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Christian Ferrante
Professor Tsang
Independent Study
July 8, 2015
The Ideology of Fear:
Terrorism and Modern Hegemony
The events of the last two decades have shaped the United States of America more so
than any other event in the last sixty-odd years. The tragedy of 9/11 ushered in many new
policies and ideologies that have totally reshaped American democracy, such as the PATRIOT
Act. These concepts have redefined the limits of power and have allowed the federal government
to penetrate deeper than it ever has into the lives of private citizens. These enhanced forms of
surveillance, from data mining to phone records to profiling, are forms of power that are
unprecedented. The ideology behind these actions stems from the publics fear of violence and
death on U.S. soil, but upon further examination, the reality is that these acts of terrorism have
been maneuvered into means to control the masses through fear and the threat of violence. Elite
theory illustrates these notions as well as Rational Choice Theory (as illustrated in works by
Cesare Beccaria, George Homans, and James Coleman etc.); rational individuals are utility
maximizers who are isolated and are only concerned with their own safety and stability. Thus
when risk is introduced, the rational isolated individual turns to the state for protection and self-

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assurance. The price of this security is individual rights and liberties, which must be sacrificed in
order for the state to prevent these types of events from occurring.
The increase in police activity as well as the militarization of local and state police forces
is also a result of the shedding of liberties. Building upon the ideas of C. Wright Mills Elite
theory and also RCT, how individuals act, one can turn to Marxism as a further explanation of
terrorisms role in modern culture. Marxism illustrates the ways in which those with the money
and power utilize those tools to control the masses, ultimately to shape the common mans basic
behaviors and desires to reflect the outcome that the elites wish to achieve. In 1970, Louis
Althussers essay entitled, "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses, built upon Marxism in
an effort to explain the factors of society through which the Superstructure maintains hegemony
over the Base. He coined the terms Repressive State Apparatus or RSA, and Ideological State
Apparatus, ISA. When this concept is explained in conjunction with Marx, C. Wright Mills,
and Raymond Williams, one can find evidence of terrorisms role as an ISA. By analyzing the
events of 9/11, through political, historical, and cultural perspectives, one can apply the ideas of
Elite theory and Marxism, to illustrate how terrorism can be defined as an Ideological State
Apparatus, which indirectly aids elites in maintain hegemony and ultimately shape the direction
of society and the culture of the masses.
Marx and Engels
In order to make a comprehensive and compelling argument that focuses on
contemporary instances of terrorism acting as an ideology that influence society and culture, the
origins of Marxist theory and the elements that Althusser built his work on must be discussed.
Karl Marx spent much of his early life in Germany where he studied at the University of Bonn

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and later the University of Berlin, and after receiving his doctorate from The University of Jena,
he and his new with moved to Paris, which would become the intellectual center of the Socialist
movement (Hutchins, v). In Paris, Marx met Fredrick Engels, who would become his close
friend and supporter, and together their work establishes the foundation of Marxism. For Marx
and Engels, the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggle (473).
There was and is a constant clash between those who control the means of social production
and those who are reduced to selling their labour power in order to live (Marx, 419). The
bourgeoisie, capitalists, who control the facets of production are able to control the masses by
providing a means for them to sell their labor power; in fact it must become a necessity for the
working class, or proletariat, to be controlled in order for the bourgeoisie to remain in power. The
current climate that exists today, and the explanation of how terrorism functions is rooted in the
notions of the bourgeoisies need to continue to grow richer. The need of a constantly expanding
market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It must nestle
everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connexions everywhere (Marx, 476). Thus
globalization has slowly turned the world into a macrocosm of the smaller individual interactions
of the bourgeoisie and proletariat. Just as it has made the country dependent on the towns, so it
has made barbarian and semi-barbarian countries dependent on the civilized ones, nations of
peasants on nations of bourgeois, the East on the West (Marx, 477). This dependence of the
poor nations of the wealthy still exists today, and in the Middle East, many nations are trying to
buck their allegiance to the Western powers.
The Communist Manifest, written by Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels, illustrates the many
mechanism of control that the rich and powerful possess, and how they are fueled by their own
desire to gain personal wealth and prominence within society. The industrial revolution allowed

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those with the means of production to not only improve their products, but also to allow for more
production to arise from the same amount or even less amounts of labor. Marxs work in
Capital offers an explanation as to how there is use-value and value, and how as a result
the labor power that is put in to the commodity is the root of its exchange value (305-306). What
this means is that the production of goods in completely reliant upon the labor power of the
worker, and thus ultimately the laborer holds all the potential power in the relationship. Marx
believed that, physical force must be overthrown with physical force, and theory will be a
physical force as soon as the masses understand it (Hutchins, v). The problem is that the
masses fail to be engaged on the plain of higher thinking in terms of their positon within the
bourgeoisie power structure.
In a letter to Franz Mehring, Engels uses the term for this phenomena that has become
synonymous with Marxist theory: Ideology is a process accomplished by the so-called thinker
consciously, it is true, but with a false consciousness. The real motive forces impelling him
remain unknown to him (Engels, 765). This concept describes how the individual is aware of a
specific problem or idea, but fails to realize the motivation or the source of that thought. This
relates to class struggle as the proletariat is faced with inner struggles that seem to be the
conscious understanding of reality, when in fact they are merely the trappings of the false
consciousness created by the bourgeoisie. [The bourgeoisie] has resolved personal worth into
exchange value, and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that
single, unconscionable freedom- Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious
and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation (Marx,
475). These illusions are the many variables that affect the masses from understanding their
precarious position. Religious strife, social issues, racial issues, gender issues, all these things

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function as the pretext for why the masses do not realize the exploitation that is occurring. There
may be victories on these fronts, but in terms of the larger struggle between the land owning
capitalists and the poor laborer, the situation has not improved. While these are indeed noble
pursuits, they are not what Marx and Engels would view as the necessary focus of the proletariat.
Marx and Engels offer an explanation as to how and why the poor are monetized by the
rich, as they have nothing to offer but their labor power. Those with the means of production are
able to capitalize on their wealth and possession of commodities and in turn parley the laborer
into improving their commodities for a profit, which in the end offers no capital to the laborer.
Wage-labor is a key factor to the whole problem, as it both helps and hinders the worker. The
laborer cannot pull themselves up out of the bourgeoisie system because they are reliant upon it,
but by relying on it they keep themselves in the lower tier of society. Marxist theory offers an
explanation of capitalism, and how the workers are faced with a choice of either complying in
perpetuity, or rising up and resisting. Yet the bourgeoisie is not unaware of the potential for
uprising and, as the next few authors and theorists will explain, there are further mechanism of
control that are put in to place in order to maintain hegemony. Now that there is an established
idea of the rich maintaining control over the poor, further evidence can be demonstrated as to
how this is achieved, and from that one can extrapolate terrorisms role in society.
C. Wright Mills
The works of C. Wright Mills deal with many aspects of socialism, and focus in on some
of the ideas that Marx and Engels purported, but in a modern context with regard to the
American political, industrial, and military institutions that operate much like a bourgeois
association, or club. His work is crucial in understanding the current power structure in the

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United States, and eventually how terrorism functions within this society. In his book The Power
Elite, Mills breaks down the relationship between these powerful individuals and how it has a
far-reaching effect on the normal individual. The powers of ordinary men are circumscribed by
the everyday worlds in which they live, yet even in these rounds of job, family, and
neighborhood they often seem driven by forces they can neither understand nor govern (Mills,
3). Mills goes on to say that the power elite are those high up who have more leverage in
influencing policies and events than others within society. By the power elite, we refer to those
political, economic, and military circles which as an intricate set of overlapping cliques share
decisions having at least national consequences. In so far as national events are decided, the
power elite are those who decide them (Mills, 18). Mills writing correlates with Marxs, but
instead of focusing solely on those who control means of production, Mills explains how those
agents collude with other members of elite spheres, such as the military and politics, to profit
from their collective power. Marx focuses very heavily on the economic factor, but it is Mills
who chooses to illustrate the nature of the military-industrial complex.
According to Mills, the optimist liberal of the 1800s envisioned an economic system
wherein the military would have a diminished role as industrialism took center stage (215).
What they failed to realize was the symbiotic partnership that could arise from it as both a means
for the military to ensure domestic stability, and also to promote imperial expansion around the
globe. What the main drift of the twentieth century has revealed is that as the economy has
become concentrated and incorporated into great hierarchies and, moreover, the economic and
the military have become structurally and deeply interrelated as the economy has become a
seemingly permanent war economy (Mills, 215). This last part is essential in understanding the
influence that terrorism has had on modern American culture. The idea of a permanent war

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economy is one to hold on to when later discussing terrorism, as terrorism is War 2.0, as it has
no banner or border to tear down or conquer.
Terrorism is thus the ideal answer to the militarys fear of an end to war and their
economic system that is so dependent upon it. Marx gives the foundation for understand there is
a struggle between the masses and the rich, and Mills supports this perceived struggle in the
modern context by illustrating the power relationship between elites. This is all vital in regard to
the argument that terrorism functions as an Ideological State Apparatus as it lays the framework
for the role that terrorism plays in the control of society. As has been explained, there is a close
tie between economic and military centers, as these two groups function symbiotically, and thus
as war continues, so do profits. But key to this is the enabling nature of the public in supporting
war efforts, for after all, without the masses at least being complacent, there is no room for
continued struggle. This is where to political sphere enters in, as it allows for the right political
message and climate to arise that pushes an agenda on the masses. Mills offers a reason as to
why this is possible, as he discusses the third sphere, politics.
America is now in considerable part more a formal political democracy than a
democratic social structure, and even the formal political mechanics are weak (Mill, 274). Mills
says that this is an indicator that the government has become so involved in a complex
economy, that the government has blurred the line between corporate interest and government
and societal interests. The function of politics become a catalyst for corporate agendas seeking
higher profit margins. This is why terrorism begins to fit in to the picture as a means to continue
a war that can never be ended, because terrorism operates outside of conventional warfare. The
political agenda must concur with that of the military industrial complex, which is a continuance

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of armed aggression. Of course within the military structure there exist those who view force as a
legitimate means of response to force, outside of any economic implications: The continuation
of war may also be justified in official circles as a rational, common sense strategy of deterring
force with equal or greater force a warrior class or group has an interest in maintaining war or
its threat (Nagengast, 114). Aggression is a rational choice for many within the military power
structure, yet even still the expansion of the federal government has meant the ascendancy of
the corporation's man as a political eminence; and because the corporate man is in politics, there
is a reason for the political structure to begin to adhere to the stipulations set forth by the
corporations (Mills, 275). The need for a constant war that Mills discusses cannot exist without
the support of the people, and a great example of that is the escalation of the Vietnam War, which
very much lacked public support. The Gulf Of Tonkin Incident was used under suspect pretenses
to encourage an escalation of military presence, as it is essential for there to be a catalyzing
moment that compels the public to support the war effort. Johnson knew, as his mentor Franklin
D. Roosevelt had demonstrated in 1939-1945, that an effective policy abroad requiring
significant sacrifices had to rest on a solid political consensus at home (Dallek, 150). This
incident, while perhaps not identical to 9/11 insofar as the direct manipulation by the
government, was utilized in the same way to mobilize and incite support by the American
people.
What has been discussed so far has been done so in order to explain the basis for the
argument that terrorism functions as an Ideological State Apparatus. Marx and Engels have
helped to establish the notion that there is a constant struggle between the rich and the poor, and
as Mills later points out, there is a close relationship between elites that encourages the growth of
the economy, which in turn is beneficial to both the military and politicians. It is important to say

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here that this argument does not contend that 9/11 was a conspiracy, or an inside job, but rather
to argue that this unfortunate event is a catalyst, like past events, to help shape society and the
American culture in a way that allows elites, and specifically corporations, to continue to reap
the benefits of war economics. The result of terrorism is an ever present source of risk that
modifies the behavior of individuals and affects the culture of society. While Marx gives
historical context to class struggle and Mills a modern understanding of the power structure,
Raymond Williams and Louis Althusser offer the social and culture effects of the power
relationship between the State and society, which both directly and indirectly aids elites in
maintaining hegemony.
Raymond Williams
Raymond Williams has a very unique and insightful view on the nature of culture. An
event like 9/11 has had long lasting impacts on the culture of America, and that impact is evident
in pop culture. Williams, in his book, Marxism and Literature, breaks down the aspects of
culture into three parts: dominant, residual, and emergent. Dominant culture represents the
majority opinion, the beliefs and practices of the ruling or dominant class. Within the dominant
culture exists elements of the past or residual culture. Williams notes that the dominant avoids
too much influence from the residual culture, but instead, by reinterpretation, dilution,
projection, discriminating inclusion and exclusion, it blends some aspects of the past to provide
a transition from the old to the current and eventually the new (Williams, 123).This cycle of parts
of emergent culture becoming dominant and then residual, whether existing inside or outside the
dominant culture, offers insight into how terrorism becomes a part of the dominant culture. The
idea of terrorism has emerged as a new threat of the global era. With so much of commerce

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based upon international relations, whether through trade, international banking, or corporate
expansion, events in faraway places can influence domestic policy in a very new way.
Events occurring domestically have a way of waking up society to the dangers of the
outside world. Things like the Iranian hostage crisis of the 1970s seemed so far away from
directly impacting life in America, but something like 9/11 has caused the culture within the
United States to take a more cautious view of the outside world, so much so that it has
encouraged the proactive determent of anti-American activity outside the borders. Within the
dominant culture of America, which holds on to the idea of the land of the free, has emerged a
fear of the different, of the foreign. The increased border scrutiny of the last few decades is an
indication of a fearful and isolated culture that is gaining support. History has shown similar
instances of fear of the outside, such as the Immigration Acts of 1921 and 1924. But in this
modern context, a new and sinister variable has been introduced, terrorism. The effect has
affected things such as film and the media in a post-9/11 world. Films portraying terroristic
violence in the wake of the attacks were either postponed or edited to remove scenes that
displayed hostage situations. Collateral Damage, (2002) starring Arnold Schwarzenegger was
postponed and reedited after the attacks, as its plot revolves around a firefighters wife and
children dying in a bomb blast (Gournelos, 92).

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This cartoon by artist Ed Stein illustrates how an artists work is an incorporation of real
life into culture, and as Soviet era writer Alexander Spirkin explains, the forms of culture are a
kind of mirror that reflects the essence of every enterprise, its techniques and methods, and the
contribution which it makes to the development of culture itself."(Spirkin, Dialectical
Materialism). Thus emergent forms of culture can become part of the dominant. The altering of
contemporary film and pop culture shows the direct impact that 9/11 and the new reality of
terrorism, as filmmakers and artists try to process the events that have shook a nation. Art
Speigelman is a widely known and well-criticized cartoonist and writer who captures the
emotional and cultural significance of events. His graphic novel series entitled Maus, captures
the true story of his fathers struggle during the Holocaust. Similar to this in his short graphic
novel, The Shadow of No Towers. In it, Spiegelman tries to put in to perspective the tragedy
that has occurred. This compilation of past comics and new interpretations of 9/11 captures the
mindset that many felt about the tragedy of that day. One panel from the book shows a man
holding up pictures of glasses half full, evoking in the minds of the reader the common adage
about optimism and pessimism; it reads, I know I see glasses as half empty rather than half full,
but I can no longer distinguish my own neurotic depression from well-founded despair!
(Spiegelman, No Towers).
This world outlook is a direct result of the events of 9/11 and is clear evidence of the
cultural ramifications of the attacks. Media, whether film, radio, literature, or television, has a
way of not only capturing the individuals emotional state, but also letting people know that
others feel the same way, and that there is a collective or shared grief. This grief can then be
turned into a perceived positive manifestation, as the emotions must be directed at an outlet of
release. Cue the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. According to a Pew study published in October of

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2002, a solid majority of the public 62% supports military action in Iraq to end Saddam
Husseins rule, with 28% opposed (Pew, 2002 Midterm Preview). A similar study conducted
over the course of 2003-2008 shows that support for the war was drastically higher the closer to
the initial attacks, 72% agreeing with military action in 2003, and gradually reverses as time
passes, with only 30% saying so in 2008 (Pew, Public Attitudes, 2003-2008). While public
opinion may have changed, what is important to realize is that the policy does not necessarily
follow the will of the people.
9/11 provided the perfect climate politically and socially to allow for sweeping
legislation that limits the function of civil liberties if the individual is found or even perceived to
be in conjunction with terroristic activities or groups. For instance, the Patriot Act, which was
recently renewed (as of June 2015), states that when an alien has been detained with suspicion
of terroristic activity, no court shall have jurisdiction to review, by habeas corpus petition or
otherwise, any such action or decision (H.R. 3162-3, Sec. 412). Essentially what this means is
that an individual has no right to petition the government concerning unlawful imprisonment
(unless through the Supreme Court or certain appellate courts deemed by the legislation). This is
the foundation for the indefinite detention of potentially innocent individuals in Guantanamo Bay
and other detention sites. This all revolves around the function of society and the dominant
culture as discussed by Williams. Williams illustrates how new aspects of culture gradually or
suddenly become part of the mainstream culture. Since the inception of the Geneva Convention,
torture has been regarded as base and inhumane, yet even 14 years after 9/11, 58% of Americans
viewed torture as necessary (Pew, U.S. Interrogation Methods, 2015). Within the culture of the
United States has risen a response to the domestic terrorist attacks, which is a passive acceptance
of increased security and aggression if it means a relative degree of certainty in the individuals

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daily life. This contextual information enables a discussion of Louis Althussers work, and
therefore the crux of the argument concerning terrorism and its role as an ISA.
Althusser and the Terrorism ISA
As mentioned in the introduction, Louis Althusser defines the terms Ideological State
Apparatus, and Repressive State Apparatus in order to make a more encompassing analysis of
the State and its function. To properly utilize these concepts in an investigation of terrorism, they
must be explained. RSA are coercive measures taken by the state to ensure cooperation, or the
political conditions of the reproduction of relations of production, which are in the last resort
relations of exploitation (Althusser, 101). Relations of exploitation referrers to Marx and the
idea of coopting the labor power of the individual to serve the needs of the bourgeois capitalist.
RSA are the direct threat by the State to keep people in line. ISA are also meant to keep people
from deviating from the dominant culture, but they are not explicitly managed or forced by State,
but rather by the private society, member of the dominant or ruing class. Private institutions can
perfectly well function as Ideological State Apparatuses The Repressive State Apparatus
functions by violence, whereas the Ideological State Apparatuses function by ideology
(Althusser, 97). ISA are a direct result of the dominant culture, they can be common practices or
institutions, like religion, education, corporate life, media, etc.
Althusser argues that the religious ISA has been somewhat replaced by the education
system as a form of modifying and aligning the future generations behavior to reflect capitalistic
mindsets. Children are at an early age subjected to certain criteria: nationalist rhetoric, revisionist
history, tradecraft, in order to dichotomize and sort them into functions of production in the
capitalist society. Within these classifications, people are put into roles that reinforce the

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reproduction of relations of production. Each mass ejected en route is practically provided with
the ideology which suites the role it has to fulfill in class society: the role of the exploited the
role of the agent of exploitation of the agent of repression or of the professional ideologist
(Althusser, 105). Each has been coached and educated by institutions that are separate from the
State in many ways, but adhere to the dominant ideology of the ruling class. Thus when
individuals try to buck the system, society has internal methods for ostracizing the individual
for failing to conform to social norms. This is present in many instances, such as those who are
rejected by religious institutions for failing to adhere to specific doctrine, those who fail to meet
curriculum guidelines and maintain certain levels of achievement in their education, and those
who in general reject the capitalist notion of success i.e. financial motivation.
This paradigm of society, wherein the individual is an outcast if they fail to meet the
social requirements of the ruling class in private life outside the functions of the State, allows the
State to utilize this self-policing by society to maintain hegemony. Althusser makes this point
in his essay as it is clear that the State, while not directly manipulating ISA or their impact on
societys behavior (as coercion by the State would effectively make it an RSA), benefits from the
relationship between the individual and society, as well as the individuals need to conform and
be accepted. To my knowledge, no class can hold State power over a long period without at the
same time exercising its hegemony over and in the State Ideological Apparatuses (Althusser,
98). So, while it can be maintained that ISA function without the State maintaining direct control,
it is of essential importance that the State maintain the existence of the accepted social order and
dominance of a particular culture and class.

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Logically one may ask, where does terrorism fit in to this analysis of the State? Well, the
basic function of terrorism has already been outlined somewhat in the preceding section that
deals with Raymond Williams work. As expressed earlier, there are instances of culture quickly
evolving, or mutating, to account for the events of 9/11. To recall the work of Spiegelman in In
the Shadow of No Towers, the first panels of the book show a family sitting in front of the
television, at first complacent then shocked, then ultimately in the same positon as the first panel,
watching television casually, but still physically affected by the news of the attacks. Spiegelman
also notes the nationalistic tone that the media takes, which helps to reinforce the emotion of fear
and sense of danger. This ultimately causes the individual to call for the proper recourse which
when presented by the State, (with its military and industrial interests) involves security
legislation and the use of coercive force within and outside the borders of the nation. Even on a
large TV, the towers arent much bigger than say, Dan Rathers head Logos, on the other hand,
look enormous on television; [television] is a medium almost as well suited as comics for
dealing with abstractions (Spiegelman, No Towers). What Speigelman is observing here, the
term abstractions, is an explicit function of the media ISA in relation to the terrorism ISA. The
images of American flags coupled with the Twin Towers, somehow dwarfing the buildings
themselves, conveys to the viewer an ideology within the subtext of the message on the screen,
that larger than any tragedy or enemy is the State, which conquers all. This message is the pretext
for the terrorism ISA; in other words, the images on the screen confirm a new reality in which
the average individual in their own private life suddenly has a target painted on their back, and
the gut-wrenching sense of vulnerability quickly emerges.
Of course, this sense of nationalism then turns to a rejection of anyone associated with
such a heinous act, and there is someone or some group that must be held accountable. Terrorism

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is a unique concept because it does not require much notice or structure. For instance, when an
army mobilizes, satellites, allies, and informants can make any defending nation or force aware
of impending danger. But when someone sitting in the next seat on a plane suddenly jumping up
with a box-cutter and rushing to seize the cockpit, there is not necessarily any warning or
preventative measure to curtail such activity. That is why in response to 9/11 the nation has put
up with increased security, scrutiny of eastern minorities, and excessive force, in terms of
military and enhanced interrogation (torture), in an effort to avoid such an occurrence.
Once terrorism becomes a part of the culture, which it has as of 9/11, the ruling class
ensures a strict adherence to the new norms, and society deters those from going against. This is
evident in the Pew statistics mentioned, as the vast majority of society supported a war effort in
the Middle East as well as the seemingly astronomical spending that when along with it.
Nationalism functions within the terrorism ISA, as the individual who is perhaps resistant to
aggression overseas is made to feel unpatriotic or even anti-American. The trauma of the 9/11
attacks produced a widely felt sense of vulnerability and victimization and a national desire for
revenge and payback (e.g., Bushs declaration on walking into a White House meeting on the
night of September 11, We are going to kick some ass, cited in Lemann, 2004, 157)
(Lieberfeld, 14). Returning to the work of Althusser, one can see many of the characteristics of
an ISA within the concept of terrorism.
As expressed by Althusser, the ruling class maintains functionality of the ISA within
society, but the ruling class is often part of the State. So in having ISA dictate the course of
culture and society, even apart from private society, the State is able to maintain hegemony.
Given the fact that the ruling class in principle holds State powerand therefore has at its

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disposal the [RSA], we can accept the fact that this same ruling class is active in the Ideological
State Apparatuses insofar as it is ultimately the ruling ideology which is realized in the [ISA]
(Althusser, 98). So while terrorism and the response by society may function without the direct
input of the State, the closeness of the ruling class within society and the State creates an
environment that enables certain responses to the threat of terrorism. Because terrorism functions
as an ISA, as it modifies behavior and alters the dominant culture, the State is able to utilize
certain aspects of it to encourage certain polices (like the Patriot Act) or military maneuvers (the
wars in Iraq and Afghanistan) that align with their own agenda concerning economic and
political advancement. Combining this idea with the notions that Mills purports, there are those
who clearly benefit from continued armed aggression, as they are often the ones who provide the
resources of war, as well as those who go in after the conflict has dissipated to clean up and
secure local resources i.e. oil, minerals, etc. Mills cited this view of the States war economy
through the words of Arthur Krock, that immediate prosperity in this country is linked to a war
economy and suggests desperate economic problems that may arise on the home front, should
the war effort end. (Mills, 216). Thus the eventuality of an end to conflict is a risk that must be
mitigated by elites and the corporate interests, and terrorism achieves this as a mechanism for
permeating the collective consciousness of the masses, maintaining a climate of fear of the threat
of domestic attacks by an unknown foreign aggressor. The state reinforces the feelings of the
individual, vulnerability, helplessness, and through the media and other cultural facets, givens an
outlet or relief for those feelings of endangerment.
The State presents the image of terrorism as a collective enemy, one who must be met
with conventional means, like any standard war. The War on Terror, a term first used by former
President George W. Bush in his address to Congress on September 20, 2001, portrays the

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conflict as one mirroring any other conventional war that has occurred before, yet this is not the
reality of combatting terrorism. States remain asymmetrically vulnerable to the ideologically
unified global terrorist network because conventional deterrence cannot be brought to bear
against it (Faynberg, 4). So, what scholars have deemed as obvious in terms of the ways not to
combat terrorism, the State continues to promote conventional means of warfare against an
ideology that thrives on resistance. One can then make the argument that this is a direct result of
the States desire to maintain an unwinnable war in the conventional sense, because it is in the
business of profiting from war.
Conclusion
The foundation for the struggle between elites, or bourgeoisie, and the common man was
fundamentally explained by Marx over one hundred years ago, but the principles still make up
the foundation for the current climate within the political structure of the Western world, and
specifically America. Marxs work inspired others to then apply this need for the elites to
manipulate individuals and examine how those in power are able to stay in power and maintain
hegemony over the masses. The outlets through which elites utilize their power are not limited to
one aspect of society, as Mills points out, but are instead a collective of economic, political, and
military avenues. The power structure of the elites is then reliant upon the dominant culture,
which is often perpetuated by the dominant class, to promote or devalue certain social norms or
conventions in order to maintain hegemony within private society. Raymond Williams illustrates
how emergent cultures are mixed with the old and the current dominant cultures, and can often
lead to the emergent cultures becoming dominant. From this understanding of culture, one need
only to apply Althussers thesis on the role of Ideological State Apparatuses to see that terrorism

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functions as its own institution within the American culture. As explained by Althusser, the State
and the ruling class often miss, so it is only logical that from there the ruling class and the State
utilize the functions of ISA, like terrorism, to maintain control over the masses. Returning to
Mills, one can find a realistic and logical reasoning for this need to perpetuate fear and control,
which is the power structure of corporate alliances between the military and the economic firms
of a capitalistic society, which directly profit from war and the aftermath of destruction.
The reproduction of relations of production, as posed by Althusser, is the means by
which the function of the State and society produce individuals who are consigned to selling
their labor-power, as Marx put it, in order to survive; but on a deeper level it is really meant to
secure the future of the ruling capitalist class through the subversion of the worker. This is the
role that terrorism plays in the current culture of America. Individuals who are innocent of any
terroristic activity, subject themselves to increased scrutiny by the State, in order to ease their
minds. They then permit this same State to fund and arm large military operations in foreign
nations that the state has deemed responsible for terroristic activity, i.e. 9/11. The justification is
reinforced through private society, by the media, education, nationalist rhetoric, and leaves
terrorism functioning as an ideological mechanism of the ruling class power in conjunction with
the State. The cultural evidence of a shift in public consciousness since the events of 9/11 are
numerous and profound; film, literature, and art all illustrate public consensus (illustrated by the
Pew data cited ) in a fear of terrorism and a support for the States agenda in response to it. There
is clear evidence that supports the claim that terrorism functions as an ISA, as defined by
Althusser, and this claim is then validated by the benefits that elites and capitalists receive as a
direct result of the everlasting conflict that is the war on terror.

Ferrante 20

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