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Police ocers buying doughnuts and coee, an example of perceived stereotypical behavior in North America.
4 FUNCTIONS
Content
4.5
Explanation purposes
As mentioned previously, stereotypes can be used to explain social events.[13][23] Henri Tajfel[13] described his
observations of how some people found that the antiSemitic contents of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion
only made sense if Jews have certain characteristics.
Therefore, according to Tajfel,[13] Jews were stereotyped
as being evil and yearning for world domination to match
the anti-Semitic facts as presented in The Protocols of
the Elders of Zion.
4.3.2
Justication purposes
People create stereotypes of an outgroup to justify the actions that their ingroup has committed (or plans to commit) towards that outgroup.[13][22][23] For example, according to Tajfel,[13] Europeans stereotyped Turkish, Indian, and Chinese people as being incapable of achieving
nancial advances without European help. This stereotype was used to justify European colonialism in Turkey,
India, and China.
4.3.3
Intergroup dierentiation
3
an intergroup context, and they are less likely to do so
in an intragroup context where the need to emphasise
their group membership is not as great.[23] Stereotypes
can emphasise a persons group membership in two steps:
First, stereotypes emphasise the persons similarities with
ingroup members on relevant dimensions, and also the
persons dierences from outgroup members on relevant
dimensions.[23] Second, the more the stereotypes emphasise within-group similarities and between-group dierences, the more salient the persons social identity will
become, and the more depersonalised that person will
be.[23] A depersonalised person will abandon his/her individual dierences and embrace the stereotypes associated with his/her relevant group membership.[23]
5 FORMATION
der logical arguments against stereotypes ineective in on a cognitive mechanism known as illusory correlacountering the power of emotional responses.[24]
tion an erroneous inference about the relationship between two events.[1][28][29] If two events which are statistically infrequent co-occur, observers overestimate the
5.1 Correspondence bias
frequency of co-occurrence of these events. The underlying reason is that rare, infrequent events are distinctive
Main article: Correspondence bias
and salient and, when paired, become even more so. The
heightened salience results in more attention and more
strengthens the belief that the
The correspondence bias refers to the tendency to ascribe eective encoding, which
[30][31][32]
events
are
correlated.
a persons behavior to her or his disposition or personality
and to underestimate the extent to which situational fac- In the intergroup context, illusory correlations lead peotors elicited the behavior. The correspondence bias can ple to misattribute rare behaviors or traits at higher rates
play an important role in stereotype formation.[25]
to minority group members than to majority groups, even
For example, in a study by Roguer and Yzerbyt (1999) when both display the same proportion of the behaviors
participants watched a video showing students who were or traits. Black people, for instance, are a minority group
randomly instructed to nd arguments either for or in the United States and interaction with blacks is a relagainst euthanasia. The students that argued in favor of atively infrequent event for an average white American.
euthanasia came from the same law department or from Similarly, undesirable behavior (e.g. crime) is statistidierent departments. Results showed that participants cally less frequent than desirable behavior. Since both
attributed the students responses to their attitudes al- events blackness and undesirable behavior are disthough it had been made clear in the video that students tinctive in the sense that they are infrequent, the comobservers to overestimate the
had no choice about their position. Participants reported bination of the two leads
[30]
rate
of
co-occurrence.
Similarly,
in workplaces where
that group membership, i.e., the department that the stuwomen
are
underrepresented
and
negative
behaviors such
dents belonged to, had an impact on the students opinas
errors
occur
less
frequently
than
positive
behaviors,
ions about euthanasia. Law students were perceived to
women
become
more
strongly
associated
with
mistakes
be more in favor of euthanasia than students from dif[33]
than
men.
ferent departments despite the fact that a pretest had revealed that subjects had no preexisting expectations about
attitudes toward euthanasia and the department that students belong to. The attribution error created the new
stereotype that law students are more likely to support
euthanasia.[26]
In a landmark study, David Hamilton and Richard Gifford (1976) examined the role of illusory correlation
in stereotype formation. Subjects were instructed to
read descriptions of behaviors performed by members
of groups A and B. Negative behaviors outnumbered
positive actions and group B was smaller than group A,
making negative behaviors and membership in group B
relatively infrequent and distinctive. Participants were
then asked who had performed a set of actions: a person of group A or group B. Results showed that subjects overestimated the frequency with which both distinctive events, membership in group B and negative behavior, co-occurred, and evaluated group B more negatively. This despite the fact the proportion of positive
to negative behaviors was equivalent for both groups and
that there was no actual correlation between group membership and behaviors.[30] Although Hamilton and Gifford found a similar eect for positive behaviors as the infrequent events, a meta-analytic review of studies showed
that illusory correlation eects are stronger when the infrequent, distinctive information is negative.[28]
Nier et al. (2012) found that people who tend to draw dispositional inferences from behavior and ignore situational
constraints are more likely to stereotype low-status groups
as incompetent and high-status groups as competent. Participants listened to descriptions of two ctitious groups
of Pacic Islanders, one of which was described as being
higher in status than the other. In a second study, subjects rated actual groups the poor and wealthy, women
and men in the United States in terms of their competence. Subjects who scored high on the measure of
correspondence bias stereotyped the poor, women, and
the ctitious lower-status Pacic Islanders as incompetent whereas they stereotyped the wealthy, men, and the
high-status Pacic Islanders as competent. The correspondence bias was a signicant predictor of stereotyping
even after controlling for other measures that have been
linked to beliefs about low status groups, the just-world Hamilton and Giords distinctiveness-based explanation
hypothesis and social dominance orientation.[27]
of stereotype formation was subsequently extended.[31] A
1994 study by McConnell, Sherman, and Hamilton found
that people formed stereotypes based on information that
5.2 Illusory correlation
was not distinctive at the time of presentation, but was
considered distinctive at the time of judgement.[34] Once
Main article: Illusory correlation
a person judges non-distinctive information in memory
to be distinctive, that information is re-encoded and reResearch has shown that stereotypes can develop based represented as if it had been distinctive when it was rst
5
processed.[34]
6 Activation
The dual-process model of cognitive processing of stereotypes asserts that automatic activation of stereotypes
is followed by a controlled processing stage, during
One explanation for why stereotypes are shared is that
which an individual may choose to disregard or ignore
they are the result of a common environment that stimuthe stereotyped information that has been brought to
[1]
lates people to react in the same way.
mind.[12]
The problem with the common environment explanation
A number of studies have found that stereotypes are acin general is that it does not explain how shared stereotivated automatically. Patricia Devine (1989), for examtypes can occur without direct stimuli.[1] Research since
ple, suggested that stereotypes are automatically activated
the 1930s suggested that people are highly similar with
in the presence of a member (or some symbolic equiveach other in how they describe dierent racial and naalent) of a stereotyped group and that the unintentional
tional groups, although those people have no personal exactivation of the stereotype is equally strong for high[35]
perience with the groups they are describing.
and low-prejudice persons. Words related to the cultural
stereotype of blacks were presented subliminally. During
an ostensibly unrelated impression-formation task, sub5.4 Socialization and upbringing
jects read a paragraph describing a race-unspecied tarAnother explanation says that people are socialised to get persons behaviors and rated the target person on sevadopt the same stereotypes.[1] Some psychologists be- eral trait scales. Results showed that participants who relieve that although stereotypes can be absorbed at any age, ceived a high proportion of racial words rated the target
stereotypes are usually acquired in early childhood under person in the story as signicantly more hostile than parthe inuence of parents, teachers, peers, and the media. ticipants who were presented with a lower proportion of
words related to the stereotype. This eect held true for
If stereotypes are dened by social values, then stereo- both high- and low-prejudice subjects (as measured by
types will only change as per changes in social values.[1] the Modern Racism Scale). Thus, the racial stereotype
The suggestion that stereotype content depend on social was activated even for low-prejudice individuals who did
values reects Walter Lippman's argument in his 1922 not personally endorse it.[12][38][39] Studies using alternapublication that stereotypes are rigid because they cannot tive priming methods have shown that the activation of
be changed at will.[10]
gender and age stereotypes can also be automatic.[40][41]
Studies emerging since the 1940s refuted the suggestion Subsequent research suggested that the relation between
that stereotype contents cannot be changed at will. Those category activation and stereotype activation was more
studies suggested that one groups stereotype of another complex.[39][42] Lepore and Brown (1997), for instance,
group would become more or less positive depending on noted that the words used in Devines study were both
whether their intergroup relationship had improved or neutral category labels (e.g., Blacks) and stereotypic
degraded.[10][36][37] Intergroup events (e.g., World War attributes (e.g., lazy). They argued that if only the
Two, Persian Gulf conict) often changed intergroup re- neutral category labels were presented, people high and
lationships. For example, after WWII, Black American low in prejudice would respond dierently. In a design
students held a more negative stereotype of people from similar to Devines, Lepore and Brown primed the catecountries that were the USAs WWII enemies.[10] If there gory of African-Americans using labels such as blacks
are no changes to an intergroup relationship, then relevant and West Indians and then assessed the dierential
stereotypes will not change.[11]
activation of the associated stereotype in the subse-
5.3
5.5
Common environment
Intergroup relations
quent impression-formation task. They found that highprejudice participants increased their ratings of the target person on the negative stereotypic dimensions and
decreased them on the positive dimension whereas lowprejudice subjects tended in the opposite direction. The
results suggest that the level of prejudice and stereotype
endorsement aects peoples judgements when the category and not the stereotype per se is primed.[43]
Research has shown that people can be trained to activate counterstereotypic information and thereby reduce
the automatic activation of negative stereotypes. In a
study by Kawakami et al. (2000), for example, participants were presented with a category label and taught
to respond No to stereotypic traits and Yes to nonstereotypic traits. After this training period, subjects
EFFECTS
showed reduced stereotype activation.[44][45] This eect ing new or unexpected information about each individual,
is based on the learning of new and more positive stereo- thus biasing the impression formation process.[1] Early retypes rather than the negation of already existing ones.[45] searchers believed that stereotypes were inaccurate representations of reality.[35] A series of pioneering studies
which appeared in the 1930s found no empirical support
6.1 Automatic behavioral outcomes
for widely held racial stereotypes.[10] By the mid-1950s,
Gordon Allport wrote that it is possible for a stereotype
Empirical evidence suggests that stereotype activation to grow in deance of all evidence.[22]
can automatically inuence social behavior.[46][47][48][49]
For example, Bargh, Chen, and Burrows (1996) acti- Research on the role of illusory correlations in the formavated the stereotype of the elderly among half of their tion of stereotypes suggests that stereotypes can develop
participants by administering a scrambled-sentence test because of incorrect inferences about the relationship bewhere participants saw words related to age stereotypes. tween two events (e.g., membership in a social group and
means that at least some
Subjects primed with the stereotype walked signicantly bad or good attributes). This
[28][30][32][34]
stereotypes
are
inaccurate.
slower than the control group (although the test did not include any words specically referring to slowness), thus There is empirical social science research which shows
acting in a way that the stereotype suggests that elderly that stereotypes are often accurate.[52] Jussim et al. repeople will act. In another experiment, Bargh, Chen, viewed four studies concerning racial and seven studies
and Burrows also found that because the stereotype about which examined gender stereotypes about demographic
blacks includes the notion of aggression, subliminal expo- characteristics, academic achievement, personality and
sure to black faces increased the likelihood that randomly behavior. Based on that, the authors argued that some asselected white college students reacted with more aggres- pects of ethnic and gender stereotypes are accurate while
sion and hostility than participants who subconsciously stereotypes concerning political aliation and nationalviewed a white face.[50] Similarly, Correll et al. (2002) ity are much less accurate.[53] A study by Terracciano et
showed that activated stereotypes about blacks can inu- al. also found that stereotypic beliefs about nationality
ence peoples behavior. In a series of experiments, black do not reect the actual personality traits of people from
and white participants played a video game, in which a dierent cultures.[54]
black or white person was shown holding a gun or a harmless object (e.g., a mobile phone). Participants had to
decide as quickly as possible whether to shoot the target. When the target person was armed, both black and 8 Eects
white participants were faster in deciding to shoot the target when he was black than when he was white. When
8.1 Attributional ambiguity
the target was unarmed, the participants avoided shooting him more quickly when he was white. Time pressure
Main article: Attributional ambiguity
made the shooter bias even more pronounced.[51]
Accuracy
Attributional ambiguity has been shown to impact a persons self-esteem. When they receive positive evaluaStereotypes can be ecient shortcuts and sense-making tions, stereotyped individuals are uncertain of whether
tools. They can, however, keep people from process- they really deserved their success and, consequently, they
8.3
Self-fullling prophecy
8.4 Discrimination
8.5
Self-stereotyping
9
other detailed features raise him above a simple stereotype and into a unique character, worthy of modern performance. Simply because one feature of a character can
be categorized as being typical does not make the entire
character a stereotype.
[9] Denmark, Florence L. (2010). Prejudice and Discrimination. In Weiner, Irving B.; Craigheaid, W. Edward.
The Corsini Encyclopedia of Psychology. Volume Three
(4th ed.). Hoboken, N.J.: John Wiley. p. 1277. ISBN
978-0-470-47921-6.
[10] Katz, Daniel; Braly, Kenneth W. (1935). Racial prejudice and racial stereotypes. The Journal of Abnormal
and Social Psychology (American Psychological Association) 30 (2): 175193. doi:10.1037/h0059800.
10
See also
11
References
10
11
REFERENCES
11
[44] Kawakami, Kerry et al. (2000). Just say no (to stereotyping): eects of training in the negation of stereotypic associations on stereotype activation. Journal
of personality and social psychology 78 (5): 871888.
doi:10.1037/0022-3514.78.5.871. PMID 10821195.
[45] Gawronski, Bertram et al. (2008). When Just Say No
is not enough: Armation versus negation training and
the reduction of automatic stereotype activation. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 44 (2): 370377.
doi:10.1016/j.jesp.2006.12.004.
[46] Wheeler, S. Christian; Petty, Richard E. (2001). The Effects of Stereotype Activation on Behavior: A Review of
Possible Mechanisms (PDF). Psychological Bulletin 127
(6): 797826. doi:10.1037/0033-2909.127.6.797. Retrieved 10 June 2013.
[47] Devos, Thierry; Huynh, Que-Lam; Banaji, Mahzarin D.
(2012). Implicit self and identity. In Leary, Mark R.;
Tangney, June Price. Handbook of self and identity (2nd
ed.). New York: Guilford Press. p. 164165. ISBN 9781-4625-0305-6.
[48] Dijksterhuis, Ap (2001). Automatic social inuence:
The perception-behavior links as an explanatory mechanism for behavior matching. In Forgas, Joseph P.;
Williams, Kipling D. Social inuence: direct and indirect
processes. Philadelphia, PA: Psychology Press. p. 99
100.
[49] Operario, Din; Fiske, Susan T. (2001). Causes and Consequences of Stereotypes in Organizations. In London,
Manuel. How People Evaluate Others in Organizations.
Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum. p. 2012. ISBN 9780-8058-3612-7.
[50] Bargh, John A.; Chen, Mark; Burrows, Lara (1996).
Automaticity of Social Behavior: Direct Eects of Trait
Construct and Stereotype Activation on Action (PDF).
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 71 (2): 230
244. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.71.2.230. Retrieved 10
June 2013.
[51] Correll, Joshua; Park, Bernadette; Judd, Charles M.; Wittenbrink, Bernd (2002). The Police Ocers Dilemma:
Using Ethnicity to Disambiguate Potentially Threatening Individuals (PDF). Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 83 (6): 13141329. doi:10.1037/00223514.83.6.1314. Retrieved 10 June 2013.
[52] Yueh-Ting Lee, Lee J. Jussim, and Clark R. McCauley,
eds. (September 1995). Stereotype Accuracy: Toward
Appreciating Group Dierences. American Psychological
Association. ISBN 978-1-55798-307-7.
[53] Jussim, Lee; Cain, Thomas R.; Crawford, Jarret T.; Harber, Kent; Cohen, Florette (2009). The unbearable accuracy of stereotypes. In Nelson, Todd D. Handbook
of prejudice, stereotyping, and discrimination. New York:
Psychology Press. pp. 199227. ISBN 978-0-80585952-2.
[54] Terracciano, A; Abdel-Khalek, AM; Adm, N;
Adamovov, L; Ahn, CK; Ahn, HN; Alansari, BM; Alcalay, L et al. (2005). National Character Does Not Re-
ect Mean Personality Trait Levels in 49 Cultures. Science 310 (5745): 96100. doi:10.1126/science.1117199.
PMC 2775052. PMID 16210536.
[55] Zemore, Sarah E.; Fiske, Susan T.; Kim, Hyun-Jeong
(2000). Gender Stereotypes and the Dynamics of Social
Interaction. In Eckes, Thomas; Trautner, Hanns Martin.
The Developmental Social Psychology of Gender. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. pp. 229230.
ISBN 978-0-585-30065-8.
[56] Crocker, Jennifer; Major, Brenda; Stelle, Claude (1998).
Social Stigma. In Gilbert, Daniel T.; Fiske, Susan T.;
Lindzey, Gardner. The Handbook of Social Psychology.
Volume Two (4th ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
pp. 519521. ISBN 978-0-19-521376-8.
[57] Whiteley, Bernard E.; Kite, Mary E. (2010). The Psychology of Prejudice and Discrimination (2nd ed.). Belmont,
CA: Wadsworth Cengage Learning. pp. 428435. ISBN
978-0-495-59964-7.
[58] Crocker, Jennifer; Voelkl, Kristin; Testa, Maria; Major, Brenda (1991). Social stigma: The aective
consequences of attributional ambiguity. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology 60 (2): 218 228.
doi:10.1037/0022-3514.60.2.218.
[59] Osborne, Jason W. (2007). Linking Stereotype Threat
and Anxiety. Educational Psychology 27 (1): 135154.
doi:10.1080/01443410601069929.
[60] Quinn, Diane M.; Kallen, Rachel W.; Spencer, Steven J.
(2010). Stereotype Threat. In Dividio, John F. et al.
The SAGE Handbook of Prejudice, Stereotyping and Discrimination. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications.
pp. 379394. ISBN 978-1-4129-3453-4.
[61] Inzlicht, Michael; Tullett, Alexa M.; Gutsell, Jennifer N.
(2012). Stereotype Threat Spillover: The Short- and
Long-Term Eects of Coping with Threats to Social Identity. In Inzlicht, Michael; Schmader, Toni. Stereotype
Threat: Theory, Process, and Application. New York,
NY: Oxford University Press. p. 108. ISBN 978-0-19973244-9.
[62] Aronson, Joshua; Stelle, Claude M. (2005). Chapter
24: Stereotypes and the Fragility of Academic Competence, Motivation, and Self-Concept. In Elliot, Andrew
J.; Dweck, Carol S. Handbook of Competence and Motivation. New York: Guilford Press. pp. 436, 443. ISBN
978-1-59385-123-1.
[63] Steele, Claude M.; Aronson, Joshua (November 1995).
Stereotype threat and the intellectual test performance
of African Americans (PDF). Journal of Personality and
Social Psychology 69 (5): 797811. doi:10.1037/00223514.69.5.797. PMID 7473032.
[64] Stone, Je; Lynch, Christian I.; Sjomeling, Mike; Darley,
John M. (1999). Stereotype threat eects on Black and
White athletic performance. Journal of Personality and
Social Psychology 77 (6): 12131227. doi:10.1037/00223514.77.6.1213.
12
12 FURTHER READING
[77] Sinclair, Stacey; Huntsinger, Je (2006). The Interpersonal Basis of Self-Stereotyping. In Levin, Shana; Van
Laar, Colette. Stigma and Group Inequality: Social Psychological Perspectives. Claremont Symposium on Applied Social Psychology. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. p. 239. ISBN 978-0-8058-4415-3.
[78] Correll, Shelley J. (2001). Gender and the career choice
process: The role of biased self-assessments (PDF).
American Journal of Sociology 106 (6): 16911730.
doi:10.1086/321299.
[79] Correll, Shelley J. (2004). Constraints into Preferences: Gender, Status, and Emerging Career Aspirations
(PDF). American Sociological Review 69 (1): 93113.
doi:10.1177/000312240406900106.
[80] Sinclair, Stacey; Hardin, Curtis D.; Lowery, Brian S.
(2006). Self-Stereotyping in the Context of Multiple Social Identities (PDF). Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology (American Psychological Association) 90 (4):
529542. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.90.4.529.
[81] Kitch, Carolyn L. (2001). The Girl on the Magazine Cover:
The Origins of Visual Stereotypes in American Mass Media.
Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. pp.
116. ISBN 978-0-8078-2653-9.
[82] van Ginneken, Jaap (2007). Screening Dierence: How
Hollywoods Blockbuster Films Imagine Race, Ethnicity,
and Culture. Lanham: Rowman & Littleeld. ISBN
9780742555839.
12 Further reading
13
Turner, Chris (2004). Planet Simpson: How a Cartoon Masterpiece Documented an Era and Dened a
Generation. Foreword by Douglas Coupland. (1st
ed.). Toronto: Random House Canada. ISBN
0679313184. OCLC 55682258..
Crawford, M. & Unger, R. (2004). Women and
Gender: A Feminist Psychology. McGraw Hill New
York. New York. 45-49.
Spitzer, B.L., Henderson, K, A., & Zavian, M. T.
(1999). Gender dierences in population versus
media body sizes: A comparison over four decades.
Sex Roles, 40, 545-565.
13
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