Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
A B S T R A C T
The partibility of pigs and the circulation of their
partsfrom snout to tail, as the popular culinary
phrase puts itare routinely celebrated in
communities committed to eating local. In this
article, I explore how different kinds of totalities are
configured in the practices of such locavore actors
with respect to pigs and pork. Approaches as varied
as Sausseurean structuralism, functionalist
sociology, and actor network theory characterize
their objects of inquiry as totalities constituted by
relationships among component parts. So too the
totalities in relationships forged via pigs become
(mis)aligned with the totality of pigs as embodied,
complex organisms. Such wholes from parts reveal
the overdetermination (or fetishization) of the
connections (between farmers and consumers,
chefs and diners, humans and animals) extolled by
local food actors. [local food, totalities, pigs,
animalhuman relationships, value]
AMERICAN ETHNOLOGIST, Vol. 39, No. 3, pp. 614626, ISSN 0094-0496, online
C 2012 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved.
ISSN 1548-1425.
DOI: 10.1111/j.1548-1425.2012.01384.x
Farm-to-fork, snout-to-tail
understood not simply as a source of meat but as a onceanimate creature with specific life functions (an actual pig)
as well as a field of material forms that offer a range of
culinary possibilities (snouts, tails, and all the cuts in between). In both instances, though, these totalities are not
merely groups of related, substitutable elements but distinctive structures, whose distinctiveness lies in both the
specificity of the particular parts and the reconfiguration of
their proper relationship to one another. There is both an
aesthetic and an ethics at work here, for, as I shall demonstrate, not just any parts will do, and not all relationships are
given equal weight. My aim, then, is to think through how
and why these wholes are constituted as appropriate configurations of relations among particular, identifiable parts
and thereby to understand the forms of value that they generate.
My approach to these matters is informed by efforts to
understand the production of value in ways that take account of the specific materialities and concrete qualities
of the entities given value within wider sociocultural orders. Related studies (Fehervary 2009; Keane 2003; Meneley
2008; Munn 1986; Weiss 1996) that draw on Peircean semiotics consider such perceptual and qualitative dimensions
of objects as partibility, culinary uses, or gustatory appeal as
qualisigns of the value, or value potential, of those objects.
This approach to value allows us to consider production as
a material and qualitative process through which subjects
define attributes of themselves through their engagement
with objects in the world. This perspective is, therefore, by
no means incompatible with a political-economic analysis.
Indeed, in what follows, I demonstrate how the politicaleconomic implications of farm-to-fork and snout-to-tail
activities, as well as of the local food movement more
generally, are articulated precisely in terms of the concrete
qualities not only of things edible but also of the array of
persons, animals, things, and the relations between them
that constitute the contemporary U.S. food system and its
possible alternatives.
American Ethnologist
most abstract level, a range of what are deemed connections forged between elements and actors, producers and
consumers, terrain and technique, seasonality and sustenance. As Heather Paxson notes, the American Raw Milk
Farmstead Cheese Consortium claims that raw cheeses reflect the connection between the land, the animals, and
the cheesemaker (2008:24), and the New York Times describes the burgeoning interest of chefs in slaughtering livestock as part of a new intimacy with the animals they
cook (2008).3 This privileging of linkage and interconnection is vital to contemporary ethicsand contemporary
materialismat a number of levels. It weaves through concerns with sustainability in agriculture and environmental practice; with health, animal welfare, and food security;
and with community-building efforts in new food political
movements. Such interconnections are further critical to an
overarching motivation and organizing principlea leading valueof the food reform movement, namely, peoples
desire for authenticity in the foods they eat and the social
processes through which this food is produced. I discuss the
value of the authentic at length below. What should be
clear is that the globalized consolidations of vertically integrated Confined Animal Feeding Operations (or CAFOs) are
also a complex set of manifold relations, which (somehow)
do not constitute connections to be valued in the same
way. Which connections count, then? How should proper
connections be forged, and what distinguishes the kinds of
complex wholes locavores aspire to assemble? How do we
confront vertical integration with a food ethics of integrity?
What kinds of linkages are displaced, and which are valorized by these projects?
In asking about both displacement and replacement of
this kind, I might also note that this new holism and the
totalities wrought are compelling to a certain kind of community that is itself displaced and replaced. Although these
new modes of totalization are not a prominent concern (especially in the region of central North Carolina that is the
focus of my research) among those industrial and agricultural laborers gripped by the ruptures of the present highindustrial moment, contemporary cosmopolitans have embraced them. What I hope to demonstrate, then, is how
such highly mobile and well-resourced communities seek
to reimagine the spaces they inhabit, cultivating an appreciation of valued connections in a well-integrated, and reconfigured domain. In so doing, I also show how the same
processes that have forged industrial agriculture (and especially animal production) have promoted the alternative
connections that critics of such industrial processes now
promote.
My project focuses on pasture-raised pork and the networks forged through it in central North Carolina (or the
Piedmont). My field research has been multisited and multiform. I have done actual field work with pig farmers across
the region; interned in the prep kitchen of a leading Slow
615
American Ethnologist
616
where the meatpacking and processing industry was responsible for the largest growth in North Carolinas Central
American and Mexican population from 1993 to 1997
(North Carolina in the Global Economy n.d.). The food
service industry more generally in the Piedmont (as in a
great many U.S. regions; National Council of La Raza 2011)
employs Latino immigrants in sizable numbers. Indeed,
my fieldwork with restaurant staff across the Piedmont
indicates that almost all of the prep work, as well as most of
the cooking, is carried out by a Latino (almost exclusively
Mexican) labor force in restaurants that explicitly endorse
local foods.
It is interesting to note, however, that many of these
restaurants (in contrast to the meat-processing industry) often celebrate their immigrant labor force. Consider
Miguel Torres, the chef de cuisine at the James Beard Award
winning, locavoracious Chapel Hill restaurant Lantern.
Torres has been featured in local newspaper accounts
describing his self-taught mastery of restaurant work
(Weigl 2011) and further extolled in Slow Foodoriented
cookbooks (Reusing 2011; Roahen and Edge 2010). In these
mediated representations of his culinary skills, Torres offers his recipe for carnitas (Reusing 2011:235336; Roahen
and Edge 2010:143). This is a telling form of representation. It clearly acknowledges the significance of Mexican
craftsmen in the Piedmonts local food scene and even
reframes the local as a place that incorporates Mexican
culinary heritage (carnitas, like tamales, are now branded a
Southern food). Nevertheless, offering Torress recipe for a
Mexican fiesta dish like carnitas as a demonstration of his
contribution to local foods belies the fact that his (and
his many Mexican coworkers) daily labors are spent cooking Lanterns Beard-award-winning meals, which present a
marriage of Asian flavors and North Carolina ingredients
(Lantern n.d.). In other words, the inclusion of Torress (and
other Mexican cooks) skills as critical features of the Piedmonts culinary world simultaneously excludes Torres by
situating him at a remove from that locality, as accounts of
his expertise in local cuisine represent him primarily as a
bearer of Mexican heritage (even as his skills are honed in
the Asian-fusion cuisine he cooks each day).
The movement of capital produces a widespread displacement and relocation of populations, even across class
and racial divisions. This movement, in turn, generates a
characteristic social and cultural dynamic in which relationships within and across communities establish modes
of belonging that are simultaneously inclusive and exclusive (a widespread feature of neoliberal restructuring
around the world; Geschiere and Nyamnjoh 2000; Weiss
2004). Erstwhile New Yorker software engineers perusing
the Durham or Carrboro Farmers Markets for artisanal bacon, as well as immigrant line cooks from Celaya, Mexico, are all participants engaged in remaking an alternative, local food system. And they do so in ways that
Farm-to-fork, snout-to-tail
reveal how the cultural forms of such local foods are constituted by practices that valorize certain relationshipsor
connectionsand incorporate certain participants into
these new totalities, even as they marginalize their very
presence in them. The cultural forms of the local, then,
bespeak a process that is at once inclusive and exclusive.5 The political-economic implications of this dynamic
are, of course, many and varied. In what follows, I focus on the forms of value present in the connections
that constitute local food (more specifically, pasturedpork) markets. These esteemed connectionsbetween customers and farmers, animals and humans, and the constituent elements of animals (i.e., their parts)are icons of
the sociocultural processes of value creation through which
they are produced.
American Ethnologist
tachment are simultaneously reintegrated into regional lifeworlds (or appropriated), reflecting, in Anthony Giddenss
(1991) words, the mutability of local circumstances and engagement (Foster 2008:19).
Yet, far from a triumph over the disembedding forces
of alienation of the sort anthropologists routinely ascribe
to cultural appropriations, these face-to-face connections
can also be a source of anxiety, as the labor required of
farmers at the market, and in marketing more generally,
is a constant topic of discussion among producers. Direct marketing has been the preferred method for small
farmers hoping to bring their produce to market, and most
have discovered that the demands of such marketing in
transport, infrastructure, and, especially, time often outstrip the demands of on-farm activities. Moreover, the apparently straightforward requirement that vendors sell only
what they produce turns out to be rather contentious, especially for meat producers. Pigs, for example, are regularly
grown out from feeder pigs often sold by larger breeders to pastured-pork farmers (see Figure 1). Moreover, the
value-added productssausages and cured meatsthat
are a staple for many meat vendors are subject to additional scrutiny. Many meat producers have recounted the
challenge of assuring customersand other vendorsthat
they can vouch for their products when they have been processed, manufactured, and packaged by a third (and often
fourth) party. Such are the carnivorous challenges to a farmto-fork ethos.6 These challenges are ameliorated by certain producers who, on occasion, process their meat themselves and add their own value, producing what is often
called bootleg sausage. As the term implies, such unregulated efforts are almost always illegal, and necessarily subrosa, but they also confirm the value of connectedness,
as only those in the knowusually through direct, trusted,
personal ties to the farmercan participate in such underground circulation.7
The privileged connections of the farmers market and
related venues suggest that there is a kind of enhanced
value to the circulations that are forged at various levels
between producers, consumers, and the objectshere, the
meatwhose transaction constitutes these connections. I
suggest that this authentic value is an organizing principle of these connections that unites them into totality, as
well as a concrete quality that is materially present in the
objects themselves. Thus, the kind of value given to the
socioeconomic relationships formed between farmers and
customers is also present in the meat. The authenticity of
the former, we might say, is authenticated by the qualities
of the latter. This parallel, and the point of correlation between farm-to-fork and snout-to-tail, was illustrated for me
in a not uncommon discussion that took place at my neighborhood market. The pig farmer with whom I work each
Saturday, Eliza MacLean of Cane Creek Farm, was chatting
with one of her regular customers, a well-regarded chef at
617
American Ethnologist
transactions described, as these forms of value are also embedded in the objects themselvesthe living, breathing animals raised on pasture as well as every piece of that life
that becomes the meat that customers consume. In effect,
the qualities integration and linkage (if the porcine adjective can be forgiven) are qualisigns of the modes of sociality and production that are materialized in the pork that
consumers desire.
618
Farm-to-fork, snout-to-tail
American Ethnologist
At the same time, however, headcheese has plainly become emblematic of a rather different class fragment, a cosmopolitan cognoscenti that can afford to pay substantially
for the privilege of sampling a crackerful of handcrafted
heritage terrine. And yet, this culinary valorization is not
a simple act of sociological distinction, merely an embodied taste of luxury reserved for the dominant class. I would
argue, instead, that the prominence of headcheese at a local foods fair (and on a range of menus across the region,
where it is now found with some regularity) is a form of
revaluation motivated by producers and consumersthat
is, by their tasteswho do not seek to distinguish themselves from plebeian necessity but, rather, to reincorporate
the very values embedded in the necessary (e.g., economizing, heartiness, richness, robustness vs. delicacy) into
novel modes of gastronomic practice. From this perspective, headcheese is, indeed, just like a hot dogso long as
that hot dog is an emulsified artisanal sausage of grass-fed
beef and heritage-breed pork fat offered up at $8 a pound.
Each preparation is less about making a virtue of necessity
than about crafting an aesthetic that appreciates the necessary as virtuous.
This kind of revaluation is widespread among locavores. To assess its significance and specify more concretely
what kind of value is involved, it is helpful to look directly
at the materiality of the tastes that are desired in this way.
Headcheese, to consider this offering again, is, in its substantive form, just like a hot dog only different, in that
the dish is composed of various tidbits and remnants (like
a hot dog) but the form of the preparation draws attention to its composition (unlike a hot dog). It is plain to
see, that is, that headcheese is a collection of odds and
ends, of parts, that have been assembled into a totality (see
Figure 2). In this respect, it is an apt illustration of the commitment to snout-to-tail cookery, a truly iconic dish in the
strict Peircean sense, one clearly showing that every element of the once-living animal has been incorporated into
the final application. Again, this visible parsimony is presented not in keeping with the constraints of frugality but
to demonstrate an interest in caring for each bit of the
animalevery piece of that life, as chef Mike put itas
a form of inventive virtue, both desirable and caring. The
recognition of a regional narrative of hardship and the frank
incorporation of visceral pig parts both contribute to an appreciation of headcheese as a real food, an embodiment
of the authenticity that animates the wider food movement.
Note, as well, that this kind of preparationin its concrete
qualities, its historical recollection of economizing tastes,
and its performance within the setting of a fund-raising
picnic, where it can be offered to a highly discerning (and
well-heeled) clientelealso substantiates the dynamic of
inclusion and exclusion discussed above. The thrifty culinary practices of rural, working-class communities can be
included and even valorized but only by transformations
619
American Ethnologist
(even in the simple recategorization of souse as headcheese) that decisively exclude working-class participation
in the actual eating of the dish, served up by the cracker to
customers who have paid a tidy sum for the sample.
620
Farm-to-fork, snout-to-tail
strictly charitable basis, as it is illegal to process and distribute meat for sale in the kind of facility where the event
was held. Over the course of two nights, participants,9 each
of whom paid $40, were given the opportunity to watch
a pig broken down into its component cuts, the meats to
be prepared for a fund-raising picnic later in the week.
On the first night, the crowd was also able to help dress
a live pig for barbecue (i.e., to slaughter and clean the
animal carcass so that it could be slow-roasted whole). In
addition to emphasizing the seamless connection between
the living animal and its ultimate consumption, this event
was notable for the way that the pigs parts were made
use of. To begin with, the head had already been spoken
formeant to be rendered into headcheese, of course.
This, in itself, required special attention, as pigs heads are
not easily procured. Pigs processed in the Animal Welfare
Approved facilities of nonindustrial slaughterhouses are
shot in the head with a .22 to stun them prior to bleeding,
and U.S. Department of Agriculture regulations prohibit
the sale for consumption of heads that have been shot.
At this event, because the pig was not for sale, the head
was saved for one headcheese aficionado; two other participants were disappointed to hear that the head would
not be available for them to use. As parts were divided up
among the participants for their culinary experiments, it
was interesting to see the preferences expressed. Two of
the participants, themselves budding farmers and longtime
chefs who catered events around town, brought samples of
their charcuterie for the group to sample. They took a large
jowl home. The bellies were subdivided into enough pieces
to provide for everyone who wanted some. I was fortunate
to get a jowl on the second night.
Just as interesting was that, on one night, the full rack
of the pig went unclaimed. A length of ten pork chops, an
export rack incorporates the loin and tenderloin cut from
the lean and tender lower back of the pig. It is the very definition of eating high on the hog, and it is significantly
more expensive than any other cut of pork sold at any farmers market, or grocery store, for that matter. But it was all
the organizers could do to cajole someone into preparing it
for the fund-raiser. The pork in a rack most closely resembles that deanimated, homogenized substance described
by Vialles. The pork industry has bred hybrid pigs and promoted the sale of exactly this cut of porkthe Other White
Meatfor the last generation. Leaner than any other cut of
the pig, with no connective tissue or other viscera running
through it, the loin iseven in a niche-market, heritagebreed piga uniform slab of meat. It scarcely suggests the
animal from which it is removed, in name, function, or appearance, unlike the belly, head, jowl, tail, or shankthat is,
the cuts that have been revitalized on menus motivated by
an interest in snout-to-tail cookery.
In his well-known discussion of La Pensee
Bourgeoise, Marshall Sahlins details the symbolic
American Ethnologist
621
American Ethnologist
622
Farm-to-fork, snout-to-tail
Genuine pigs
This potent combination of connectionsin animal vitality and culinary revitalization, genetic diversity and cultural
heritagecan be summarized as a commitment to authenticity, a term I have used to characterize many of the
sociocultural processes described in this article. This is a
term that is widely and regularly used by farmers, breeders,
chefs, and consumers themselves to describe their preferences for pastured pork. A chef whos cooked 2,000 sheep
should kill at least one, otherwise youre a fake, notes the
celebrated Jamie Oliver on his Channel 4 television series
(Robertson 2005). Real foodthe sort of food our great
grandmothers would recognize as foodstands in need of
defense from the food industry and nutritional science,
writes Michael Pollan (2008:dust jacket). When I asked Eliza
what she thinks most moves her customers to buy the uncar-battery-like pigs she raises, she tells me, Im authentic.
I control the entire process from genetics to slaughter. The
seamless connection among all dimensions of production,
one not generated by an industrial division of specialized,
repetitive tasks but carried out by the direct application of
unmediated, skilled labor, is critical to confirming the authenticity of this process. This tactile labor is extolled, for
example, in the discussions that farmers routinely have with
one another at markets about the kinds of physical tasks
they perform. Livestock farmers, for example, inevitably
discuss the challenges of coordinating all of the tasks they
perform, moving animals, building fences, corralling animals for slaughter, even the grueling work of driving animals to processing facilities.11 What makes such work evidence of authenticity is that it is all (putatively and, often,
actually) carried out by the farmers themselves, whose daily
activities demand the ability to engage in this diverse array
of skilled tasks. Such capacities for real work are seen in
no less trivial ways in the pictures of farmers out in their
fields, among their animals, adorned in overalls and baseball caps, that grace the websites, menus, and entryways
of many Piedmont restaurants. These farmers and chefs
also know their customers well: My recent survey confirmed
American Ethnologist
Conclusions
In all of these ways, farm-to-fork and snout-to-tail practices
aim to reconfigure a dynamic totalityat once cultural and
natural, social and zoologicalcomposed of iconic parts
whose dense and multiple connections allow participants
in these totalities to experience authenticity, understood at
once as an objective feature of productive life and as a subjectively cultivated taste and appreciation for good things.
I am an eager and hungry advocate of these connections;
and it is not hard to see how a highly mobile community,
migrating into the Piedmont at an accelerated rate, might
imagine a heritage for itself that is embedded in regional
cookery and agriculture and in old-fashioned tastes composed of the rustic pieces of pigs whose names and lineages evoke English yeoman farmers, Spanish galleons, and
Hungarian peasants. Critiques of foodie sensibilities as elitist and hierarchical are legion, especially within the food
activist community itself. But it should come as no surprise to find that many peopleeven consumersinspired
to reclaim and elevate the plebeian tastes of homespun
cooking also hope to expand the appeal and availability of
623
American Ethnologist
Notes
Acknowledgments. Earlier versions of this article were presented
to the Department of Anthropology at the University of Chicago,
the American Anthropological Association meetings in 2010, and
the Weltkulturen Museum in Frankfurt, Germany. I want to thank
all of the participants in these venues for their instructive comments. I also received invaluable advice on this article from Heather
624
Paxson, Anne Meneley, Alison Leitch, Laura Lewis, and the anonymous reviewers for American Ethnologist. As ever, I owe an enormous thanks to the many farmers, chefs, and customers I have
worked with since early 2009 in North Carolina. In particular, the
farmers and staff of Carrboro Farmers Market have been incredibly generous and welcoming. The manager of the market, Sarah
Blacklin, has taken a good deal of her time to talk about a range
of food issues with me, and I am grateful for her continuing interest in this research. Jennifer Curtis of Farmhand Foods also offered encouragement and support on this project and this article.
Above all, I am immensely thankful to Eliza MacLean, and to her
staff and family at Cane Creek Farm. I chased my first pigs, watered
birds, tagged cattle, and took on innumerable other exhausting
and exhilarating chores on Cane Creekand followed that up with
our weekly collaboration at the Carrboro Farmers Market. Without
Elizas willingness to indulge my interests this research would have
been all but impossible.
1. Virtually every social scientific perspective in the 20th century,
in approaches as varied as Sausseurian linguistics, Durkheimian
sociology, British functional structuralism, and Gestalt psychology,
emphasizes the necessity of holism and totalities for analytical coherence (Durkheim 1950; Levi-Strauss 1966; Radcliffe-Brown 1952;
Saussure 1916).
2. So pervasive is this farm-to-fork model that a Google search
of the phrase produces 2,780,000 results.
3. See also the intrigue that currently surrounds Facebook
founder Mark Zuckerbergs commitment to eat, for one year, only
meat that comes from animals he has slaughtered (International
Business Times 2011).
4. For example, the recruitment of Dell Computers to the Triad
(the Greensboro, Winston-Salem, High Point region) through the
offer of $260 million in state and county tax breaks (WRAL n.d.).
5. I am grateful to Laura Lewis for helping me to clarify my thinking about these processes.
6. For a widely circulated, pitch-perfect rendering of this ethos
and its anxieties, see Independent Film Channel 2011.
7. See Sula 2009 for a detailed discussion of the unregulated
character of such operations and the intimate knowledge necessary
to maintain them.
8. For a video of this exchange, see https://picasaweb.google.
com/1bradweiss/Headcheese?locked=true#5619190714268066978.
9. The participants in this butchery event were more diverse
than the attendees of the picnic. The group on both nights was
largely, but not exclusively, male. The butchery group was also notably younger than the picnic groupin part a reflection that the
organizers of the event were young men working with local farmers.
A few chefs and farmers attended, hoping to enhance their working
skills as well as offer their wares.
10. I recently found that lamb belly is being cured by U.S. home
curers interested in precisely the snout-to-tail practices I have been
describing (Royer 2011). This counterexample demonstrates the
way that the circulation of lamb flaps confirms Papuans understandings of their marginality relative to a wider whole; this is not
to dismiss the materiality of a fatty cut but, rather, to confirm
that the qualisigns of tastea taste for fatty stews as opposed to
cured, desiccated meatcontributes to the sociocultural and political economic sense of marginalization.
11. This is a particularly common topic of discussion given the
narrow range of options for small-scale animal processing in North
Carolina and, indeed, most of the country.
12. Efforts to expand pastured-pork production in North
Carolina, and specifically to target minority farmers, are ongoing.
They have been funded, primarily, with grants from the Golden
LEAF Foundation, established in 2000 with funds from the national
Farm-to-fork, snout-to-tail
tobacco buyout settlement (Golden LEAF Foundation North Carolina 2009). It is also important to point out, though, that very few
African American livestock producers sell their meat at Triangle
farmers markets. Moreover, Mexican and Central American immigrants have been targeted as consumers by innovative marketing
programs, but very few of them (even though many come from rural, agricultural regions in their home country) work as farmers or
even as farm labor on the small, sustainable farms where pastured animals are raised in the Piedmont. I am grateful, again, to
Laura Lewis for discussions on this point.
References cited
American Livestock Breed Conservancy
2010 ALBC E-News. http://hosted-p0.vresp.com/369883/
9c0eb50314/ARCHIVE, accessed October 3.
Behr, Edward
1999 The Lost Taste of Pork: Finding a Place for the Iowa Family
Farm. Art of Eating 51: 120.
Bourdieu, Pierre
1984 Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste.
Richard Nice, trans. London: Routledge.
Chang, David, and Peter Meehan
2009 Momofuku. New York: Clarkson Potter.
Durkheim, Emile
1950 The Rules of Sociological Method. Sarah A. Solovay and John
H. Mueller, trans. Glencoe, IL: Free Press.
Farquhar, Judith
2006 Food, Eating, and the Good Life. In Handbook of Material Culture. Chris Tilley, Webb Keane, Susan Kuechler, Mike
Rowlands, and Patricia Spyer, eds. Pp. 145160. London: Sage.
Fehervary, Krisztina
2009 Goods and States: The Political Logic of State-Socialist
Material Culture. Comparative Studies in Society and History
51(2):426459.
Foster, Robert
2008 Coca-Globalization: Following Soft Drinks from New York to
New Guinea. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Geschiere, Peter, and Frances Nyamnjoh
2000 Capitalism and Autochthony: The Seesaw of Mobility and
Belonging. Public Culture 12(2):432452.
Gewertz, Deborah, and Frederick Errington
2010 Cheap Meat: Flap Food Nations in the Pacific Islands.
Berkeley: University of California Press.
Giddens, Anthony
1991 Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and Society in the Late
Modern Age. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Golden LEAF Foundation North Carolina
2009 Upscale Pork Markets for Small Scale Hog Producers.
http://www.goldenleaf.org/grantdetail.php?id=FY2001249,
accessed June 17, 2011.
Haraway, Donna
2008 When Species Meet. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press.
Henderson, Fergus
2004 The Whole Beast: Nose to Tail Eating. London: Ecco.
Independent Film Channel
2011 Is It Local?Portlandia on IFC, January 25. http://www.
youtube.com/watch?v=l2LBICPEK6w, accessed March 7, 2012.
International Business Times
2011 Mark Zuckerberg Butchers Animals to Eat. http://www.
ibtimes.com/articles/154068/20110529/mark-zuckerbergbutchers-animal-to-eat.htm, accessed May 30.
American Ethnologist
Keane, Webb
2003 Semiotics and the Social Analysis of Material Things. Language and Communication 23(34):409425.
Lantern
N.d. Lantern. http://lanternrestaurant.com/about.html, accessed December 19, 2011.
Learn NC
N.d. Latino Immigration. http://www.learnnc.org/lp/editions/
nchist-recent/6182, accessed December 1, 2011.
Levi-Strauss, Claude
1966 The Savage Mind. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Meneley, Anne
2008 Oleo-Signs and Quali-Signs: The Qualities of Olive Oil.
Ethnos 73(3):303326.
Munn, Nancy
1986 The Fame of Gawa: A Symbolic Study of Value Transformation in a Massim (Papua New Guinea) Society. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
National Council of La Raza
2011 Feeding the Economic Recovery: Latinos in the Food
Services Sector. http://issuu.com/nclr/ocs/employment
report may 2011, accessed November 15.
New York Times
2008 Chefs New Goal: Looking Dinner in the Eye. New
York Times, January 16. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/01/
16/dining/16anim.html?8br, accessed January 16.
Niman, Nicolette Hahn
2009 Righteous Porkchop: Finding a Life and Good Food beyond
Factory Farms. New York: Collins Living.
North Carolina in the Global Economy
N.d.
Hog
Farming.
http://www.soc.duke.edu/NC
GlobalEconomy/hog/workers.shtml, accessed October 16,
2008.
Paxson, Heather
2008 Post-Pasteurian Cultures: The Microbiopolitics of RawMilk Cheese in the United States. Cultural Anthropology 23(1):
1547.
Pollan Michael
2007 The Omnivores Dilemma: A Natural History of Four Meals.
New York: Penguin.
2008 In Defense of Food: An Eaters Manifesto. New York:
Penguin.
Radcliffe-Brown, Alfred R.
1952 Structure and Function in Primitive Society. New York: Free
Press.
Reusing, Andrea
2011 Cooking in the Moment: A Year of Seasonal Recipes. New
York: Clarkson Potter.
Roahen, Sara, and John T. Edge, eds.
2010 The Southern Foodways Alliance Community Cookbook.
Athens: University of Georgia Press.
Robertson, Cameron
2005 Jamie Oliver: The Silencer of the Lamb. Mirror.
http://www.mirror.co.uk/celebs/news/2005/11/11/jamieoliver-the-silencer-of-the-lamb-11587516357445/, accessed
November 15, 2008.
Royer, Blake
2011 Lamb Pancetta: Charcutepalooza February Challenge, Plus, a Killer Recipe to Use It In. Paupered Chef,
February
15.
http://thepauperedchef.com/article/lambpancetta-charcutepalooza-february-challenge,
accessed
February 20.
Sahlins, Marshall
1976 Culture and Practical Reason. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
625
American Ethnologist
Saussure, Ferdinand de
1916 Cours de linguistique generale. Paris: Payot.
Schlosser, Eric
2001 Fast-Food Nation. New York: Perennial.
Silverstein Michael
2004 Cultural Concepts and the Language-Culture Nexus. Current Anthropology 45(5):621652.
Strathern, Marilyn
2005 Partial Connections. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press.
Sula, Mike
2009 The Charcuterie Underground. Chicago Reader, November
26. http://www.chicagoreader.com/chicago/the-charcuterieunderground-outlaw-bacon-curers-and-sausage-grinders/
Content?oid=1241681, accessed December 19, 2011.
Tomlinson, John
1999 Globalization and Culture. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
United States Census
2010 2010 Census Data. http://2010.census.gov/2010census/
data/index.php, accessed December 10, 2011.
Vialles, Noelie
1994 Animal to Edible. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Weigl, Andrea
2011 Behind Every Successful Chef . . . http://sustainablegrub.
wordpress.com/2011/05/27/behind-every-successful-chef/,
accessed June 1.
626
Weiss, Brad
1996 The Making and Unmaking of the Haya Lived World: Consumption, Commoditization, and Everyday Practice. Durham,
NC: Duke University Press.
2011 Making Pigs Local: Discerning the Sensory Character of
Place. Cultural Anthropology 26(3):440463.
N.d. The Pigness of the Pig: Character and Connection in the
Making of Locality. Unpublished MS, Department of Anthropology, College of William and Mary.
Weiss, Brad, ed.
2004 Producing African Futures: Ritual and Reproduction in a
Neoliberal Age. Leiden, the Netherlands: Brill.
WRAL
2009 Dell to Close N.C. Plant, Eliminate 905 Jobs. http://www.
wral.com/business/story/6156112/, accessed November 15,
2011.
Brad Weiss
Department of Anthropology
College of William and Mary
Williamsburg, VA 23185
blweis@wm.edu