Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
Citizen-Workers, 1942-1954
Author(s): Deborah Cohen
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Journal of American Ethnic History, Vol. 20, No. 3, Migration and the Making of
North America (Spring, 2001), pp. 110-132
Published by: University of Illinois Press on behalf of the Immigration & Ethnic History Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27502714 .
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Caught in theMiddle:
The Mexican
State's Relationship
1942-1954
DEBORAH COHEN
The problem
of braceros
. .
of.
hunger.1
As
is.
. .a
problem
..
as Mexican
workers
[can]not
find
their own
[on
[or] guarantees
a resolution
to their
look for
soil],
they will
a
in
land
because
ad
tragedy
foreign
hunger
mits no hope.2
work,
long
food,
4 AUGUST
and United
States governments
1942, the Mexican
a deal, laying the foundation
be the first in a
for what would
as
in
the vernacular
series of contract labor agreements,
lumped together
to
in
this
force
from
1942
the Bracero
program
Program.3 Through
ON
closed
inMexico
and toil
friends, and pueblos
do
the
fields.
would
and
They
planting
agricultural
and
Latino
domestic
done
white,
black,
previously
by poor
harvesting
States
better paying
laborers now finding
industrial jobs in a United
leave families,
Mexi
economy geared up for war production. This mid-twentieth-century
can migration
to the United
and regu
States was at times sanctioned
lated, at others
ining it reveals
Program.
the United
Exam
States
and increasingly
the government's
and presence "from below" constrained
the United
States as well as the
power and options vis-?-vis
diplomatic
consensus
for
of
available
and
space
engagement
mobilizing
demanding
at home.
and
visible
its posture
pressure
the Bracero
Program, Mexico's
During
was
still under construction.4
Analyzing
1948, another in 1954?juxtaposes
to them and reveals
reaction
tween Mexico
Program
the
States,
Nationalism
Revolutionary
two border incidents?one
in
to each government's
be
relationship
diplomatic
rhetoric
shifting
and the mounting
pressure
that the
111
Cohen
Mexican
would
government
zen-workers.
Aspiring
United
States,
face from
workers
would
the disparity
ability to satisfy
those needs
undermined
securely
its economically
go to great lengths
strapped citi
to labor in the
diplomatic
options. Ultimately
and the Mexican
government's
the latter's
progress,
claim
democracy,
of a nation
and moder
nity.
When
in early 1942
government
approached Mexico
to a domestically
it appealed
labor shortage,
a popularity
in 1938
secured
government,
partially
States
of a growing
complaining
strong and popular
when
then-president
under
L?zaro
control. While
foreign
its outstanding
C?rdenas
Mexico
nationalized
had repeatedly
the United
States
financial
oilfields
previously
to settle
attempted
had rebuffed
these
claims,
that the compensation
offered
for nationalized
oil
attempts,
claiming
insufficient.
In 1942, however,
this United
States
wells was grossly
a hemispheric
faded. Very much wanting
intransigence
ally, it was now
to
oil
In
settle
claims.
Mexican
the
addition,
company
govern
willing
ment
found
in United
itself broached
States
about
the possibility
of sending men to work
its domestic
Given
and
popularity
fields.
agricultural
few incentives
legitimacy,
later, by claiming
it from
transform
Recognizing
investment
would
Manuel
Avila
stance
towards
in this modernizing
President
metamorphosis,
a
to
for
soften the government's
way
angled
to a
the United
States and to shift from a confrontational
play
Camacho
II and United
posture. The onset of World War
a domestic
for help in mitigating
labor shortage
his needed opportunity.8
gave Avila Camacho
was not a new phenomenon;
men had been emi
Mexican
migration
ever
was
in the
since "the border"
created and institutionalized
grating
mutually-advantageous
States growers'
clamor
112
Journal of American
Ethnic History
/ Spring 2001
a fear of
lured by plentiful
salaries,
jobs, higher
or simply the rumblings of children's
stomachs.9
violence,
revolutionary
men
as
Jobs beckoned
numbers
of
northward
United
States
ever-greater
nineteenth
factories
United
more
century,
increased production
and soldiers headed off to war. But when
a
to Mexico
States Ambassador
advocated
George Messersmith
stream in 1942, Undersecretary
approach to this migrant
Relations
Jaime Torres Bodet dismissed
his offer.10 While
formal
Foreign
of
he
Mexico's
Torres
acknowledged
unemployment
problem, Undersecretary
was gearing up for an unprecedented
Bodet asserted that Mexico
indus
sector. The country, he
and modernization
of its agricultural
trialization
a widely-held
soon need all those
claimed?voicing
opinion?would
men
was haunted
northward.
Mexico
arms.11
Still,
working
kept heading
men
on
had suffered working
United
States
by the specter of abuses that
of long-time
residents
soil during World War I and by the "repatriation"
to Mexico
in the mass
of
the
The
1930s.12
government
deportations
that workers
faced growing
be pro
pressure from a press demanding
tected from
and discriminatory
exploitation
practices.13
to exert some control over this exodus.14
It grabbed
the
opportunity
After Mexico
United
States
soon be touted
editorials
laid the foundation
for what would
Harvests,"
as a beneficial
elevated work
official policy.15 "These reports specifically
same
as
ers needed for harvesting
level
those shiny-faced
crops to the
in
American
Europe.
"boys" fighting
The Mexican
as
its role in the Program
also portrayed
to keep the world free from authoritarianism.
fascism,
Undersecretary
Foreign Relations
that "a victory
by the democracies
predicted
government
alliance
part of a democratic
the threat from
Discussing
Jaime
would
Torres Bodet
. ..
bring progress,
called
harmony,
the United
upon
a
The Program was
revolutionary
accomplishments.
was
Mexico
that
in
form
of
"the
the
good contract," proving
partnership
sufficient
and that it also wielded
respected
by its northern neighbor
outside its territory.
influence to protect its citizen-workers
government
cratic roots
and
113
Cohen
States
stronger than those allotted United
Mexicans
citizens
and guarantees
would
against racial discrimination,
no longer hold second-class
to
status. The United
States also attempted
protections
of the Program17?in
opponents
particular,
large land
placate Mexican
owners
that
that relied on low-waged
labor?by
migrants
guaranteeing
return in time to attend to Mexican
brazos
would
fields.18 Lending
during
modernizing
Mexico
Complications
can government
only
would
developed
announced
of what
be the beginning
offer the United
States.
a democratic
and
gested
would
that migrants
learn modern
in the technologically
skills and be
agricultural
working
values
114
Journal of American
Ethnic History
/ Spring 2001
or not Mexican
Whether
that performing
the entire
modernize
lieved
officials whole-heartedly
government
most
the
un-modern
of tasks,
stoop labor,
a modernizing
it offered
discourse
nation,
be
could
as
its
use of a moderniz
for the Program. The government's
public
so
a
to
anti-modern
demon
program
promote
intuitively
ing language
state
strates the fervor to modernize
that permeated
every
program.25 As
rationale
a subaltern
state juggling
and
and highly-charged
international pressures
to
would
have
the
domestic
demands,
government
preferred
competing
and
labor"
within
its
borders.26
strategi
Symbolically
employ "surplus
a
laborers had provided
cally, migrant
way of creating enough jobs to satisfy
could only put a positive
government
as the strategic,
if not
Mexico
portrayed
the United
sufficient
quite
not
idea; it had approached Mexico,
government's
its southern neighbor.
the other way around; it needed an alliance with
a powerful
the Mexican
suitor brought
government
significant
Having
a
that had (en)gendered
rewards. It could redefine
relationship
diplomatic
was
the United
States
States as the
country and the United
(female)
both
As
country and gov
stronger (male) power.
semi-partners, Mexico,
ma
The
democratic
and
"became"
ernment,
government
modernizing.
secure
treatment
to
the "good
the good contract, emphasizing
neuvered
... in the US."29
the Mexicans
[would] receive
of the Bracero
anchored its public promotion
The Mexican
government
the
of
la
Mexican
in
the
notion
mexicana,
family, an
Program
familia
Mexico
as the weaker
of these
the protector
the
of
Revolution's
upholder
state
collective
ideals.31
interests
and
the true,
ex
It simultaneously
115
Cohen
in this artificial
posed inherent
in the Mexican
cracks
"surplus
sector that could not feed
the nation's
to create
too weak
The state was forced
trial sector
as-father.
sufficient
and in an indus
hungry mouths,
was
an
state
emasculated
jobs
to defend
it claimed
had entered
ever-increasing
While
some awaited
future possibilities,
others sneaked across the terri
an all-too-visible
human stream neither
sanctioned
laborers
United
enacted
not covered
States
by official
to put
government
under
the
Mexico
protections.
in place
sanctions
to the
appealed
similar to those
1986
men.34
the war
116
Journal of American
Ethnic History
/ Spring 2001
braceros."37
"conservative
1948
figure,
a
the official, was merely
... who had
workers
semi-illegal
announced
calculation
[of mainly]
States after their contracts
stayed in the United
include those who had entered without
official
however,
patrols
from
both
ernment
non-contracted
vociferously
argued that continued
migration
a
source
own
of
for
its
labor
necessary
depleted
agricultural production,
it simultaneously
found its negotiating
hand forced by the multitudes
to sneak across the border?the
very labor force it was working
waiting
to protect.40 From 1947 to 1949, about twice as many men
(142,000)
were "legalized"
once over the border than were originally
contracted
in effect
those who had migrated
outside
74,000),
rewarding
channels.41 This constant stream of hopeful migrants
undermined
to with
the government's
Unable
ability to secure worker protections.
(about
official
stand pressure
States
United
from
ground; the
as the em
individual growers
The
that "responsibility."42
ployer, awarding
was widespread
the growers directly benefiting
abuse of workers:
result
from
the welfare
of workers
from
border
incidents,
one
in 1954,
reveal
the
state
loss of negotiating
clout. By examining
government's
to the nation, we
in which
and the ways
responses
they were portrayed
see the increasing constraints
in the government's
room.43
maneuvering
in 1954
in
El
the
second
The first took place on 13 October
Paso,
1948,
the
border.
entire
along
Mexican
In El Paso
in 1948, United
States border officials
blatantly
in their efforts to stop the illegal entry of Mexican
agricultural
"desisted
workers
117
Cohen
For five
This
La Opinion,
the newspaper
for the Mexican
was
"in
to...
contradiction
the
community
Angeles,
flagrant
states
in
the
authorities
force,
agreement
[which
that]
corresponding
from both governments
will
all measures
[needed] to avoid
[undertake
announced
action,
in Los
press coverage
refrained from carrying
that "[n]o arrests were
[men].47
permitted
"were
in danger
themselves
upon
cross.49 The
tary border
wetbacks,
diately
case of
took it
States officials
[of being lost]."48 Local United
to pull back the gates, allowing waiting men to freely
it across during the momen
7,000 to 8,000 men who made
were
"dried
out," a play on the term
reprieve
instantly
imme
migrants.50 These men were
to be standing by in
who happened
this act as a
denounced
event.51 Mexico
an unexpected
violation
and an assault on the basic "spirit of cooperation
treaty
and the Good Neighbor
policy," and the United States government
apolo
such
blatant
action further
gized for the incident a few days later.52 This unilateral
an already unequal power relationship.
It broke Mexico's
destabilized
to the fields.53
that delivered workers
grip over the procedures
the Mexican
rushing across the border crippled
for its citizen-workers
and
government's
ability to secure protections
was
It
States.
the
its
clout
with
United
essentially
diplomatic
hampered
The
human
bodies
to acknowledge
"hundreds
of
thousands
118
Journal of American
Ethnic History
/ Spring 2001
in crisis."55 Squeezed
vocal and vis
continue[d]
by escalating
ible pressure
from "below,"
the government
found its ability to broker
it sought
undercut by the very people
adequate protections
increasingly
to safeguard.56 The United
States government
and growers had a new
riculture
and formidable
The border
bargaining
edge.
incident at El Paso
occurred because
the Mexican
govern
to concede
to new United
had been unwilling
States demands. The
over the location of recruitment
two had long haggled
centers and dur
ment
lished
of moving
braceros
from
"border"
recruitment
centers
to United
its Mexican
farms, while
counterpart
picked up the tab to this
to placate pow
the
Mexican
felt
government
point.
compelled
in Sonora, Chihuahua,
erful large agriculturalists
and Sinaloa
that paid
States
Second,
centers
over
and disconnected
territorial
site,
divide.
and became
from
No
the physical
line-in-the-sand
or jurisdictional
or
from a single
longer fixed,
a moveable
abstraction
haggled
over
in bi-national
treaty negotiations.
In the end, the Mexican
the Program;
it continued
to claim leadership of
continued
by this specter, the government
the treaty between
the nation through the Program and heralded
"good
and diplomatic
neighbors"
equals.60
Driven
119
Cohen
In 1948,
in El Paso, United
States
officials
had acted
on their own
to
open the border; in 1954, they did so with authorization from "the
of government."61
of
On 15 January 1954, after months
new
a
not
had
formal
United
States
agreement,
negotiation
produced
of Labor, State, and Justice took matters
into their own
Departments
hands.62 Together
they issued a press release
stating that the United
levels
highest
the border.63
begin awarding contracts to migrants
crossing
turn
of
this
the
Mexican
denounced
the
events,
government
by
men
to
and implored
stay home, and retaliated by halting all
States would
Outraged
decision
men
its threats
"a stick, to
and to tip
pleas
that no one would be permitted
border.66 They ignored Mexico's
pledge
to cross and its promises
for those who did.67
of swift, stiff punishment
the large pool of waiting
laborers, the urgent needs of United
Noting
in negotiations,
Texas Representative
States growers,
and the break-off
Ken Regan publicly
lamented the two countries'
inability to settle their
of
whether
Mexico's
tactic
differences,
doubting
closing the border would
deter persistent migrants.68
he concluded,
"need
"Mexicans,"
effectively
North
American
dollars
the Mexican
and we
and
need
their labor.
[Migration]
to ours."69 Not
is an aid to
the Mexican
economy
surprisingly,
on the unilateral
deci
put sole blame for the predicament
government
It accused
its northern neighbor
sion of the United
States government.70
of "encouraging
them in physical
men
to [cross
the border
and] violate
danger.71
in Mexicali
did not care whose
fault it
throngs of men gathered
was. After waiting
for as long as seven months, most men
there, many
of workers,"
had no money.
"Thousands
claimed Baja California's
head
streets ... in desperate
"are milling
around in Mexicali's
of Migration,
the delays
and
need of...
food and a place to stay," impatient with
The
tried to
government
troops to Ensenada,
InMexicali,
500 men
on the governor's
food and
palace demanding
by marching
fire
hoses.74
their
soldiers
and
found
work,
protests greeted by
wielding
tense
to
the
situation
diffuse
President Adolfo
Ruiz Cortines
attempted
land
by instituting a plan to extend greater credit to communally-held
retaliated
120
Journal of American
Ethnic History
/ Spring 2001
communities
men's
need
and more
the border
by dangling
Some men
arriving
an offer of free
into leaving
of work.76
As
took up Maldonado's
offer but most
stayed inMexicali.
...
one newspaper
saw
"the
of
here
hordes
braceros
don't
it,
reporter
to
want help from
the government;
all they want
is to be allowed
...
cross
and
work."77
The Mexican
about
government's
publicity
that
and pleas with men to stay home, declaring
not
in the United
work
States, did
persuade
at
to
return
to
the
border
their
villages
gathered
heading
ous by
the termination
no more
of
braceros
talks
would
hungry,
desperate
or deter more men
men
from
a commotion,
there. A reporter described
growing more danger
as "a house over a barrel of
the day, as being as flammable
some men
dynamite."78 On one particular morning
threw rocks at photographers
impatient and weary,
while
during
with
passengers
another
incident
and driver,
in the restless
crowd,
on rooftops,
perched
the same day, men
lifted a bus, complete
into the air in what was termed "a playful
occurrence."79
When
the United
States actually pulled back the gate and opened the
of hopeful migrants
rushed
border on January 22, chaos ensued. Hundreds
arms
Border
the
extended
of
United
States
the
aided
barrier,
past
by
soldiers charged the men,
agents, even as Mexican
trying to pre
vent them from crossing.
their countrymen,
often by
Soldiers grabbed
them back as they were pulled towards the other
the shirt, and yanked
Patrol
soil.82
The Mexican
government,
watching
this chaotic
situation
develop,
121
Cohen
an astute
made
this "avalanche
of braceros" was
[an] attack" by waiting men,
broken up by a torrent of water
from fire hoses and by local
driving squad cars into the agitated crowd. Miraculously
only one
to "resist
finally
police
person was
seriously
injured and others
termed as only light bruises.86
The Mexican
of the Interior
Minister
received
what
one newspaper
instruc
specific
to
cross; guards
anyone wanting
were to ask only for a man's name, his age, and occupation.87
Officials
also found themselves
that
repeatedly
denying
charges
they had in
creased the border force or that they had ever issued orders to obstruct
to border
tions
officials
workers'
crossing.88 Yet
defuse
the strained
not
again
issued
to detain
these measures
and pronouncements
still could
not
Men
had seen their companions
atmosphere.
in the previous
shoved, stepped on, and kicked
day's skirmish to cross
on
authorities
the border.89 And with the Monday
date fast approaching,
both
started
Migrant
hopefuls
wee hours of Monday
At first subdued,
morning.
the
small
of allotted
turned
when
number
quickly
ran out
in a mere
right.
southern
side in the
the crowd's
mood
contracts,
only
one newspaper
five
As
de
hundred,
twenty minutes.91
masses
of men
toward the
scribed the spectacle underway,
streaming
to prevent
local Mexican
them
border encountered
police determined
from crossing.
"This morning,"
the reporter on the scene, "be
claimed
over the gate
threw themselves
8,000 and 10,000 farm workers
on
US
aided by police and
the
side authorities,
posts in Cal?xico, while
of braceros
that they
fire fighters,
stood [ready] to repel the avalanche
that the gates were opened....
Officials
found on top of them the moment
tween
used
A
depicted
122
Journal of American
Ethnic History
/ Spring 2001
worker"
from lack of air."93
"exhausted
caught in the melee,
one point, the men heading up the crowd could neither advance nor
to
officials
retreat; they faced a "human chain" of Mexican
Immigration
their front and were blocked from behind by thousands of other disillu
"a humble
At
sioned men
the crowd,
at times
lost
their balance
from
the pressure,
and
force.95 Border agents
human
men make
confusion,
only five hundred men had entered the
three attempts by the crowd to ram through
United States, but not without
the human blockade.97 Over the following
several days, almost ten thou
sand desperate men broke through lines of officials
and scrambled onto
two hours
of mass
States
United
to fi
the United
States government
prompted
that it lacked funds and needed
under the pretense
soil. This
from
to downplay
attempted
the "incident
[as one]
President
Ruiz Cortines
Congress.98 While
the diplomatic
nightmare,
publicly
portraying
that could be resolved within
the norms of the
to the United
the Mexican
ambassador
States
policy,"
President
Eisenhower
and
that
labor
nego
requested
quietly approached
a plea that the latter accepted
on February
tiations recommence,
11."
good
neighbor
a victory
in the Mexican
to save face at home
government
Declared
allowed
the
press, this rapprochement
and gave it a way out of the interna
tional
imbroglio.
the melee
Could
long threatened
have
been
to call home
The Mexican
had
government
In early June 1952,
demands
for hard-line
of workers.
States grower
the unacceptably
low wages paid to bracero
a fair,
It denounced
cotton pickers.100
assaults on its ability to negotiate
the Program,
and
and higher, wage,
insisted on its right to oversee
a more comprehensive
contract for its citizen-workers.101
Yet
demanded
facing
increasingly
negotiating, Mexico
in 1953 congressional
of Minnesota
spoke
United
States. Most
vocal
avoided?
thousands
United
decried
States
Hickenlooper,
congressional
who demanded
members
sided with
States
123
Cohen
to
and called upon all Mexicans
program
wanting
or subsidies.
work to do so with no safeguards
"Come on, boys," thun
"
to the Senate,
dered Hickenlooper
'there is work here, come in under
"102
your own power and go back under your own power.'
In the months
States
leading up to the 1954 border incident, as United
the entire
abandon
to the agreement
in force,
for substantive
negotiators
pressed
changes
Mexico
had dug in its heels.103 Although
"aware
of
the
unoffi
painfully
cial threats of unilateral
actions emanating
from Washington
circles,"
to abdicate
the Mexican
refused
its responsibility
to its
government
citizen-workers.104
effects,
diplomatic
First the Mexican
Richard
attributed
B. Craig,
Mexico's
and
its
factors.
to use] pressure
politics."106
Lastly,
the country's
national pride was being displayed daily on the editorial pages of the
Mexico
in the week
City daily Excelsior
as
one
the
between
Program
portrayed
communities
gram. They
of braceros'
an
of the Pro
increasingly
negative
portrayal
rhetorical
and
gave increasing
print space to charges
weight
were the headlines
and
Gone
discrimination.108
exploitation
presented
States soldiers
that only Mexicans
could save crops destined for United
men happy to swing machetes
or en
and quotes from proud Mexican
dure sweat-inducing
labor as crucial to the war effort as lugging rifles.109
No
without
the "hardships"
of bracero
and country, or adjustments
life, such
to meals
Instead,
the press
focused
on the Mexican
government's
negotiating
the United
States for the tense and nearly uncon
"successes,"
blaming
a good con
It suggested
trollable situation.
that Mexico
had negotiated
even
tract and secured additional
for
workers
when
noth
"protections"
or advantages were
and El
surrendered.110 El Nacional
on the
to a lesser extent, Excelsior ?also
expounded
the
undertaken
country, the
modernizing
projects
throughout
124
Journal of American
a complete
cattle, and
national
Ethnic History
of heads
commission,
positively
/ Spring 2001
States
as cooperation
portrayed
of
bi
between
equals.112
Throughout
this period,
complishments?whether
mexicana.
The
familia
the government
successes
state
to frame
continued
or failures?in
actual
called
sectors
all
terms
of
its ac
of
la
from
upon
society,
to
to factory and transportation workers,
and campesinos
as
a
needs
and
consider
the
future
aside
their
individual
put
country's
Even as newspaper
articles enumerated
the reasons braceros en
whole.
industrialists
the extreme
dured
conditions
of United
States
was
the
work,
agricultural
for the Mexican
fam
Program
and teach
those whom
the
had not gone, a process
that would
"advance
of rampant corrup
survived media publicity
to
revealed
schemes
Each time newspapers
Such portrayals
tion and document
selling.
nation."114
wrest
sums from
ob
for documents
normally
aspiring braceros
or
officials
chastised
low-level
tained without,
government
police
they
the national
for their greediness
and "sins" against
collective.115 And
paltry
the trustwor
the state as the nation's
genuine protector,
they portrayed
and thus the
arbiter of the Mexican
needs,
family's
thy and objective
once
But
true
of
the
Revolution.
and
purveyor
again, the
guiding Light
of
and defender
embodiment
of the Revolution
supposed
most
those
found its diplomatic
needing
impeded by
options
protection?the
the masses
its help and
migrants.
CONCLUSION
The Mexican
a substantial
government
had entered
vis-?-vis
the United
Program with
States. Gained
advantage
diplomatic
States labor
1938 oil well nationalization
and United
through Mexico's
over
Bracero
the
the
life
of
this
declined
Program
advantage
shortages,
so many Mexican
to participate
in it. In
workers were desperate
because
inherent
leverage, the inconsistencies
tracing out this loss of negotiating
of
in the Mexican
became
apparent. Regardless
position
government's
as
a
of
show
how the government
spun the Bracero
experience?first
as
a
a
and
in
selfanti-fascist
zeal
fight and, later,
global
patriotic
125
Cohen
nation-modernizing
nancial rewards
journey?in
reality, migrants
that United
States work offered.
can government
tried to muscle
its
itwas
citizen-workers,
protect
destitute
tween
workers.
national
This
and
question
ever resolve
time
Every
stronger
the fi
the Mexi
to
agreements
from Mexico's
by pressure
a tension be
not only highlights
it also raises the fundamental
interests;
a "subaltern
conditions
state" can
them.
The Mexican
to negotiate
effective
and
sent to the United
States.
government
attempted
for citizen-workers
protections
forceable
needed
contradiction
individual
of whether
through
undermined
ever
badly
en
To
and working
enforcement
vigilant
behalf of the nation
living
the Mexican
doing,
disputes
individual
situated
of Mexican
for
on
In so
that it represented.
migrants
itself as both the arbiter of domestic
national
interests
to a global
audi
ence.
more
border,
increasingly
This forced Mexico
at the
congregating
by the destitute masses
the very hand the government
could play.
to expend part of its domestic
and diplomatic
legiti
never designed
to alleviate Mexico's
poverty. The
visible
limited
on a program
macy
Bracero
Program barely made
available
since
the United
States
a dent
in it: not
retained
ber awarded
At
a time when
address
government made all programs
cause
of
its
the
of
national
and
part
unity
sovereignty,
its claim as state patriarch.
inability to address those needs weakened
Even as it lost negotiating
tried to cast itself as
clout, the government
ing citizen
the Mexican
needs
and diplomatic
126
Journal of American
Ethnic History
/ Spring 2001
gram
The
was
official
one
of
economic
that replaced
the Bracero
program
or factories
in maquiladoras
in the
am
for
neo-liberal
export-oriented
growth
investment
Program
border region. It substituted
bitious state-led
industrialization
that has benefited
inMexico.
people
the inexpensive
maquiladoras,
United
States
Today
electronic
many
on import substitution,
a change
than
far more
capital and consumers
based
consumers
while
and
sectors
products
of the United
north
of the border
clothes
States
produced
can buy
in these
such as res
economy,
and
construction,
services,
factories,
janitorial
food-producing
run
on
is
labor.
This
labor
fueled
daycare,
cheap, "illegal"
by continuing
a (globally-integrated)
between
Mexican
still inca
economy
migration
States
jobs for its citizenry and a United
pable of providing
living-wage
sweat and stamina
it ex
that demonizes
the men and women
whose
taurants,
but whose
ploits,
growing
shortage
a
it cannot fully control or regulate. With
crossings
in the United
of workers
States and an increasing
between
the two countries
luring ever more people
in wages
disparity
over the border, the Mexico
of the mid-twentieth
still exists. Millions
of men
and now women
in "the promised
land," while
to stem this growing outflow of people
in
the
unable
middle,
caught
or
their
needs
protect them as they venture into El Norte.
addressing
wage
by
NOTES
Research for this article was supported by the Wenner Gren Foundation, the
Institute for the Study of Man, the Hewlett Foundation, and grants from the Univer
sity of Chicago Department of History and Center for Latin American Studies. I
would also like to thank Ken Clemments, Robert Curley, Lessie Frazier, Donna
Gabaccia, Michael Sacco, and David Williams for their provocative comments and
on the multiple
copy-editing
1. "Aspetos
de la Pol?tica
Mexicana,"
meticulous
La
the article.
of
incarnations
2 February
Opinion,
1954,
p. 2. Un
less otherwise indicated all quotes have been translated by the author.
2.
"De
la Pol?tica
3. The official
the Loan
of Laborers.
La Opinion,
Mexicana,"
4 February
p. 2.
1954,
States Program of
word
brazo, which
Spanish
4. For a thorough
review
term
bracero,
meaning
as arm.
translates
of
the Bracero
manual
Program
laborer,
itself,
comes
see Manuel
the
from
Garc?a
Griego, "The Importation of Mexican Contract Laborers to the United States, 1942
1964:
Antecedents,
Operation,
and
Legacy,"
in Peter
G.
Brown
and Henry
Shue,
Cohen
127
eds., The Border that Joins, Mexican Migrants and U.S. Responsibility (Totowa,
1983), pp. 49-98.
5. Garc?a y Griego's concludes thatmigration functioned as a sign of theMexi
can government's
"Mexican
Griego,
6. For a more
historical
to address
inability
Laborers."
Contract
detailed
version
of
these
the nation's
basic
see my
connections,
needs.
Garc?a
"Masculine
Sweat,
sive discussion
(Mexico
of the way
see Cohen,
Program,
Blanca
photo,
de
Hacia
Torres,
in which modernity
"Masculine
Sweat,"
la utop?a
Historia
industrial,
exten
p. 42. For a more
vol.
1984),
City,
21,
chapter
8. Scholars contend that this shortage was invented and sustained by growers
who refused to institute increased agricultural wages to draw sufficient workers and
instead badgered the government for assistance, leading it to approach Mexico. See
Kitty
Inside
Calavita,
The Bracero
the State:
Program,
and
Immigration,
the I.N.S.
(New York, 1992). The Program functioned not just to supply labor but to control
it. See Lawrence A. Cardoso, Mexican Emigration to the United States, 1897-1931:
Socio-economic
Patterns
Ariz.,
(Tucson,
1980);
Mexican
and Mirrors,
David
Mexican
Americans,
Montejano,
(Austin, Tex.,
Anglos
and Mexi
Immigrants,
the Politics
of
Ethnicity (Berkeley, Calif., 1995); and Mae Ngai, "Illegal Aliens and Alien Citi
zens: United States Immigration Policy and Racial formation, 1924-1943," Ph.D.
diss., Columbia University, 1998).
9. Sister Mary Colette Standart, "The Sonoran Migration to California, 1848?
1856: A Study in Prejudice," in David G. Guti?rrez, ed., Between Two Worlds,
Mexican Immigrants in the United States (Wilmington, Del., 1996), pp. 3-22.
10. Manuel
Garc?a
Contract
"Mexican
y Griego,
Laborers."
11. See, for example, editorials from the 11 June 1942 edition of Excelsior and
from El Nacional,
15 June 1942.
12. For information about the "first" Bracero Program, see Fernando Sa?l Alanis
Enciso, El Primer Programa Bracero y el gobierno de M?xico 1917-1918.
(San
Luis Potos?, 1999).
13. Blanca
Torres,
en
M?xico
la segunda
guerra
mundial,
p. 249; Manuel
Garc?a
was
out protections
for emigrant
123, laying
workers,
were
to
workers
instructed
border
discourage
guards
Article
that moment
on,
adopted.
from
From
leaving
and consulates in the U.S. were directed to step up the help they offered tomigrants
and
assist
The government
in adjudicating
their complaints
against
employers.
as thousands
as ineffective
these unilateral
of Mexicans
efforts
as brought
a return,
it realized,
to Mexico
the Depression,
about not
during
them
come
would
returned
by Mexican
to see
policies
Laborers."
15. Excelsior,
16.
Torres
Jaime
17. Gonz?lez
del Archivo
Bodet,
Navarro,
General
La
victoria
Poblaci?n
de la Naci?n,
pp. 22-23;
(Mexico
pp.
1970).
City,
163, 215; Bolet?n
"Mexican
Ethnic History
/ Spring 2001
en
M?xico
la
organized
mine
the
efforts
country's
mundial,
that the
guerra
segunda
interests
commercial
toward
argued
economic
M?xico
la segunda
mundial,
guerra
p.
21.
For
wanting
in Blanca
en la
en la
en la
Zoraida
(Chicago,
an adventure.
only
Torres,
on
thoughts
early
Josefina
251;
See,
and modernization.
p. 251.
mundial,
guerra
under
248-250.
pp.
14 August
exportation
and
unions
would
p. 253.
mundial,
guerra
segunda
Trade
of men
development
9 December
mundial,
guerra
248-250.
pp.
the benefits
Lorenzo
1985), p.
M?xico
and
V?zquez
Tiempo,
mundial,
repeatedly
2 January
p. 255.
see "Trabajadores
of migrations
Meyer,
1948,
mexicano,"
Sweat,"
255-56.
pp.
chapter
and
Blanca
en
M?xico
Torres,
la segunda
guerra
M?xico
en
Manuel
Garc?a
28.
Blanca
29.
Blanca
30.
For
Torres,
Torres,
an example
mundial,
guerra
p. 249.
"Mexican
Contract
Laborers,"
y Griego,
en la segunda
M?xico
mundial,
guerra
en la segunda
M?xico
mundial,
guerra
of
see
its usage,
"M?xico
Antes
p. 53.
p. 249.
p. 257.
de Todo,"
La Opini?n,
25
1938, p. 3.
April
31.
"Los
El Nacional,
32.
ary
la segunda
28 May
Tratan
Que
1954,
y Beneficios
Sacrificios
en Forma
Ser Distribuidos
Equitativa,"
a Los
Bien
Braceros
en EU,"
Mexicanos
La Opini?n,
12 Janu
p. 7.
daily La Opinion
Deben
1946, p. 4.
were
approximately
eleven
p. 5.
"Mexican
times
inMexico,
Contract
than
greater
those
in Mexico
and
that
Laborers,"
p. 54.
Cohen
129
as wet,
35. Mojado
translates
documented
On
migrants.
corruption
a Braceros," El Nacional,
Braceros
10 February
1954,
La Opinion,
Miseria,"
con
el Fraude
3 March
"Serio
Problema
de dos Braceros."
39.
"Serio
Problema
de dos
Braceros."
3 October
1948, p.
1;
p. 5.
1954,
de
p. 3.
to non
to refer
La Opini?n,
Capturados,"
see Ernesto
Also
1948, p. 1.
3 October
Merchants
Galarza,
of
40.
Galarza,
Merchants
of Labor:
The Mexican
Bracero
Story,
p.
63.
41. Richard B. Craig, The Bracero Program, Interest Groups and Foreign Policy
(Austin, Tex., 1971), p. 67.
42.
Garc?a
"Mexican
y Griego,
Contract
p. 63.
Laborers,"
12 September
2, 4.
section
1948,
Ernesto
Galarza,
Merchants
The Mexican
of Labor,
Bracero
Story,
p.
49.
Also see Peter N. Kirstein, Anglo over Bracero: A History of theMexican Worker
in the United States from Roosevelt toNixon (San Francisco, 1977). For a different
perspective see "Ilegalmente Hay en M?xico 15,000 Guatemaltecos," La Opinion,
26 October 1948, p. 2.
47. Amplia Documentaci?n Relativa a la Il?cita Entrada de laBraceros a EEUU,"
El Nacional,
18 October 1948, p. 1. For another reading see "M?s Elogios Recibe
M?xico Aun Por Su Patri?tica Actitude Ante EU de A," La Opinion, 26 October
p. 3.
1948,
See Kirstein,
another
For
50.
see
Bracero.
"La Cuesti?n
de
los
"
'Braceros,'
La
Opini?n,
25
1948, p. 3.
October
51.
over
Anglo
reading,
Across
the
states
country
were
each
battling
other
for
See
braceros.
"Dos
Braceros,"
Opini?n,
Ilegales,"
Anglo
Garc?a
Opini?n,
20 October
October
1948,
p.
La Opini?n,
26 October
1948, p. 1. For
Bracero
The
Bracero;
Craig,
Program;
Contract
"Mexican
Laborers";
y Griego,
over
23
University
Implications of Mexican
Labor
Contract
System,
Program,
of Michigan,
1957), pp. 232-35.
and
"Llamado
a M?xico
a Braceros,"
La
see Kirstein,
information,
Merchants
Galarza,
of Labor;
"The
and Robert
D. Tomasek,
further
States under
Movement,"
(Ph.D.
Ethnic History
/ Spring 2001
La Opini?n,
30 October
Bracero,"
La Opini?n,
28 October
1948, p. 5.
Guaran?'as,"
de Guarant?as."
55. "La Demanda
1948,
p.
5; "La Demanda
de
p.
of Labor,
tion Wetback,
at the actual
processed
Contract
Poblaci?n
Navarro,
Mexico-U.S.
Laborers,"
y
border.
67; Galarza,
p.
sociedad,
p.
248;
Merchants
Garc?a,
Opera
Norteamericanos,"
61. Garc?a
de Lugar," La Opini?n,
January
1954,
'A Como
Quiere Braceros
p.
2 January
La Opini?n,
La Opini?n,
13
16 January
23 January
1; Craig,
p. 65.
The Bracero
and Garc?a
Program,
"Mexican
y Griego,
Contract
Labor
ers,"
"EU
and Mexico
en Un
Acuerdo
Sobre
27 February 1954, p. 1
La
Braceros,"
Opini?n,
see Craig,
The Bracero
pp. 105-6.
Program,
20
La Opini?n,
Para Evitar Que Vengan
Braceros,"
La Opini?n,
Evitan
la Salida
de Braceros,"
Mexicanas
1954, p. 1. Also
66.
"Medidas
1; "Tropas
1954, p. 1.
"Los Estados
67.
p.
Opini?n,
68.
January
Unidos
2 January
1954,
"Estados
Unidos
1954,
p.
1.
Piden
Tropas
Mexicanas
Para Vigilar
La
28
February
1954,
January
24 January
Frontera,"
La
p. 3.
Quiere
Braceros
'A Como
de
Lugar,'"
La
Opini?n,
13
131
Cohen
Braceros
"2,211
74.
Garc?a
La Frontera,"
Cruzaron
72. Ibid.
73. Editorials inExcelsior,
1954,
January
p.l.
"Mexican
y Griego,
27
La Opini?n,
Contract
p. 66.
Laborers,"
76.
en
Arremolinan
la Frontera
los
La
Braceros,"
29
Opini?n,
January
"Se
en
Arremolinan
la Frontera
La
los Draceros,"
29
Opini?n,
January
p.l.
79. Ibid.
80. See editorial pages of Excelsior, 24, 27, 28, 29 January and 2 February
1954, along with the El Paso Times for complete description of events.
81.
Garc?a
82.
Craig,
83.
empez?
"Mexican
Contract
Laborers."
y Griego,
The Bracero
p. 113.
Program,
La Frontera"
Braceros
and "A pesar de
Cruzaron
"2,211
23 January
la fuga de braceros,"
Excelsior,
1954, p. 3.
1954, p. 1.
"Los Braceros
oficial,
de Braceros
La Opini?n,
Se Desesperan,"
la excitativa
29
January
1954,
p.
28
1.
1954,
p.
1.
88.
"Podr?n
89.
90.
91.
92.
Ibid.
"Teme Un Nuevo Mot?n de Braceros," La Opini?n, 31 January 1954, p. 1.
"Otro T?mulo de Braceros enMexicali," La Opini?n, 2 February 1954, p. 1.
Ibid.
93.
"La Avalancha
94.
"Otro
ya
Salir
2 February
La Opini?n,
en Mexicali."
Braceril,"
de Braceros
T?mulo
1954,
p.
1.
95. Ibid.
96. Hispanic
Program,
97.
American
pp. 112-13.
"Otro T?mulo
Report,
de Braceros
1954,
January
1 and
p.
The
Craig,
Bracero
en Mexicali."
Ruiz
Cortines,
pp. 260-261;
Craig,
Contract
Laborers,"
in Tomasek,
quoted
The Bracero
Program,
p. 66.
and Economic
"Political
p.
117;
and Garc?a
Implications,"
"Mexican
y Griego,
La
el Acuerdo
del Gobierno
Sobre
Partidos
Braceros,"
Aprobaron
The Bracero
19 January
1954, p. 2; Craig,
p. 103.
Program,
La Opini?n,
20 January
Para Evitar
"Medidas
Braceros,"
Que Vengan
1954, p. 1.
on Agriculture
Extension
Senate
and Forestry,
102. U.S.
Committee
Congress,
100.
Los
Opini?n,
101.
of the Mexican
March
Session,
Farm
24,
25,
Labor
and
26,
Program,
1953,
pp.
Hearing
26.
24,
on
S.
1207,
83rd Congress,
1st
Ethnic History
/ Spring 2001
103. Medidas Para Evitar Que Vengan Braceros," La Opinion, 20 January 1954,
p.l
104.
Craig,
The Bracero
p.
Program,
107.
105. Ibid.
106. Ibid.
107. See Excelsior's
108.
a Los
"Que
Excluyen
de Los
Mexicanos
Jurados
en
Jackson,
Texas,"
Torres,Hacia
la utop?a
industrial,
part
112. Ibid.
113. See, for example, editorial from Excelsior,
y
la verdad
mexicana,"
Excelsior,
1 February
1954;
La
14March
2.
cuesti?n
de
los braceros,"