democratic participation for almost four centuries,44 these
economic, political, white supremacist, and governmental systems fundamentally led to the incapacitation of
Black self-determination in this country. The harm done is three-fold: (1) American Blacks were denied value45 and
worth, which in a zero-sum framework of capitalism protects whiteness and privilege46 as a core value (this
dictated Black inability to engage in the development and execution of the democratic and political processes that
have sustained this society and government); (2) they were deprived of the capacity to acquire capital and resources to
sustain a living for themselves and their descendants ,47 and (3) they were deprived of this right so long that there
have not been sufficient gains to overwhelm the ills designed to marginalize them.
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***Case Debate
Inherency Stripped Reparations
The bill explicitly excluded reparations no material compensation
Puyear 7/6/09 (Eugene, @ the Party for Socialism and Liberation, U.S. Senate offers weak apology for slavery,
blocks reparations,
http://www.pslweb.org/site/News2/386674709?page=NewsArticle&id=12479&news_iv_ctrl=1261//northwesternak)
On June 18, the U.S. Senate, belatedly to say the least, apologized for slavery and other racial injustices. Iowa Senator Tom
Harkin said the resolution "is a necessary collective response to a past collective injustice . So, it is both
appropriate and imperative that Congress fulfill its moral obligation and officially apologize for slavery and Jim
Crow laws." These are welcome words to the millions of people who have suffered the consequences of slavery. The resolution,
however, does only that, expresses remorse. It actually opposes any claim for reparations what would be a
truly just response to the brutality of slavery. Difficult negotiations ensued before it could even be passed. Conservative
Republican Senator Brownback, speaking for others within the Senate, had this to say: "It was a difficult negotiation; we had
to get the reparation issue right." By "right," Brownback means the resolution had to be cleansed of any claim that
the United States owes any sort of material apology for slavery and racial discrimination. The resolution ended with a
disclaimer that its passage should in no way be construed as allowing anyone to make any sort of monetary or property claim on the United States
for its past "collective injustice." Centuries late, the U.S. Senate has recognized the moral depravity of racial injustice in this country in words
at least. But the same words have been used to obscure the fact that slavery was not only carried out by groups of nasty people and was not
merely a set of annoying restrictions. Slavery in fact created significant profits , and any number of modern institutions can trace their
roots back to funds accrued in the slave trade. It is not simply a question of moral culpability as raised by the Senate, but
material compensation. Slavery, enforced by a cruel system of beatings, lynchings and other terror tactics, is the basis of the
wealth that many corporations and individuals were able to obtain. As we made clear in a statement from the PSL 2008
presidential campaign : "Major banks and corporations that participated in the genocidal slave trade still exist in some
form today. They reaped enormous profits from engaging in this inhuman practice. Corporations like CSX, Fleet Boston, Aetna and JP
Morgan Chase all were started with profits reaped from exploiting slave labor. Aetna and JP Morgan Chase made millions insuring slaves as the
property of their masters. Universities like Yale, Harvard, Princeton and Virginia also profited from slave labor." (PSLweb.org, Jan. 22, 2008)
Many so-called venerable institutions and representatives in the U.S. Senate can trace their great wealth back to the slave
trade. The vicious economic exploitation of Black people in America was supported by a most vicious system of terrorism. It was maintained by
racist vigilante groups and the state itself, often in collusion with each other. The legacy of slavery and racial discrimination past and present is a
persistent state of underdevelopment in the Black community. The worst health indicators, most troubled schools, most persistent violence,
concentrated and violent police repression, and crumbling infrastructure generally burden the Black community. The capitalist society that
has facilitated so much of this racial discrimination and its nefarious effects should pay for its crime . Those companies
with concrete links to slavery and racial discrimination should be forced to pay reparations . The legacy of these destructive
policies of discrimination continues and so should culpability for them. Congress however will not even pass a bill to study the
idea of reparations. The Senate disclaimer then comes as no surprise. While the capitalist politicians are more than willing to
engage in some cathartic moral declarations, their legislative maneuvers expose them. They have no desire to have the full
extent of the economic benefits wrung from the bodies of African-Americans laid bare. This is not some past to be
forgotten, but one intimately connected to the injustices of the present, where its solutions lie. We demand full reparations for the Black
community for the historic wrongs they have been forced to endure.
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Inherency Stripped Reparations

The Senate recently passed a resolution to apologize for slavery but at the last minute,
reparations were stripped out of the bill making this act insufficient
Washington Post 6/18/09 ("Senate passes apology for slavery, segregation",
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/06/18/AR2009061802028.html?
nav=rss_politics//northwestern-ak)
The Senate unanimously passed a resolution yesterday apologizing for slavery, making way for a joint congressional
resolution and the latest attempt by the federal government to take responsibility for 2 1/2 centuries of slavery. " You wonder why we
didn't do it 100 years ago," Sen. Tom Harkin (D-Iowa), lead sponsor of the resolution, said after the unanimous-consent vote. "It is
important to have a collective response to a collective injustice." The Senate's apology follows a similar apology passed last year
by the House. One key difference is that the Senate version explicitly deals with the long-simmering issue of whether
slavery descendants are entitled to reparations, saying that the resolution cannot be used in support of claims for restitution. The
House is expected to revisit the issue next week to conform its resolution to the Senate version. Harkin, who called the Senate's vote an
"important and significant milestone," said he wanted the resolution passed yesterday to closely coincide with Juneteenth, a holiday first
celebrated by former slaves to mark their emancipation. ad_icon This recent willingness to deal with the nation's difficult racial
history has come about in part because of President Obama's election, said Rep. Stephen I. Cohen (D-Tenn.), who began
pushing for an apology more than a decade ago when he was a state senator and pronounced himself "pleased" with the Senate vote. Still,
Cohen said, "there are going to be African Americans who think that [the apology] is not reparations , and it's not action,
and there are going to be Caucasians who say, 'Get over it.' . . . I look at it as something that makes people think." Even among
proponents of a congressional apology, reaction to yesterday's vote was mixed. Carol M. Swain, a professor of political science and law at
Vanderbilt University who had pushed for the Bush administration to issue an apology, called the Democratic-controlled Senate's resolution
"meaningless" since the party and federal government are led by a black president and black voters are closely aligned with the Democratic party.
"The Republican Party needed to do it," Swain said. "It would have shed that racist scab on the party." Republicans, however, were supportive of
the resolution. "It doesn't fix everything, but it does go a long way toward acknowledgment and moving us on to the
next steps to building a more perfect union, doing the things that Martin Luther King would talk about, like building a colorblind
society," said Sen. Sam Brownback (R-Kan.). As with all congressional apologies -- but especially this one -- concerns about liability
for restitution were part of the political calculations, in this case because of the long-running debate about whether the
descendants of slaves should be compensated. Charles Ogletree, the Harvard law professor who has championed
restitution, was consulted on the Senate's resolution and supports it, but he said it is not a substitute for
reparations. "That battle will be prolonged," he said. Randall Robinson, author of "The Debt: What America Owes to Blacks," said he sees
the Senate's apology as a "confession" that should lead to a next step of reparations. "Much is owed, and it is very quantifiable," he
said. "It is owed as one would owe for any labor that one has not paid for, and until steps are taken in that direction
we haven't accomplished anything." Cohen said he and Harkin worked closely with the NAACP and other civil rights groups on
language that would not endorse or preclude any future claims to reparations. "It will not harm reparations but won't give any
standing to it," Cohen said.
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Reparations Solvency Trust Funds Solve

Creating a trust fund is the best reparation it is necessary for sufficient monetary
compensation
Henry 3 (Charles P., @ University of Berkeley, The Politics of Racial Reparations, Journal of Black Studies, Vol.
34, No. 2, November, pp. 131-152, Sage Publications, @http://www.jstor.org/stable/3180901//northwestern-ak)
To succeed politically-substantively or symbolically- the movement must agree on some specific goals and some specific
targets. One obvious goal and target would be an apology from Congress, the president or both for slavery and its
consequences. Some reparations advocates opposed an apology because they fear it Henry / THE POLITICS OF REPARATIONS 149 forecloses
further concessions. Yet, it is difficult to imagine governmental agreement for substantive compensation without first
acknowledging some moral guilt. In fact, the term reparation implies atonement whereas responses lacking such expressions are properly
called settlements. The recent South African Truth Commission followed a process of recognition , responsibility,
reconstruction, and then reparation (Brooks, 1999). Another goal and target on which consensus seems to be building is for
group or collective compensation from the federal government. Although there are still advocates for individual
payments, it seems clear that the individual harm suffered by African Americans varies greatly. It is morally and
politically more compelling to argue that development banks and educational trust funds should be set up for those
most economically and educationally disadvantaged. Such an approach avoids the issue of compensating
affluent Blacks who will nonetheless be paying taxes that support the program. Although the issue of who will control
the funds and who will qualify to apply are not insignificant, they are surmountable and should be addressed after agreement on a general
program. Such programs can and should be seen as rehabilitative of devastated communities . Some reparations advocates
have endorsed governmental action to redistribute wealth in the private sphere. Creative antitrust action could, for example, be used to
spread the wealth to African Americans and other minorities in overconcentrated industries much as the AT&T breakup
assisted White entrepreneurs major corporations might be required to sell off units to minorities to complete mergers (America, 1993). These
types of programs, however, are likely to be seen as benefiting already affluent Blacks and thus garner less Black
support and more White hostility. Actions affecting the private sphere may best be left to the legal arena where several cases are pending
and where consumer pressure might force some settlements. Finally, the reparations movement needs to make clear that its
concern is not with slavery alone but with the entire history of racism in the United States and its exercise
abroad. It is true that there are no living former slaves, but every African American has directly or indirectly
experienced racial discrimination or is indirectly influenced by it. The failure to treat reparations as a legitimate
issue acknowledges that America is far from a color-blind society . The frustrated and prophetic voice of Martin Luther King
Jr., recognized this nearly 40 years ago when he said, A true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of
our past and present policies. On the one hand we are called to play the Good Samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act. One
day we must come to see that the whole Jericho Road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as
they make their journey on life's highway. True compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. It comes to see that an
edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring (as cited in Carson, 1998, p. 340)
A trust fund is a key collective reparation

Roberts 6 (Kevin David, PhD in History @ Texas, "African American Issues", @African American
Experience//northwestern-ak)
In an effort to minimize the criticism that reparations constitute only a money grab for individual African Americans,
Lionel Jean-Baptise, the lawyer for the two Illinois plaintiffs, argued for any damages awarded to go to a trust fund for
African American social programs. It's not about individuals, it's about broad community seeking capital to rebuild our community,
Jean-Baptise said in early 2004. We need a Marshall Plan to help our community. This is a collective remedy. In making
the purposeful connection between reparations and the American plan to rebuild postWorld War II Europe, JeanBaptiste is tapping into a fairly clear history of American generosity in righting wrongs and helping the world's
needy. 19
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Reparations Solvency Would Use Money for Education

African Americans will use the money for education and economic development
Myers 5 (Aaron, @ Africana Encyclopedia, "Reparations", Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African
American Experience, Second Edition, @Oxford AA Studies Center//northwestern-ak)
Advocates of reparations have proposed packages that range from $700 billion to $4 trillion. Most favor investing
the money in education and economic development for the African American community. This proposed use of
reparations contrasts with that of some earlier reparation movements, which sought to found an independent black state (in Africa or in the
Southern United States) or secure pensions for ex-slaves and their descendants.
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Reparations Solvency Monetary Key

Monetary reparations are key to economic freedom
Robert Westley 2001, Associate Professor at Tulane University Law School, "Many Billions Gone:Is It Time to
Reconsider the Case for Black Reparations?". http://www.raceandhistory.com/selfnews/viewnews.cgi?
newsid988933302,39826,.shtml
Compensation to Blacks for the injustices suffered by them must first and foremost be monetary . It must be sufficient to
indicate that the United States truly wishes to make Blacks whole for the losses they have endured. Sufficient, in other words, to reflect not only
the extent of unjust Black suffering, but also the need for Black economic independence from societal discrimination. No less than with the
freedmen, freedom for Black people today means economic freedom and security. A basis for that freedom and
security can be assured through group reparations in the form of monetary compensation, along with free provision of
goods and services to Black communities across the nation. The guiding principle of reparations must be self-determination in every sphere of life
in which Blacks are currently dependent.
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Reparations Solvency Low Income Persons Key

Lower-class African Americans are key the upper and middle class distort the purpose of
reparations
How does the biological racelessness of U.S. slaves affect the discourse of material reparations and/or punitive damages?
It raises the value of such reparations to heights difficult to calculat e, which is a further practical problem with reparations for
U.S. slaves. But those who are still slandered, libeled, insulted and slighted by having false ideas of biological race applied
to them could seek reparations for the harm which has occurred in their lifetimes. Ignorance of the truth is no longer a credible excuse,
given that biologists and anthropologists have been disabusing themselves of the idea of biological race for well over fifty years. The
information is available for school children and for principled educators who care to teach them. But, perhaps this
stretches the meaning of reparations. We do not speak of reparations for present crimes. If the perpetrator is found
guilty in civil court, the term is "damages," while if society pays the victim, the term is "compensation ." How, specifically, does
the biological racelessness of U.S. slaves affect the nature of reparations for slavery? Let us forget for a moment that
reparations are presently impractical and figure out who alive today would be entitled to reparations , given what is now
scientifically known about biological race. It cannot be said that all who are racially black in an objective biological way are
entitled to reparations, for several reasons: there were free blacks since before slavery and black immigrants who arrived after slavery was
abolished. Even if these problems could be solved, there is no objective way to determine who is black because
"black ness" as a biological category has no meaning scientifically. If we say that the descendents of slaves
would be entitled to reparations, the ques tion is how slave ancestry could be proved for all the cases to whom it
would apply. The situations were different for American reparations to Japanese Americans for unjust internment during World War II and for
German payments to Jewish survivors of the Jewish Holocaust, or their relatives. Both Japanese Americans and German Jews had civil rights in
the offending countries before the injustices against them were committed. The antecedent possession of such rights and the attendant social
status of Japanese Americans and German Jews, as persons, made it relatively easy to document their victimization and their family genealogies
decades later. The crimes against U.S. slaves were crimes against people with no civil rights or even the minimal social
standing that would document their identity as persons (e.g., addresses, surnames, property ownership, and birth, death and
marriage records). Can we say that all who have been considered black are entitled to reparations because they have
been affected by a distinctively U.S. form of racism that originated in slavery ? Yes, but it is not the historical origins of racism
that are important here but the fact that present U.S. racism is associated with the belief that blacks were once slaves in the U.S. That is, U.S. antiblack racism is cruel, because it punishes people unjustly in part because they belong to a group that has a history of unjust punishment. The
truth emerging here is that whether we like it or not, reparations, even on the impractical level of discourse, concerns
payment to people alive today, on account of what they are still suffering today. Should there be a needs test so that
black millionaires are ineligible for reparations, or is suffering from racism a question of mental pain and
suffering? Again, present racism becomes the subject. Perhaps some of the confusion about reparations can be clarified by focusing on who
should pay. There are the similar problems identifying the white racial group: white immigrants may have arrived after slavery ; some
whites had ancestors who were enslaved during the colonial period; there is no objective way to determine a white race , any more
than a black one. The problem of proof of ancestry is not likely to come up on the part of those who would make
payments, but it could come up for those who wanted to claim exclusion from having to make payments . However, all
whites do presumably benefit from ongoing racism and blacks suffer from it. Since there is no fair and objective way
to pick out the payees, as white, perhaps state and federal governments, as the present incorprations of past governments condoning
slavery, should pay reparations to all who are now considered black, because they still suffer racism that is connected
with the belief that they are descended from slaves. Since governments get their money mainly from taxation, everyone, including members of
the group considered black, would be paying for reparations. There is a cruel irony in this. Even on a purely theoretical level, with no
consideration of cost, the idea of reparations for slavery flounders. However, as even this brief discussion of the problems with
reparations makes evident, any justific ation of reparations as payment to people alive today, will likely have some
reference to present racism. If the descendants of U.S. slaves now constituted a ruling class, or even a solid
middle class, it is difficult to imagine the subject of reparations for slavery arising . What is to be done? I think that we
ought to think about the broader project of rectification. As an imposition of false biological taxonomy, race is irreparable and racism cannot be
addressed without an elimination of that false taxonomy. But that is not an elimination of race, in either its biolog ical or its lifeworld-existential
sense. Since biological race never existed, it cannot be eliminated. Such elimination is not even a logical possibility .14
Those who argue against what they believe to be racial eliminativism are usually concerned with one or more of the following
effects of what they imagine elimination to be: first, a complete assimilation of black culture into white, which would be tantamount
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to a kind of genocide against black identities; second, an end to advocacy for African Americans as a group in need of special
consideration in contexts of structural racism; and third, a return to worse forms of racism because, without a notion of race, racists
<CONTINUED>
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Reparations Solvency Low Income Persons Key

<CONTINUED>
could carry on as they liked and deny that they were doing so as a result of racial difference, while victims would no longer have the racial
identities on the basis of which to seek justice. These concerns are based on a misunderstanding of what is entailed in disabusing folks of the
biological notion of race. First, a broad under standing that race as we know it lacks a foundation in biology as a scientific
subject, would be nothing more than that, an understanding. To the extent that the lifeworlds of racialized people are based on
beliefs that racial groups are natural biological kinds, there would be some voluntary revi sion of racial identities. But concerning group and
familial associations, cultural traditions, culture, and personal identities, such understanding would have no direct or automatic bearing. There
might be less essen tialism in discourse about racial identities among African Americans, but there are other well-established intellectual and
moral reasons for critiquing essentialism, such as personal autonomy and the deconstruction of racist stereotypes of race. Second, an
understanding that racial distinctions are not biologically based would emphasize the need for special consideration of the disadvan taged plight
of African Americans, particularly the multi-generational poor. Genetic arguments about racial heredity could not get started, because the absence
of genetic races entails that there is no distinctive hereditary material to which other traits could be attached. And third, the cognitive dimension
of racism would lose all credibility in the light of a broad understanding that race had no biological reality. All of the mechanisms for picking
people out on the basis of race, that is, the social epistemology of race, would continue to function, as would the grounds on which those
victimized by racism seek justice. As with our ideas of slaves, correction of the biological mythology surrounding race would restore humanity to
those deprived of it through the process of racialization. To restore humanity to our ideas of slaves and to their living
descendants, and their future descendants, would go part of the way toward rectifying race. How far is an empirical
question. Another empirical question is whether this degree of racial rectification would in time minimize both individual and structural racisms,
as we have known them.
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Reparations Solvency Obligation to the Poor

Reparations to poor blacks are necessary to address our moral obligation
Forde 4 (Kim Forde Mazrui, Law @ University of Virginia, Taking Conservatives Seriously: A Moral
Justification for Affirmative Action and Reparations, California Law Review, Vol. 92, No. 3, May, pp. 683-753,
California Law Review, Inc, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3481453//northwestern-ak)
Corrective justice theory supports ascribing responsibility to society for the effects of past societal discrimination .
For the purposes of this Article, corrective justice does not mean a complicated account of moral responsibility , but rather
something quite basic: one who causes harm to another by wrongful conduct is morally obligated to compensate the
victim or otherwise remedy the harm.102T o the extent that American society's wrongful participation in racial discrimination continues
to have effects today, corrective justice suggests a moral obligation on society's part to remedy such effects. I rely on corrective justice as a basis
for societal responsibility for a number of reasons. In keeping with my effort to employ principles acceptable to conservatives, it is notable that
they rely upon corrective justice in arguing that the victims of racial preferences are entitled to redress. I too find corrective justice a persuasive
theory of moral responsibility. The obligation of one who harms another through wrongful conduct to make amends to his victim seems to follow
from the most basic notions of justice. That justice requires rectification of injustice, the righting of a wrong, is intuitive to most people. I also
agree with conservatives that corrective justice is plausibly implicated by racial discrimination. The source of moral obligation under corrective
justice theory is unjust conduct that causes harm. To the extent racial discrimination is morally objectionable, its harmful consequences
potentially serve as a basis of moral responsibility. Constitutional and statutory law imposing liability for racial discrimination
are commonly-and legitimately-justified on grounds of corrective justice . Finally, corrective justice theory has deep
roots in the moral and legal traditionso f American society, such as criminal 03 and tort law,104 as well as in the cultural
norms that govern social relations. Indeed, the obligation to repair a wrong is a principle reflected in every legal system in the world.'05 The
substantial consensus regarding the legitimacy of corrective justice theory not only supports its use as a basis of moral
responsibility, but also provides a rich source of experience regarding how to apply the theory to circumstances involving
collective wrongdoing and consequential harm. Although corrective justice theory is basic in structure, a brief elaboration may be useful
before considering its implications for societal discrimination. According to corrective justice theory, one who causes a harm that
disrupts a just distribution of rights, resources, or opportunities has an obligation to redress the harm caused and
thereby restore the just distribution. Summarizing Aristotle, Robert Cooter explains: [E]ach type of society has its own principle of
wealth distribution. Thus, a democratics ociety favors an equal distribution;i n contrast, an aristocratic society favors the principle that the best
should have more. Once a society's conception of the just distribution is achieved, a person who disrupts it does an injustice that must be
corrected, according to this theory, by paying compensation.'06 Applied to the context of societal discrimination, a racially just society, that is,
one committed to racial equality, is one in which racial discrimination does not affect the distribution of people's rights, resources, or
opportunities. As argued in Part I.A, whatever the immediate causes of the stark disparities between blacks and whites, such
disparities would probably not exist to the extent they do today had blacks not been discriminated against en
masse for so many generations. If American society disrupted the racially just distribution of black people's rights, resources, and
opportunities by discriminating on the basis of race, then as a matter of corrective justice, society has a prima facie obligation to redress the
harmful effects of that discrimination. The nature of society's obligation is not simply that society has inherited a fixed debt owed by past society
to past generations. Rather, society has a continuing duty to present generations of people who experience fresh injuries
from conditions caused by past discrimination. Nor is the obligation owed to all black people as a group or "creditor
race," but rather it is owed to those individual black people whose lives are disadvantaged by past
discrimination.'0 Each American child born today into a life worse off than it would be had society not practiced slavery, segregation, and
other discrimination, or had society adequately remedied their effects, is a new individual victim of societal discrimination. Society's
persistent fail-ures to redress adequately conditions that predictably perpetuate , and often worsen, the effects of such
past racial injustices, are recurring wrongs that create new remedial obligations. Until society fulfills its responsibility to address
this racial injustice, its moral obligation shall remain unabated.
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Reparations Solvency Collective Compensation Key

Individual compensation fails to integrate African Americans collective compensation is
key
Challenges to a group-oriented reparations package may be inevi-table,34 but a less comprehensive package - one
rooted in individual rights and focused on individual pecuniary compensation - cannot change the underlying attitudes
or wealth and power asymmetries that are the legacy of slavery and Jim Crow. The individual rights paradigm is
inadequate to integrate African-Americans as a group into the fabric of this country because of its inability to
involve the nation in a reconciliation process that can narrow the social, economic, and political divides . By contrast,
respect for group rights can empower Congress to offer on behalf of the polity an apology and reparations, which can repair the country as it
moves united into a "more just world."35
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Reparations Solvency Federal Government Key

The federal government is key
A) AccountabilityIt supported and maximized the racial division
Lyons , David, 2003, Corrective Justice, Equal Opportunity, and the Legacy of Slavery and Jim Crow(July 30,
2003). Boston Univ. School of Law Working Paper No. 03-15. Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=430280
or DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.430280
In this section I will argue that the
federal government is significantly accountable for its support of slavery, its

acceptance of Jim Crow, and its failure to address their legacy adequately . That facts may be summarized as follows. (1)
The protection for slavery that were provided by the Constitution went beyond what was required for a
constitutional settlement. The result was a central government that not only tolerated but supported chattel slavery.
(2) When the U.S. formally abolished slavery, the federal government failed to secure reparations for the
former slaves, it abandoned Reconstruction, and it rejected reforms that were needed to end the racial caste system. Instead the federal
government permitted the systematic violation of blacks constitutional rights, the reestablishment of a racial
hierarchy under Jim Crow, and its enforcement by murder, fraud, and other illicit means . (3) When the U.S.
formally abolished Jim Crow, it declined to implement fully many of the reforms it officially endorsed, such as fair housing legislation. It
failed to dismantle the racial caste system it had helped to sustain, despite urgent advice from an official body
that reforms were essential to prevent the development of two societies, one white, one black separate and
unequal
B) Revenue Streamthe United States collected revenue from cotton fields

Marie Roberts, member of the Carnegie Council (The Voice for Ethics in International Policy), THE
QUESTION OF REPARATIONS TO AFRICAN AMERICANS 2000.
Mr. Robinson also believes that the US government has the responsibility to make amends because it was complicit in
slavery. He notes that in the 1800s the government collected a tremendous amount of money in taxes on cotton , and he
states: Cotton was the principal export crop of the United States. It earned more in foreign revenue than all
other exports put together. The revenues to the treasury were major . However, as he says in his book about the people who
grew and harvested the cotton: Black people worked long, hard, killing days, years, centuries--and they were never
paid. The value of their labor went into others' pockets-plantation owners, northern entrepreneurs, state treasuries, the US
government....There is a debt here. I know of no statute of limitations either legally or morally that would
extinguish it.
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Reparations Solvency Momentum Now

Reparations gaining momentum in the spotlight
Texeira 6 (Erin, Slavery Reparations Gaining Momentum, July 10, 2006, Seattle Post-Intelligencer)
Advocates who say black Americans should be compensated for slavery and its Jim Crow aftermath are quietly chalking up
victories and gaining momentum. Fueled by the work of scholars and lawyers, their campaign has morphed in recent
years from a fringe-group rallying cry into sophisticated, mainstream movement . Most recently, a pair of churches
apologized for their part in the slave trade, and one is studying ways to repay black church members. The overall issue is hardly
settled, even among black Americans: Some say that focusing on slavery shouldn't be a top priority or that it doesn't make sense to compensate
people generations after a historical wrong. Yet reparations efforts have led a number of cities and states to approve
measures that force businesses to publicize their historical ties to slavery . Several reparations court cases are in
progress, and international human rights officials are increasingly spotlighting the issue. "This matter is growing in
significance rather than declining," said Charles Ogletree, a Harvard law professor and a leading reparations activist. " It has more vigor
and vitality in the 21st century than it's had in the history of the reparations movement ."
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Reparations Solvency Blacks Want Them

Blacks favor reparation policies surveys prove
Harold Forsythe, survey member of Humanities and Social Sciences, Most Blacks Favor Slavery Reparations
Survey Shows. 2005.
Eighty-nine percent of blacks believe the federal government should offer a combination of cash
payments, debt forgiveness and social welfare programs to compensate for the devastating effects of slavery and racial segregation,
according to a new survey released Tuesday. "It will be even more difficult than necessary to try and achieve reparations for black folk without
asking black folk what they want," wrote David Horne, Ph.D., who started the survey in April 2002 while teaching Pan African Studies at Cal
State Northridge. "In order to forge a unified national agenda on reparations, the credible results of a sound survey of the black American
population is absolutely necessary." Nearly 80
percent believe that achieving reparations will help heal the

racial divide in this country and 80 percent believe that reparations will not make things worse
for African Americans. While the survey failed to ask whether or not blacks think whites should pay for reparations, 80 percent
of those surveyed said white Americans, even though they did not own slaves, continue to be
enriched from the unpaid labor of slaves.
African Americans want reparationssurveys prove
Wave 5 (Wave Newspapers, Major Los Angeles Newspaper, "Survey Shows most blacks favor slavery
reparations", October 17, http://news.ncmonline.com/news/view_article.html?
article_id=faf6925e50a8f46f4566d68d15c9ed87
LOS ANGELES Eighty-nine percent of blacks believe the federal government should offer a combination of cash
payments, debt forgiveness and social welfare programs to compensate for the devastating effects of slavery and racial
segregation, according to a new survey released Tuesday. Aimed at unifying a movement that has at times seemed fractured, the
Reparations Survey, conducted by the Reparations Research and Advocacy Group, will be used to formulate an articulate platform on
reparations that more accurately defines the desires of African-Americans. The platform would then be used in negotiations with the
federal government and private corporations that profited from slave labor. It will be even more difficult than necessary to try
and achieve reparations for black folk without asking black folk what they want, wrote David Horne, Ph.D., who
started the survey in April 2002 while teaching Pan African Studies at Cal State Northridge. In order to forge a unified national
agenda on reparations, the credible results of a sound survey of the black American population is absolutely
necessary. Volunteers surveyed 6,680 blacks beginning in April 2002. Those who participated in the survey were between the ages of 17 and
80, with over 50 percent being between the ages of 35 and 55. The responses were collected at shopping malls, conferences, political rallies,
churches, block club meetings and sporting events. The survey was conducted in Atlanta, Kansas City, Chicago, Seattle, Portland, Ore., San
Francisco, Los Angeles, San Diego, Houston, New York City, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, D.C., Columbia, S.C., and Jacksonville, Fla.
Each person surveyed was asked to answer 21 questions related to reparations for African Americans. Questions ranged from Do you consider
yourself an African American, a.k.a., black American? to Do you think that the idea of reparations for African Americans is an issue of justice
long denied and overdue? and Should substantial financial assistance from the U.S. government to African Americans who want to leave this
country to live in Africa be a part of any agreed-upon reparations? Respondents were also encouraged to write in their own ideas on how
reparations should be paid, including restitution to those who invested in the Freedmens Bureau Bank, which folded during the Reconstruction
Era. Some have also called for incorporating more African-American history into school curriculum and providing more subsidies to black
farmers. As part of any reparations deal, 70 percent of blacks said the president should apologize on behalf of the
federal government for the years of Jim Crow discrimination. Seventy percent also favored a 50-year educational fund for all black youth,
allowing them to attend the university of their choice if admitted. Nearly 80 percent believe that achieving reparations will help
heal the racial divide in this country and 80 percent believe that reparations will not make things worse for African
Americans. While the survey failed to ask whether or not blacks think whites should pay for reparations, 80 percent of those surveyed
said white Americans, even though they did not own slaves, continue to be enriched from the unpaid labor of slaves .
Horne said volunteers will continue to conduct the survey until 50,000 or more people participate. That figure should be reached or exceeded by
next fall, he said. Horne will be attending the Millions More Movement this weekend in Washington, D.C., where he will gather more responses.
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Reparations Solvency AT: But The Slaves Are Gone

The burden of compensation still exists blacks are entitled to them
Boxill 3 (Bernard R., Philosophy @ UNC, A Lockean Argument for Black Reparations, The Journal of Ethics, Vol.
7, No. 1, pp. 63-91, Springer, http://www.jstor.org/stable/25115749//northwestern-ak)
This inheritance argument presented here is certain to be misunderstood and misrepresented unless some of its steps are restated
and emphasized. First, it maintains that the slaves had titles to reparation against the assets of the entire white population, not just against the
slave holders. As I have argued, this is because most white citizens consented to the government's support for slavery and
consequently entitled the slaves to seek reparation from them. This reparation was never paid, but instead inherited
by the next white generation. Since present day African Americans are the slaves' heirs, and have inherited their
ancestors' rights to reparation, it follows that they have inherited titles to a part of the assets held by the entire white
population. It should be emphasized that this includes white immigrants who arrived in the U.S. after the abolition of
slavery. They came to take advantage of opportunities, funded by assets to which the slaves had titles, or to take natural
assets including land to which the slaves also had titles. The fact that they competed for these opportunities and worked hard
misses the point. They have a right to their own earnings, but it does not follow that they own the opportunities that enabled
them to make the earnings. If I laboriously grow valuable crops on your fields, not knowing they belong to you, I am entitled to keep my
earnings, but surely I must give you back your fields! Second, the argument does not depend on slavery being profitable or on
the slave holders being rich enough to pay for the harms it caused. Remember that transgressors and their helpers do not
have to make a profit from their transgressions in order to have to make reparation to their victims . They have to
make reparation, even if they have to dip into their earnings, including those earnings they made by their own sweat and using their
own brains. Consequently, it is useless to repeat that many whites owed nothing to slavery and made their money
honestly. Even if this is true, they consented to their government's injustice to the slaves and thereby entitled
the slaves to seek reparation from them. So it would make little difference to the argument if slavery operated at a
loss, and made no profits that are even close to being enough to repair the harms that it caused. The slaves had titles to reparation
not only against the slave holders, but against practically the entire generations that consented to slavery , even if their
wealth owed nothing to slavery. And surely it cannot be seriously argued that the entire white population of the slave holding
generations was not rich enough to make reparation to the slaves, and to meet the basic needs of their immediate heirs,
especially when we note that its assets included the territory claimed by the U.S.
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Reparations Solvency Must Compensate Current Blacks

We must give reparations to those suffering from racism today
Lukas H. Meyer 6 (Professor of Philosophy @ Bern University, "Reparations and symbolic restitution", Journal of
Social Philosophy, Vol. 37, No. 3, Fall, 406-422, @EBSCO//greenhill-ak)
Carrying out acts of symbolic compensation will have consequences for others as well. There will often be surviving
and indirect victims of past injustices. Acts of symbolic compensation can have consequences for the surviving
victims, for the descendants of victims, and for the group whose previous members were harmed by the injustices. The
public acknowledgment of the suffering of past people who were wronged by, say, a genocidal policy cannot be
separated from the acknowledgment of those who survived the same policy and suffer as an effect of this
policy or from those who suffer as indirect victims of the policy. Those who carry out acts of symbolic compensation will want to
provide measures of real compensation to those who currently suffer as a result of the same past wrongs. The reasons for acts of symbolic
compensation include the reasons for carrying out measures of real compensation where this is possible. Measures of symbolic compensation
belong to the measures likely to have the effect of providing surviving victims with assistance in recovering or regaining the status of
membership in their respective societies, such that they are once again able to lead lives under conditions of justice. In so far as people were
wronged as members of a group that continues to exist, the public acknowledgment of past victims also provides a measure of
acknowledgment for the group whose previous members were wronged .44
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Reparations Solvency AT: SQ America Responsible

Cases denying reparations is rooted in individualism a focus on group rights proves
Americans are responsible for past slavery abuses
Robert Fullinwider, member of the Institute for Philosophy and Public Policy (school of public affairs), The
Case for Reparations. 2007.
The foregoing seems simple and plain enough. Why then do so many opponents of reparations confuse the matter? We might content ourselves to
speculate unflatteringly about their motives, were it not for the fact that the proponents of reparations often fall into the same and worse
confusions. A recent spate of articles in law reviews demonstrates that the distinctions among corporate, civic, and personal liability prove
elusive. These articles try to make the case for reparations and answer objections to it. To accept the reasonableness of reparations,
they contend, we have to abandon the "individualistic" models characteristic of American law and think in terms of
group rights and group wrongs. "The guiding paradigm of traditional remedies law," writes Rhonda Magee in the Virginia Law Review,
"is the one plaintiff, one defendant lawsuit in which the plaintiff seeks the position she would have occupied but for the wrong committed by the
defendant." Within this paradigm, the demand by blacks for reparations seems unsustainable, since we can no longer identify individual
successors to slave owners or state agents who promulgated legal oppression of blacks, nor separate out the respective harms to the successors of
those who lived under slavery and Jim Crow. However, at least with respect to the matter of liability, it is not the
"individualism" of American law that we need to give up but the assumption, implicitly at work here, that all
liability is personal. The argument for reparations fits comfortably enough within the traditional paradigm when we
make sure the focus is on corporate liability, for the corporate actor in question, the United States, is an "individual"
under law. Indeed, precisely because it is an "individual" that doesnt die, it can acquire and retain debts over many
generations, though individual Americans come and go. That is why Henry Hyde can indeed owe something as a result of his
ancestors actions.
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Reparations Solvency AT: Corporations Key

Corporations arent the same theyve already supported African-Americans
Cox 2 (James, Activists Challenge Corporations That They Say Are Tied To Slavery Team of legal and
academic stars pushes for apologies and reparations, 21/2/02, USA Today)
The connection between modern-day corporations and slavery can be tenuous. Records seldom show the extent to which a
given company depended on slave labor or profited from sales to slave owners . Many of the companies that are
potential targets for reparations lawsuits didn't exist until after emancipation, some not until the 20th century. Instead,
they bought the slave histories of other companies in corporate acquisitions over the years. Last August, insurance giant AIG, founded 54 years
after the Civil War, bought another insurer, American General. With the purchase came U.S. Life Insurance, which American General had
acquired in 1997. In going through U.S. Life's archives last fall, AIG discovered that the unit had insured slaves in its early years. Aetna first
confronted allegations it had insured slaves two years ago. Since then, it has struggled to put the matter to rest, apologizing and
pointing out that it funds college scholarships for African-Americans, pays for studies on racial disparities in
health care and sponsors a national forum on race. Antebellum-era slave polices ''don't reflect what our company
is today at all,'' says Aetna spokesman Fred Laberge. ''We have a strong record of diversity and supporting causes and
hiring.'' USA TODAY contacted all the companies named in this article. Some acknowledged the evidence, others disputed it. Many declined
comment. Of those that did comment, virtually all said the current company isn't liable for what happened before the Civil
War.
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Racism Solvency Federal Action = Global Spillover

The way the United States Federal Government acts on race policy creates a spill over
affect making our obligations global
Randall Robinson,
pg 123
2000, Harvard law Grad, political activist, author, The debt : what America owes to Blacks,
To many, the story may initially seem out of place because it is foreign. This is hardly the case. The United States is so unprecedentedly
powerful that it can best be understood (even in its domestic race relations) when observed from without. Those who
run America and benefit materially from its global hegemony regard the world as one place. So, then, must those
around the globe who are subject to Americas overwhelming social and economic influence. American racism is
not merely a domestic social contaminant but a principal American export as well . The very notion of the
nation-state has become little more than a convenient legal fiction or hiding place for anonymous and rapacious
interests.
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Racism Solvency Reparations key to Self-Sufficiency

Reparations are key to overcoming the ongoing threat of racism this compensation is key
to self-sufficiency
Constitutional Rights Foundation, non-profit organization designed to educate persons about the importance of
civic participation, Reparations for Slavery. 2009.
The claim for reparations is not against white Americans or even individual Americans. It is a claim against American government and society,
which has continued from the time of slavery. As all members of society share in society's benefits, they also must share the burdens in the form
of taxation. Through slavery, African
Americans were terribly wronged and modern blacks were robbed of

their inheritance. Further, blacks face racism every day. They deserve to be compensated. The
problems faced by many blacks today come from slavery and society's ongoing racism. Blacks
were uprooted from their homes in Africa and brutalized in America by a system that destroyed
the family structure and degraded the individual. When slavery ended, African Americans owned
nothing. Isolated and discriminated against, they were denied education, contacts with society,
and economic opportunity. Compared to whites, blacks remain in a disadvantaged position and
will remain so until they receive compensation and society's racism ends. Welfare, subsidized housing,
affirmative action, and other previous efforts to address socio-economic problems of the black underclass have been too little and too late. They
failed because society has failed to come to grips with the central problem--its own racism and discrimination. In some cases, social programs,
though well-intentioned, actually increased black isolation and further degraded the black community. In addition, these programs benefitted
other groups, not just blacks. By doing so, they failed to address the unique claims based on slavery that African-Americans have.
Reparations will not promote dependency. Instead, they will give individual African Americans and the
community as a whole a chance to create their own economic base and become self-reliant. The
cost of reparations may be great, but a debt is owed and must be paid. The moral claim for
reparations at least equals that of any other government program. America is a rich country, and
if the will exists, the money can be found.
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Racism Solvency Exposure Key

Exposure can overcome racial fallacies
SPI 6 (Slavery Reparations Gaining Momentum, July 10, 2006, Seattle Post-Intelligencer)
Reparations opponents insist that no living American should have to pay for a practice that ended more than 140 years
ago. Plus, programs such as affirmative action and welfare already have compensated for past injustices , said John H.
McWhorter, a senior fellow at the conservative Manhattan Institute. "The reparations movement is based on a fallacy that
cripples the thinking on race - the fallacy that what ails black America is a cash problem," said McWhorter, who is
black. "Giving people money will not solve the problems that we have." Even so, support is reaching beyond African-Americans and the South.
Katrina Browne, the white Episcopalian filmmaker, is finishing a documentary about her ancestors, the DeWolfs of Bristol, R.I., the biggest
slave-trading family in U.S. history. She screened it for Episcopal Church officials at the June convention. "Traces of the Trade: A Story From the
Deep North," details how the economies of the Northeast and the nation as a whole depended on slaves. "A lot of white people think they know
everything there is to know about slavery - we all agree it was wrong and that's enough," Browne said. "But this was the foundation of our
country, not some Southern anomaly. We all inherit responsibility." She says neither whites nor blacks will heal from slavery
until formal hearings expose the full history of slavery and its effects - an effort similar to South Africa's Truth and
Reconciliation Commission after apartheid collapsed.
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Racism Solvency AT: Turn: Plan Recognizes Race

( ) Reparations are key to ending biological racism its key to creating a colorblind
American society thats Zach
( ) This outweighs the turn even if the plan creates some focus on race, the end result is
comparatively better the plan allows for a transition away from race-dependent
programs like affirmative action thats Zach
( ) We control uniqueness racism is inevitable in the status quo only the plan can
transform racial society
43
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Property Rights Solvency Reparations Key

Slavery was a violation of property rights reparations are key compensation
Alston and Block 8 (Wilton D. and Walter E., September, Volume 9, Issue 3, p379-392, Human Rights Review,
How, then, should this repayment be funded? Reparations, at their root, should be based on property rights, that is, returning
stolen property to its rightful owner, not retribution. Yet most debate seems to center on retribution and why it is justified or not.5 Before
we attempt to place concepts like reparations into a consistent, logical, and moral context, let us examine the fact regarding the only method
available to the state for securing money theft. Frdric Bastiat (1962), in his pamphlet The Law, puts state-sponsored theft, which he refers to
as plunder, into scientific terms when he says: When a portion of wealth is transferred from the person who owns it,
without his consent, and without compensation, whether by force or fraud, to someone who does not own it, then I say that
property is violated and an action of plunder is committed . If someone stole something from you, having the
state steal from someone altogether different does not really solve the problem, does it? And if the state robbed or more
accurately, allowed someone else to pilfer something from your ancestors, does it make sense for them to now steal something from everyone
else and give it to you? Not at all. All that said, and despite anything David Horowitz6 (2000) might say, reparations are a legitimate issue.7 The
question is not if the debt is owed. The questions are: from whom it is owed; to whom it should be paid; and, how
best to fund that repayment . But in no case is it justified for the state to tax everyone so that some can get their property back, no matter
how often this has been done in the past. That is so, unless we seek to place ourselves at the trough of stolen spoils the state necessarily creates.
We have no desire to perpetuate theft, even for reasons as compelling as the debt based on slavery. Ironically, once one
embraces the logic of property rights, the arguments against reparations cease to be reasonable from any reasonable
perspective. It is a simple matter of proper assignment and recovery. But it does not involve the state at least not in the form of taxation. The
state cannot properly be used as a tool of theft, even for ostensibly just reasons.
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Property Rights Solvency Reparations Key AT: Welfare

Reparations create self-sufficiency they overcome the effects of dependency on welfare
Constitutional Rights Foundation, 2K9, non-profit organization designed to educate persons about the importance of
civic participation, Reparations for Slavery. 2009.
The claim for reparations is not against white Americans or even individual Americans. It is a claim against American
government and society, which has continued from the time of slavery. As all members of society share in society's benefits,
they also must share the burdens in the form of taxation. Through slavery, African Americans were terribly wronged and modern
blacks were robbed of their inheritance. Further, blacks face racism every day. They deserve to be compensated. The
problems faced by many blacks today come from slavery and society's ongoing racism. Blacks were uprooted from
their homes in Africa and brutalized in America by a system that destroyed the family structure and degraded the
individual. When slavery ended, African Americans owned nothing. Isolated and discriminated against, they were
denied education, contacts with society, and economic opportunity . Compared to whites, blacks remain in a
disadvantaged position and will remain so until they receive compensation and society's racism ends . Welfare,
subsidized housing, affirmative action, and other previous efforts to address socio-economic problems of the
black underclass have been too little and too late. They failed because society has failed to come to grips with the
central problem--its own racism and discrimination. In some cases, social programs, though well-intentioned, actually increased
black isolation and further degraded the black community. In addition, these programs benefitted other groups, not just blacks. By
doing so, they failed to address the unique claims based on slavery that African-Americans have . Reparations will
not promote dependency. Instead, they will give individual African Americans and the community as a whole a
chance to create their own economic base and become self-reliant. The cost of reparations may be great, but a
debt is owed and must be paid. The moral claim for reparations at least equals that of any other government
program. America is a rich country, and if the will exists, the money can be found.
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Property Rights Solvency Welfare Dependence High

African American welfare dependency is high
Jewell 3 (K. Sue, Sociology Professor in the Department of African American and African Studies at The Ohio
State University, "Survival of the african american family", @The African American Experience//northwestern-ak)
The most
direct response for which empirical verification exists is that government dependency was created by the
social and economic programs and legislation of the 1960s and 1970s. The paradox is that the very efforts
designed to promote economic independence for African American families were, in many ways, responsible for
government dependency for an inordinate number of African American families . Typically, when one speaks of
government dependency as a function of social and economic programs in the 1960s and 1970s, poor families that
were recipients of various forms of public assistance come to mind. But government dependency occurred for other African
American families, transcending socioeconomic levels. However, this is in no way intended to suggest that liberal social policy was totally
ineffective, nor does it imply that all social and economic programs had negative outcomes. Even more important is the realization that the
federal government does have and should continue to play a strategic role in developing, mediating, and enforcing social and economic programs.
Welfare only creates dependence on the government

Beckman 4 (James A.,Associate Professor, Law and Justice, @ University of Tampa, "affirmative action", @The
African American Experience//northwestern-ak)
The argument that the welfare system is fair compensation for African American slavery is infuriating to some
proponents of reparations who do not see the welfare system as providing any assistance toward self-reliance justly due to African Americans.
The welfare system, it is argued, is a method to placate recipients so that they remain dependent on the
government rather than taking desperate action to improve their situation. Reparations, on the other hand, involve
recognition that African Americans were grievously injured and deserve compensation . This argument is also
infuriating to some because of its implication that only African Americans are on welfare rolls. This implication, it is
argued, demonstrates that persons advancing this argument are laboring under racially biased stereotypes .
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AT: Apologies Solve Not Enough

[Note Inherency Answers all Appy]
Apologies themselves arent enoughmaterial reparations are vital for a true reconciliation
McGary 3 (Howard, Philosophy @ Rutgers, Achieving Democratic Equality: Forgiveness, Reconciliation, and
Reparations, The Journal of Ethics, Vol. 7, No. 1, pp. 93-113, Published @ Springer,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/25115750//northwestern-ak)
Many of the supporters
of reparations believe that the only way to achieve genuine reconciliation between the races is
for the U.S. Govern ment to acknowledge its debt of justice to African Americans . And a similar acknowledgement has been
an important ingredient of reconcili ation programs in Australia and South Africa.25 Furthermore, they believe that there cannot be any
hope for forgiveness unless this debt is acknowl edged. Therefore, it is extremely difficult for those who believe this debt has not been acknowledged to fully embrace the ideal of
one nation and one people. They believe that there must be some truth and reconcili ation before this ideal can be made real. But why do they believe that settling a debt of reparations is necessary for this truth and reconciliation to
occur? In Australia and South Africa there are active movements to bring about reconciliation between the victims of state sanctioned racial discrimi nation and the beneficiaries of this institutional racism. Individuals and institutions
. We find letters of apology

from white Australians and white South Africans that reveal in quite moving terms the regret that they feel for not actively opposing their
country's unjust policies and practices. These letters are nice, but, clearly by themselves, they do not constitute
reconciliation. And a relevant questions that is often asked is "what more is needed?" The call for more than an apology is
connected to the idea that there must be truth in the expression of regret and remorse , but it must also be true that
there is an accurate accounting of what actually took place. In other words, the apology must be genuine and there
in these countries have acknowledged the wrongness and the detrimental consequences of prolonged state sanctioned racism, and their guilt either by association or participation
should be no doubt about why the apology was necessary. Since we cannot see into the hearts and minds of others, we have to rely on less direct evidence to establish
that an apology is genuine or that a person is truly regretful or remorseful for past wrongdoing. So, a pertinent question is "what are these other forms of evidence?" For minor wrongs or infractions mere words may be enough, but
when serious wrongdoing has occurred, speech acts are not sufficient. Why not? It is common belief that it is easy to utter words of regret or remorse, but that some non-verbal demonstration of one's sincerity give us greater assurance
case of serious wrongs, they

are usually not enough to convince the victim that the apology is genuine . This is especially true when there has been some
unjust enrichment as a result of the wrongdoing. In such cases, relinquishing the unjust gains is a further sign of one's
sincerity. To apologize, but not to offer to return one's unfair benefits, cast doubt on one's sincerity . Of course, I
that our words are genuine. Sometimes the shedding of a tear, or our facial expressions can provide further evidence of a person's sincerity. These things are useful, but in the
am not maintaining that an offer to return one's ill-gotten gains entails that a person's apology is genuine, but it can count as evidence. However,
where the victim is entitled to reparation, this may be the best available evidence that the wrongdoer's apology is
genuine. So far we have discussed what can count as reliable evidence for the sincerity of a wrongdoers expression of remorse. Now I would
like to turn to a related, but different concern: the requirement that the wrongdoer give truthful account of what he did and why he did it. It is
important for the victims of wrongdoing to know that the perpetrators realize what they have done and how the victims have been affected by
their actions. This is why convicted criminals are given the opportunity to speak after the verdict in a criminal trial. They are given the
opportunity to speak in order to show that they appreciate the gravity of what they have done. Their statements can
influence the judge in the sentencing process. Reparations, when they are conceived properly, involve reassessment.
The reassessment requires the alleged victims to examine their victimiza tion , the alleged wrongdoers to come to
grips with what they have done, and the victims and the wrongdoers to explore their relationship with one another . In
a like manner, when a wrongdoer, be it the state or some other perpetrator, shows that there is an appreciation for the
consequences of their wrongdoing, this helps to make reconciliation more likely. And reconciliation requires that the
wronged and the wrongdoers be able to interact as moral equals. So reconciliation requires the parties to be as fully informed as possible. Given
that we are focusing on reconciliation between the victims of U.S. slavery and Jim Crow and their transgressors, it is proper to see the wrongs as
rights violations. However, it would be a mistake to assume that all cases of forgiveness and reconciliation are rights viola tions. For example, I
may feel especially close to a person who has been wronged through a violation of his rights and thus I may feel that I have been wronged even
though my rights have not been violated. And, as a consequence, I experience anger and resentment. This may be the case in the case of slavery. I
may feel wronged by the institution of slavery because my ancestors who were held as slaves had their rights violated. If this is so, present-day
African Americans may correctly feel that they are warranted in having negative feelings towards the perpetrators of
past injustices even though they were not personally treated in these unjust ways . Of course, it is not my contention that each
and every African American will respond to the injustice of slavery in this way. Some may not harbor negative feelings like anger or
resentment, but instead feel hurt or disappointed. But in either case, it seems proper to say whether it is anger or hurt feelings, the
wronged party has a grievance against the wrongdoers that needs to be overcome. But why should present day African Americans who have these
feelings think that they are morally justified in having them? Following Jeffrey Murphy's26 lead, one might argue that these negative feelings are
morally justified because when they occur in response to wrongdoing they are tied to a healthy self-concept. Or, put in another way, people who
do not have these feelings do not have the appropriate regard for their status as moral beings. Let us begin with the latter question. If forgiveness
can be seen as the overcoming of negative feelings caused by wrongdoing, one might wonder what the proper relationship should be between
forgiveness and reconciliation. Remember that both Australia and South Africa instituted reconciliation commissions . These commissions
define "reconciliation" as overcoming a breech in a valued relationship where a person or group has been
wronged by another person or group.27 In the case of Australia and South Africa, the valued relationship that was breeched was equal
citizen ship. Reconciliation occurs when the valued relationship is restored . So if there is a breech between present day
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African Americans and their govern ment due to slavery and Jim Crow, must African Americans forgive
their<CONTINUED>
48
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AT: Apologies Solve Not Enough

<CONTINUED>
government before reconciliation can occur? Is forgiveness a necessary condition of reconciliation? Uma Narayan has argued that
reconciliation can occur without forgive ness.28 If she is right, then perhaps African Americans and the U.S. Government can reconcile their
differences without forgiveness. But is forgiveness a necessary part of reconciliation? Here is Narayan's argument that it is not. She claims that
through a process of resignation that people can resign themselves to a situation that they once resented by adopting lower expectations. She
illustrates her point with the following example: A woman and a man are in a relationship where they both agree about what
is
expected of them in the relationship. But unfortunately, the man is repeatedly unable to keep his end of the bargain .
The woman feels anger and resentment about his failings and this leads to a breech in their relationship. But on reflection,
she comes to see that she values their rela tionship in spite of the shortcomings, so she lowers her expectations and once again
restores and values her relationship and no longer resents her partner.29 Is Narayan correct in identifying this as an example of
reconciliation? If she is, then this is not a case where one has eliminated or overcome one's resentment, but rather case where one has resigned
oneself to live with it. If forgiveness is the overcoming of righteous resentment, then we have a case where reconciliation
has occurred without forgiveness. A crucial part of her example and point is that resignation through lowered expectations can occur
without us holding the person who engages in this type of resignation in contempt or disgust. In other words, the resignation can be seen as
morally appropriate. But even if Narayan is right about this case, it does not appear that African Americans who
believe that they have been wronged as a result of slavery can lower their expectations about how the U.S.
Government should act without raising serious questions about whether they have the proper regard for the
demands of morality or them selves. Thus it does not appear that reconciliation can occur in this case without
forgiveness.
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Welfare Dependence Now AT: Affirmative Action Good

Affirmative action is a guise it helps the white more than African Americans
Jewell 3 (K. Sue, Sociology Professor in the Department of African American and African Studies at The Ohio
State University, "Survival of the african american family", @The African American Experience//northwestern-ak)
The formulation of liberal social policy, which led to the development of social and economic programs, is strongly related to the
decline of African American two-parent families and extended familial structures . Nevertheless, some African American
families, particularly those among the working and middle classes, were prosperous during the era of liberal social policy. In addition, some
African American underclass families experienced upward mobility. For the most part, African American families already enjoying middle-class
status before the 1960s continued to make gains in education and occupational areas. As a consequence, their socioeconomic status became more
firmly entrenched and less susceptible to adverse changes in the economy. However, African American underclass families felt the brunt of
industrial displacement, a downward economic spiral, and ineffective social and economic programs. Although modest gains were made, African
American families across all social and economic levels have been adversely affected by liberal social policies and the overall impenetrability of
societal institutions. What liberal social policy did was raise the hopes and aspirations of African American families to a level consistent with that
of white middle-class families. What it did not do was improve social and economic conditions throughout society or among African American
families so that the goals and objectives African American families shared with their white counterparts could be realized. In considering the
positive and negative effects of liberal social policy, analysts ask the inevitable question (which has been systematically used as a rhetorical pawn
by the major political parties), To what extent did social and economic programs sponsored and funded by the federal
government lead to widespread economic dependency? The most direct response for which empirical verification
exists is that government dependency was created by the social and economic programs and legislation of the 1960s
and 1970s. The paradox is that the very efforts designed to promote economic independence for African American
families were, in many ways, responsible for government dependency for an inordinate number of African American
families. Typically, when one speaks of government dependency as a function of social and economic programs in the 1960s and 1970s, poor
families that were recipients of various forms of public assistance come to mind. But government dependency occurred for other African
American families, transcending socioeconomic levels. However, this is in no way intended to suggest that liberal social policy was totally
ineffective, nor does it imply that all social and economic programs had negative outcomes. Even more important is the realization
that
the federal government does have and should continue to play a strategic role in developing, mediating, and
enforcing social and economic programs. Although some social and economic programs were detrimental to African American
families, others could be deemed successful. It is difficult to evaluate the relative effectiveness of various social and economic programs
developed and expanded during the 1960s and 1970s without examining other factors that affected their impact on African American families. If
we remember that the civil rights movement was responsible for spurring the resurgence of the feminist movement
and social activism by other members of society who, like African Americans, urged the redistribution of wealth and
power, we can understand how social and economic programs initially designed to elevate the status of African
American families became somewhat diluted. Though other groups, equally disenfranchised, were certainly warranted in seeking
redress for past inequities, the concessions made through liberal social-policy initiatives did little more than amass a modicum of resources that
were then divided among these contenders. The result was divisiveness, rather than unity, as African Americans, Hispanics, women, and others
were made to compete for limited set-aside resources. The way that contenders for economic and political power were forced to become social
competitors is evident in the history of one significant piece of legislation enacted during the 1960s. Affirmative action, which
received plaudits from supporters of liberal social policy, only superficially created benefits for African
American families, while generating relatively more opportunities for whites in America .
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2AC Add-On Reparations key to Value to Life

Lack of reparations precludes a legitimate embracing of African-Americans undermines
their fundamental value as an American citizen
I will begin with an account of reparations in general and then present briefly one explanation of why many present day African Americans
believe they are entitled to reparations from the U.S. Government. This explanations should not be seen as a final justification, but only as an
indic ation why the demand for reparations for African Americans might be seen a plausible. Next, if it is reasonable to assume that reparations to
African Americans are plausible, I then go on to explain why reparations might be necessary to fill the breech that is perceived to exist between
many African Americans and their government. This explanation will involve an examination of the relations ship between three concepts:
forgive ness, reconciliation, and reparations. Then I explore why an apology or reparations for slavery and Jim Crow might be necessary for
reconcili ation between many African Americans and their government. Finally, I examine the contention that the legislative process can be used
to obtain an apology or reparations from the government. An important part of this examination is a fairly close reading of Lani Quinier's
proposals for making the democratic process responsive to the perceived interests of African Americans as a group .16 I
close with some skeptical remarks about the efficacy of using Guinier's proposals to obtain an apology or repara tions from the U.S. Government
for the injustices of slavery and Jim Crow and about the likelihood that members of the majority will see the demand for reparations as something
they can endorse. I There are three ways that such an apology or black reparations might come about: (1) by executive
order (2) by judicial decision and (3) through the legislative process . Former U.S. President Bill Clinton suggested the executive
order route and met with great opposition.17 And a number of groups and individuals are trying to pursue reparation claims in the courts18 and
some legislators19 have endorsed legislation that would address these concerns. But to date none of these efforts have been
successful. Given the importance of the legislative process, I would like to spend some time discussing Guinier's proposal for changing this
process to make it more responsive to the perceived interests of African Americans. I will not attempt to give necessary and sufficient conditions
for democratic equality. However, I will assume for the sake of argument that democratic equality has not been achieved when there is the
existence of permanent minorities. A permanent minority exists when the majority is in agree ment on all or most of the
important issues and the minority disagree with the majority. And where the consequence is that the minority is unable to achieve
its important ends through the political process. I will also assuming that this can occur even when the minority is not denied its political or
economic rights in a de jure sense. II But before we turn to Guinier's proposals, I want to say a few things about how the U.S. as a society has
come to be where it is. For a country that is hundreds of years old, African Americans secured the right to vote only a
few decades ago. And this right to vote did not come about because the majority saw it simply as the right thing to do.
Quite to the contrary, it came about because of a process of political struggle and turmoil in which many people
sacrificed their lives to obtain the right to vote. So even though there have been legal and economic changes for the better in U.S.
society, many African Americans still believe that the U.S. owes them a debt of justice for what they and their
ancestors have endured. The historic and present demand for black reparations is a call for the settling of this debt. Above I
claimed that many African Americans believe that they cannot fully embrace the U.S. Government until these negative feelings and rightful
resentment are addressed. As the title of this article suggests, forgiveness, reconciliation, and reparations are possible ways to over
come this resentment felt by many African Americans . But do present day African Americans have to receive reparations before
they can forgive and reconcile with those who they deem to be responsible for the trans gressions? Is forgiveness for slavery a necessary part of a
program of reconciliation? Before we answer, let us briefly review the argument for black reparations. According to the argument for black
reparations, African Americans are owed reparations because some transgression has occurred. And those who have a transgressed have a moral
duty to repair the results of their transgressions. Unlike a compensation argument, the reparation argument depends upon
identifying the wronged party and the wrongdoer. A prin ciple of reparation is not a principle designed to promote
social utility or promote an egalitarian outcome of economic goods . It is designed to rectify violations of people's
rights. For John Locke and other liberal political theorists to deny a person's right to reparation amounts to a refusal to
recognize the full moral status of the person.20 In fact, acknowledging a duty of reparation is good evidence that
one views the wronged party as a bonafide member of the moral and political communities. According to Lockeans, a
political morality is rights-based and the proper role of the legitimate state is to protect rights and address rights violations .
Locke did not believe that the state should use its coercive powers to promote social utility if this involved violating
people's rights. It is clear that the political morality in the U.S. is strongly influenced by Lockean ideas. As U.S. citizens, African
Americans also have strong Lockean intuitions. So they often frame their political concerns in Lockean rights-based terms. The
demand for black reparations is no exception. Very few contemporary U.S. citizens would deny that U.S. slaves deserved
reparations for slavery. The debate over reparations for slavery focuses on whether present day African Americans are
entitled to repara tions and on whom would be obliged to settle this debt; not on whether slaves were the victims of a terrible
injustice. The critics question whether it would be just and wise for the U.S. Government to use tax dollars, tax exemptions or some other means
to settle a debt of justice to present day African Americans. The thoughtful and sincere criticisms of reparations for African Amer icans rest on the
complications involved in providing a compelling case. The critics of reparations question the legitimacy of the demand because all present day
51
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African Americans are not the descendants of chattel slaves. In fact, some are fairly recent immigrants. Critics argue that the call for reparations
conflates the following groups: (1) the willing perpetrators of injustice, (2) the culpable beneficiaries of injustice, (3) the <CONTINUED>
52
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2AC Add-On Reparations key to Value to Life

<CONTINUED>
non-culpable beneficiaries, and (4) the innocent bystanders. Or put in another way, all African Americans are not victims and all
white Americans are not perpetrators.21 believe that these complications can be addressed and I have tried to address them in some of
my other work.22 However, in this discussion, I do not wish to take up those issues. I want to focus on why the debt of justice, if owed to African
Americans, ought to have some priority. As I have claimed elsewhere, a duty of reparations has two dimensions: a material and a
psychological dimension. Both are important, but I wish to explore why reparations are very important and necessary. Perhaps too
much attention has been given to the material aspects of the demand for reparations. The psychological aspect of
reparations may be more important. The call for reparation can be seen in part as an apology for slavery and as a
way of overcoming victimization and, in the minds of some supporters, as a way moving closer to the ideal of a racially
assimilated society. If putting the victimization behind one is an indispensable first step in achieving forgiveness and
reconciliation, a
failure to do this may cause many African Americans to sit on the fence and not
fully embrace their U.S. identity because the U.S. Government has not acknowledged in an official way its role in the
victimization of African American people. This is not to say that African Americans have not served their country in times of
need. Clearly they have supported the country in numerous ways, and they have fought and died in defense of U.S. ideals, but,
nonetheless, many have remained ambivalent about fully identifying as U.S. citizens. Many African Americans believe
that they still suffer because of the legacies of U.S. slavery and Jim Crow, but they realize that we live in political climate that
stigmatizes black victimization. In fact, a prevalent view is that a person who sees herself as a victim of past discrimination is someone who is
unwilling to take advantage of existing opportunities. Acknowledging black victimization is often described in pejorative terms
as "playing the race card,"23 or as a "victim's mentality."24 And playing the race card is a practice that is taken to be at odds
with the U.S. ideal of judging persons by their deeds rather than their racial identities. This practice is taken to be
incompatible with genuinely working to achieve a racially assimilated society. There is not a logical or practical incompatibility
between acknowl edging a history of racial discrimination and working hard to be successful in life . However, because
of their life circumstances, people deal with discrimination and injustice in different ways. Some people are able to succeed in spite of it while
others may be broken by it. But success and failure is usually not an individual achievement, it often depends upon
networks and support systems. African American children who live in poverty need to know that they bear no
responsibility for being born into a family that lives in a poor black community with inadequate schools and
other services. Acknowledging the historical conditions that contributed to the formulation of such communities is
not to coddle these children. Nor does it blind them to real opportunities. In the debate over how to remedy the effects of past
racial discrimi nation we find two approaches: backward-looking and forward-looking justifications. Reparations are an example of the former
approach. Those who are called upon to give up holdings that they presently have in their possession because they have a duty of reparations are
only asked to do so because they have been wrongdoers. And those who receive these holdings are entitled to them only because they have been
wronged. Supporters of black reparations want to change the status quo, but they do so for different reasons than
egalitarians or utilitarians.
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2AC Add-On Cultural Value

The debasing of culture makes life meaningless it socially bankrupts us
Randall Robinson, 2000, Harvard law Grad, political activist, author, The debt : what America owes to Blacks,
pg 218
Culture is the matrix on which the fragile human animal draws to remain socially healthy . As fish need the sea, culture,
with its timeless reassurance and its seeming immortality, offsets for the frail human spirit the brevity, the careless
accidentalness of life. An individual human life is easy to extinguish. Culture is leaned upon as eternal . It flows
large and old around its children. And it is very hard to kill. Its murder must be undertaken over hundreds of years and countless
generations. Pains must be taken to snuff out every traditional practice, every alien word , every heaven-sent ritual, every
pride, every connection of the soul, gone behind and reaching ahead. The carriers of the doomed culture must be ridiculed and
debased and humiliated. This must be done to their mothers and their fathers, their children, their childrens children and their children after
them. And there will come a time of mortal injury to all of their souls, and their culture will breathe no more. But they
will not mourn its passing, for they will by then have forgotten that which they might have mourned.
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2AC Add-On Civic Engagement

Reparations will create a sustainable democratic politics establishes social justice by
eliminating institutional racism
Balfour 5 (Lawrie, @ University of Virginia, Reparations after Identity, Political Theory, Vol. 33, No. 6,
December, pp. 786-811, Sage Publications, Inc., http://www.jstor.org/stable/30038464//northwestern-ak)
Crucially, the
idea of reparations as a critical discourse is always linked to efforts to make material change in the lives
of African Americans. Here too, it is important to note that specific commitments to African American commu-nities need
not benefit them exclusively. The example of Reconstruction, which targeted the welfare of the freedmen and women but
also created new educational possibilities, social welfare programs, and more democratic state constitutions throughout the
South, indicates the broader democratic effects that might follow from attending to the lingering impact of
slavery.89 Ideed, one of the central contributions of reparations activism is its capacity to undermine the idea that
effecting improvement in some of the most neglected U.S. communities would somehow only be to the good of
black citizens. As Kelley observes: "By looking at the reparations campaign in the United States as a social movement,
we discover that it was never entirely, or even primarily, about the money. The demand for reparations was about
social jus-tice, reconciliation, reconstructing the internal life of black America, and eliminating institutional racism."90 It is not
necessary, finally, to see in the quest for reparations an example of "left melancholia," a brooding antipolitics that stands accusingly "to the left of
the possible."91A lthough Brown paints a recognizable picture of a kind of radical posturing that focuses on unsatisfiable grievances, and her
account aptly captures some elements of the reparations movement, the dismissal of all reparations demands as examples of this kind of posturing
disguises the ways in which the idea of redress for slavery has been, since the nineteenth century, figured as outside "the possible." It elides those
reparations claims that go beyond good and evil, that contest the assumptions of liberal legal dis-course and imagine how to evoke the complex
haunting of the American present, that aspire to obtain redress without requiring that African Ameri-cans present themselves as helpless victims
or as super-Americans, and that attempt to harness state power and criticize it simultaneously. Thus, one might ask why critics are so quick to
dismiss a movement that has galvanized a range of actors, including grassroots activists as well as lawyers, lawmak-ers, and academics. The
rejection of reparations per se--rather than critical assessment of different, specific arguments for reparations- and the desire to
eschew any complicity with state power raise unsettling questions about whose left melancholia pervades the most
acute political theorizing today. If the political energy and purpose generated in the pursuit of reparations does
not represent a promising example of democratic politics, then what does?
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Civic Engagement Solvency Reparations Key Ext

Lack of reparations is a breech in civic democracy
Assimilationists are more optimistic about what people of different races can achieve by cooperating with each other even against a back ground
of a tragic history of slavery, Jim Crow, and racism. Some racial assimilationists in this group even believe that the way to achieve such
cooperation is to do away with the very idea of races and move forward from this point under some version of a race-blind principle.8 However,
others claim that we must still acknowledge racial identities, and the exper iences that have accompanied those identities, though we should not
let our painful memories prevent us from achieving a more inclusive and just U.S.9 But even some of the supporters of the
assimilationist ideal are skeptical of the view that African Americans should forgive and forget their awful history .
Like Baldwin they support working towards one U.S., but they reject the idea that Africans must forgive and give up their racial
identities before they can engage in such a transformative effort . But before we can say whether African Americans
should forgive and forget, we must have an adequate account of forgiveness. I have attempted to provide such an account in
Between Slavery and Freedom: Philosophy and American Slavery.10 There I argue that the reasons for forgiving or failing to forgive are "selfpertaining" and that forgiving or refusing to forgive primarily involves the agent's feeling about the elimination of her resentment that is caused
by wrongdoing. Eliminating this resentment is often a way of getting on with one's life and shaping a different future.
On my account, it might make sense for African Americans to forgive those who have caused harmed to them
individually and as a people. However, some ways of understanding forgiveness are such that in the case of certain wrongs that are so
awful and far reaching that the victims should never forgive the wrongdoers. How we decide this question has an important bearing on achieving
democratic equality? As we shall see, there are various proposals and ways of conceptual izing how we can move from our
present situation to a more democratic society. Rorty's neo-pragmatist way of understanding this transformative effort
expresses a lack of interest in the usefulness of viewing this project in terms of knowledge and truth. He rejects any philosophical basis
for assessing competing claims about how to understand and achieve genuine human flourishing. His strategy is to
use the pragmatist tradition as a way of assisting intellectuals in places like Central and Eastern Europe who are struggling to
shape the post-totalitarian democratic institutions and public policies. Judith Green11 has applauded Rorty's efforts at revising Amer
ican pragmatism, particularly the work of John Dewey, but she criticizes him for distorting Dewey's message. In particular, she criticizes him for
his swift dismissal of multicultural education and other related diversity efforts in the U.S. for promoting understanding across racial differences.
However, it is not my purpose hear to evaluate Rorty's neo-pragmatism or Green's criticisms of it. I mention them only to point out that even
amongst philosophers who believe that working towards an inclusive democracy is a laudable goal, there is serious disagreement over how this
task should be conceptualized. Any viable account of how to achieve democratic equality in the U.S. must address group
domination. And, I believe, any realistic account of group domination must be holistic. It cannot be explained only by
reference to the attitudes or psychologies of the dominant group. Nor can it be explained by reference to economic forces. Nor can
it be explained by reference only to the political structure. Nor can it be explained by refer ence only to culture. It is instead to
be explained by the complex interplay of all of these determinants. Nonetheless, it is clear that the political struc tures and
processes have played an important role in any viable explanation of why certain groups are dominated. Given the horrible legacy of U.S.
slavery and Jim Crow, is it realistic to think that the U.S. can eliminate the vestige of racism without adopting policies and
programs that give moral and legal significance to racial identities ? This question is complicated by the fact that the vestige of
racism still haunts us.
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Civic Engagement Solvency Reparations Key Ext

This avoidance is a fundamental breech in democratic society
Dawson and Popoff 4 (Michael C., African American Studies @ Harvard, and Rovana, Pol Sci @ University of
Chicago, "reparations justice and greed in black and white", http://journals.cambridge.org/download.php?file=
%2FDBR
%2FDBR1_01%2FS1742058X04040056a.pdf&code=1e1b7cf5f8ca166ad990e75cf703ee45//northwestern-ak)
Abigail Thernstrom has labeled one of the authors, and colleagues such as Larry Bobo, as part of the doom and
gloom industry+ But in many ways we are actually optimists+ Some Black nationalists would label such optimism
nave and hopelessly misguided+ We support the project that Lani Guinier and Gerald Torres outline in their new
book, The Miners Canary, Enlisting Race, Resisting Power, Transforming Democracy, to use struggles for racial
justice to enhance and strengthen American democracy+ Similarly, we agree with Robin Kelley when he argues in
Freedom Dreams: The Black Radical Imagination, that race can be enlisted to engender a debate not
only about racial justice, but also about the dreams of democracy and equality that all
Americans pursue+ For those dreams to be realized, America will soon have to grow up and
learn how to discuss matters of race+ The White Left, along with the rest of the nation, will have to
come to acknowledge that, for over a century, ignoring issues marked by racial division
issues such as reparations and apologies for slavery has delayed our democratic
development+ Such ignorance has no place in our future+ The alternative, as Dr+ King lamented, is to have
racial injustice continue to be a cancer that eats at the moral fabric of the nation+
2AC Impact Add-On -
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***AT: Off-Case Arguments

2AC T Social Services
1. We meet the plan reduces dependence on welfare assistance it creates African selfsufficiency thats the Harvard Law Review
It is a social program
Myers 5 (Aaron, @ Africana Encyclopedia, "Reparations", Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African
American Experience, Second Edition, @Oxford AA Studies Center//northwestern-ak)
Reparations Government-administered funding and social programs intended to compensate African Americans for the
past injustices of slavery and discrimination.
2. Counter-Interpretation social services eliminate welfare dependency they create selfsufficiency

Green Book 2k3 [The House Ways and Means Committee Green Book provides program descriptions and
historical data, SECTION 10 - TITLE XX SOCIAL SERVICES BLOCK GRANT PROGRAM,
http://waysandmeans.house.gov/media/pdf/greenbook2003/Section10.pdf]
The purpose of the Title XX Social Services Block Grant Program is to provide assistance to States to enable them to furnish services
directed at one or more of five broad goals: $ Achieving or maintaining economic self-support to prevent, reduce, or
eliminate dependency; $ Achieving or maintaining self-sufficiency, including reduction or prevention of dependency; $
Preventing or remedying neglect, abuse, or exploitation of children and adults unable to protect their own interests, or preserving,
rehabilitating or reuniting families; $ Preventing or reducing inappropriate institutional care by providing for community-based
care, home-based care, or other forms of less intensive care; and $ Securing referral or admission for institutional care when other forms of care
are not appropriate, or providing services to individuals in institutions.
3. Prefer our interpretation it defines Title 20:

A) This is the cornerstone of social services
Parham 82 [Jim, former professsor of social welfare at the University of Georgia Administration In Social Work,
6:2, Social Service Issues and Challenges in the 1980s', August, DOI: 10.1300/J147v06n02_08]
Neil Gilbert,
discussing the "transformation of social services," uses Title XX as his "focal point" because "it provides the
largest single source of social service funds" and"... represents the cornerstone of the emerging structure of social
services in the United States" (emphasis added) (Gilbert & Specht, 1974). Knowledgeable readers would find nothing inaccurate about what
Gilbert says, but it could be puzzling to less informed persons to read the entire Title XX Statute and find the phrase "social services" used only
once, buried innocuously in Section 2003. The text of the law determinedly limits itself to -the word "services," referring to
those activities which can be supported if they are directed at the five basic goals enumerated under the Act : Economic
self-support; personal self sufficiency; protection from abuse, neglect and exploitation; prevention of inappropriate institutionalization; and
arrangement for appropriate institutional care.
B) Provides stable ground

Parham 82 [Jim, former professsor of social welfare at the University of Georgia Administration In Social Work,
6:2, Social Service Issues and Challenges in the 1980s', August, DOI: 10.1300/J147v06n02_08]
Before I go further, let me state that in pursuing these topics , the term "social services" will be used by me as roughly equivalent to
those services that can be supported with Federal Title XX funds. This does not settle the confusion, but it makes for a subject
more narrow than human services" yet broader than "social work services ." It excludes income maintenance
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provision, tax supported education programs generally available to an citizens, services that are primarily medical in nature, and
the maintenance of institutions for residential care, treatment or incarceration. It focuses primarily on those community-based
activities designed to accomplish the five stated goals in the Title XX Statute (Slack, 1979).
2AC T Social Services

4. They overlimit this topic already sucks states counterplans and poverty key warrants
make it hard to come up with aff ideas err broad politics and kritiks always give the
negative something to say
5. Reasonability solves your impact competing interpretations leads to a race to the
bottom
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2AC T Social Services AT: Govt Definition

Their focus on status quo government restrictions regarding social policy undermines
innovative solutions guts policy implementation and turns education
Walker 81 (Dr Alan Walker joined the Department in 1977 and has been a Lecturer, Senior Lecturer and Reader
in Social Policy. He was appointed Professor of Social Policy in 1985 and was Head of Department from 1988 to
1996. He directed the 3.5 million ESRC Growing Older Programme, 1999-2004, and the UK National Collaboration
on Ageing Research, 2001-2004. He is currently Director of the 20 million ESRC, EPSRC, BBSRC, MRC and
AHRC New Dynamics of Ageing Programme and is also Director of the European Research Area in Ageing and is
spending most of his time on research. Nonetheless he still supervises a large number of postgraduate students and
was until recently the Research Director for the Social Sciences Division in the University. Social Policy, Social
Administration and the Social Construction of Welfare, EBSCO)
Abstract Teaching and research in social administration have been dominated by the study of the public social
services. Some of the limitations of this approach have been exposed by the perpetuation and growth of inequality in
welfare state societies. Existing conceptions of social policy do not provide an adequate framework for the
study of the social production and exploitation of inequality. The tendency to equate social policy with the institutionalized
welfare state has reinforced the insular tendencies in British social administration, overemphasized the importance of government in the
distribution of resources and fostered a false image of the benevolent state as the embodiment of welfare principles. Alternative definitions
of social policy are needed to ensure that the analysis of welfare is more comprehensive than that carried out so far
within the framework of social administration. It is argued that the essential aspect of social policies are their
distributional implications or outcomes. Social policies may be made implicitly or explicitly, by a wide range of
social institutions and groups, including the state. The task of social policy analysis is to evaluate the distributional
impact of existing policies and proposals and the rationales underlying them . In such analyses attention will be focused
less on the problems of individuals or clients, than on the behavior of organizations, professions and classes in order
to balance descriptions of the institutional framework through which the welfare state is administered with analysis
of the social production and maintenance of inequality. Unless social policy teaching and research adapts its tools
and methods to take account of these social factors it is likely to become increasingly detached from the real
world of social welfare. Whether or not the welfare state is in or on the brink of a crisis, the fact that thirty years
of institutionalized social service provision has not produced a major change in the unequal structure of
British society is now, surely, firmly established.2 The evolution of this realization has been accompanied by
periodic expressions of dissatisfaction about the limitations of the definition of social policy, both as an
activity or practice and as an academic subject; social administration . Recent analyses of the political economy
of welfare have, like their famous predecessors, exposed some short-comings in the current conceptions of social
policy, and have succeeded in sowing the seeds of alternative and more sociological approaches .3 However, these
critiques have usually remained implicit, and the need for a reassessment of the scope of social policy teaching
and research has not been openly and consistently recognized . There are signs that, as a result, the boundaries
of the subject are becoming increasingly blurred, with a split emerging between what some social policy
analysts do and what is traditionally defined as being the concern of social administration . This is not only
confusing for students and others but more importantly this division may be exploited by those whose
interests would be harmed by alternative analyses of social policy . Furthermore, there are signs hat important social
developments which affect welfare fundamentally, arc not receiving critical attention from social administrators
because they fall outside of the compass of the subject as it has developed since the Second World War. Social
administration, as the amalgam of disciplines within which social policy is studied is anachronistically called, is a relatively young and
developing subject and it is not surprising, therefore, if its scope is questioned from time to time. However, despite the pioneering work of
Titmuss in outlining the three divisions of welfare and Townsend in formulating the basis of a sociological approach to social policy, traditional
conceptions oldie subject have proved to be remarkably resilient.4 Whilst the coverage of welfare provisions in the private sector,
such as health insurance and employers fringe benefits. has increased in recent years. social administration has
continued to concentrate its attention on government action through the five social services: health, education,
social security, housing and personal social services. As a result, social administration has not yet succeeded in
providing a systematic framework for the analysis of the perpetuation and growth inequalities in welfare state
societies; choosing instead, for the most part, to remain passive, at best describing them and at worst ignoring them.
For example. the impact of inflation and income policies on stratification are rarely considered by social administrators. and far from being
incorporated into a theory of social policy, they are too often seen as being the province of economists alone. This, of course, partly
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reflects the fact that economists and sociologists, by and large, have also failed to provide the necessary framework
<CONTINUED>
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2AC T Social Services AT: Govt Definition

<CONTINUED>
within which to study social development. It is not intended to lay claim to large sections of disciplines such as
economics and politics, nor to attempt to define precisely the boundaries of social policy. These aims would be
presumptuous and. I think, fruitless tasks for a subject that. is by definition. inter-disciplinary . As Donnison has argued:
The distinctive feature of our subject is neither its body of knowledge (for most of this could be incorporated into other disciplines) nor its
theoretical structure (for it has very little), and we arc not interested in methodology for its own sake. Neither is it my intention to attempt to reopen the discussion on the shopping-list of social as opposed to other policies. which Slack has dismissed as neither profitable nor interesting.7
Rather, this paper attempts to tackle some of the issues surrounding the continuing difficulty of studying social
welfare within the framework of existing definitions of social policy as social administration. Although a definition
of social policy is proposed. this is not posited as a final answer, but as a tentative suggestion, which it is hoped might play some part in an
ongoing and fruitful discussion. Despite some well-known exceptions, the study of social administration has focused its attention almost
exclusively on the public welfare activities of government. One important reason for this is the successful social construction of welfare as the
welfare state or government intervention in welfare. Social administration has, in turn, reinforced this stereotype through
research and teaching. But while they continue to concentrate on government and its legislation, social
administrators are in danger of ignoring the distributional outcomes of decisions made by other powerful social
institutions and groups, including other sectors of the state as well as financial and business concerns. If social
administration is to encompass adequately the analysis of welfare or dis-welfare, as the result of the distributional outcomes of various
institutionalized social policies, it must at some stage re-examine its definition and scope . This process of re-examination
assumes, of course, that it is possible and desirable to arrive at a single definition of social policy or social
administration. Titmuss referred to this as the unsoluble problem.8 However, the problem is not so much a lack of alternative
and untainted terms, as an absence of clear agreement amongst analysts on the meaning of concepts that arc
generally held to be central to the subject. Existing consensus appears to be confined to the study of certain parts
of the policy system. When this lack of agreement, therefore, is translated into a reluctance to investigate some
integral pans of the institutionalized policy process, then some discussion of the nature of the subject is clearly
called for. This need is further emphasized by the implications for the study of social policy of the failure of the welfare state significantly to
affect either the prevailing distribution of resources and power in society. or the social differentiation of welfare. The fact that social
administration is a field rather than a discipline should not be allowed to inhibit attempts at the clearer definition of
the scope and meaning of social policy, if this will facilitate the study of welfare as a whole.
\
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2AC T Poverty
1. We Meet African Americans inherit the right to government reparations all slaves
were in poverty thats Green
2. Counter-Interpretation in means that the persons must be affected by poverty
Websters 9 (in, Webster's new world college dictionary, http://www.yourdictionary.com/in)//northwestern-ak
1. contained or enclosed by; inside; within in the room, in the envelope 2. wearing; clothed by to dress in one's best 3. during the course of done in a day 4. at or before the end of return
in an hour 5. perceptible to (one of the senses) the town is in sight; he told a lie in my hearing 6. limited by the scope of in my opinion 7.
1. being a member of or worker at in the navy,
in business
2. being a student at she's in college
3. being an inmate of to be in prison 8. out of a group or set of one in ten will fail 9. amidst; surrounded by in a storm, in total
10. affected by (a specified state or condition); having he's in trouble
darkness
; they were in tears 11. engaged or occupied by (an activity
or process) in a search for truth, deep in thought 12. with regard to; as concerns weak in faith, to vary in size, six feet two in height 13. so as to form; arranged to produce the form or shape of
hair done in curls, standing in a line 14. with; by; using to paint in oils, written in English, sculpture done in wood 15. because of; for to cry in pain 16. by way of; for the purpose of do this in
my defense 17. as a part of the capacity or function of; belonging to he didn't have it in him to cheat; can you find it in yourself to forgive her? 18. into [break it in two; come in the house]:
when the idea of motion from outside to inside is intended, into is generally preferred 19. living or located at vacationing in Venice
And poverty is a deficiency in necessary properties

Webster's New World College Dictionary 5 ("poverty definition",
http://www.yourdictionary.com/poverty)//northwestern-ak
noun
e 1. the condition or quality of being poor; indigence; need
2. deficiency in necessary properties or desirable qualities, or in a specific quality, etc.; inadequacy poverty of the soil, her poverty of
imagination
3. smallness in amount; scarcity; paucity
And we meet African Americans lack necessary property rights and social acceptance
thats Green
3. Government definitions of poverty are bad they purposely exclude African Americans
as part of a flawed economic calculation thats Green the impact is our aff
4. Extra-topicality is good
A) More Neg Ground opens up disad viability and PIC ground
B) Counterplans solve your unpredictability claims
C) At worst, just reject the extra-topical planks
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2AC T Poverty
5. Poverty isnt just economic their market focus causes extinction
Shiva 6 (Vandana, After receiving her B.S in Physics, she pursued a M.A. in philosophy at the University of
Guelph (Ontario, Canada). In 1979, she completed her Ph.D. in Quantum Theory Physics at the University of
Western Ontario, ounded the Research Foundation for Science, Technology and Ecology, The History of Poverty,
http://www.geezmagazine.org/affluence/think/3/the-history-of-poverty, dated by last citation) Zanezor
In Staying Alive, I had
referred to book entitled Poverty: the Wealth of the People in which an African writer draws a
distinction between poverty as subsistence, and misery as deprivation. It is useful to separate a cultural
conception of simple, sustainable living as poverty from the material experience of poverty that is a result of
dispossession and deprivation. Culturally perceived poverty need not be real material poverty: sustenance
economies, which satisfy basic needs through self-provisioning, are not poor in the sense of being deprived. Yet the
ideology of development declares them so because they do not participate overwhelmingly in the market economy,
and do not consume commodities produced for and distributed through the market even though they might be satisfying
those needs through self-provisioning mechanisms. Poor. People are perceived as poor if they eat millets (grown by women) rather
than commercially produced and distributed processed junk foods sold by global agri-business. They are seen as poor if they live in self-built
housing made form ecologically adapted natural material like bamboo and mud rather than in cement houses. They are seen as poor if they wear
handmade garments of natural fibre rather than synthetics. Sustenance, as culturally perceived poverty, does not necessarily imply a low physical
quality of life. On the contrary, because sustenance economies contribute to the growth of natures economy and the social economy, they ensure
a high quality of life measure in terms of right to food and water, sustainability of livelihoods, and robust social and cultural identity and
meaning. On the other hand, the poverty of the 1 billion hungry and the 1 billion malnutritioned people who are victims of obesity suffer from
both cultural and material poverty. A system that creates denial and disease, while accumulating trillions of dollars of super profits for
agribusiness, is a system for creating poverty for people. Poverty is a final state, not an initial state of an economic
paradigm, which destroys ecological and social systems for maintaining life, health and sustenance of the
planet and people. And economic poverty is only one form of poverty. Cultural poverty, social poverty, ethical
poverty, ecological poverty, spiritual poverty are other forms of poverty more prevalent in the so called rich North
than in the so called poor South. And those other poverties cannot be overcome by dollars. They need compassion and
justice, caring and sharing. Ending poverty requires knowing how poverty is created. However, Jeffrey Sachs views poverty as the original
sin. As he declares: A few generations ago, almost everybody was poor. The Industrial Revolution led to new riches, but much of the world was
left far behind. This is totally false history of poverty, and cannot be the basis of making poverty history. Jeffrey Sachs has got it wrong. The poor
are not those who were left behind, they are the ones who were pushed out and excluded from access to their own wealth and resources. The
poor are not poor because they are lazy or their governments are corrupt. They are poor because their wealth has been appropriated and wealth
creating capacity destroyed. The riches accumulated by Europe were based on riches appropriated from Asia, Africa and Latin America. Without
the destruction of Indias rich textile industry, without the take over of the spice trade, without the genocide of the native American tribes, without
the Africas slavery, the industrial revolution would not have led to new riches for Europe or the U.S. It was the violent take over of Third World
resources and Third World markets that created wealth in the North but it simultaneously created poverty in the South. Myths. Two
economic myths facilitate a separation between two intimately linked processes: the growth of affluence and the
growth of poverty. Firstly, growth is viewed only as growth of capital. What goes unperceived is the destruction in
nature and in peoples sustenance economy that this growth creates. The two simultaneously created externalities of growth
environmental destruction and poverty creation are then casually linked, not to the processes of growth, but to each other. Poverty, it is stated,
causes environmental destruction. The disease is then offered as a cure: growth will solve the problems of poverty and environmental crisis it has
given rise to in the first place. This is the message of Jeffrey Sachs analysis. The second myth that separates affluence from poverty,
is the assumption that if you produce what you consume, you do not produce. This is the basis on which the
production boundary is drawn for national accounting that measures economic growth. Both myths contribute to the
mystification of growth and consumerism, but they also hide the real processes that create poverty. First, the
market economy dominated by capital is not the only economy , development has, however, been based on the growth of the
market economy. The invisible costs of development have been the destruction of two other economies : natures
processes and peoples survival. The ignorance or neglect of these two vital economies is the reason why
development has posed a threat of ecological destruction and a threat to human survival, both of which, however, have
remained hidden negative externalities of the development process. Instead of being seen as results of exclusion, they are
presented as those left behind. Instead of being viewed as those who suffer the worst burden of unjust growth in the form of poverty, they are
false presented as those not touched by growth. This false separation of processes that create affluence from those that create poverty is at the
core of Jeffrey Sachs analysis. His recipes will therefore aggravated and deepen poverty instead of ending it. Economies. Trade and exchange
of goods and services have always existed in human societies, but these were subjected to natures and peoples
economies. The elevation of the domain of the market and man-made capital to the position of the highest
organizing principle for societies has led to the neglect and destruction of the other two organizing principles
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ecology and survival which maintain and sustain life in nature and society. Modern economies and concepts of
<CONTINUED>
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2AC T Poverty
<CONTINUED>
development cover only a negligible part of the history of human interaction with nature. For centuries, principles of sustenance have given
human societies the material basis of survival by deriving livelihoods directly from nature through self-provisioning mechanisms. Limits in
nature have been respected and have guided the limits of human consumption. In most countries of the South large numbers of people continue to
derive their sustenance in the survival economy which remains invisible to market-oriented development. All people in all societies
depend on natures economy for survival. When the organizing principle for societys relationship with nature is
sustenance, nature exists as a commons. It becomes a resource when profits and accumulation become the
organizing principle for societys relationship with nature is sustenance, nature exists as a commons . It becomes a
resource when profits and accumulation become the organizing principles and create an imperative for the
exploitation of resources for the market. Without clean water, fertile soils and crop and plant genetic diversity,
human survival is not possible. These commons have been destroyed by economic development, resulting in the creation of a new
contradiction between the economy of natural processes and the survival economy, because those people deprived of their traditional land and
means of survival by development are forced to survive on an increasingly eroded nature.
6. Err aff states counterplan and poverty key warrant make it hard to come up with good
aff ideas on this shitty topic
7. Reasonability solves your impact competing interpretations leads to a race to the
bottom
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2AC Vagueness Sufficient

( ) Not vague we define reparations to descendents of slaves they can read any disad to
that
( ) Solvency advocate checks it defines the intent of our plan text
( ) Cross-x checks forces us to clarify the mechanism of the plan
( ) Vagueness Good
A) Increases disad ground they can read any disad to sufficient
B) Prevents Stupid PICs like XO which eliminate the core discussion behind
reparations
( ) Not a voting issue at worst, they can read the counterplan or disad of their choice
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Generic AT: DAs Risk Calculus

( ) Your logic is fundamentally flawed the prioritization of impacts without accounting
for the effects of discrimination was the very logic that justified slavery in the first place
this has violated private property rights and has created a perception of biological
dominance thats Green
( ) This makes your impacts inevitable only by changing the governments mode of
politics can create sustainable change thats Thompson
( ) It precludes your disads the ballot must be fundamentally tied to ethics as the
foremost method of evaluating the round without such an analysis every human rights
abuse becomes justified
Dr. Maulana Karenga, professor and chair of the Department of Black Studies at California State University,
The Ethics of Reparations: Engaging the Holocaust of Enslavement. 2001.
The struggle for reparations for the Holocaust of Enslavement of African people is clearly one of the most important
struggles being waged in the world today. For it is about fundamental issues of human freedom, human justice and
the value we place on human life in the past as well as in the present and future. It is a struggle which, of necessity,
contributes to our regaining and refreshing our historical memory as a people remembering and raising up the
rightful claims of our ancestors to lives of dignity and decency and to our reaffirming and securing the rights and
capacity of their descendants to live free, full and meaningful lives in our times. But this struggle, like all our struggles,
begins with the need for a clear conception of what we want, how we define the issue and explain it to the world and what is to be done to
achieve it. There are several ways to frame and approach this important issue or rather different aspects to one larger project: (1) the legislative
dimension as with the Conyers Bill, H.R. 40 and local and state bills and resolutions; (2) the legal as N'COBRA and the Harvard group are doing;
(3) the political by which there is mass organization to support the project; (4) the economic which is the major focus of all the above efforts; and
(5) the ethical initiative which I wish to engage in this paper. Our contention in the Organization Us is that the ethical dimension is the
first and most fundamental dimension of the reparations issue and that unless that is engaged and successfully
pursued, the issue of reparations will appear to lack moral grounding in the court of national and world opinion,
and thus, will be cast as a claim unworthy of support on any other level. In consideration of the issue of reparations as
essentially and foremost an ethical issue, it must above all be framed in ethical terms. Therefore, the struggle for reparations begins
with the definition of the horrendous injury to African people which demands repair. In other words, to talk of reparations is first to identify and
define the injury, to say what it is and is not, to define its nature and its impact on the one(s) injured. Unless this is done first and maintained
throughout the process, there is no case for reparations only an incoherent set of claims without basis in ethics or law.
( ) Turn Sacrifices The only way reparations will have meaning is if the government is
forced to make a sacrifice their disad is a means of avoiding these sacrifices which
devoids the reparation of any meaning thats Hall
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Generic AT: DAs Risk Calculus

( ) We cant look forward until we rectify past injustices
Margaret Reed Holmgren and Heimir Geirsson, 2K associate professor in the Department of Philosophy and
Religious Studies at Iowa University/ assistant professor at Iowa University, Ethical Theory pgs 310-311 2000.
The standard Rossian alternative to this
exclusively forward-looking perspective is to introduce certain (prima facie) duties

to respond to certain past events in specified waysfor example, pay debts, keep promises. pay reparation for injuries.
These duties are supposed to be self-evident and universal (though they are prima fade), and they do not hold
because they tend to promote anything good or valuable. Apart from aspects of the acts mentioned in the principles (for example,
fulfilling a promise, returning favors, not injuring, etc.), details of historical and personal context are considered irrelevant. By contrast, the
narrative perspective sketched above considers the past as an integral part of the valued unities that we aim to bring about, not merely as a source
of duties. If one has negligently wronged another, Ross regards this past event as generating a duty to pay reparations
even if doing so will result in nothing good. But from the narrative perspective, the past becomes relevant in a further way. One may
say, for example, that the whole consisting of your life and your relationship with that person from the time of the injury
into the future will be a better thing if you acknowledge the wrong and make efforts to restore what you have
damaged. For Ross, the duty is generated by the past and unrelated to bringing about anything good ; from the narrative
perspective, however, the requirement is just what is required to bring about a valuable connected whole with past,
present, and future partsthe best way to complete a chapter, so to speak, in two intersecting life-stories. So far, neither the Rossian nor
the narrative account has told us much about the ultimate reasons for their evaluations, but they reveal ways to consider the matter. The Rossian
asks us to judge particular cases in the light of self-evident general principles asserting that certain past events tend to generate present (or
future) duties. The alternative perspective calls for examining lives and relationships, over time, in context, as organic unities evaluated (partly) in
narrative terms. To illustrate, consider two persons, John and Mary. John values having Marys trust and respect, and conversely Mary values
having Johns: moreover, John values the fact that Mary values being (rusted and respected by him, and conversely Mary values the same about
John.6 Now suppose that other people have been abusive and insulting to Mary and that John is worried that Mary may take things he had said
and done as similarly insulting, even though he does not think that he consciously meant them this way. Though he is worried, Mary does not
seem to suspect him: he fears that he may only make matters worse if he raises the issue, creating suspicions she did not
have or focusing on doubts that he cannot allay. Perhaps. he thinks, their future relationship would be better served if he
just remained silent, hoping that the trouble, if an will fade in time. If so, consequentialist thinking would
recommend silence. Acknowledging this, he might nonetheless feel that duties of friendship and fidelity demand that he raise the issue,
regardless of whether or not the result will be worse. Then he would be thinking as a Rossian.
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1AR Economic Calculations Bad

Economic considerations justified slavery
Kline 1/27/09 (Phill, Former Attorney General of Kansas, "Lincoln's Legacy Was Ending Slavery, Obama's Could
be Promoting Abortions", http://www.lifenews.com/nat4791.html)//northwestern-ak
President Obama would be forced to argue to Mr. Fitzhugh what is now self-evident - that any free nation is not free unless it
enshrines human dignity into law such that; the power of one persons life over another, is not allowed to define the
value of the others life. This is the American promise. And a President Obama is a reflection that America is coming to terms with
that promise on the issue of race. But Mr. Fitzhugh would have a counter. Slavery is justified, he would say, because the slaves
life would be miserable away from slavery. (Every child a wanted child.) Ending slavery would wreak economic
hardship. (Ending abortion would force millions on welfare.) A colored is not human and therefore not a citizen.
(Biologically speakingan embryo is far more primitive than a fish or a bird, writes abortion supporter Christian Beenfeldt for the June 2006
issue of Capitalism Magazine.[iv] People should be free to choose, Mr. Fitzhugh reasoned.
These calculations are based on lies

pg 217
America has covered itself with a heavy wet material that soaks up annoying complaints like mine. It listens to
nothing it does not want to hear and wraps its unread citizens, white and black, in the airless garment of
circumambient denial, swathing it all in a lace of fine, sweet lies that further blur everyones understanding of
why black people are like they are Americas mentality of pictorial information and physical description placed
within comprehensible frames of time. We understand tragedy when building fall and masses of people die in
cataclysmic events, We dont understand tragedy that cannot be quantified arithmetically, requiring more than a
gnats attention span.
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1AR Economic Calculations Bad Ext

Calculations led to slavery
Howard Dodson July 11, 2009, recipient of the 2002 Community Leadership Award and member of the
Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, How Slavery Helped Build a World Economy.
http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2003/01/0131_030203_jubilee2.html
Recruited as
an inexpensive source of labor, enslaved Africans in the United States also became important economic
and political capital in the American political economy. Enslaved Africans were legally a form of propertya
commodity. Individually and collectively, they were frequently used as collateral in all kinds of business transactions. They were also
traded for other kinds of goods and services. The value of the investments slaveholders held in their slaves was often
used to secure loans to purchase additional land or slaves. Slaves were also used to pay off outstanding debts. When
calculating the value of estates, the estimated value of each slave was included. This became the source of tax revenue for
local and state governments. Taxes were also levied on slave transactions. Politically, the U.S. Constitution incorporated a feature that made
enslaved Africans political capitalto the benefit of southern states. The so-called three-fifths compromise allowed the southern states to count
their slaves as three-fifths of a person for purposes of calculating states' representation in the U.S. Congress. Thus the balance of power between
slaveholding and non-slaveholding states turned, in part, on the three-fifths presence of enslaved Africans in the census. Slaveholders were taxed
on the same three-fifths principle, and no taxes paid on slaves supported the national treasury. In sum, the slavery system in the United
States was a national system that touched the very core of its economic and political life .
It was a prime economic concern

Kenneth M. Stampp, 2K, Professor of History Emeritus at the University of California, Berkeley The civil war
a question of cases, Reuben D Ferguson AMH5600 Readings in 19th Century America Dr. Stephen Engle, 2000
Out of all sources consulted for this paper, the most scientific argument was made by Gunderson in The Origin of the American Civil War. It was
also the one that seemed most narrow in its treatment of the possible causes. Gunderson seems to be willing to reduce all aspects of the conflict
into purely economic terms. Slavery, politics, public opinion - all are deemed driven almost solely by economic concerns .
Unfortunately, after a time he travels beyond the ordinary readers comprehension in his use of economic calculations, symbolism, and jargon to
present his ideas. While surely this is a failing on the part of the reader, more of an attempt to make his argument comprehensible to the average
person would have been much appreciated. 8 However, by focusing on his results rather than his methods, it is still certainly possible to
understand his conclusions. Gunderson reaches three: First, slaves were profitable investments to southern owners; that is, they repaid
as high a rate of pecuniary return as available alternative uses of capital . Slavery can be explained entirely by its
monetary return without reference to other objectives which might have encouraged slave ow nership. Second, slavery was
viable. In the absence of emancipation by such forces as the Civil War, it would have been economically profitable indefinitely. Third, because
slavery was an attractive employment of capital and was expected to remain so, an enormous vested interest had
been developed in its ownership by 1860. 9 Based on these three conclusions, a fourth would also be obvious: slavery was above all,
at least for the South, thought of in terms of economics. The economic problems of a Southerner were, no doubt, of little concern to a
Northern abolitionist, but the fact remains that money and slavery were bonded as one.
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AT: Economy Impacts

The plan redistributes money it creates economically moral gains
Joe R. Feagin, author of Harvard BlackLetter Law Journal Vol. 20, Documenting the Costs of Slavery,
Segregation, and Contemporary Racism: Why Reparations Are in Order for African Americans. 2004.
What does the society as a whole have to gain from a large-scale program of reparations? Robert Browne has argued that reparations
in the
form of internal capital transfers would involve no loss of resources to the economy, but rather a redistribution
away from heretofore favored classes.161 There might even be a boost to the economy from such transfers. In
addition, there will likely be a society-wide energy gain as black Americans emerge from under the shroud of racism and gain much new energy
for seeking broader group and societal goals. At the same time white Americans could put new energy into broader societal goals. Clearly,
there is a major moral gain here for the United States, since for the first time in its history there will be a real
national commitment to implementing the goals of liberty and justice for all. In the long run, such reparations may
also save society from upheaval. Just societies are likely to work better and last longer than those with great social
inequalities. Societies sustainable in the long run may well require ever-expanding social justice.
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AT: Politics Bad Policymakers

Policymaking is controlled by racists the plan is key to prevent complete political collapse
Ross 6 (E. Wayne, Dr. Ross is a co-founder of The Rouge Forum, a group of educators, parents, and students
seeking a democratic society. He is also a General Editor of Workplace: A Journal for Academic Labor and CoEditor of Cultural Logic.A former secondary social studies (Grades 8 to 12) and day care teacher in North Carolina
and Georgia, Dr. Ross was Distinguished University Scholar and Chair of the Department of Teaching at the
University of Louisville prior to his arrival at UBC in 2004. He has also taught at the State University of New York
campuses at Albany and Binghamton, "Race, ethnicity, and education", @The African American
The authors fail to note, though, that money buys votes, corrupts ballot counts, and rules the courts, that is, runs the show. Those who have
the cash make the rules. The authors are clear, however: If a ballot count was conducted along lines that the vote has
demonstrated in the most recent national elections, racists would win. Whitewashing Race helps prove this case by
demonstrating that there are clear voting lines between Black people and White people more distinct than between, say,
Democrats and Republicanson questions of welfare, inequality, public health, and so forth. There is discernible race consciousness in
the United States. So what is to be done? The gap between what is and what ought to be is filled with dreams, a set of principles, in
Whitewashing Race: Tax the rich. Promote diversity. Raise the minimum wage. Invest in public projects. 85 Create a fund
for reparations for past injustices. Reestablish civil rights and voting rights laws more fairly, that is, change the law. Improve schools
by transforming teacher seniority rights, the standardization of the curricula and teaching methods, and so on. Why should this be done?
Because we all lose from racism, the nationalist's solution. 86 The authors close with a quote from James Baldwin, make
American what America must become, or we will all lose. 87 Baldwin was wrong on that. Most of us will lose, and
surely those who stand with their feet on the necks of others cannot move, but they do live longer, have more
constitutional rights, don't go to jail, and go to better schools where what is a lie to a workingclass kid is not a lie to a wealthy scion.
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1AR AT: Politics Bad Policymakers

Politics is fundamentally flawed in that it is self-centered this only validates the history of
racism
pg 206
But what exactly will black enthusiasm, or lack thereof, measure? There is no linear solution to any of our problems. For our problems are not
merely technical in nature. By now, after 380 years of unrelenting psychological abuse, the biggest part of our problem is
inside us: in how we have come to see ourselves, in our damaged capacity to validate a course of ourselves
without outside approval. The issue here is not whether or not we can, or will, win reparations. The issue rather is
whether we will fight for reparations, because we have decided for ourselves that they are our due.
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1AR AT: Politics = Democratic

Democracy doesnt check against slavery
Block 2 (Walter, Harold E. Wirth Endowed Chair in Economics at Loyola University in New Orleans, "On
reparations to blacks for slavery", Human rights review, July-september, @EBSCO//greenhill-ak)
More directly, however, democracy is hardly the be all and end all of justice. For example, if 51 men voted that rape is okay,
and passed a law stating so, would that make the 49 men who thought it should be illegal somehow incorrect ? Would that
make the claims of the women who were molested after the law was passed less viable? Certainly not. Slavery, too, for that matter,
persisted under democratic institutions. That hardly justifies the curious institution. Thus, despite the absence of a
plebiscite allowing it, the people who were wronged because of slavery, that is, the heirs of the slaves, have just
cause to seek restitution. Period. The debate should be about how they should seek it, not if they may properly do so.
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AT: Politics Obama Pushes

Obama is in favor of Reparations
Paul Sperry, author & member of Hoover Institution Media, Obama's Stealth Reparations October 28,
2008.
Claiming "blacks were forced into ghettos," Obama
is certainly sympathetic to the idea of reparations. His church has

actively petitioned for them for decades. And he's strongly suggested there's a legal case to be made for them. "So
many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier
generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow," he said. "We still haven't fixed them." He assumes the economic gap is
a legacy of discrimination and largely unrelated to personal responsibility. He also makes it seem things haven't gotten better for
blacks, despite statistics showing enormous economic gains and a rising black middle class ("Better isn't good enough," he insists). He also
assumes, like his spiritual mentor Rev. Jeremiah Wright, that America is "still run by racism." Obama claims "institutional racism" still
exists in America, without offering any evidence that legalized discrimination still remains in this country, even in its most backwater parts.
Another Obama confidante, Rev. Michael Pfleger, has asserted that white people have a moral obligation to surrender
their 401(k) funds and other assets, which he suggested properly belong to blacks. Obama himself has said more
needs to be done to "cleanse America of its original sin." He said he cannot "brush aside the magnitude of the injustice done, or
erase the ghosts of generations past, or ignore the open wound, the aching spirit, that ails this country still." "The problems of inner-city
poverty arise from our failure to face up to an often tragic past," Obama said. He also wrote in his recent
autobiography that he sympathizes with militant black activists who fear that "white Americans will be let off the
hook" for past crimes, such as "a hundred years of lynching under several dozen administrations." "I understand
these fears," Obama said, and agrees that the government has a "responsibility to make things right," suggesting there is
at least some legitimacy to militant demands for payback
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AT: Politics CBC Likes It

The CBC likes the plan
Newsday 6/19/09 ("Slavery apology disclaimer criticized", @Lexis//northwestern-ak)
WASHINGTON - The Senate passed a resolution yesterday calling on the United States to apologize officially for the
enslavement and segregation of millions of African-Americans and to acknowledge "the fundamental injustice, brutality, and inhumanity
of slavery and Jim Crow laws." The resolution, sponsored with little fanfare by Sen. Tom Harkin (D -Iowa), passed on a voice vote. It now
moves to the House of Representatives, where it may meet an unlikely foe: members of the Congressional Black Caucus. Several CBC
members expressed concerns yesterday about a disclaimer that states that "nothing in this resolution authorizes or
supports any claim against the United States; or serves as a settlement of any claim against the United States." The CBC members
believe the disclaimer is an attempt to stave off reparations claims from the descendants of slaves .
Congressional Black Caucus chairwoman Barbara Lee (D-Calif.) said her organization is studying the language of
Harkin's resolution. Other CBC members said they've read it and don't like it. "Putting in a disclaimer takes away from the
meaning of an apology," said Rep. Bennie Thompson (D-Miss.).
The CBC has unique clout key to agenda

Edney 7/2/09 (Hazel Trice, NNPA Editor in Chief, "CBC report a peek at president's black agenda?", Final Call
News, http://www.finalcall.com/artman/publish/article_6137.shtml)//northwestern-ak
WASHINGTON (NNPA) - A bi-annual report released by the Congressional Black Caucus may give a sneak peek at President Barack Obama's
agenda for Black America. "We have a very forward-thinking, progressive, bold agenda and that's what we're working on in terms of the
Congressional Black Caucus agendabut also the president's agendawhich 99 percent of the time is in sync," says CBC Chair Barbara Lee (DCalif.) in an interview with the NNPA News Service. "So, I see us as being in partnership as we should be as members of
Congress with the executive branch to try to make sure that we have an agenda that really speaks tonot only the Black
community and communities of colorbut to the whole country." On an election-eve phone conference with Black leaders, then candidate
Obama was emphatic in a promise to never forget the disparities in Black America. Since in the White House he has not specifically outlined an
agenda for how these racial disparities would be addressed. Rep. Lee points out that President Obama was a member of the CBC
before becoming president and that the CBC's 17 subcommittee chairs and four committee chairs are at the White House on a regular basis,
working in tandem with the president on various issues, including those of racial and social injustice. "And so members are at the White
House consistently and constantly on the issues that revolve around their committee, which also reflect the perspective of the
Congressional Black Caucus," she said. The bi-annual report, "Opportunities for AllPathways Out of Poverty," states that its purpose
is to push "for equal empowerment, including equal access to quality education, public facilities and infrastructure , credit and
public contracts, jobs and job training, affordable housing, and equal pay for equal work." It lists CBC-sponsored legislation designed to
supplement priorities set forth by President Obama and congressional leaders. A letter from Rep. Lee, introducing the report states, "As our
nation's economic uncertainty continues, millions of Americans already struggling to overcome systemic poverty are encountering greater
hardships. Millions more are grasping to maintain their quality of life during this turmoil. This crisis is particularly acute among AfricanAmericans. More than 24 percent of African Americans live below the poverty line and African-Americans are 55 percent more likely to be
unemployed than other Americans." The report gives an account of the CBC's first six months under the Obama administration from January
through June. It also gives a list of specific bills to watch for the remainder of the 111th Congressone bill from each member of the 42-member
CBC. A sampling of the bills follows, along with descriptions obtained by NNPA from http://Thomas.loc.gov, a search engine for congressional
legislation: H.R. 676, the United States National Health Care Act, introduced by Rep. John Conyers Jr. (D-Mich.): "To provide for
comprehensive health insurance coverage for all United States residents, improved health care delivery, and for other purposes." H.R. 795, the
Dorothy I. Height and Whitney M. Young Jr. Social Work Reinvestment Act, introduced by Rep. Edolphus Towns (D-N.Y.): "To establish the
Social Work Reinvestment Commission to advise Congress and the Secretary of Health and Human Services on policy issues associated with the
profession of social work and to authorize the Secretary to make grants to support recruitment, retention, research, and reinvestment in the
profession." H.R. 1479 Community Reinvestment Act (CRA) Modernization Act of 2009 introduced by Rep. Eddie Bernice Johnson (D-Texas):
In part, "To enhance the availability of capital, credit, and other banking and financial services for all citizens and communities." H.R. 2299
Minority Business Enhancement Act of 2009, introduced by Rep. Bobby L. Rush (D-Ill.), "To amend the Small Business Act to enhance services
to small business concerns that are disadvantaged." H.R. 1064/S. 435 the Youth Prison Reduction through Opportunities, Mentoring,
Intervention, Support and Education (PROMISE) Act, introduced by Rep. Robert C. "Bobby" Scott (D-Va.): "To provide for evidence-based and
promising practices related to juvenile delinquency and criminal street gang activity prevention and intervention to help build individual, family,
and community strength and resiliency to ensure that youth lead productive, safe, healthy, gang-free, and law-abiding lives." H.R. 1728
Mortgage Reform and Anti-Predatory Lending Act, introduced by Rep. Melvin L. Watt (N.C.): "To amend the Truth in Lending Act to reform
consumer mortgage practices and provide accountability for such practices, to provide certain minimum standards for consumer mortgage loans."
Leaders of the Congressional Black Caucus had said from the beginning of the Obama administration that they expected his
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presidency would bolster their power in Congress along with other Democrats . Although it is not clear whether the
president will support all of the CBC legislation, Rep. Lee said it is good for constituents to know that they have advocates who
frequently communicate with the presidentall of whom know the conditions in Black America.
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AT: Politics Plan Costs PC

The plan is a major push it would require political capital
Roach 1 (Ronald, Senior Writer, Diverse Issues in Higher Education. Ronald Roach is a member of Leadership
Online, Moving toward Reparations, Vol. 18, Issue 19, of Black Issues in Higher Education, @EBSCO//greenhillak)
Although legal filings are likely to spark more public scrutiny and media attention, observers note that reparations campaigns usually
have been negotiated legislatively, which means that the U.S. Congress likely would have to settle the Black American reparations issue
as it did for Japanese Americans interned in prison camps during World War II. Serious consideration and passage of the Conyers'
reparations study bill would represent a major victory for the Black Americans reparations movement , but given that the
bill has languished in committee for years reparations advocates likely will have to push on the legal and mass action fronts until
members of Congress take the idea seriously. Alfred L. Brophy, a law professor at the University of Alabama at
Tuscaloosa, knows the legislative fight for Black reparations is a hard struggle . A former law professor in Oklahoma, Brophy
documented the tragic riots that leveled a Black section of Tulsa, Okla., and resulted in the deaths of hundreds of Blacks in 1921. Brophy
researched the Tulsa riot while serving on a commission that had been established by the Oklahoma legislature.
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AT: Nietzsche Kritik Plan Positive Politics

Exploring the suffering of African Americans creates movements away from violent forms
of politics the alternative allows this politics to continue unabated
Balfour 5 (Lawrie, @ University of Virginia, Reparations after Identity, Political Theory, Vol. 33, No. 6, December,
pp. 786-811, Sage Publications, Inc., http://www.jstor.org/stable/30038464//northwestern-ak)
Nor must an emphasis on a history of suffering entail an unhealthy invest-ment in that suffering or a stance of moral
superiority. For the history recalled is not only a history of injury but also, crucially, a history of survival and
achievement against long odds. Moreover, drawing attention to the suffering of African Americans can constitute a
form of opposition in a society that has historically denied the reality of black pain. Brown does not deny this point,
acknowledging that a Nietzschean call to forget can engender its own form of cruelty (SOI, 74). Nonetheless, she proceeds
by considering how a demo-cratic political culture could accommodate demands that suffering be recog-nized without inquiring into the role
these demands might play in producing a democratic political culture (SOI, 75). What is absent, in other words, is an exploration of the
possibility that claims of injury can engender positive, cre-ative forms of politics. Marlon Ross's meditation on the
pleasures of identity offers an alternative reading: "Fortunately for us, the pleasure in identifying against dominance cannot be
delimited by acts of domination. Belonging to a group formed through others' domination and one's own subordination para-doxically
affords its own peculiar pleasures aimed at upsetting the norms of power."23T o say that the experience of racial domination, and
the injuries it inflicts, gives rise to political claims is thus not necessarily to limit political action to the public
reiteration of suffering.24
Among the
charges made by Horowitz is that the call for reparations for black slavery will negatively impact on race
relations and [lead to] the self-isolation of the African-American community. To my mind, these are purely peripheral issues. In
this reply I shall instead focus on whether these claims are just. After all, it is entirely possible that to hang an innocent man will
have positive effects on race relations and reduce isolation of the black community. Even if this merely utilitarian
consideration is true, it is still almost unworthy of consideration. Of far more importance is the justice, or lack
of same, underlying these claims.
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AT: Capitalism Kritik - Generic 2AC Stuff

Property rights dont lead to uncontrollable capitalist conflicts if they do, it proves the
alternative doesnt solve their impacts
Alston and Block 8 (Wilton D. and Walter E., September, Volume 9, Issue 3, p379-392, Human Rights Review,
10. Implementing any reparations
expansion of power by the courts.
solution via the laws of property in the courts would result a decidedly unlibertarian
This objection seems to assume that something as basic as dispute resolution must be eschewed by libertarians . This
is highly problematic. In every manifestation of society envisioned, including the most anarchic possible, there will
necessarily be disputes. As such, dispute resolution will be a necessity, unless men somehow turn into angels. The present paper simply
explains why reparations could be pursued under a libertarian paradigm. It does not seek to a priori define every conceivable aspect of those
proceedings. No analysis can possibly solve every possible problem, even related ones. There is such a thing as specialization
and the division of labor in intellectual pursuits as there is in all others. The decision of whether those proceedings are civil, i.e.,
handled in a court, or handled by an arbitrator would occur in the aftermath of the adoption of the paradigm
presented in this paper. We are confident, however, that these matters can be handled, since again, we place reparations
in the arena of dispute resolution where it rightfully belongs. The details thereafter are at worst irrelevant, or at best secondary to
the larger question this paper seeks to answer. (It is comforting, however, for these types of objections to be raised, since they only exist in the
case where reparations can actually be pursued, exactly as this paper justifies!) As one additional point of justification, if the
details of a dispute such as the return of stolen property , even property spanning several generations, cannot
be handled via a libertarian dispute resolution paradigm, the type of anarchic society suggested by market
anarchy cannot exist anyway.
The plan is not intrinsically related to capitalism however capitalism does enhance the
effect of reparations
Block 2 (Walter, Harold E. Wirth Endowed Chair in Economics at Loyola University in New Orleans, "On
reparations to blacks for slavery", Human rights review, July-september, @EBSCO//greenhill-ak)
There are three reasons why black
leaders23 should jettison their socialist leanings, and begin to support capitalism . One, it
will inure to the benefit of their followers right now in ways unrelated to reparations . Two, they will be able to
logically maintain their position on reparations as a matter of principle. And three, some few black grandchildren
might actually be able to trace their claims back in time to the pre civil war era , and thereby obtain some
compensation, under libertarian law.
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AT: Capitalism Kritik 2AC Perm Solvency

Capitalism by itself fails to overhaul racism the perm is key
Radical critique of capitalist schooling and racism must be connected with the daily life of school workers, parents, and
community people and, simultaneously, affixed to the curious passion that is assassinated by most schooling .
Unleashing inquisitive enthusiasm in students and educators requires freedom always an issue settled by power. In
schools, power is won by uniting students, parents, and community people in addressing common problems and demonstrating their common
sources. Unity makes resistance possible. Although many battles will be lost, as in the fights against highstakes testing and regimented
curricula, winning is better defined as assisting more and more people to be critically class conscious, so they can carry the struggle.
Overturning capital is a reasonable, rational, longterm goal but a process that will involve a great deal of
destruction. Promises made by radicals in the past, promises of a quick shift to better material lives, will
probably be impossible to keep. Life will not, for most people, quickly get better, particularly not as we stand at the
threshold of an area of fascist barbarism. 89 It follows that if change is going to happen, it is going to take a long time.
The perseverance necessary to motivate people over that gulf between what is and what should be cannot be built on a vision of more goods and
merchandise. It can be built, though, on a promise for a meaningful life as a resister, a revolutionary now, and a
system of ethics that is drawn from a view of where we want to go. Those ethics, involving inclusion, antiracism,
antisexism, actionorientation, radical critique, internationalism, democracy, equality, and deep comradeship are drawn from thousands of
years of history, not from a thunderclap. Ethics do not stand outside of material circumstances to be applied
mechanically but creatively from a careful examination of things as they are and how they might change. And with an
eye on the future, education must address human needs, desires, and dreams. Capital, racism, and schools are of a piece today, one
aiding the other. In this context, adults are likely to trail kids in social action, but adults can set the stage and the goals for kids, then learn
from them. It follows that the charge to every ethical education worker, kid, parent, and community worker is to recognize the
limits set by capital and to see how, in daily life, we can go beyond them .
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AT: Capitalism Kritik 1AR Perm Solvency

The perm solves best it enhances the reparations
Turgeon 1 (Lynn, "The political economy of reparations", New German Critique, Winter, Issue 1, p111, Professor
Emeritus of Economics at Hofstra University, @EBSCO//greenhill-ak)
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2AC States CP
Perm do Both
Doesnt Solve
A) Moral Obligation the federal government is responsible for slavery and discrimination
it is the only existing authority that must respond thats Lyons
B) Weve impact turned the logic of your counterplan The idea of deciding on reparations
based on government benefits just recreates the status quo we must uncondition
reparations thats Hewitt and Green
3) The counterplan paralyzes political action debates over liability become never-ending
Paul M. Hughes, 2K4, member of Wiley InterScience (a program designed to provide scientific, technical,
medical and scholarly resources), Rectification and Reparation: What Does Citizen Responsibility Require? pg
250 2004.
Returning to the three questions at the start of section 2, we can now see that on Fullinwiders civil-duty model what justifies
compensating
victims of legalized discrimination for their suffering is the fact that they have been wronged. Nothing more about
who has benefited from wrongdoing and to what extent, or about degrees of victimization, is necessary to justify the
payment of reparations. Worrying about personal liability in large-scale collective wrongdoing invites
paralyzing confusion both about degrees of individual responsibility for those wrongs and about individual degrees
of victimization from such wrongs. These confusions are obstacles to getting on with the business of responding
morally to grave wrongs, and thus to making whatever amends are necessary to begin to right such egregious
wrongs.
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2AC Courts CP
Perm do both
Doesnt Solve
A) Material Reparations providing material compensation is necessary to reestablishing
property rights enforcement is vital thats Arceneaux
B) Legal Obstaclesthe counterplan doesnt overcome them the statute of limitations are
long over
Cox 2 (James, Activists Challenge Corporations That They Say Are Tied To Slavery Team of legal and
academic stars pushes for apologies and reparations, 21/2/02, USA Today)
The legal
obstacles are daunting. Slaves and their masters are dead. Company records , though sometimes damning, are
seldom complete. Damages may be impossible to calculate. Most important, no company accused of profiting from
slavery was breaking U.S. law at the time: Slavery was not a crime. ''We've never seen a case where someone who died
hundreds of years ago can have a simple, common-law tort revived. The law wasn't designed for this,'' says Anthony
Sebok, a tort expert at Brooklyn Law School. Statutes of limitations on torts, or injury claims, typically last no longer than two or
three years and have been extended in rare exceptions to only 30 years. Before broadening a tort case to a class-action lawsuit,
reparations advocates must find the descendant of a slave damaged by one of the defendants . Then they must decide who
qualifies as a slave descendant and who, in essence, is black.
C) Weve impact turned the logic of your counterplan The idea of deciding on reparations
Perm do the counterplan justified by sufficient reparations
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2AC Just Monetary CP

Perm do both
Doesnt Solve A) Beggar DA the counterplan only throws money at the problem which doesnt
alleviate the actual problems caused by slavery and racism only the plan moves towards a
color blind society thats Henry
B) Property Rights money itself only creates more dependency on the government
prevents the overhaul of property violations thats Arceneaux
C) The counterplans the status quo trillions have already been provided to African
Americans
Beckman 4 (James A.,Associate Professor, Law and Justice, @ University of Tampa, "affirmative action", @The
African American Experience//northwestern-ak)
Fourth, critics argue that it is simply not feasible or politically realistic for the government to provide meaningful compensation as argued for by
the proponents of reparations. As author Richard America has commented, It really is the stuff of fantasy to imagine white
America turning more than $1 trillion over to black America (America 1990, 11). Critics argue that the modest payment of
$20,000 per family for the actual survivors of World War II internment camps, which was an incredibly large compensation
funded through general taxation, would only be a drop in the bucket compared with the mammoth amount of government
revenue needed to distribute trillions of dollars. Furthermore, as Rubio points out, there are some who view affirmative action as a
form of reparations (Rubio 2001, 188). Horowitz has argued that variou s social programs such as welfare programs, race-
conscious job preferences, race-conscious admissions preferences, and special set-aside provisions for minority
contractors have been specially compensating the black community. Specifically, in Horowitzs controversial Ten Arguments
against Reparations, he argues that since the passage of the Civil Rights Acts and the advent of the Great Society in 1965, trillions
of dollars in transfer payments have been made to African Americans all under the rationale of redressing
historical racial grievances. Furthermore, Horowitz muses, If trillion dollar restitutions and a wholesale rewriting of
American law (in order to accommodate racial preferences) for African Americans is not enough to achieve a
healing, what will? (Horowitz 2001).
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1AR Monetary Incentives CP Beggar DA Ext

It empirically fails
Greene 9 (Dekera, Clemson University Ain't no Peace until we get a Piece: Exploring the Justiciability and
Potential Mechanisms of Reparations for American Blacks Through United States law, Specific Modes of
International Law, and the Covenant for the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination ("Cerd"), The
Modern American - Nbr. V-1, April 2009)
In 1923, a race riot occurred in Rosewood, Florida after a White woman falsely claimed to have been raped by a Black man.108 A mob of
Whites took to the streets and destroyed an all- Black neighborhood, burning houses to the ground and killing six
Black residents.109 In 1994, the state of Florida passed the Rosewood Compensation Act paying each of the nine survivors of the
tragedy $150,000, and establishing a college fund.110 The Rosewood community, however, was never rebuilt, and
twentyfive to thirty families lost their homes to the violence. 111 Here there was a failure to account for the economic
value of all losses. Again, we see that while debts must be assessed for egregious acts, monetary compensation does
not account for making persons whole again.
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1AR Monetary Incentives CP Dependence DA Ext

Individual compensation fails to actually bridge the national divide top notch advocates
agree
Roach 1 (Ronald, Senior Writer, Diverse Issues in Higher Education. Ronald Roach is a member of Leadership
Online, Moving toward Reparations, Vol. 18, Issue 19, of Black Issues in Higher Education, @EBSCO//greenhillak)
The Black American movement has evolved into one that calls for something akin to a new social contract between
African Americans and the United States. Though some activists are demanding individual payments to Black
families, the best known advocates talk only of remedies being fashioned to help bridge the divide between poor
Blacks and the rest of the nation.
88
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2AC Specific Reparation CP

Perm do Both
Doesnt Solve
A) Property Rights the inability of African Americans to choose how to use their property
has led to a violation of private property rights thats Arceneaux
B) Biological Construction choosing the reparation creates a dominant framework of the
whites over the blacks only providing that choice can overcome biological racism thats
Zach
C) Weve impact turned the logic of your counterplan The idea of deciding on reparations
Only the plan is sufficient single reparation efforts arent enough
Roy Lavon Brooks 1999, New York University Press, When sorry isn't enough: the controversy over apologies
and reparations for human injustice., pg 417-418
In the first place, the
claim of innocence is often factually incorrect because many whites still discriminate against
African Americans in a variety of blatant, subtle, and covert ways. And even if a particular white person has not or
does not engage in overt discrimination, most such individuals are the beneficiaries of what their (and others')
ancestors did in creating a system of racial oppression that, as we have demonstrated, persists today. Unjust
enrichment is another name for contemporary white privileges. Patricia J. Williams has underscored this major
principle of law and ethics: "I read a rule somewhere that said if a thief steals so that his children may live in luxury and the
law returns his ill-gotten gain to its rightful owner, the children cannot complain that they have been deprived of
what they did not own". Martin Katz has argued forcefully that the harm of past discrimination cannot be "allowed to persist
unremedied because its 'cause' cannot be specifically identified ." If this ist done, "whites will be allowed to retain an
advantage which they did not earn and blacks will continue to lag behind as a result of acts which although they may
not be amenable to documentation no one denies were performed in contempt of individuality." Just because many of the
specific acts of racial discrimination and exploitation cannot be specifically identified does not exculpate the beneficiaries of racist practice. For
many generations now, white children have inherited ill-gotten gains from the anti black actions of whites before them. Recognition of this
inheritance of privilege is key to understanding arguments for reparations, and key to bringing about reconciliation between blacks and whites.
Wealth transmission is a critical factor in the reproduction of racial oppression. Given the nature of whites' disproportionate share of
America's wealth and the historical conditions under which it was acquired--often at the expense of African
Americans--it is of little significance that legal discrimination and segregation exist today. The argument that "Jim
Crow is a thing of the past" misses the point, because the huge racial disparities in wealth today are a direct
outgrowth of economic and social privileges one group secured unfairly, if not brutally, at the expense of another
group. Although civil rights laws that attempt to maintain equal opportunity in jobs, education, housing, and voting are
necessary and vital to eradicating racial oppression, they alone cannot remedy the continuing inequalities linked to Jim
Crow. Redressing the inequality generated by racial oppression will require a major redistribution of white
wealth. The ill-gotten privileges and unearned wealth inherited by present day generations of white Americans must
be dismantled and redistributed to those who have inherited the burdens of long term racial oppression, both past
and present. Economic, political, and perhaps other forms of reparations for African Americans are essential if the
United States is to begin to approach the equality long ago enunciated in the Declaration of Independence 's
opening premise: "all men are created equal and are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights." Large scale reparations
might be part of the next American Revolution.
89
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AT: No Child Left Behind CP

NCLB regulates education to make race seem biological
I assume the reader is somewhat aware the No Child Left Behind (NCLB) act, the result of twentyfive years of maneuvering by
elitesincluding the leaders of both major teachers' unions is a method of social control to regulate what children know and
how they come to know it while making the division of society by class and race seem not political but
scientific. That this is going on is clear enough and proved in depth elsewhere. At issue to me is: Why and what to do, or not do?
90
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AT: Reparations Word PIC

The term reparations creates a sense of guilt its key to solve
[ ] And politics is a net benefit
Turgeon 1 (Lynn, "The political economy of reparations", New German Critique, Winter, Issue 1, p111, Professor
Emeritus of Economics at Hofstra University, @EBSCO//greenhill-ak)
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***Negative Section
Social Services Violation - Welfare
Reparations are a form of welfare
Blatier 99 (Catherine, University of Pierre Mendes @ France, "Towards a constructive response to youngoffenders:
reparation at the levels ofjustice and individual psychology", Journal of Social Work Practice, Volume 13, No. 2,
Reparation is a positive form of intervention, with a strong welfare orientation, which at the same time involves the
application of law and justice. In this respect, it is particularly suited to young people since it is a concrete expression of a society s
preoccupation with its future, embodied in its children or `descendants . Such a community cannot have a proper idea of itself without taking into
account the individuals of which it is comprised, since the collective is ultimately based on the individual. Society thus bene ts through
concerning itself with young people and protecting them, including within a judicial context. Within a welfare approach, the idea of
`good enough protection is relevant, meaning neither too much nor too little, neither over- or under-protection. It is this kind of justice
which we are interested in as psychologically minded workers making use of measures involving reparation: an approach which respects the
subjectivity of the individual young person and enables it to continue to come into being.
92
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No SolvencyAT: Japanese Reparations Prove

There are vital distinctions their evidence doesnt account for
Howard 4 (Rhode E. Howard-Hassmann, @ Wilfred Laurier University, Getting to Reparations: Japanese
Americans and African Americans, Social Forces, Vol. 83, No. 2, December, pp. 823-84, University of North
Carolina Press, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3598349//northwestern-ak)
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2NC CP Solvency Litigation Key

Litigation is key to the reparations movementit tolls the statute of limitations
Ogletree 3 (Charles, Professor @ Harvard Law and Vice Dean for Clinical Programs, "Tulsa reparations: the
survivors' story", http://www.bc.edu/schools/law/lawreviews/metaelements/journals/bctwj/24_1/03_FMS.htm//northwestern-ak)
Compared to political activism, reparations
advocacy through litigation may have greater potential to create

interest convergence. As Professor Hylton and others have noted, the chances of successful litigation are greatly
increased where the reparations claim can be framed as a traditional civil rights issue, allowing the
courts to concentrate on statute of limitations problems rather than on creative theories of litigation. 68 Two recent holocaust
litigation cases suggest that, in circumstances similar to those presented in the Oklahoma litigation, there are, at the very least,
grounds for tolling the statute of limitations.69 Given that the Oklahoma litigation does not seek to rely on a novel theory
of injury, the statute of limitations issue is essentially the only bar to recovery.70 The point of reparations advocacy
through litigation, as opposed to reparations political activism, is to create convergence by
changing the stakes of the debate. That is certainly what happened during the litigation leading up
to the decision in Brown v. Board of Education,71 and litigation successindeed, perseverancealso changed the stakes in the
Japanese-American internment debate. Once the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals found that the federal government had made a material
misrepresentation about the military exigency of its curfew and ex[*PG27]clusion policies of 1942, which it then hid for almost forty years, the
statute of limitations was tolled and a suit was allowed to proceed in the mid-1980s.72 It was that outcome that prompted the reparations
payments under the Civil Liberties Act. The history of Brown demonstrates that incremental successes won on a divergent but related legal theory
can result in convergence on the underlying goal of an initially unpopular legal strategy. Brown also demonstrates that such a strategy need not
appeal to the majority of whites, but only those who have the power to change things. In other words, Bell is perhaps unduly pessimistic to
suggest that: The interest of blacks in achieving racial equality will be accommodated only when it converges with the interests of whites . . . .
[T]he Fourteenth Amendment, standing alone, will not authorize a judicial remedy providing effective racial equality for blacks where the remedy
sought threatens the superior societal status of middle- and upper-class whites. 73 Thus, at the state level, the convergence of interests in the
Oklahoma lawsuit may, in the short term, be limited to persuading the state to make changes to the Oklahoma educational system rather than
paying out large sums of money. Nonetheless, such short-term convergence may bear long-term fruit. A well-structured
educational
package offers an opportunity to teach about the manner in which interests converge, providing a
stepping stone to re-orient the publics perception about what peoples interests are and where
they converge. The benefit of Jim Crow reparations litigation is not simply the relative simplicity,
as compared to slavery reparations suits, of stating a claim. The relative immediacy of the injury, symbolized by the presence of living survivors
such as Otis Clark, underlines the recency of such acts of discrimination and violent repression, demonstrating the persistent breadth and depth of
racism in this country. Racism
is broad in the sense that the virulent attacks on African Americans (and other
minorities) have not been limited to a particular location. Many of us consider racial repression as a southern phenomenon,
forgetting that all our towns, including New York, Boston, Chicago, Detroit, Omaha, Dallas, Los Angeles, and San Francisco, were segregated on
the basis of race. All of these towns have suffered race riots. [*PG28]Most of these riots were perpetuated by white mobs attempting to subjugate
the black citizenry.74 In addition, all
of these riots happened during this century. People who were there
and who suffered are still alive. Some people who inflicted the suffering may still be alive.75 Racism is deep because of the
extreme measures we take to deny its existence. The shame that frequentlyand rightlyaccompanies the identification of an individual as a
racist does not always result from a disavowal of the underlying beliefs but from a recognition of the social sanctions that follow from such an
identification. It is the attitude of white peers to the tag racist that is regarded as problematic, not the failure properly to acknowledge the
humanity of African Americans (or other minorities). As Bell notes, these attitudes have not disappeared, but resurface in white efforts to avoid
integration.76 Jim
Crow reparations litigation forces the prevalence of segregationist practices upon

the American public in all of its recency, its breadth, and its depth. It demands that the
institutions that adopted these segregationist policies pay for them directly to identifiable victims or their
children. If the reparations movement, at least in its Jim Crow aspect, has one benefit, it will be in giving the lie to the suggestion of Adarand
Constructors, Inc. v. Pena77 and City of Richmond v. J.A. Croson Co.78 that discrimination is a thing of the past, and in tracing the identifiable
legal and social effects of slavery and segregation in current society.79 Furthermore, by providing a federal forum for real [*PG29]people to
share their experiences in a way that forces the larger public to recognize their humanity, Jim
Crow reparations litigation

undermines the denial surrounding anti-African-American racism. Empathy, which sustains us as
reparations advocates, is, on this view, one step towards manifesting interest convergence.80
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Reps K1NC Link

Reparations codify African Americans as subjects of a subordinate social structure
Balfour 5 (Lawrie, @ University of Virginia, Reparations after Identity, Political Theory, Vol. 33, No. 6,
December, pp. 786-811, Sage Publications, Inc., http://www.jstor.org/stable/30038464//northwestern-ak)
During roughly the same period, however, a substantial
group of scholars questioned the value of "identity politics,"

contending that political organizing around historically marginalized group identities substitutes preoccupation with
past injuries for emancipatory aspirations and divides the left into rival factions and the world into victims and villains.
These arguments, like the identity-based movements they challenge, are heterogeneous, but Susan Bickford usefully crystallizes three central
complaints: "ressentiment, balkanization, and regulation."1A0 t first glance, reparations politics appears susceptible to all three. Insofar as
reparations advocates focus on past and present injury and insist on the relationship of injury and identity in their
appeals for redress, they risk enshrining a view of black citizens as victims whose moral authority is not subject to
discussion or critique; insofar as they restrict their focus to injustices suffered by African Americans and remedies that
target black communities, they invite the charge of divisiveness; and insofar as their understanding of those injustices and
remedies relies on unproblematized conceptions of blackness and whiteness, they engage in the kind of shoring up of borders, internal and
external, that produces new exclusions. Critics of identity politics and advocates for reparations thus appear to be at an
impasse. Is the recent popularity of the idea of reparations politically counterproductive, an instance of one or more of the pitfalls the critics of
identity politics describe? Or are anti-identity politics arguments merely a recent manifestation of a longer history of resistance, particularly on
the part of white Americans, to acknowledging the grievances of black citizens? Believing that there is a limited truth to both sides, this essay
aims to engage them together by reading Wendy Brown's subtle and troubling account of the ways that identity-based movements can subvert
their own democratic aspirations against what I take to be the most persuasive arguments for reparations.B rown worries that the pursuit of
legal redress for the subordination of racial and sexual minorities, women, and other marginalized groups signals a
departure from the pursuit of freedom. This approach, she writes, bears too close a resemblance to what Nietzsche calls
a "politics of ressentiment": Developing a righteous critique of power from the perspective of the injured, it delimits
a specific site of blame for suffering by constituting sovereign subjects and events as responsible for the "injury" of social
subordination. It fixes the identities of the injured and the injuring as social positions , and codifies as well the meanings
of their actions against all possibilities of indeterminacy, ambiguity, and struggle for resignification or repositioning.
This effort also casts the law in particular and the state more generally as neutral arbiters of injury rather than as themselves invested with the
power to injure. Thus, the effort to "outlaw" social injury powerfully legitimizes law and the state as appropriate protectors against injury and
casts injured individuals as needing such pro-tection by such protectors. Finally, in its economy of perpetrator and victim, this project seeks
not power or emancipation for the injured or the subordinated, but the revenge of punishment, making the
perpetrator hurt as the sufferer does.l1
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Reps KLink
Reparations are counterproductive focusing on past African American suffering displaces
a true compassion to blacks undermines policy action and reinscribes a racist mindset
Balfour 5 (Lawrie, @ University of Virginia, Reparations after Identity, Political Theory, Vol. 33, No. 6, December,
pp. 786-811, Sage Publications, Inc., http://www.jstor.org/stable/30038464//northwestern-ak)
Furthermore, by
focusing on the centrality of suffering to claims of iden-tity, Brown may accept too uncritically
prevailing perceptions of the charac-ter of oppressed groups . According to Bickford, "to see identity claims as obsessed
with suffering is to overlook the fact that it is the perspective of the dominant culture that marks them out that
way."25T he availability of such assumptions and the distortions they reproduce when African American claims are involved can be illustrated
by the response to Trent Lott's homage to Strom Thurmond. That Lott's comments were discredited by commenta-tors across the political
spectrum might be celebrated as a sign of progress. That they were widely described as "racially insensitive" ought to inspire caution. For in
characterizing Lott's remarks as a matter of racial sensitivity, journalists simultaneously reinforced the suggestion that African
Americans are a particularly sensitive group and obscured the white supremacist character of the order for which Lott pined. Charles
Henry crystallizes the pervasiveness of this kind of thinking when he illustrates congressional reactions to Representative John Conyers's call for
a commission to study slave reparations with a comment by former Vice President Al Gore: "I'm for handling it sensitively without conveying a
sense that it's ever likely to occur, because it's not."26 Here a concern for black suffering, however sincerely meant, serves as a
substitute for action and effects a sleight of hand in which hurt feelings, not centuries of systemic injustice, are
taken to be at issue. The irony, of course, is that an excess of attention to the imagined suffering of those presumed to
be overly sensitive serves to displace any genuine confrontation with the pain at the heart of African American
history.27
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Economic Collapse Turns Aff

Economic collapse would make the black communities even worse off
Huffington Post 8/5/08 ("Black Reparation Bonds Can Repay Blacks in America for Slavery Debts Owed
Them", http://www.huffingtonpost.com/max-keiser/black-reparation-bonds-ca_b_116777.html//northwestern-ak)
How do Blacks in America get paid reparations for slavery? What's needed is for a Black reparations Mike Milken bond wizard to step
up, take charge, and raise a trillion dollars by selling reparation-backed bonds. On paper, the idea of reimbursing the
Black community in America a trillion dollars in back pay owed to them for having essentially built , over the course of
300 years, much of the US economy makes sense. But trying to get the government to pay back this money doesn't make sense. The
government has demonstrated a profound incapability in accounting skills when justice is being accounted for and
the net result in this case would undoubtedly mean America's Black community would be worse off . The
obliteration of Black home ownership in America caused by rapacious, predatory sub-prime schemes on Wall Street
is a case in point.
97

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Arnav, Max, Mike, Collin, Avantika

do you repair the damage?"

1AC Plan Text

1AC Race Construction

1AC Race Construction

1AC Race Construction

1AC Race Construction

It makes extinction inevitable.

old problems is made possible through new techniques.

1AC Property Rights

1AC Property Rights

1AC Property Rights

1AC Property Rights

In the nuclear situation, one must be attentive

Every rejection is key their framework leads to mass chaos

It is necessary to acknowledge the ongoing

1AC Risk Calculus

This debate round is vital persistent grassroots activism is necessary to overcoming

1AC Risk Calculus

Inherency Stripped Reparations

Reparations Solvency Trust Funds Solve

A trust fund is a key collective reparation

Reparations Solvency Would Use Money for Education

Reparations Solvency Monetary Key

Reparations Solvency Low Income Persons Key

Reparations Solvency Low Income Persons Key

Reparations Solvency Obligation to the Poor

this racial injustice, its moral obligation shall remain unabated.

Reparations Solvency Collective Compensation Key

Reparations Solvency Federal Government Key

federal government is significantly accountable for its support of slavery, its

B) Revenue Streamthe United States collected revenue from cotton fields

Reparations Solvency Momentum Now

Reparations Solvency Blacks Want Them

percent believe that achieving reparations will help heal the

Reparations Solvency AT: But The Slaves Are Gone

Reparations Solvency Must Compensate Current Blacks

Reparations Solvency AT: SQ America Responsible

Reparations Solvency AT: Corporations Key

Racism Solvency Federal Action = Global Spillover

Racism Solvency Reparations key to Self-Sufficiency

Americans were terribly wronged and modern blacks were robbed of

Racism Solvency Exposure Key

Racism Solvency AT: Turn: Plan Recognizes Race

Property Rights Solvency Reparations Key

Property Rights Solvency Reparations Key AT: Welfare

Property Rights Solvency Welfare Dependence High

Welfare only creates dependence on the government

AT: Apologies Solve Not Enough

. We find letters of apology

case of serious wrongs, they

AT: Apologies Solve Not Enough

Welfare Dependence Now AT: Affirmative Action Good

2AC Add-On Reparations key to Value to Life

2AC Add-On Reparations key to Value to Life

2AC Add-On Cultural Value

2AC Add-On Civic Engagement

Civic Engagement Solvency Reparations Key Ext

Civic Engagement Solvency Reparations Key Ext

2AC Impact Add-On -

***AT: Off-Case Arguments

2. Counter-Interpretation social services eliminate welfare dependency they create selfsufficiency