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Archaeology,
Uzi Baram1
MiddleEast andforbreaking
downperceiveddivisions
ofpeoples inthe
definition
between components of themodern world
KEYWORDS:
OttomanEmpire;tobacco;coffee.
commodities;
INTRODUCTION
During excavations in Istanbul, JohnW. Hayes (1992) uncovered several
thousand clay tobacco pipe bowls. From the remains of a shipwreck on thefloor of
theRed Sea, Cheryl Ward (n.d.) recovered over 540 complete and several hundred
partial Chinese porcelains along with still uncounted numbers of clay tobacco
pipes. A survey of a rural area of Israel similarly brought forward large numbers
of such artifacts (Baram, 1996, pp. 227-233). These two classes of objects, dating
over several centuries, have been found in archaeological excavations from the
Balkans through theMiddle East. They have often been found in association with
each other (see, for example, Ben Dov's [1982] excavations outside of the south
ofSouthFlorida,5700 NorthTamiami
'Divisionof Social Sciences,New College of theUniversity
Trail
Sarasota, PL 34243.
137
1999 PlenumPublishing
1092.7ti97/9MQ90O<>137$16.0QIOC
Corporation
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138
Baram
Orser, 1996), these objects have the potential for illustrating aspects of social
and historical change for theOttoman Empire. That empire, which reigned for
six centuries, set the foundations for ethnic and national identities and polities of
the twentieth century easternMediterranean. While understandings of the empire
have been undergoing historiographic transformations (e.g., Abou-el-Haj,
1991;
Kafadar, 1995), the archaeology of the empire lags behind. This article presents an
interpretationof thegrowing corpus of archaeological evidence toprovide greater
social and global context for the dynamics of change in the region. The larger
goal of examining thematerial culture of theOttoman centuries is to challenge
turies, social identities are traced from the present to the deep past. Rather than
examining the historical and contingent development and complexities of social
identities, a timelessness is created with this gap in time. Even if theOttoman
centuries are included in analyses, passivity is assumed in traditional understand
ings of the era.Westernization is typically understood as thedriving force for the
transformation of the region in the nineteenth century, with the triumph of the
West precipitating the collapse and dissolution of the empire in the aftermath of
theFirstWorld War (e.g., Kinross, 1977). The dominant scholarly approach em
thesubordinate
Middle East in
ploysWesterngoods to illustrate
positionof the
relation to theWest (e.g., Lewis, 1995; Kark, 1995). I argue that the archaeological
evidence embodies a more dynamic process of change for the region over the last
several centuries. The clay tobacco pipes and porcelain sherds aid in building this
perspective on change for the region. This approach follows a suggestion from
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139
theempire(seeMarcus, 1989,forAleppo;Goffinan,1990,forIzmir).Contextual
PLEASURES
OF THEMIDDLE EAST
The archaeological record for theOttoman centuries contains a wide range
of artifacts; clay tobacco pipes and porcelain coffee cup sherds are chosen because
forthe"Big
association
of their
withpleasure.They are thematerialcorrelations
Fix" ofmodernity
of pleasureand recreation
(Wolf,1982,p. 310), commodities
For theMiddle East,
thatgainedglobal popularityafterthesixteenth
century.
thewidespread consumption of coffee and tobacco represents the advent of new
social behaviors. Those behaviors appear early in the process that leads to the
emergence of themodern world. The consumption of the commodities became
embeddedintodaily lifefortheinhabitants
of theregion:thetobaccopipe as a
of
the
Ottoman
symbol
Empire (Kinross,1977,p. 329) and coffeeas a signof
hospitality (Birnbaum, 1956). These commodities of pleasure exist at the nexus of
the
powerand socialrelationships.
Thoughimpacted
byglobalspatialinequalities,
behaviors did not arise because of theWest;
canbe tracedtothetransformations
Middle East during
inthe
by thecommodities
the early Islamic period.
waterandshadeas sourcesofMiddleEastern
describe
EarlyIslamic
writings
pleasures. Poetry and painting illustrate the place of runningwater, shaded parks,
and other images of coolness as essential topleasure (e.g., Blair and Bloom, 1991).
These images are not surprising for people who came out of thedesert. However,
places were not the only sources of pleasure for the people of theMiddle East.
whichareprohibited
by theQuran,severaltypes
Excludingalcoholandnarcotics,
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140
Baram
one thatcontributed
toa socialunityin theregionunderIslamicrule.
The sixteenth century witnessed
are related to Yemen's increased dependence on wage labor from abroad and
external agricultural goods. That led small scale farmers to turn to growing qat.
With changes in thedistribution of wealth and with thedecline of traditional social
hierarchies, new patterns of social life developed. The social gatherings for qat
chewing facilitated participation in new social hierarchies and in new discourses
Varisco, 1986).
This new pleasure intersectedwith economic and social transformations that
The details for the cultivation of tobacco and coffee in theOttoman Empire
are not as clear as for the above example (see Quataert, 1973). We do know
from historians that economic and political dynamics changed, and we can trace
the changes in thematerial culture and attempt to connect the social history and
thematerial history.The sixteenth-century commodities were interconnectedwith
social and economic transformations, though the interconnections are, for themost
part, left in the shadows. We know from historical documentation about theuse of
coffee and tobacco inurban areas; thearchaeological record provides the evidence
for the spread and embeddedness of the consuming behaviors across all sectors
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141
THEHISTORICALTRANSITION
In thefifteenthcentury, theeasternMediterranean was divided by the remnants
of theByzantineEmpire,severalindependent
polities,dieMamluk Empireof
Egypt, and the expanding Ottoman Empire. By the early sixteenth century, the
Ottomans were conquering all of theMiddle East and Southeastern Europe.
of Syria,the
In 1516,on theeve of theOttomaninvasion
Mamluk leaders
inCairo ordereda ban cmall pleasures,specifically
wine andhashish(Salmon,
whatmostof
1921).Both areexcludedbyQuranic law.The ban only illustrates
us know:lawsthatbangoodsexistbecausepeopleareusingthesubstances.
With superior
theOttomanarmywas able tosweep through
firepower,
Syria
andEgypt(Hourani,1991,p. 215).TheMamluk leadership
ofEgyptwas removed
and a new era begun in theMiddle East. Soon afterwards,from the shores of the
eastern
totheEuphratesand theTigristothe
Mediterranean
Danube, Istanbulruled
the crossroads of Europe, Asia, and Africa.
wine andhashishfromthepopulation
Mamluks soughtto remove
While the
coffee and tobacco. The trioof tobacco, coffee, and coffeehouses serve as mark
ers of a great cultural change, the political and social unification of the eastern
Mediterranean under Istanbul and the startof themodern age in theMiddle East.
These commodities and theplaces to consume themwere innovations for the
region but also seen as threats to the social order.With war being waged
against
(Hourani,1991,p. 237-238).At
explode intorebellionagainstthegovernment
the start of themodern age, the coffee houses were places for renegotiating the
social hierarchy and for challenging the social order. The social dynamics of the
of theelitetotheconsumption
of
and thereactions
incommodities
transformation
those commodities frame the archaeological
East? Tobacco
their
andcoffeehave twoseparatestoriesregarding
origins.
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142
Barani
Coffee came fromYemen and/or Ethiopia, Sufis, Islamic mystics, were said
to the seventeenth century Ottoman chronicler
who
...
and
sold it as a remedy for certain diseases of humidity. Some
pleasure-seekers
became addicted, and soon even those who were not pleasure-seekers began
sensualists...
That description fits theorigins of tobacco for Istanbul. However, the empire
was biggerthanitscapital.
While Englishsailorsmighthavebroughttobaccoto
Istanbul, thewidespread and seemingly instantaneous appearance of a different
type of clay tobacco pipe across the region points to a separate origin for the
commodity across the imperial realm. Tobacco was typically introduced around
theworld as a herb tobe smoked ina pipe. Clay was widely used forpipes, and being
The first
pipemaker'sguildwas establishedinSofia in1604(Robinson,1985,
p. 151). Guilds manufactured clay pipes for theempire. In provincial regions such
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143
thenineteenth
sityisdisplacedby a standardization
through
centuryto thepoint
a
that
handful
of
existed.
That
occurred
standardization
when tobacco
styles
only
cameunderthecontrolof a Frenchmonopolyas partof theOttoman
cultivation
EvenOttomanstylepipeswere producedbyFrenchfirmsforthe
DebtAuthority.
easternMediterranean markets. By the early twentieth century, large red brown
lily shaped bowls dominated assemblages. The last clay tobacco pipe manufacturer
theeconomicimpact
ofEuropeonlyreallybegantobe feltinthe
MiddleEast after
dynamics.
MATERIALCULTUREOF COFFEE
The sequencefortheceramicsused forcoffeedrinkingisclear in itsbroad
ofEvliyaQelebi (vonHammer,1834)describesthecoffee
sweeps.The travelogue
cups found in the Istanbul markets in regards to the varying levels of prestige
associated with thedifferent types. From excavations across the region have come
examples of thatrange of ceramics. However, theceramics are best contextualized
in the coffeehouse.
is thekeytounderstanding
the
material
The sociabilitythatcoffeelubricates
forthe
of thiscommodity.
Thematerialarenaforcoffeeis thecoffeehouse;
culture
Middle East, the coffeehouse became the alternative to themosque as a place for
socializing outside of the home. Before coffeehouses, people entertained in their
homes. With coffeehouses, men went out at night; the spatial divisions of urban
areas were transformedby centrally located coffeehouses where people frommany
areas congregated (Hattox, 1985, p. 128).
Hattox (1985, p. 80-82) lists the three types of places to consume coffee: the
coffee stall, which was simply a place to prepare coffee fordelivery tomerchants
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144
Baram
as a place
and theirclients;thecoffeeshop,whichwas commoninneighborhood
witha fewbenchesandwhichdeliveredcoffeelikethestall;and thecoffeehouse,
which was found in cities and on themajor routes in the countryside. The cof
feehouse would be surrounded by a park or garden, a largemain room would be
both the place to prepare coffee and a salon for patrons to sit on long benches
ordivansstretching
offeredto thepatron
along itswalls. The physicalcomforts
included cool shade trees and the splashing of waters. The park-like environment,
similar to the pleasures of earlier time periods, provided a contrast to the heat,
The preferred
smell,and noiseofMiddle Easternurbansummers.
place todrink
but inthis
coffeewas not in thehome,althoughitwas preparedanddrunkthere,
publiccoffeehouse.
of coffee,
Thematerialculture
duringtheearlyexpansionof itsconsumption
in theMiddle East, includes earthenware and metal coffee bean roasters (circular
plates pierced with small holes forcooking over coals), cylinder coffeemills, metal
coffee boilers, and small cups of Chinese porcelains for drinking. The apparatus
included eithermortar and pestles or mills for grounding the coffee beans, large
caldrons for cooking the coffee, large clay vessels (major) and vats (mirkan) for
storing the coffee, and small copper kettles. Because coffee became associated with
sociability, the objects took on social meanings. The serving cups were made of
Inparticular,
theChinese and Iznikporcelaincups became symbolsof prestige
andauthority
(seeCarroll,thisvolume).
Archaeologically,
ofcoffee.Typically
finds
dismissedas 'toomodern*by
fromtheconsumption
likely
comes from
centos of Iznik
shipwrecks(see Raban, 1971;Ward, n.d.) and theproduction
(Aslanapa et al,
of theChinese
fromlocalproduction
consistof a shiftinorientation:
of imitations
styles to the dominance ofWestern European
the
That patternfitstheshiftin theuse of coffeeas it spreadthroughout
empireandfrom theempiretoCentralandWesternEurope.As in thecase of
sugar, coffee production was taken over by Europeans in theircolonial lands. By
the early eighteenth century,mass cultivation in Java, theCaribbean, and Brazil
overwhelmed
Middle Easternproduction(Wolf,1982,p. 336-339;Ukers, 1935,
the
twentieth
Middle Eastweredrinking
coffee
century,
p. 733). By
peoplesof the
imported from those colonial lands (Winter, 1992, p. 246).
What was the impact of changing production patterns? Though consumption
of the commodities is continuous throughout the seventeenth through twentieth
centuries, the social meaning of consuming these items changed. Why did the
consumption of these commodities flourishwhile their cultivation was incorpo
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145
thestimulants;
house induced
peopletositintheeveningandpartakeinconsuming
as a place to see and be seen, itmet a social need. But why in themid-sixteenth
Empire revolves around agency. There is nothing particularly natural about the
choice of coffee and tobacco as pleasures. Hashish and wine were also avail
able; to the south of the Empire, qat is a widespread narcotic that could fill
the same roles as tobacco. Later, teawas used ina similar social manner as coffee.
The finds in Istanbul of thousands of clay tobacco pipes as well as theplentiful cof
fee cup sherds must be situated within questions regarding social practices during
thepost-sixteenth century period ofOttoman history.
Moving away from assumptions of decline in the empire after the sixteenth
century?where Westernization is seen as imposed upon the peoples of the em
pire?we
can explore the intersectionof social and material worlds. Let us use one
forIstanbul.
thatpossibility
class ofpeoplefromtheEmpireto illustrate
The Janissaries are probably better remembered at the end of the twentieth
century for their, let us say, interestinguniforms and the struggles over theirhats
than for theirmilitary prowess. The Janissaries, a slave army of impressed Chris
tian youth from throughout theempire, fought for theSultan during thegreatwave
ofOttoman conquests of the fourteenth through sixteenth centuries. The sixteenth
century witnessed changes in the structure of thismilitary force. Suleiyman the
tobemarriedandhave
from1520to 1566)allowedJanissaries
Magnificent(sultan
andprivilegesof the
receivedsomeof therights
The sonsof Janissaries
children.
corps (Lewis, 1995, p. 124-125). After the sixteenth century, a sizable population
Even someOttomanhistorians
familieslivedinIstanbul.
of thesesoldiersand their
refer to the "riff-raff" thatmade up the Janissaries (Kocu Bey, as cited inLewis,
1995,p. 124).
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146
Banun
a clash betweencompeting
notionsfortheempire,usuallyportrayed
triggered
as thenew versustheold.Going beyondthatsimpledichotomy,
Quataert(1997,
p. 403) uses this event as a focal point to examine the processes of "transforma
tion, elite formation, centralization, and state building" for the nineteenth century
empire.
Rather than seeing the thousands of soldiers as reactionary, one can link
thepresence of thesemultitudes to a more sociable Istanbul under theOttomans.
tourbanworkersand their
Quataert(1997,p. 404) connectstheJanissaries
guilds.
The Janissaries, one ofmany classes to develop during thepost-sixteenth century
socialdisciplining
thatencouragedtheingesting
of thesedrugfoods.This turning
of tradition around?because
theoppositionto the
of thepalace.
modernizingimpulses
To situate the social meaning for drinking coffee and smoking tobacco in
Jerusalem, let us turn to Singer's (1994) analysis of the social tensions and dy
namics in theJerusalem
The courtrecords(sijills)describerebellious
distinct.
they were
or coordination
of defined
villageplusBedouin help.Therewas nowider organization
common
purpose. The "rebellious" deeds of the peasants were meant to achieve some
local, immediate benefit; theywere not aiming to overthrow theOttoman governor or bring
down the empire.
These social tensions between the local rulers and the ruled were part of a larger
scale tension between the sultan and his officials. Singer (1994, p. 121) finds
thatthepeasants"participated
activelyin thestruggle,
defendingtheroutines
established by the sultan and theirown custom." Those customs were not uniform;
thepeasants,asmuch as officialdom,
had socialstratifications.
Ties ofkinshipand
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ArtifactsofSoda! TensionsfromtheOttomanPast
147
geography between the countryside and the urban areas "wove the peasants into
other hierarchies of power, wealth, and influence" (Singer, 1994, p. 124).
Similar to the ethnographic example regarding the connection between qat
and changing social stratifications in late twentiethcenturyYemen, thedynamics
of social change inOttoman Palestine played a role in the consumption of coffee
and tobacco. Consumption
ilarly,thelateeighteenth
century
polityruledbyDahir al-'Umaral-Zaydaniin
canalso be foundintheindividual
level.KhaterandKhater(1993,p. 35) describe
coffee. For Assaf, returning to the village in 1898 after eight years in
South America, he displayed a conspicuous consumption at the village coffee
thatalienated his wife and children (Khater and Khater, 1993,
house?behaviors
Those
p. 40).
consuming habits had a negative impact on Assaf s family, resulting
in a "juggling ways of life that sometimes flowed almost effortlessly,and at other
times came crashing down with a loud bang" (Khater and Khater, 1993, p. 42).
Brazilian
thecommodities.
The actionsof thesepeoplewerepartof a subordinate
through
discourse, whose traces can be found in court records (e.g., Singer, 1994), family
histories (e.g., Khater and Khater, 1993), and the travelogues ofWestern Europeans
(e.g., Baram, 1996, p. 73-77). The artifacts give thepresent tangible evidence for
the contradictions and struggles of the people during theOttoman centuries. By
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148
Baram
Ifcommodities
(Orser,1996,p. 113)and social
embodyhumanrelationships
what
did
the
1996,
coffeehouses,
p. 115),
porcelaincups,and
meanings(Orser,
mean
to
the
of
the
Ottoman
tobacco
Empire?Itseemsclear that
clay
pipes
people
were
of the
of
not
Western
the
thecommodities
Europeanization
simply agents
of
the
nor
thedominantideology
empire.
region did theyreflect
It seems thatat the start of themodern era, around the seventeenth and early
eighteenth century, these commodities embodied thenew, themodern, the rebellion
against the social order. But by the end of the nineteenth century and into theearly
twentiethcentury, these items became old fashioned, thevestiges of an old empire,
munities, are usually understood to have formed thebasis for the nationalist move
ments thatcolonial powers manipulated to construct themap of themodern Middle
East. While thematerial culture of certain commodities point to the divide in
the region between the elite {khassa) and thecommon people (iamma\ the simple
dichotomies hide the complexities of classes and social positions in the empire
(Winter, 1992, p. 244-247). From those tensions, and the external pressures of
the emerging capitalist world system, came even greater social tensions. Those
social dynamics incorporated the new commodities, used them for pleasures and
recreation, and in theprocess created a new social world in theMiddle East.
of theregion
withglobalprocessesofchange
Thismodel fortheentanglement
moves us away from thedominant paradigm forOttoman history and opens up the
material record as a source for understanding the social processes that led to the
formation of the present-dayMiddle East. The juxtaposition of the archaeological
record and themultilevel intersections of various social groupings of theOttoman
Empire with external processes of change opens up avenues forunderstanding the
meanings of consuming the commodities over the last several centuries. Further
explorations of local circumstances are needed to better understand the layers of
CONCLUSIONS
The archaeology of theOttoman Empire is still in its infancy.Many more
excavations and research projects are needed to All out the sketchy outlines of
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149
material changes over the last several centuries. However, as an avenue for explor
ing history and agency as well as social tensions, commodities and consumption
seem very promising.
inthearchaeology
of theOttomanEmpirecan help in
The growinginterest
offering suggestions for the broad scope of archaeology in theMiddle East (e.g.,
ofartifacts
withinsocialcontextsisa necessarystep
Kark, 1995).The complexities
inMiddle Easternarchaeology.
inthedevelopment
of theory
For globalhistorical
a
of
the
the
Ottoman
fills
archaeology, archaeology
Empire
largegeographicgap
instudiesaroundtheworld.
theOttomanEmpire,thearchaeologyissignificant
In terms
ofunderstanding
for locating the local impact of large-scale processes of change. The cross-cultural
influences are found in thematerial record, evidence that is significant for concep
Middle East.AssumptionsaboutMiddle
tualizingthehabitsandpleasuresof the
Eastern isolation and thebarriers between East andWest are belied by thearchaeo
NewWorld andOld
logicalevidence;goodswerecyclingamongthepeoplesof the
World all through themodern era. Rather than a period of stasis, theOttoman cen
turies
containthedynamicsthatproducedthefoundations
forthepresent
Middle
East.Avoidingthisperiodhas allowedprimordial
of
conceptualizations ethnicity
to be assumed?that
the groupings of the region have always been homogenetic
and separate. The evidence from thearchaeology and the archives challenges those
assumptions.
andchangingsocialmeaningsof themoderncommodities
Tlie introduction
fortheempire.By the
bringforwardissuesof socialdynamicsandclass tensions
nineteenth century across the eastern Mediterranean,
of the"devastating
with theemergence
changes"(Lewis, 1995,p. 3) involved
of themodern world system. However, rather than external changes, the trans
formations involved both external and internal dynamics. Those transformations
are not ethnically linked, rather class and social status are significant for con
ceptualizing the various strategies taken by groupings in the region. Decentering
is a further
of socialchange.
challengetoprimordialist
understandings
ethnicity
The approach oudined here foran archaeology of theOttoman Empire can open up
of thedevelopment
of socialdynamicsandethnictensionsin the
understandings
present.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This paper is part of a larger project on the archaeology of theOttoman
Empire. An earlier version of this argument was presented at the 1998 Society for
Historical Archaeology annual meeting inAtlanta. The participants in the session
'Commodities inGlobal Perspective" contributed useful feedback. New College
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150
Baram
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