Documenti di Didattica
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Mitterrand
Author(s): Marc Abeles
Source: Current Anthropology, Vol. 29, No. 3 (Jun., 1988), pp. 391-404
Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of Wenner-Gren Foundation for
Anthropological Research
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Modern Political
Ritual
Ethnography
ofan Inauguration
and a Pilgrimageby President
Mitterrand'
by Marc Abeles
This paperexaminesfroman anthropological
perspective
two
ritualsperformed
bytheFrenchpresident,
FrancoisMitterrand.
The firstrelatesto thewell-established
customofinauguration
and commemoration.
The second,thepilgrimage
to Solutre,
wouldappearto be an originalinventionofitsprotagonist.
On the
basisofthisethnographic
analysis,it is possibleto findin modem
politicalritualstheformalprocedure
thatanthropologists
have
describedin traditional
societies.In oppositionto manywhounderlinethesecularization
ofpoliticsin contemporary
societies,it
is observedherethatritualssuchas thesevisitsofthepresident
havea religiousdimension.These modemrituals,whichparticipatein theconstruction
ofpoliticallegitimacy,
arecharacterized
byinventionandmessage.
ABELES iS Chargede Recherche
ofCNRS anda member
oftheLaboratory
ofSocial Anthropology
(5.2ruedu Cardinal
Lemoine,75005 Paris,France).Bornin I950, he was educatedat
theEcole NormaleSuperieure(i968-73) andtheEcole des Hautes
Etudesen SciencesSociales(Doctoratd'ethnologie,
1976). He has
donefieldwork
in Ethiopia,in southernSpain,andin theYonne.
His publicationsincludeAnthropologie
etmarxisme(Paris:EditionsComplexe,1978), Le lieu du politique(Paris:Societed'Ethnographie,
noire,edited
i983), Age,pouvoiret societeen Afrique
withChantalCollard(Paris:EditionsKharthala,i985), "Le degres
zerode la politique"(EtudesRuralesI986, pp. ioi-2), and "L'anet le politique"(L'Homme26: I-2). The presentpaper
thropologue
was submitted
in finalform25 vi 87.
MARC
That the governanceoftraditionalsocietiesis characterized by the comminglingofpolitics and ritualis a commonplace foranthropologistsand social historians,who
are used to tracingthe pansocial implicationsof major
rites and exposing the intimate connections between
power and the sacred. A substantialbody of literature
has been devoted to the relations between these two
aspects of social life not only in non-Westerncultures
but also in our own history,particularlywith respectto
kingshipand the doctrineof Divine Right.If commentatorsnowadays referfreelyto the "charisma" associated with certainpolitical leaders to the extentof comparingthem to real kings, such parallels are generally
proposed metaphorically-eitherrealisticallyor satirically, in accordance with the author'sparticularstandpoint. However, such commentatorshardlybother to
draw out the sense of the metaphoror to considerthe
image of power therebyprojected.
Occasionally the concept of "political drama" is
evoked in a pejorativesense, especially in referenceto
the role of the news media. But the overall impression
givenis thatthe political is immersedin a sea ofappearances thateffectively
masks the realitiesof conflictand
domination. We need to remind ourselves that the
dramatizationofthe politicalis not peculiarto ourmodern civilization: witness the vivid political dramas enacted in Africankingdomssuch as the Swazi.2 It will
doubtless be argued that between modernpolitics and
the customs of African monarchies or even of preRevolutionkingshipin Francethereintervenesthe process of secularizationwhich has separatedchurchfrom
state and which has entailed, at a still deeper level, a
dissociationbetweenpoliticalpowerand the sacred.Accordingto this view, modernpolitical "show business"
representsa new way of portrayingpower, in which
coerciverelationsand the juxtapositionofcrudeimages
tendto obliterateawareness of any fixedreferent,
either
transcendantor immanent(God, the Law).
Attractivethoughit may seem, this idea of the political seems unduly schematic. One can certainlyadmit,
with Habermas (i986[i962]:24I), that the "public political sphere"has undergonea remarkableevolutionsince
the Enlightenment,
to the extentthatit "has been taken
over by techniques of demonstrationand manipulation
invented by organizationsthat constructa 'publicity'
from which the subordinated 'public' has been excluded." But does the analogybetweenpolitical competitionand a greatmarketin which new "products"are
paraded beforethe public accordingto the latest commercial and advertisingtechniques adequatelydescribe
relationsbetween professionalpoliticians and theirfellow citizens?And should these latter,at least in democraticsocieties,be equated withconsumers,albeitfickle
ones?
Evidently,the question ofpolitical dramais inseparable fromthe complex question of political representation in modern society. At this point the analysis of
i. Translated
byRoyWillis.An originalversionofthistextformed
to theColloquiumat BadHomburg
thesubjectofa paperpresented
Octoberi6-I8, I986. It appearedin Frenchin Le TempsModernes
in March I987 and is translatedhere by permissionof the pub- 2. The Ncwala, the greatannualritualofthe Swazi,describedby
Kuper (I 947:197-225), explicitlygeneratesthe powers of kingship.
lisher.
39I
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392 1 CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
contemporary
societywould seem partiallyto invalidate
the notionoftotal secularizationofpoliticallifein favor
of a less strictlyevolutionistview of matters.If we examine politicalritualin present-day
France,we findourselves dealing with relationsof abiding complexity,as
Lefort(I986) has emphasized,betweenthe political and
the religious.3That is why I have chosen to consider
from an anthropologicalperspective two rituals performedby a particularlytypicalstatesman,namely,the
Presidentofthe Republic,FrancoisMitterrand.The first
ritualrelatesto a well-establishedcustom,thatof inaugurationsand commemorationssuch as are regularlyattendedby elected representativesin the course of their
duties. The second ritualwould appearto be an original
inventionand also contains informationabout the personal historyof its protagonist.Analysis of the characteristicsof these kinds of political practiceleads us to
question the adequacy of the veryidea of "ritual," and
deeper studyof these public proceduresmay enable us
betterto understandthe functionof political ritual in
termsof legitimacy.
A PresidentialDay
On FebruaryI4, I986, PresidentMitterrandwent to
Nievre,a departmentforwhich he had been the elected
representativeformore than 30 years,rightup to his
accession to the supremeoffice.The officialpurposeof
this journeywas to inauguratethe new railwaystation
at Nevers (the principaltown of the department).The
remainderof the day was to be devotedto otheracts of
commemorationand inauguration,such as the bestowal
of decorationson various local personalities:a full day
that was to take the presidentall over the department.
Let us now followM. Mitterrandand his entourage:we
shall also take note of the various local and national
press commentariesthat marked this visit and effectivelymade an event of it.
On this Fridaya special trainconveyedthe president,
accompaniedby the state secretaryfortransportand the
presidentof the state railwaycorporation,fromParis to
Nevers. The journey became the occasion for a freewheelingdiscussion with journalists,and inevitablyinterestfocussedon the legislativeelections,due withina
month; on this topic M. Mitterrandobservedthat his
pronouncementsplaced him "verymuch in advance" of
his predecessors.Accordingto him, the electionswould
follow a patternalready laid down by the presidential
campaign: "Undoubtedlythe legislative elections will
take just that shape." As to a possible "deal" over the
premiership,the presidentemphasized that he would
choose "whomeverhe wishes" as primeminister.This
concernovertheproperpreeminenceofthehead ofstate
3. Lefortrightlyemphasizesthe interrelation
of the politicaland
religiousdimensions,
notingin thisconnectionthat"it is impossible to separatewhatbelongsto theelaborationofa politicalform
... fromwhatbelongsto the elaborationof a religiousform"(p.
26i).
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AB ELE S
about worldhunger?"At
6:o5
P.M.
the presidential
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394
CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
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ABELE S
and that of the president,the bestowal of decorations, their purpose, one being "political significance,"the
and the signingof the town's Golden Book.
other"ceremonial offeredto the department,"does not
It would be superfluousto emphasize the repetitive suffice.Obviously, the correspondentof Liberation is
character,fromone place to another,ofthese operations not concernedabout the details of the stationinaugurato do withdecorations,inaugurations,etc. Levi-Strauss's tion. For its part,Le Monde, while satisfiedwith a sum(I97I:602) commenton certainrituals of the Navajo is mary of the remarksof the presidentduringhis interrelevanthere: "at the price of a considerableexpense of view with the journalists,returnsa couple of days later
words,the ritual becomes an orgyof repetitions."This to the tourof FebruaryI4 and devotes to it threelines,
ensemble of microsequenceslinked togetherwithouta not without a touch of humor: "The presidentNievre
break conferson political ritual a special atmosphere. has given France,accordingto M. PierreBeregovoy,the
On the one hand,thereare real eventsofgenuinecollec- mayorM. Mitterrandhas givenNievre,still owes sometive interest,concrete gains accrued by reason of the thingto his department.... M. Mitterrandhad the right
eminentpolitical role acquiredby Nievre's politicalrep- to all the flummeryof a full-dressofficialvisit . . ." (Le
resentative;on the other,the whole celebrationoccurs Monde, FebruaryI7). Behind the simple words of these
on the margin of ordinarylife, in a special time that national journaliststherelies the outline of a negative
formsa kind of parenthesisas much in relationto the message projectedby the president."M. Mitterrand'innormalpreoccupationsofthe participantsas to the cares auguratedthe chrysanthemums,'
as the late General de
of governmentone would generallyassociate with the Gaulle mighthave said, all throughthat day of Friday,
officeof Presidentof the Republic.
FebruaryI4. But afterMarch i 6 it will be a different
This contrastbetweenritualtime and thegeneralcon- story" (Le Monde, FebruaryI7). And was not this the
juncturein which it is inscribedin fact constitutesa essence of the matter,the simple idea offeredto the
necessaryconditionforthe settingup of the "snare for public-an idea which could be paraphrasedas "See me
thought."All the participantslay aside their ordinary playingthe role of a presidentin the styleof the Fourth
activities for several hours to join with the principal Republic!But know well thatI will neverbe confinedto
officiant
in a ceremonyto effecta double homage:on the such a role!", a message in the formof a paradox well
one hand dedicated to the elected one, to the "sover- summedup in the openingaddressat Nevers (Le Monde,
eign," on the otherby the presidentto the department, February I7): "I am not particularlykeen on inauwhose heroic notables he continuously extols. This gurations"?
The day in Nievre, thus placed in perspectiveby its
quasi-religiousaspect ofthepoliticalritualis perceptible
to the context of
in the actions and even in the looks of both parties. principalprotagonistand transferred
Public attentionis riveted on M. Mitterrandas if he the ongoingpolitical debate on the role of the President
were,in decoratingone of the guestsor in goinginto an of the Republic in the event of a victoryby the opposiapartment,performingsome mystic act. Like a priest tion in the legislative elections, takes on a special
ofpresidentialpower
his office,the presidentconcentrateson his significance.It is the irreducibility
performing
in the face of public
everymove, and no one would thinkof distractinghim that M. Mitterrandis reaffirming,
fromthe task in hand. He himselfwalks amonghis fol- opinion. That at least is the sense of the image of the
lowers,sometimesslightlyin front,his eyes on thehori- ceremonial occasion as reflectedin the mirrorof the
zon, exceptforthe briefmomentswhen his gaze settles national dailies. As in many other societies, political
on an individualwho is receivinga decorationor whom ritualis eloquent here,simultaneouslyevokingthe repa shortexchangeofwordsrescuesfora fewsecondsfrom resentativecharacterofthepresidentas thechoice ofthe
people and the authorityhe exercisesas a head of state.
anonymity.
In a centralizedpolitical systemit is hardlysurprising But whereas the inaugurationof the Nevers stationand
thata presidentialact, even ifnot seen as an eventat the the subsequent celebrationsall serve to highlightthe
national level, nevertheless makes some impression firstterm-the relation between the elected one and
there.Even so, one may wonder to what extentan of- civil society-the second term becomes evident only
ficialday spentin a departmentis also intendedto affect when studied in the context of a speech act endowed
the global society. Does the symbolicefficacityof this with its strictrhetoricalsense of antiphrasis,pure and
kind of ritual exceed the boundariesof the territory
to simple.
which it is devoted? A reading of the national daily
The consistencyand polysemicrangeofthe ritualunnewspapersenables one to gauge the effectofM. Mitter- doubtedlyderivein part fromthe multiplicityof regisrand's tour of Nievre on Frenchpolitics. I have quoted ters employed,in part from this insertionof the saseveral newspapercommentswhich dwelt on the pros- cralizedact into a fieldof communicationsharedby the
pect of the elections.As faras the joumalists were con- global society.The president'sartconsistedin adhering
cemed, what seemed to be importantwas said in the scrupulouslyto a model belongingto the Republican
train beforethe beginningof the presidentialtour. It traditionwhile using its symbols,its actions, even its
would appear the ritual servedas a pretextwherebythe time to expresssomethingquite otherthan what would
presidentcould feedthe media with one or two carefully have come across in a speech or a pressinterview.Here
thereis an instructiveparallel to be noted between the
chosen phrases.
On furtherexamination,it seems that an interpreta- practiceofM. Mitterrandand thatofGeneralde Gaulle.
tion distinguishingtwo kinds of messages accordingto It is well known that the latter,an expertin the matter
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396 1 CURRENT
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ABELES
thus describedby one of the joumalists present(Libera- pen in his case [Giscardwon the legislativeelections of
tion,Juneii, I984):
I978]. Why do you want it to happen in mine?" (Le
GilbertMitterrandand the children,Mme. Hemu and
otherfriendsfromthe rue de Bievresun themselves
at thesummit.TowardsI2:30
P.M.
theadvanceguard
Monde,May 27,
I985).
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ABELES
Comments
GEORGES
BLOCH
DepartmentofAnthropology,
London School of
Economics,HoughtonSt., London WC2A 2AE,
England. 5 x 87
AUGUSTINS
Laboratoired'Ethnologieet de Sociologie
Comparative,Universitede Paris x, 9200I Nanterre,
France.7 x 87
One must certainlybe gratefulto Abeles forhavingtackled what he calls "modem political rituals" with the
rigourand considerationattachedto the studyof traditional societies. He seems perfectlyconvincingwhen he
concludes thatthe political "ritual" ofmodem societies
is stagedin a contextin which secularizationis probably
not absolute and thatit is not a survivalbut a necessary
elementof the definitionof an individuallegitimacy.
His contentionis that two featuresare necessaryto
characterizepolitical "ritual": a dependencybetween
formalizationand emotion and a necessaryrelationbetweenthe "rite" itselfand its incorporationinto a wider
political context. His analysis conceming this second
point is particularlyilluminatingand constitutesan essential intellectualtool forhis successors.The relation
betweenformalizationand emotion seems to me more
complexthanhe presentsit: manyrituals,includingreligious ones, put up with disbelief;theymay or may not
generateemotionin a particularparticipant,but to what
extentthis emotion is relatedto beliefis a particularly
difficultquestion.
This bringsus to the centralissue thatAbeles's article
most judiciouslyraises: obviouslyit is deliberatelythat
he uses the word "ritual" and not the word "ceremonial." The use of the word "ritual" is justifiedby the
referenceto an alleged "symbolicefficacy";one way of
understandingthis expressionmightbe as a particular
impact of certainformalizedgesturesor words on the
unconsciousofthe participant,who sees themas action
upon the world. I do not know if Abeles would agree
withthisdefinition,but ifwhat is describedis actuallya
ritualone mightexpect a descriptionof the mentalprocess by which it becomes a "snare for thought."The
whole problemofritualsis to make explicitthisconcept
of"symbolicefficacy,"to elucidatetherelationbetween
ritualact and emotion. What Abeles describesare ceremonials, which in and of themselvesare discoursesin
action about legitimacy;he explains,convincingly,that
they are something more than ordinarydiscourses,
somethingin whichlegitimacyis reassertedbymeans of
symbolic evocations, but the emotional involvement
and involuntaryadherence of the individual spectator
are probablyfarless importantthan in the case of a believer attendinga religious rite. In other words, is it
sufficient
to say thatthereis symbolicefficacybecause a
conjunctionbetween formalizationand emotion possiblyoccurs?How are we, in thisparticularcase, to understand symbolicefficacy?This must be consideredsim-
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GRILLO
LETT
DepartmentofAnthropology,
Indian River
This paper addresses in an interestingand thought- CommunityCollege, 3209 VirginiaAve., Ft. Pierce,
provokingway some importantquestions.The natureof Fla. 33454, U.S.A. 5 ix 87
ritualin contemporary
Westem society,especiallypolitical ritual of the kind Abeles examines,is a neglected Abeles's descriptionofpolitical ritualin the Mitterrand
subjectin anthropology,
thoughperhapsnot as neglected presidencyis ethnographicallyrich and interesting.He
as he suggests.The ethnographicdetail is valuable, and offersa compellingdemonstrationof the importantrole
the commentaryon the two ritualsmakes a numberof that symbols and ritual play in the political organizainterestingpoints which illuminate,forme, certainas- tions of contemporary
industrializedsocieties. I believe
pects of French political life (e.g., the importanceof he errs,however,when he arguesagainst"the notionof
place and roots). Some suggestionsforways in which total secularizationof political life" in France.I do not
this work could be extendedare in order.
think,as Abeles does, that we are "dealing with relaFirst,the two rituals which Abeles discusses are of tionsofabidingcomplexity... betweenthepoliticaland
similar types and a particularkind. Without a wider the religious" (emphasis added). The Mitterrandrituals
rangeofdata,analysisofthe significanceoftheserituals that he describes are essentially devoid of any supercan be only partialand suggestive.Both are minorlocal natural allusion or symbolism. Perhaps I am simply
ceremonies,albeit ones gracedby an importantperson- quibblingover semantics,but I thinknot. Most anthroage. A broadreviewofa wide rangeofcomparative,con- pologistsaccept the notionthatthe "supematural"(i.e.,
and historical,Frenchmaterial(whichmayor the nonempirical)lies at the heart of any definitionof
temporary
may not be available) is necessary to allow their full "religion." The Mitterrandperformancesare assuredly
significanceto emerge.Forexample,I would like to see a symbolic and inescapably ritualistic, as Abeles ably
similar (contemporary)analysis of the great (Parisian) demonstrates,but they are not religious-and that is
occasions of state,followedby an examinationof con- preciselywhat is interestingabout them.
Abeles correctlyobserves that magico-religioussuptinuityand changein FrenchstateritualfromLouis XIV
throughthe Revolutionand Napoleon to De Gaulle and port of political institutionsis ubiquitous in "tradiMitterrand.The extensive sociohistoricalliteratureon tional" societies. Certainlycontemporary
industrialized
political ritualin I7th- and i8th-centuryFranceshould state societies do claim supernaturalsupportfortheir
provide plenty of source material. The paper hints at politicalinstitutions,but,froman evolutionaryperspecsome interestingdifferencesas well as similaritiesbe- tive, theyare doing so less and less. Political organizatween the ritualsof De Gaulle and Mitterrandbut does tions in state societies continue to rely heavily upon
littleabout it. (A Frenchfriendobserved,"We are always highlychargedsymbolsand powerfulrituals,but those
symbols and rituals are quickly becoming secularized.
tryingto resurrectthe kingwhose head we cut off!")
Secondly,the paper also hints at a comparativetask, This is what Wallace (I966) realized yearsago when he
but brieflyin its referenceto Swaziland. Equally if not wroteabout the preeminenceof ritualoverbelief.Conmore illuminatingwould be a comparisonwith other temporaryindustrializedsocieties continueto have ritEuropean and North American state systems (forex- uals of technology,therapy,ideology, salvation, and
ample, a comparisonon a line taken fromWashington revitalizationjust like band,tribal,chiefdom,and noninthroughLincoln to Kennedy and Reagan). There is a dustrialstate societies, but all five formsof ritual are
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ABELE S
losingtheirsupematuralideology.The formremainsthe
same, but the contenthas changeddramatically.
Abeles's interestingarticledoes nothingifnot demonstratethis.The evocativesymbolsmanipulatedbyPresident Mitterrandat the inaugurationin Nevers are all
secular:thelayingofthememorialwreath,the awarding
of the Legion of Honor, the reverentialallusion to "the
land of Morvan," the affectionateembrace of a little
girl-these are all symbols of group identification,of
nationalismand culturalheritage,and as such theydo
notdependupon anysupematuralassociations.They are
powerfulsymbolsand theyare expressedin a ritualcontext-and theirformand functionare identical to religious symbols expressedin religiousrituals-but they
are not religioussymbols,nor is the inaugurationa religious ritual.The same is true of Mitterrand's"pilgrimage" to Solutre.Here, as Abeles observes,what Mitterrandsymbolicallyaffirms
is his "unswervingloyaltyto a
land and a people," not to a god or a transcendentforce.
What I find most interestingabout Abeles's article,
though,is the paradigmaticissues that it suggests.His
analysisfollowsfairlyclosely the pointofview takenby
symbolicanthropologists(Geertz I973, I983), with additional inspiration drawn from structuralists(LeviStrauss I963, I976). Both of these paradigmsare centrally concemed with the role that symbols play in
human life, and both recognize that the most powerful symbols often find expression in ritual behavior.
Abeles's article is furthervalidation of the utility of
symbolicanthropology-theparadigmdoes in factlead
us to interesting
insightsabout theworld.He has offered
us one more illustrationof how symbolicanthropology
can be put to use, in effectperformingwhat Kuhn
(I970:25-28) calls "normal science"-examining the
factsat hand,comparingthemwithhis paradigm'stheoretical predictions,and demonstratingthe paradigm's
theoreticalprinciples.As I have arguedelsewhere(Lett
I987), however,symbolic anthropologyand structuralism do not,at the presenttime,need further
demonstrationsoftheirapplication.Instead,bothparadigmsneed a
more rigorousformulationof their theoreticalprinciples. I do not faultAbeles forfailingto addressthisissue
(I do not expect him to be interestedin the issues that
interestme). On the whole, however,myreactionto his
article is yes, that is intriguing;yes, I generallyagree;
but thereis otherwork to be done.
JULIAN PITT-RIVERS
H. STEPHENSON
DepartmentofAnthropology,Universityof Victoria,
P.O. Box 1700, Victoria,B.C., Canada V8W2Y2.
20 X 87
Abeles's thought-provoking
descriptionand interpretation of modem political ritualin Franceunderthe waning presidency of Mitterrandposes many lines for
furthercommentary.I shall restrictmyselfto his essentially"monistic" pointofview and the conceptuallimitationsimposedon his interpretation
byFrance'sbeinga
republic.These two issues are related,in my view, because both yield the same blind spot.
If one takes "monism" to mean that the universeof
explanationis sharedby analystand subject and consequently that anthropologicalresearch methods are as
useful in one's own society as elsewhere,then this is
indeeda "monistic" work(see Leaf I979). As it happens,
I agree with this position, but it is not clear whether
in
Abeles's conclusion that "thereis thus no difference
kindbetweenthepolitical ritualsoftraditionalsocieties
and of those contemporaneouswith us" derives from
adherenceto a monisticpoint of view or inheresin the
mannerin which he mounts his description.I suspect
thatit is partlythe latter,because it is ratherdifficultto
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402
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ANTHROPOLOGY
assume the privilegedposition of an outsiderwith special knowledge when one works at home, where the
elitism so opaque (and acceptable) in the cross-cultural
situationbecomes transparent(and intolerable).My suspicion arises fromthe simple fact that Abeles only asserts his conclusion-he does not marshal any direct
evidence for it here. A briefreadinglist of others' research does not really sufficeas evidence forwhat he
describesonly as "traditional"society.By "traditional"
one suspectshe means a monarchyofsome sortand not
a republic,and preferably
a non-European,nonconstitutional monarchy.To draw the conclusion Abeles does,
ratherthan merelypresupposingit, would necessitatea
careful comparison with other societies and would
emerge fromthe data ratherthan overwhelmit with
assertionssupportedwith a mere handfulof references
to otherworks by otherwritersabout othertimes and
places.
I suspect that the case Abeles puts forwardcan be
made, but it also entails utilizing a differentset of
categoriesthan "traditional" and "contemporaneous,"
which simplyreducehistoryto criticallydimensionless
cultural stereotypesno more satisfactorythan "primitive" and "modem." These categoriesmustbe historical
in nature: postmonarchic republic, constitutional
etc. For example,Franceis a
monarchy(parliamentary),
republicthat has experienceda historicallywrenching
division between sacred power and profanepolitical
power. Consequently,the symbols and political ritual
that brushthe touchstonesto legitimatecurrentofficeholdersmust do so ratherdifferently
than forpolitical
leaders still encumbered with monarchs whose sole
functionis to personifythe state.
Mitterrandhas his Solutre,Americanpresidentstheir
folksytrips to the ranch or firesidechats. In both instances the "personalizedrituals" seem to have become
extremelyimportantto the public, the media, and the
presidents themselves. Perhaps this is because the
deepervalues held by all in a republiccan onlybe effectivelycommunicatedin the absence of the regal pomp
and fanfarethey have replaced. There may have been
timesand places in whichkingsand queens were obliged
to do somethingsimilarin orderto earn the privilegeof
asserting their power, but in today's constitutional
monarchies that time has long past. Today's monarchs-one has onlyto thinkofElizabeth and Beatrixmay representboth the state and historyin theirvery
persons.Perhapsthis explains in partthe public obsession with what they wear ratherthan what they say.
PrinceCharles,forexample,may give an addresson rebuildingBritain'sinnercities with a greatdeal of scope
forpolitical interpretation
by the media, but the latter
will describeat lengthwhat his wifewore forthe occasion and not reporta word he uttered.Mitterrand'sand
Reagan's attiregains symbolic value during"personal
ritual moments" as well because in the absence of a
monarchtheytoo may personifythe state,but this can
be taken only so farwithoutoffending
democraticsensibilities.The primeministerin a constitutionalmonarchy can never representthe state withoutusurpingthe
onlyremainingfunctionofthemonarch.Furthermore,
it
Reply'
MARC
ABELES
Paris,France. 24 xi 87
The comments on this analysis of modem political
ritualtie in with questions thatI myselfhave been ponI.
Translatedby MaryTurton.
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ABELES
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404
1 CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
ReferencesCited
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