Social Change and Collective Behaviour: The Revival in Eighteenth-Century Ross-Shire

Author(s): Steve Bruce

Reviewed work(s):
Source: The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 34, No. 4 (Dec., 1983), pp. 554-572
Published by: Wiley on behalf of The London School of Economics and Political Science
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/590938 .
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Steve Bruce

Socialchangeand collectivebehaviour:
Ross-shire
the revivalin eighteenth-century
ABSTRACT

This paper argues that the social movement literaturecontains

two main traditions for relating social change to collective
behaviour, both of which appear sensible at the macro-social
level but, when 'unpacked'to the level of models of individual
motivation, become implausible.The case of the conversionof
the Scottish Highlandersto evangelicalProtestantismin the late
eighteenthcentury is used as an exampleof how, by usingthemes
from interactionistsociology, a causal account of social change
and collective behaviour can be constructed which does not
involve reductionistand unlikelytreatmentsof actors'motivation,
and which does not make the ideology of the social movement
epiphenomenal.
INTRODUCTION

Sociology has been concernednot only with the stable institutions

of established social and cultural life but also with disruption,
dislocation and rapid social change. In this paper, the economic
and social transformationof the Scottish Highlandsin the second
half of the eighteenth century, and the conversion of the Highlanders to evangelicalProtestantism,are used to make an analytical
point about the relationshipbetween social change and collective
behaviour.l I will argue that many sociological treatmentsof the
causallinks between changeas the stimulus,and collectivebehaviour
as the response,imply curiousmodelsof humanmotivation.Finally,
I will introducean element of interactionistsociology to arguethat
it is possible to producecausalexplanationsof collective behaviour
that arenot motivationallysuspect.

Volume XXXI V
The British Journalf of Sociology
$1.50
(C)R.K.P. 1983 0007-1315/83/0554-0572

Numbe-r4

554

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Social changeand collectivebehaviour

555

THE HIGHLANDS IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

In this country one mountainis rudely piled upon another,with

vast hollows between them, that are filled with snow.... The
ridge runs east and west and if they are viewed in that direction,
they form the most dreadfulprospect that can be conceived....
The eye then penetratesfar among them, and sees more particularly their stupendous bulk, frightful irregularityand horrid
gloom which becomes more striking by the shades... Among
these scenes of desolation, which look either like the embryo
or ruins of the world, a few firs and small oaks are sometimes
discovered.2

It is appropriateto begin a brief survey of the Scottish Highlands

at the start of the eighteenth century with a mention of geology,
for the structureof the mountainsand glens had much to do with
the economic and social structures. The principle of Highland
organizationwas clanship.3 The people were organizedon familial
lines. Subordinateto the chief were a numberof chieftains,usually
kinsmen, and below the chieftains, tacksmenand subtenants.The
terrainof the Highlandsdiscouragedtraveland thus producedconsiderable inter-marriage;whether the majority of any clan were
actually descendedfrom the chief's family is debatablebut in most
clans there was belief in such descent. The clan was not only an
extended family and an economic unit, it was also a martialorganization. Intense solidarity within each clan had its counterpart
in bitter hostility between clans. Raidingthe cattle of other clans
and from the farms of borderinglowland counties was common,
and the animosity caused by such activity was often added to by
feuds over seemingly insignificant insults to clan honour. The
general lawlessnessthus made it crucial for a chief to be able to
raise an army. The tacksmen acted as lieutenants and their subtenants formed the rank-and-file.The status of the chiefs was
measured,not in the rent value of their lands, but in the number
of men they could raise. The chief was also responsiblefor settling
disputes within the clan: he thus stood 'in severalrelationsof landlord, leaderandjudge'.4
The religionof the Highlandswas in some placesRomanCatholicism, but mainly it was that of the establishedChurch.It thus varied
between Presbyterianismand Episcopacy or, more accurately, it
shouldhave done.5 At the startof the eighteenthcenturythe Church
was Presbyterian,the Williamite Revolution having removed the
Bishopswho had been restoredwith the monarchy.Whilethe return
of Presbyteriangovernmentmay have been popularin the lowlands
of Scotland,it was not welcomedby the Highlanders,who remained
EpiscopalandJacobite.

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556

Therewerea few amongthe people who had hailedthe Revolution

with delight,and who, still more,rejoicedin the restorationof the
Gospel to their land;but the numberof such was small.In several
parishesthe first presenteeshad much opposition to encounter.
In 1716, the minister of Gairloch was compelled to leave his
parish,owing to the ill-treatmenthe receivedat the handsof both
the laird and the people. His crops were destroyed, his home
robbed and he and his family reducedto starvation.In 1720, the
presentee to Lochalsh was not allowed to preach at all in that
parish, and for severalyears after he was first driven out of it,
he could not ventureto returnto his charge.6
The PresbyterianDuke of Argyll's nominee for the charge of
Glenorchywas forced to leave the parish by armedmen who first
made him 'swear on the Bible that he would never return'.7 The
previous Episcopalincumbentremainedfor a further thirty years.
Where there was no active resistance from the people, it was
still not possible to replace Episcopal incumbents because there
was a shortageof Gaelic-speakingPresbyterianreplacements.Thus
three years after the Revolution there were 300 Episcopaliansin a
total of 900 clergymenand in 1710 therewerestill some 150.8
It has to be said that the Highlanders'Episcopalianismwas more
a matter of traditionalattachmentthan informedcommitmentto a
particularview on the doctrine of the church. Illiterate and uneducated, the common people continued in druidic rituals and
superstitions.As late as the 1650s animal sacrificewas practised.9
The absence of roads, the size of the parishesand the dilapidation
of church buildings (when they existed) made the minister'stask
difficult, as did the fact that many ministershad also to farm to
makea living.But as Hunterelegantlyputs it:
Whileit would be uncharitableto discount these and other problems, notably of finance, it must be said that many Highland
ministersregardedthe difficulties of their situation not as spurs
to action but as convenientexcusesfor doingnothing.l
According to Kennedy, the ministers of Ross-shire'cared not to
affect much Godlinessand werenot suspectedof any'.ll
While the economy and society of the Highlandshad not remained entirely static, the previous century had manifested the
stability of the classic Gemeinschaft,mechanical,traditional,folk
society with its inefficient and impoverishedeconomy subordinated
to kinshipties and clanloyalties.

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557

THE DESTRUCTION OF THE CLANS

The transformationof the Highlandsin the eighteenthcentury may

well have come about eventually as a result of economic factors
(such as increasingdemand from Englandfor Highlandcattle) but
it was hastened by political action. The 1715 and 1745 risings
demonstratedthe Highlanders'continuedattachmentto the Jacobite
cause and provoked the Whigs into deliberate suppressionof the
distinct identity of the Highlands.Roadswerebuilt. Renewedeffort
was made to replace Episcopal clerics. The Ministerof Alvie was
imprisonedby Cumberlandfor assistingfugitivesof the '45. Unlike
others, he was released.l2 GeorgeI respondedto the first risingby
giving 1,000 to the Churchof Scotland for the conversionof the
Highlands.13 The Society in Scotland for the Propagation of
Christian Knowledge (SSPCK) and other voluntary organizations
built schools and employed teachers and catechists. The Bible was
translatedinto Gaelic and circulated.After the '45, the wearingof
Highland dress and the carryingof arms were outlawed. In 1748,
the clan chiefs were deprivedof their hereditaryjuridicalauthority
overtheirclansmen.
The imposition of law and order made the support of large
potential armies pointless. The removal of juridicalauthority left
the clan chiefs as landlordspure and simple. Social relations were
simplifiedas chiefs came to view theirland as capitalto be exploited,
ratherthan as an assetheld in trust for the whole clan. The tacksmen
lost their value as officers, and found their chiefs askingfor 'economic' rents and offering their leases to the highestbidder.Similarly,
the mass of subtenants ceased to be an advantageand became a
liability. Traditionalrights and obligationswere naturallynot done
away with in an instant. The Duke of Argyll, for example,was slow
to join in the wave of agriculturalimprovements,but for many less
wealthy chiefs, the opportunity of increased rental income was
not to be passedup.
Although the time-scalevariedin differentparts of the Highlands
there was a basic pattern to the economic transformatiort.Lands
were enclosed and tenants removed to make way for the Cheviot
sheep. Where possible, peasants were tumed into labourers.l4 For
the landownerson the west coast and the Hebrideanislands,kelping
-the productionof an alkalineresinby burningseaweed-provided
a lucrativeindustryfor a shortperiod.Whenthe discoveryof cheaper
substitutesto use in soap and glass-makingruinedthe kelp industry,
fishing became the enterprise that was supposed to provide an
income. In a discussion of a proposed removal of tenants to the
coast to makeway for sheep, the Duchessof Sutherland'sagentsaid:
I am particularlyanxious that their lots should be so small as to
prevent their massingany considerablepart of theirrent by selling

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558

Steve Bruce

a beast, rent must not depend on that. In short I wish them to

become fishers only, but if you give them any extent of land or
of Commonalitythey will neverembarkheartilyin that pursuit.l5
The condition of the people was made worse by an increasein the
population. Croftersfurther subdividedtheir alreadysmall plots to
make way for their children. Finally, the landlords,who had previously opposed emigrationbecause it reducedthe availablelabour
force and hence their ability to keep wagesdown, began activelyto
promoteemigrationschemes.
As Richardshas recently demonstrated,the experience of the
Highlands was not unique.16 Similar agriculturaltransformations
had affected largepartsof Europe.None the less, the transformation
of the Highlandswas unusuallyabrupt, promoted as it was by the
Hanoverianinterestin civilizingwhathad been a constantthreat.
THE RELIGIOUS REVIVAL

The economic and social transformationof the Highlandswas

accompaniedby the conversionof large numbersof the peasantry
to evangelical Protestantism. The original Reformation and the
bitter strugglesof the covenantingperiod had left the north largely
untouched and it was not until the late eighteenth century that
Protestantismtook root above the Highlandline. The dominant
feature of the revivalwas its popular character.It was led, not by
the ministers of the Church of Scotland, but by 'the Men'; as
Kennedy remarks,so called not becausethey were not women but
becausethey werenot ministers.l7Some of 'the Men'werecatechists
and teachers,in the employ of the Churchor the Society for the
Propagationof ChristianKnowledge,but most of them were common peasants.
In those rare parishesthat had an evangelicalminister,'the Men'
confined themselves to assisting the minister by catechizing and
'speakingto the question'. This latter activity was the delivery of
an appropriatehomily at the fellowshipmeeting. The people would
gather. Someone would ask for enlightenment on a passage of
scripture. The minister first expounded and then asked various
individualsof known piety and expository power to 'speakto the
question'. But in parishes whose minister was of the 'Moderate'
party, 'the Men' competed with the minister and it was a competition they frequently won. The lairds who had the right of
patronageoften imposed on congregationsministersthey knew to
be unacceptable.The people then withdrew from the Churchand
followed 'the Men'.
Some of 'the Men' became convinced separatists,believingthat
even the few evangelicalministers in the Church were devoid of
divineinfluence.JohnGrantof Diobalin Sutherlandrefusedto attend

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559

the worshipconductedby AlexanderSageof Kildonan.PeterStewart,

one of 'the Men'who was sufficientlypopularfor Sageto referto his
supportersas 'Stewartites',taughtthat:
the duty of all, who had in any measurefelt the power of divine
truth, was to separate themselves from the public ministry of
word and ordinancesand to attach themselvesto the leadersof
the sect, who would readand expoundscripturesto them.l8
The separatistswere, however,a minority.The movementremained
within the pale of the Church,more evangelicalministerswere presented to northernparishes,and the more perceptiveclerics, such
as Donald Sage, co-opted the movement by making 'the Men' into
their Kirk Sessions. Instead of becoming dissenters,the followers
of 'the Men' altered the complexion of the Churchso that when,
at the Disruptionof 1843, the Evangelicalsand Moderatesdivided,
the Highlandscame out en masse with the Evangelicals.However,
this essay is concernednot with the effects but with the causes of
the revival.
ST RUCTURAL STRAIN AND COLLECTIVE BEHAVIO UR

There is no doubt that contemporaryobserverssaw the revivalas

a reaction to the economic transformation.Sir David Stewartsaid:
'It is well-known that no itinerantpreacherever gained a footing
among the Highlanders,till recent changesin their situations and
circumstancesmade way for fanaticism'.l9 Although Stewart was
a Jacobite romantic who mourned the passingof the Highlanders'
quaint superstitions,his view is supportedby a Whigobserverwho
said it was well-knownthat 'the recent degradationand misery of
the people have predisposedtheir minds to imbibe these pestiferous
delusionsto which they fly for consolationundertheirsufferings'.20
In this respect the Ross-shirerevivalseems similarto the chiliastic
movementsof medievalEurope2land the cargo-cultsof Polynesia;22
people respondto rapidsocial and economicchangeby participating
in enthusiasticreligiousactivitywith a millenariancast.
The first stage of any explanationof the revivalby social change
would have to account for the availabilityof the people for recruitment to a new world-view.In the case of the medieval flagellants
and the cargo cultists, the disaffection from the previously held
viewsseemsto havebeen a consequenceof the integrationof religious
belief with the rest of their world, so that major changesin some
parts of that world cast into doubt the previousreligiousbeliefs.
In the case of the Highlands,such generalizeddisintegrationof
world-view was hastened by the deliberate suppression of the
organizationalexpression of that world-view.After both the '15

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Bruce
Steve

560

and
and'45 risings there was persecution of Roman Catholics
Episcopal
an
of
life
the
made
Legal restrictions
Episcopalians.
subministerarduous and unattractiveto younger men. Internallittle
showed
who
chiefs
the
of
versioncame from the defection
interestin maintaining their Episcopal faith, 'finding congenial
enoughthe ministrations in an established church increasingly
by the Moderates'.23
dominated
While the reasons for the collapse of a world may be obvious,
what
thereis some difficulty, usually unrecognized,in presenting the
caused
whatever
of
'effect'
an
people subsequently do as
collapseof the previousmeaningfulworld-view.That 'X' explains
thedecline of the old religiousworld-viewand hence the existence
mean
of a market for some new world-view,does not necessarilyadopt.
people
that
world-view
that 'X' explains the new religious
Theymay have chosen some non-religiousworld-view,a different
While
religiousworld-view,or, as a collectivity, chosen none at all.
common
provided
have
may
world
the disintegrationof the old
experience,it need not haveproduceda commonreaction.
MOTIVATIONAL LINKS

Whensocial scientists do offer causal links between social change

types.
and collective behaviour,the connections tend to be of two
frusand
anxiety
of
pathology
One sort involves a psychologicai
rationality
hidden
underlying
an
tration;the second sort suggests
example
to the collective behaviour.Cohn's work standsas a good
movements
millenarian
medieval
of
of the former. His explanation
feudal
arguesthat the loss of securitypreviouslyprovidedby stable
early
of
failure
the
and
anxiety,
relationshipscaused the peasants
have
would
that
living
of
standard
a
industrializationto produce
were
peasants
The
frustration.
caused
compensatedfor the anxiety,
millenleft 'impulsiveand unstable',24and ripe for recruitmentto
the
among
cult
Peyote
the
explains
nialist movements. Aberle
movesocial
American
the
of
Much
Navaho in a similarfashion.25
structural
ment literature implies (but rarely states openly) that behaviour
collective
that
and
factors produce anxiety/frustration
is mostly an irrationalresponse;an attemptto providepsychological
things.
compensationratherthanactuallyto solve problemsor change
others.26
The criticismsof this approachhave been well made by
is recogIt is enough here to note that one of the majorweaknesses
of
theory
nized by the author of the most sophisticatedstructural
own
his
collective behaviour,Neil Smelser, when he admits that in which
thesis rests on some untested assumptionsabout the way His own
objective social stimuli combine in the minds of actors.importing
attempt to connect the structuraland the individualby

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561

ideas from psycho-analysisis less than convincing.For example,he

says of the beliefs of protestmovementmembers:
fantasies
ThesevisionstapveryvividOedipalandsibling-destruction
of what the world would be like if only the hated objects were
obliteratedand the child could have the loved object to himself.
This fantasy, usuallysubjectedto severerepression,comes closer
to the surface,albeit in disguisedform, in the ideologiesof social
protest.28

Apart from telling us that Smelserthinkssocialprotestersimmature,

such statementsare not helpful. If the fantasyis usually repressed
and only appearsin disguisedform,how would we recognizeevidence
of its causalefficacy?Whatthe borrowingfrompsycho-analysisdoes
do, however, is to reinforce the basic Smelseriandivision between
normal, rational,routine behaviourand irrational,abnormal,collective behaviourwhich is driven, not by a realistic appreciationof
problemsand possiblesolutions,but by a 'generalisedbelief'.29
An alternativeto the irrationalresponseto anxietyview of collective behaviouris providedby the view that such activity possesses
an underlying realism.30The supposition here is that, although
people appearto be behavingstrangely,there is some deep rationality, some good reason which the actors are probably unaware
of, and it is the sociologist'sjob to lay bare the 'inherentthough
hidden rationality'.3l There are Marxist and non-Marxistvariants
of this theme but for the sake of this argumentthey can be treated
together.
An initial problem with the hidden rationalitythesis is the very
obvious one that, if the rationalityis hidden, how do we know it?
A reductionist treatment of actors' accounts of their reasons for
acting in a certain fashion alwaysposes evidentialproblemsin that
the analyst can produce a variety of different 'real'reasonsfor the
action. If we allow that the people of Ross-shirefollowed the revival
in orderto achievesome secondarypay-off (andnot simplybecause
they felt God told them to), we can producea numberof contenders
for the secondarypay-off: rebuildingcommunity;relievinganxiety;
expressing frustration;securing a new identity; avoiding anomie;
engagingin covert rebellion; or (as one contemporarycritic supposed) providinga cover for lurid sexual activity. The choice of
'real' reason seems to have more to do with the theoreticalpreference of the writerthan with any obvioussuperiorevidentialsupport.
In theory this problemof choice can be solvedby the specification
of what might count as evidencefor one contenderbut not another
(althoughsuch evidencemight not exist). Thereis, however,arlother
difficulty with the hidden rationalitymethod'simpliedpsychology
of motivation, which I will make clear in consideringthe primitive
rebellion thesis of Hobsbawmand Hunter. In the introduction to

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562

an essay on the T.a7arettists,a

centurynorthernItalian
messianicmovement,Hobsbawmnineteenth
says:
It is not alwayseasy to recognize
the
politicalcore within
millenarianmovementsfor their veryrational
lack
of
sophisticationand
of an effective revolutionary
strategy arld tactics makes them
push the logic of the
revolutionaryposition to the point of
absurdity.32
This can only mean that
millenarian
revolutionarystrategy (otherwise its movementsoughtto have a
worthy).The purposeof millenarian absence would not be noteTalmonsummarizesthe Hobsbawm movementsis 'really'political.
thesis (which she sees as similar
toWorsley'sexplanationof
cargo-cults)as follows:
the absence of regular
institutionalized
grievancesand pressingtheir claims... ways of voicing their
millenariansolution. Not being able to pushes such groups to a
cope with their difficulties
by concertedpolitical action, they
turn
to millenarism.According
to this analysis,millenarismis
born out of great distresscoupled
with politicalhelplessness.33
Hunter
refersfavourablyto both Hobsbawm
and Worsleybut is less
explicitabout the primitive rebellion
character
of the Ross-shire
revival.
In one placehe explainsthe revival
as
a
'more
or less conscious
attempt
to come to terms with the
systemdominated by landlordismrealitiesof a socialand economic
rather than clanship',34and in
another
he says:
Evangelicalismand the emergenceof
munity are inseparablephenomenaif the modern crofting comonly for the reasonthat it
was through the medium of a
profoundly
evangelicalfaith that
crofters first developeda
forward-looking
critique
of the situation
createdin the Highlandsby the actions
of
the
region's
landowning
and thereforerulingclass.35
Iwillpresent the available
evidence on the degreeof class conflict
involved
in the revivaland then argue that
the primitiverebellion
thesis,
as it is used by Hobsbawm,
Hunter
and
Worsley,implies a
rather
curiousand implausibleview of actors'
motivations.
'THE
MENs AND CLASS CONFLICT

Itclear
is that 'the Men'were in
conflict
ministers
of the establishedChurch.'Thewith manyof the Moderate
the
book and letter learningof the clergyMen'frequentlycontrasted
The
ministerswere often appointedby thewith their own truepiety.
lairds.It is not surprising,
therefore,
that they were not criticalof the
social consequencesof

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563

the lairds' agriculturalreforms, but some 'stipend lifters' excelled

themselvesin toadying. The Duchess of Sutherlandwas responsible
for some of the most bitterly contested and imposed clearances.
Her agent and tenant Patrick Sellar was responsible for clearing
Strathnaverwith dogs and fire.36The Ministerof Assyntpennedthe
followingtribute:
To the late Duchess,the parishof Assyntowes much. She uniformly
manifesteda warm interest in the welfareof its inhabitants;and
it is evident they evinceda hereditaryand respectfulattachment
to her Grace. . . we look forwardwith confidence to the present
Noble proprietorfor a continuation of the kindness, which, for
ages,characterisedthe Sutherlandfamily.37
Such sentiments may have been prudent, but the author fails to
mention that in 1813 the people had shown their respectfulattachment by rioting. One target of their violencewas the parishminister
was attackedfor
Macgillivray.Sellarwas convincedthat Macgillivray
his support of the clearances.In the court case that followed minor
rioting in Ross-shirein 1792, evidencewas given againstthe peasant
leaders by 'tenants, tacksmen, kirk officers, shepherds and sheep
farmers'.38

It is also clearthat 'the Men'appreciatedthe natureof the conflict

and promotedit:
Some of these reformersof religion,as they wish to be considered,
intermix their spiritual instruction with reflections on the incapacity and negligence of the clergymen of the established
church, and on the conduct of landlords,whom they compare
to the taskmastersof Egypt.39
One of 'the Men',AlexanderCampbell,left a writtenrecordin which
he gives his biography and ends with a list of grievancesagainst
various parties, including the King (for not erasing heresy). He
directlyattacksthe lairds:
I leave my testimony against covetous heritors,who oppressthe
poor tenantsby augmentingthe rents,asJohn McAndrewthat was
in Ardmuddy,that he fell over a rock, andjudgementcameupon
him, and he died, and Robertsonand McLachlan,surveyors,that
caused Lord Breadalbaneto augment the land and oppress the
poor, and grindthe face of poor tenants.. . I as a dyingman leave
my testimony againstgentlemen;they altogetherbreakthe bonds
of the relationof the wordsof God.40
The followingvisionis attributedto DavidRoss of Ferintosh:
'Thereagain'said he pointing to another, 'thereis a lairdwho has
been drivingout tenants from their farms,squanderinghis means

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564

after strangewomen, renderingpoor people miserableand himself

so miserablethat at last he had to take away his own life. He is
now for ever doomed to be alternativelybitten by serpentsand
havehis woundslicked overby hell hounds'.4l
It thus seems clear that an importantfeatureof the teachingof
'the Men' was criticismof the lairdsand of the ministerswho supported them. It is therefore probablethat such criticismwas also
part of why the people followed 'the Men'.
One might add that 'the Men' were not entirely alone in their
condemnation of the actions of the landlordsand the Moderate
clergy. There are some evangelicalministers-Porteous, Lachlan
Mackenzie,John Kennedy-who were as critical as 'the Men'. In
the enquirythat followed the disturbancesafter the first clearances
in the Strath of Kildonan, Patrick Sellar tried hard to implicate
AlexanderSage, the ministerof Kildonan,as a fomentor of strife.42
And while he was more subtle in his damnation,Donald Sage (the
son of Alexanderand later minister of Resolis) was no more fond
of Moderatesthan were 'the Men', as he makes clear in this description of one of his co-presbyters:'Dr Downie of Lochalshwas a man
of wealthand gentlemanlymanners,a princelylandlord,an extensive
sheep-farmer,a good shot but a wretchedpreacher.'43
The weaknessof the primitiverebellion thesis lies in the way it
connects political discontentand the religiousrevival.Let us suppose
for a moment that rebellionis the main purposeof the actors.How
can this purpose appear in their consciousness?The two extreme
possibilities are: (a) they are entirely unaware of their political
purpose;and (b) they are quite well awareof their political intention. The idea that actors areunawareof the reasonsfor theiraction
is common in structuralistand functionalistsocial science but, as
has been arguedin detailelsewhere,44is hardlytenable.
There is problem enough in supposingthat lots of people, who
may be similar only in a few gross social characteristics(which
might, for them, be of little significance)and in a commitment
(of varying degrees) to some sharedbeliefs and values, should all
react in the same fashion to some stimulus. That is behaviourism
run riot. One has to suppose that there is some communication
between the people and that it is through communicationthat
a shared soctal understandingof their problems is generatedand
spread. This requiresan awarenessof what those problemsare; it
requires conscious motivation. It is possible for an individual
neurotic to be entirely unaware of his motivation because the
unconscious inhabits the same body and sharesthe same faculties
as the conscious.It may even be possible for a smallintimategroup
to communicate and produce a shared understandingwithout
individualmembers of that group being aware of their reasoning

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565

but such deception becomes implausibleas the numbersinvolved

increase.Whatchance is therethat strangersmightbe able to achieve
a shared understandingand a common response to problems that
neither consciouslyconfrontsand which arenot allowedovertlyinto
the communicationbut are ratherhidden by a veil of repression.45
Large-scaleshared neuroticism is not plausible. The unconscious
route is so suspect that most analystshint at some awarenessof
'real' intent. Hunter talks of a 'more or less conscious attempt to
come to terms with'46the new world and says that 'it was through
a profoundlyevangelicalfaith that croftersfirst developeda forwardlooking critique'.47This suggestsdeliberateintention to developsuch
a critique. Presumablythe evangelicalfaith was chosen, ratherthan
the Moderatismof the establishedchurch ministers,for its greater
ability to act as a medium for such an intention. But if developing
a critique of landlordismwas the aim of the Highlandcrofters,why
did they not engage directly in political activity and own up to
political dissension rather than deceive themselvesand each other
into thinkingthat they werehavinga religiousrevival?
The flaw in the hidden rationalityapproachcan be demonstrated
with a considerationof the relationshipbetween reasons and unintended consequences,or in the Mertonianlanguage,manifestand
latent functions.48 It should be obvious that an activity can only
have latent functions as long as the actors are unaware of what
these are. Rain dancing only produces social solidarity while the
dancers believe that it will produce rain. If they realize that they
are only (or primarily) dancing to produce solidarity, they will
lose faith in the rain-producingefficacy of the dance and find some
more direct method of producing solidarity, such as a 'secular'
dance. Of course, actors may be aware of the latent function as a
subsidiarty
source of motivation ('I hope that there is a droughtso
that we can do the raindanceand producea nice sense of communal
well-being').The odd individualmay be cynically manipulativeand
try to maintain faith in the rain dance when he no longer believes
in it, in order to keep the tribe together,but such a strategydepends
on the rest of the tribe believingin the dance.If religionis to be the
opium of the masses,they have to be genuinelyhooked on it.
This exposes the problem of the quasi-rationalexplanation of
religious revivals.It may seem sensible to suppose that the actors
are 'really' engaged in solving their actual this-worldlyproblems,
but it is difficult to find a way of introducingthat problem-solving
desire into stories about actors' motivations without representing
them as either highly sophisticated,Machiavelliansocial engineers,
or as fools. The primitiverebellion approachto millenarianmovements retains its plausibilityonly as long as one does not consider
how it might be possible that the secondaryor unintendedconsequences of some activity could explainthat activity. In her critique

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Steve Bruce

566

of Hobsbawm and Worsley,Talmon tumbles the sleight of hand:

'now and then thereis an almostimperceptibleshift fromimputation
of latent functions by the investigatorsto imputation of semiconsciousdistortionand disguiseby the actors'.49
To summarizethe argumentso far, I havearguedthat the methods
of linking social change and collective behaviourby anxiety/frustration, and by hidden rationality,share the common difficulty of
translatingvery poorly into plausible accounts of why actors did
what they did. In the finalpart of this essay I will suggestan approach
which does appearto allow structuralchangeto explain a religious
revivalin a mannerwhichis motivationallysound.
GROUNDS FOR BELIEF

Reality is socially constructed and socially maintained.It is also

socially changed. Reality has its quality of 'realness"givento it by
the social support of those for whom it is real. In a stable single
culture society, there may be one world-viewthat is naively shared
by everybody. In plural societies different world-viewscompete
and the dominanceof one over anotherwill largelybe a matter of
social support. Naturally, it is not so much scale of support as
quality of support that is importantin maintainingthe plausibility
of our world-view.We do not interactwith 'everybody';we interact
with a small number of people and the significanceof the interaction varies considerably.It is our significantothers and reference
groups that are important for the maintenanceof our reality.50
It is for this reason that the vast majority of religious believers
believe what they do; becausetheir parentsand others who had an
influence on them believed that way before them. They were
socialized into their faith and later selected their social circlesand
reference groups in order to maintainthe primacyof that religious
world-view.
Recent researchon the spread of new religiousbeliefs confirms
the importanceof interaction.New beliefs spreadalong networks.
Recruits to new world-viewsare not attractedrandomly from an
availablemass. They are often drawn by friends and relativeswho
already believe.51 Two recent papers document this observation
but neither grasps the significance of the data on networks.S2
Networks are not importantbecause they simply transmitknowledge of a new belief system. They do that, but such transmission
can also be done by the mass media. Networks vouchsafe the
validity of the knowledge. Beliefs spreadalong existing social networks becausewe are more likely to listen to, and believe,those we
already trust than those who are strangers.Given the social construction of reality, an important element in the acceptance or

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Social changeand collectivebehaviour

567

rejection of views of reality depends on social relations between

the transmitterand the potential receiver.Puttingit bluntly, being
told 'how it is' by someone one trustsis a good and commonreason
for believingthat that is 'how it is'.
Two other groundsfor belief, I will call 'resonance'53and 'application'. Beliefs are cumulative and the plausibility of any new
beliefs is alteredby theirresonancewith alreadyheld beliefs. Clearly
the scope and generalityof beliefs vary; it seems to be those very
abstract principles (such as 'There is a God', 'The Bible is true',
'I only believe in what I can see') which are difficult to change.
New world-viewswhich sharebasic themes with the previousworldview are more plausiblethan those that do not.54 'Application'is
importantto plausibilitybecause experientialevidenceis our usual
'proof' of the world-view.The existence of evangelicalex-alcoholics
is good evidencefor the veracityof the claimthat gettingrightwith
Jesus curesdrunks,and that is good supportfor the whole evangelical
world-view.Clearly,however, neither resonancenor applicationare
independentof social relations,in that what counts as resonanceand
what counts as evidenceare themselvessociallydetermined.
Let us consider what made the beliefs of 'the Men'plausiblefor
the commonpeople of late eighteenthcenturyRoss-shire.In the first
place the Calvinismof 'the Men' was considerablymore supernaturalist than the rather rationalist Enlightenment-influenced
preachingof the Moderateministers.It thus combined easily with
the superstititionsof the crofters, who imputed to 'the Men' the
faculties of second-sight,visions,prophecy,and a curiouspropensity
to fore-see deaths. Thus although the people were moving from a
primitive Catholicismto Protestantism,they were going from one
mystical supernaturalistand miracle-filledreligion to another. At
the level of application we can suppose that the example of the
composureand self-assuranceof 'the Men',certainof their salvation,
was, for an anxiouspeople, furtherevidence.
The crucial element in the greaterplausibilityof 'the Men' was
their social position. The ministers were mostly appointed and
mostly paid by the lairds.They were often also largetenantsin their
own right. Many of their parishionerswere their sub-tenants.There
was thus a considerablesocial distance between the clergy and the
peasants and considerableidentification of the clergy with the
landownerswho were oppressingthe people. But the social distance
was not of itself a threat to the clergy's plausibility(althoughthe
connection with the landed gentry might have been); it became a
threat when it was linked to a theory about motivation.Whatthe
peasants thought about the Moderateministersis not known but
there is no reason to suppose it was different to the views of 'the
Men' and the evangelicalministers.They were convinced that the
Moderateswere only in the ministry for the economic and social

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568

Steve Bruce

rewards-they were 'stipend lifters'-and there was certainlyno

shortageof evidencefor the veracityof that judgment.In contrast,
'the Men' were drawn from the same class as their followers and
were distinguishedonly by their piety and their vocation. Their
callingwas neither from some oppressivelandlordnor was it demonstrated by them being set above the people. Their leadershipwas
informal and unrewardedand in some cases (that of Alexander
Campbellmentioned above is an example) brought them a degree
of persecution.The conclusionthat the people, 'the Men'and some
evangelicalministersdrewwas simple:'theMen'weretrustworthyand
hence their teachingwas to be believed;the Moderateministerswere
stipend-liftersand their teaching(such as it was) was to be ignored.
CO NC LUSIO N

The aboveaccountof the Ross-shirerevival,whichsees the economic

and social transformationof the Highlandsas the cause of the
religious transformation,may at first sight seem to be precisely
what the primitive rebellion thesis argues, but there is a major
difference of method. The Hobsbawm/Hunterapproachattempts
to restore rationalityto human behaviourbut does so by denying
that the people are doing one thing and assertingthat they are
'really' doing something else. Religious revivalsare irrational,so
the peasants of Ross-shiremust have really been trying to come
to terms with rapid change, to rebuild community, or to criticize
their landlords.The reductionismof this method can be avoided.
If we supposethat people mostly act rationally,and recognizethat
the previous religious world-view of the Highlandershad been
destroyed,then we can considerthe basic questionof what counted
as good reasons for choosing one ratherthan the other of the two
competing world-viewsthat were availableto them. Researchon
conversion and influence suggests a number of different factors
which I have groupedunder three headings:resonance,application
and social relations.The supernaturalistCalvinistevangelicalismof
'the Men'resonatedbetter with the remnantsof the peasants'supernaturalistpaganismthan did the rationalistfaith of the Moderates.
The faith of 'the Men'also had better applicationin that, as Hunter
correctlynotes, it allowed the people to makesenseof theirpredicament and condemnthose responsiblefor it.
The value of the sociology of knowledgeperspectivepopularized
by, for example, Peter Berger, is that it makes clear the way in
which resonance and application are themselves dependent on
social relations.Whetherthis new faith is really the best heir to the
tradition of some old and trustedpaths, or whetherthis new belief
system has the desiredeffects is a matter of social constructionand

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Social changeand collectivebehaviour

569

social negotiation. 'The Men' and the evangelicalministers were

trusted and followed becausethey were creditedwith the right sort
of motivation and were not underminedby associationwith evil
in the forrnof greedylairdsand unfeelingpatrons.
The Assynt riot of 1813 has alreadybeen mentioned.The people
'rabbled'the new minister,DuncanMacGillivray,
who was appointed
by the Duchess of Sutherland.Her agent, PatrickSellar,explained
the riot as being a reactionto MacGillivray's
supportfor the agrarian
transformations.That may well have been part of the reason but
there was another element. MacGillivraywas nominated by the
Duchessto succeedWilliamMackenzie.The people of Assynt wanted
John Kennedy,Mackenzie'sassistant,to get the job. Kennedywas a
very popular evangelicaland, if Donald Sage's account is to be
believed it was as much the umbrage at not getting Kennedy as
outrage at getting MacGillivraythat was the cause of the rioting.55
WhileMacGillivray's
politicalviews, were they known to the people,
would not haveincreasedhis acceptability,it was ratherthe fondness
for the assistantministerthey had come to know and trustfor seven
yearsthat was behindthe riot.
The differencebetween my linkingof social changeand religious
revivaland that offered by the primitiverebellionthesiscan perhaps
best be shown in this fashion. The primitive rebellion approach
argues that the peasants of Ross-shirefollowed 'the Men' because
their religionwas more functionalfor them than that offeredby the
Moderateministers. My thesis is that the peasants, faced with a
choice between two belief systems, chose the one that was most
plausible; and that plausibilitywasnot producedby the 'functionality'
of evangelicalProtestantism,but by the characterthat was attributed
to the respectiveproponentsof the competingsystems. The people
of Ross-shire followed 'the Men' because they believed in their
religion (and for no other reason).If we considerwhy they believed
the religionof 'the Men' and not that of the Moderateministers,we
can introducestructuralfactors as things whichhave implicationfor
attitudestowardsthe spokesmenfor rivalbeliefsystems.A recognition
of the social construction of reality explains the importance of
attitudes towardsthe carriersof rivalbelief systemsin decisionabout
the truth or falsity, value or worthlessnessof such systems. This
approach to the relationshipbetween social change and resulting
collective behaviouravoids the problems of the alternativeswhich,
while apparentlysensible at the level of macrosociology,when unpacked to the level of stories about individualmotivation,produce
implausibleaccountsof why people did what they did.
Steve Bruce
Department of Social Studies
Queen's University of Belfast

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Steve Bruce

570
NOTES

1. I would like to thank Professor

Roy Wallis and John Brewer of the
Queen's University of Belfast, and
the reviewers of the BJS for their
comments on a draft of this essay,
and the Nuffield Foundation and the
Queen's University for their support
of my continuingresearchon evangelical Protestantism.
2. S. Urban, 'Account of Scotland
and its inhabitants', The Gentleman's
Magazine, vol. 24, August 1754,
p.417.
3. Two good general accounts of
the eighteenth-centuryHighlands are
H. G. Graham, The Social Life of
Scotland in the 18th Century, London,
A. and C. Black, 1939, and T. C.
Smout, A History of the Scottish
People, 1560-1830, London, Collins,
1970.
4. Sir David Stewart of Garth,
Sketches of the Character, Manners
and Present State of the Highlanders
of Scotland etc., Edinburgh,Archibald
Constable,1822, p. i.
5. A very good history of the
Churchof Scotland is A. L. Drummond
and J. Bulloch, The Scottish Church
1688-1843, Edinburgh, St Andrews
Press, 1973. A partisan Episcopalian
version is Thomas Stephen, The
History of the Church of Scotland
from the Reformation to the Present
Time, London, John Lendrum, 1845.
6. John Kennedy, The Days of the
Fathers in Ross-shire, Invetness,
Christian Focus Publications 1979
(1861), p.25.
7. Stewart, op. cit., p. 99.
8. Graham,op. cit., p. 271.
9. One of the richest sources of
material is in the historical parts of
the reports sent in by parish ministers
to Sir John Sinclair's Statistical
Account of Scotland 1 791- 7, reprinted in Wakefield, EP Publishing,
1981.
10. James Hunter, The Making of
a Crofting Community, Edinburgh,
John Donald, 1978, p .25.
11. Kennedy, op. cit., p.29.
12. I. F. Grant, Everyday Life on

an Old Highland Farm 1769-82

London,LongmansGreen,1924, p. 21.
13. John Gillies, Histoncal Collections of Accounts of Revival(enlarged
by HoratioBonarin 1845), Edinburgh,
Banner of Truth Trust, 1981 (first
edition 1754), p.552.
14. Three excellent sources on the
economic changes are Hunter,op. cit.,
E. Richards,A History of the Highland
Clearances, London, Croom Helm,
1982, and A. J . Youngson, After the
Forty-Five: the economic impact on
the Scottish Highlands, Edinburgh,
EdinburghUniversityPress, 1973.
15. Richards,op. cit., p. 318.
16. Ibid., pp.3-38.
17. Kennedy, op. cit., p. 74.
18. Donald Sage, Memorabilia
Domestica or Par?shLife tn the North
of Scotland, Edinburgh,Albyn Press,
1975, p. 201. 'The Men' are also discussed in Alex. Macrae, Revivals in
the Highlands,Stirling, EneasMackay,
1907 and John McInnes, Evangelical
Movements in the Highlands of
Scotland 1 688-1800, Aberdeen,Aberdeen UniversityPress,1950.
19. Stewart,op. cit., p, 130.
20. Hunter,op.cit.,p. 101.
21. Norman Cohn, The Pursuit of
the Millennium, St Albans, Granada,
1978.
22. On cargo cults, see Kennelm
Burridge,New Heaven New Earth: a
study of millenarianactivity, Oxford,
Basil Blackwell, 1971, and Mambu:
a Melanesian millennium, London,
Methuen, 1960; Peter Lawrence,
Road Belong Cargo,Manchester,Manchester University Press, 1964; Peter
Worsley, The Trumpet Shil Sound:
a study of cargo c?>lttn Melanesia,
London, MacGibbon& Kee, 1957.
23. William Ferguson, Scotland:
1689 to the Present, Edinburgh and
London, Oliver& Boyd, 1908, p. 129.
24. Cohn, op. cit., p. 59.
25. David Aberle, The Peyote Cult
Among the Navaho, Chicago, Aldine,
1966.
26. On status politics, see G. A.
Brandmeyerand R. S. Denisoff, 'Status

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Soctalchangeand collectivebehaviour
politics: an appraisal of the application of a concept', Pacific Sociological Review, vol. 12, 1969, pp. 5-12.
On status inconsistency theories, see
T.J. Blocker and P. L. Riedesel, 'Can
sociology find true happiness with
subjectivestatusinconsistency?'Pacific
Sociological Review, vol. 21, no. 3,
1978, pp.275-84, and C. E. Starnes
and R. Singleton, 'Objective and subjective status inconsistency: a search
for empirical correspondence',Sociological Quarterly, vol. 18, 1977,
pp. 253-66. On relative deprivation
theories, see R. Wallis, 'Relative
deprivation and social movements:
a cautionary note', British Journal
of Sociology, vol. 26, no. 3, 1975,
pp. 360-3, and J. N. Gurney and
K. J. Tierney, 'Relative deprivation
and social movements: a critical
look at twenty years of theory and
research', Sociological Quarterly,vol.
23, 1982, pp.33-47. The best general
review and critique of the American
social movements literature is G. T.
Marx and J. L. Wood, 'Strands of
theory and research in collective
behaviour', Annual Review of Sociology, vol. 1, 1975, pp. 363-428. The
last decade has seen the emergence
of an alternative to the 'structural
stimuli as cause' approach, known as
'resource mobilisation'; see J. D.
McCarthy and M. Zald, 'Resource
mobilisation and social movements:
a partial theory', American Journal
of Sociology, vol. 82, no. 6, 1977,
pp. 1212-22.
27. Neil Smelser, 'Social and
psychological dimensionsof collective
behaviour'in his Essaysin Sociologzoal
Explanation, Englewood Cliffs, New
Jersey, Prentice-Hall,1968.
28. Ibid., p. 121.
29. Smelser, The Theoryof Collective Behaviour, London, Routledge &
Kegan Paul, 1962, ch. 5, discusses the
natureof 'generalizedbeliefs'.Although
Smelser denies that such beliefs are
necessarily irrational (see E. Currie
and J. H. Skolnick, 'A critical note on
conceptions of collective behaviour'
Annals of American Academy of
Arts and Sciences, vol. 391, 1970,

571

pp. 46-55), he treats them as if they

were and a later user of his model of
collective behaviour (J. Wilson, 'The
sociology of schism' in M. Hill, The
Sociological Yearbook of Religion
No. 4, London, SCM Press, 1971,
pp. 1-20) distinguishesnormal beliefs
from generalizedbeliefs on the grounds
of their rationality.
30. A good example of this is the
American literature that views moral
crusades as being 'really' status crusades. Temperance crusadersare supposed to be really interested in preserving or promoting their social
standing. For a discussion and criticism of this literature, see R. Wallis,
'Theories of moral indignation and
moral crusades' in his Salvation and
Protest: studies of social and religious
movements, London, Frances Printer,
1979, pp. 92-104.
31. Y. Talmon, 'Pursuit of the
millennium: the relation between
religious and social change', in
N. Birnbaum and G. Lenzer, Sociology and Relig7on, Englewood Cliffs,
New Jersey, Prentice-Hall, 1969,
pp. 252.
32. E. Hobsbawm,PrimitiveRebels,
Manchester, Manchester University
Press,p.59.
33. Talmon, op. cit., p. 246.
34. Hunter,op. cit., p. 102.
35. J. Hunter, 'The emergence of
the crofting community: the religious
contribution, 1798-1843', Scottish
Studies, vol. 18, 1974, pp. 112.
36. Richards,op. cit., passim.
37. Charles Gordon, in New Statistical Account of Scotland, Edinburgh
and London, WilliamBlackwood, vol.
15,p. 115.
38. Richards, op. cit., p. 271, emphasisadded.
39. Stewart,op. cit., p. 130.
40. Quoted in 'Puritanismin the
Highlands',Qarterly Review, vol. 89,
1851,pp.307-32.
41. Hunter,op. cit., p. 102.
42. Sage, op. cit., p. 186.
43. Ibid., p. 188.
44. R. Wallis and S. Bruce,
'Accounting for action: defending
the common-senseheresy', Sociology,
vol. 17,no. 1, 1983.

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Steve Br7uce

45. One solution is to suggest

that the people are so heavilymystified
that they cannot think about landlordism without translating such
thoughts into more acceptable, safe,
religious categories but this will not
work. Either the people are totally
mystified, in which case it is of no
analytical value to refer to their state
as mystification (for it is effectively
their reality), or they are not, in which
case the same question raised below
is still relevant.
46. Hunter, op. cit., 19 78, p. 102.
47. Hunter, op. cit., 1974, p. 112.
48. R. K. Merton, Social Theory
and Social Structure, London, Macmillan, 1969,pp. 21-81.
49. Talmon, op. cit., p. 253.
50. T. Shibutani,'Referencegroups
as perspectives',AmericanJournal of
Sociology, vol. 60, 1958, pp. 562-69.
51. S. Bruce, 'Bornagain:crusades,
conversionsandbrainwashing',Scottish
Journal of Religious Studies, vol. 3,

no. 2, 1982; R. Wallis and S. Bruce,

'Network and clockwork', Sociology,
vol. 16, no. 1, 1982, pp. 102-7.
52. D. A. Snow, L. A. Zurcherand
S. Ekland-Olson,'Social networks and
social movements: a micro-structural
approach to differential recruitment',
AmericanSociologicalReview, vol. 45,
1980, pp. 787-801; R. Stark and
W. S. Bainbridge,'Networks of faith:
interpersonal bonds and recruitment
to cults and sects',AmericanJournalof
Sociology, vol. 85, no. 6, pp. 1376-95.
53. The term 'resonance'was suggested by Roy Wallis.
54. A. D. Greil, 'Previous dispositions and conversion to perspectives
of social and religious movements',
Sociological Analysis, vol. 38, no. 2,
1977, pp. 115-25, draws on interactionist and phenomenologicalideas
to construct a model of conversion
that is similar to the view expressed
here.
55. Sage, op. cit., pp. 193-4.

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