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Against Ethnography
Nicholas Thomas
Australian National University
In March 1803 Lord Valentia was traveling through Awadh, a part of north
India which, as he observed, had not yet been liberated by the East India Company
from Muslim oppression. At Lucknow he was surprised to find in the Nawab's
palace an extensive collection of curiosities, including "several thousand English
prints framed and glazed . . and innumerable other articles of European manufacture."
The dinnerwas French, with plenty of wine ... the Mussulmaunsdranknone, [although]the forbiddenliquorwas served in abundanceon the table, and they had two
glasses of differentsizes standingbefore them. The room was very well lighted up,
and a bandof music (which the Nawaubhad purchasedfrom Colonel Morris)played
English tunes duringthe whole time. The scene was so singular, and so contraryto
all my ideas of Asiatic manners,that I could hardlypersuademyself that the whole
was not a masquerade.[Valentia 1809 1:143-144]
This aristocratic colonial traveler's confusion could be taken to be emblematic of one of the predicaments of late 20th-century anthropology. The problem
of interpretation arises not from an ethnocentric expectation that other peoples are
the same, from a failure to predict the local singularity of their manners and customs, but from an assumption that others must be different, that their behavior
will be recognizable on the basis of what is known about another culture. The
visitor encounters not a stable array of "Asiatic manners" but what appears to be
an unintelligible inauthenticity.
This essay is concerned with anthropology's enduring exoticism, and how
processes such as borrowing, creolization, and the reifications of local culture
through colonial contact are to be reckoned with. Can anthropology simply extend
itself to talk about transposition, syncretism, nationalism, and oppositional fabrications of custom, as it may have been extended to cover history and gender, or
is there a sense in which the discipline's underlying concepts need to be mutilated
or distorted, before we can deal satisfactorily with these areas that were once excluded?
The current wave of collective autocritique within anthropology' has a paradoxical character in the sense that while reference is made to crisis, experimentation, and even radical transformation in the discipline, one conclusion of most
efforts seems to be an affirmation of what has always been central. Clifford, for
306
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308 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGY
ing Culture (Clifford and Marcus 1986) and The Predicament of Culture (Clifford
1988) for granted.This articlehowever attemptsto move beyond the currentdebate by situatingproblematicfeaturesof anthropology,such as the tendency to
exoticism, in the constitutionof ethnographicdiscourse. One obstacle here is the
commonsense epistemology of the discipline-which no doubt accords with a
broadercultural model-that understandsknowledge primarilyin quantitative
terms. Defects are absences that can be rectifiedthroughthe additionof further
information,andmorecan be known abouta particulartopic by addingotherways
of perceiving it. "Bias" is thus associated with a lack and can be rectified or
balanced out by the addition of furtherperspectives. My preferredmetaphor
would situate the causes of an arrayof moments of blindness and insight in the
constitutionof a discipline's analytictechnology:particularkinds of overlooking
arise from researchmethods, ways of understandingconcepts, and genres of representation.This is essentially a model borrowedfrom feminist anthropology:as
those critiques developed, it became apparentthat the essentially imbalanced
characterof anthropologicalaccounts of society could not be correctedwithout
complex scrutinyof methods and analysis, that "academic fields could not be
curedby sexism simply by accretion" (C. Boxer quoted in Moore 1987:2-3). It
is not clear, however, that the problemsI discuss are analogousto illnesses; the
fabricationof alterityis not so much a blight or distortionto be excised or exorcised, but a projectcentralto ethnography'srenderingof the properstudyof man.
Exoticism
Although EdwardSaid's work has arousedconsiderableinterest in anthropology, the responsehas often been qualifiedor critical(e.g., Marcusand Fisher
1986:1-2; Clifford 1988:255-276).5 It is sometimesassertedthatbecause anthropologists have engaged in many studies of Europeanor Americansocieties, and
are concernedwith universalhumanityas well as culturaldifference, the charge
of exoticism is only partlyjustified. Withoutdisputingeitherthatworkcarriedout
underthe name of anthropologyhas been extraordinarilydiverse, or that a misleading stereotypeof the discipline has wide currency, it must be said that this
overlooks the fact that the presentationof other culturesretainscanonical status
within the discipline. That is, despite a plethoraof topics and approaches,there
are still strong prescriptionsthat certain anthropologicalprojects (such as those
dealingwith tribalreligions) aremoreanthropologicalthanothers. The arguments
heredeploy this stereotypicconstruct,even thoughtit is partlya misunderstanding
prevalentoutside the discipline, and partlysomethingthat practitionerscontinue
to impose uponthemselves and most particularlytheirgraduatestudents.The object of my critique is thus an "analytical fiction" in Marilyn Strathern'ssense
(1988:10),6 and this reified idea of a diverse discipline can only be unfair and
unrepresentativeof a variety of innovative approaches.But if what is said here
applies only in a partialway to work remote from canonical types, the converse
also applies, and the critiqueis valid insofar as anthropologicaltexts actuallydo
take the form of ethnographicdepictions of other cultures.
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310 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGY
the individualismof the West (and ironically also with the alleged superiorityof
purityover power). While the power-claims of culturalethnographyhave been
basedon rigorin culturaltranslation,in a more faithful, less ethnocentricaccount
of local belief, that facilitates a professionalpotlatchof sophisticatedinterpretations, thereis clearly a certainselectivity; it is notablethat matterto be translated
must come from somewheredifferent. For instance, while informantsin the societies of the "kula ring" frequentlymake analogies between the famous shell
valuables(thatthey sometimes call "Papuanmoney") and Europeancash,8 that
strandof local discourse is not conspicuous in the culturalethnographyof the
Massim. Beliefs and notions that are not differenttake on the appearanceof difference throughthe process of apparenttranslation,througha discourse of the
translationof culture. Although there are sceptics within anthropology(Keesing
1989), those in otherdisciplines appearto have had a more balancedview of the
problemsof translationand exoticism. In justifying the use of English categories
such as "class" and "capitalist" in the analysis of Indianhistory, Bayly recently
suggested that although there are "dangers in glib comparison . . . excessive
Orientalistpurismhas done little except make India seem peculiarto the outside
world" (1988:x).
The claim that anthropologyis concernedwith difference within as well as
between culturesis excessively charitable.There are, of course, works that deal
with conflict, disagreementabout beliefs, and perspectivaldifferences between
men andwomen, but these themescould hardlybe said to have the same centrality
for the discipline as the operationof imputingdifference between cultures. This
is in fact more accuratelydescribed as contrast, since the most persuasive and
theoreticallyconsequentialethnographicrhetoricrepresentsthe other essentially
as an inversionof whateverWesterninstitution,practice, or set of notions is the
realobjectof interest.Hence Balinese theaterand aestheticsstandagainstthe mechanicaland narrowlypolitical Westernunderstandingof the state; and, without
endorsingFreeman'sstyle of critiqueor ethological non sequiturs,it must similarlybe acknowledgedthatMead's theoreticalorientationand literaryflairled her
to renderSamoanfreedomas the mirrorof Americanconstraint.The proposition
thatthe gift is only intelligible as an inversionof the category of the commodity
hardlyrequiresextendeddiscussion here (but cf. Parry1986:466-467).
Many works of the relativizing style were or are intendedto be critical, at
least in the minimalsense thatthey aimed to affirmthe value of otherculturesand
express a certainscepticism about "Western" ideas that were takento be natural
and eternal. But the culturalcritiquedepended upon the fabricationof alterity,9
upon a showcase approachto other culturesthat is now politically unacceptable,
in its homogenizationof others and implicit denial of the significanceof migrant
cultureswithin the West. After so many decades of "economic development"
and conflict in tribal and third world societies, it is ludicrousif anthropological
commentarycontinues primarilyto place such peoples in anotherdomain, in a
space thatestablishesthe differenceand contingencyof our own practice(cf. Fabian 1983). I am not saying that people are all the same, and that culturaldifferences areinconsequential;the challenge is not to do away with culturaldifference,
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and with what is locally distinctive, but to integratethis more effectively with
historicalperceptionsand a sense of the unstableand politically contested characterof culture. Hence, as Moore has noted, "understandingculturaldifference
is essential, but the concept itself can no longer stand as the ruling concept of a
modem anthropology,because it addressesonly one form of difference among
many" (1987:9).
The tendencyto exoticize otherscould be regardedas a quirkof the individuals who become anthropologists,or an inevitableconsequence of the encounter
of fieldwork.The second suggestion might seem compelling, given the pervasive
notionof fieldworkas the experienceof an individualfromone culturein another.
Though elaboratedfor the purposes of collective professional self approbation,
this notion of inquiryand interpretationfrom a liminal perspectiveclearly cannot
be dismissed. But the point that is profoundlymystifiedin contemporaryanthropological consciousness concernsthe forms and diversityof the differences at issue. If one is seeking out contexts in which a sense of "not fitting" or "being
elsewhere" facilitatesheightenedawarenessof the singularityandcontingencyof
both the cultureof the situationand one's own assumptions, then it is clear that
therearemanycircumstancesin which these conditionsexist. Therearenumerous
contexts in "Western" culturesin which alienationor foreignness facilitate culturalcritique (a south London black woman in an Oxbridge college), and it is
obvious also thatthe crucialdifferencesrelateto age, sex, class, andvariousother
criteria, as well as the implicit ethnic categories that separate different "cultures." Or, to express the point differently,the notionof whatconstitutescultural
differenceseems to be restrictedto distinctionbetween an undefined"West" and
anotherdomain of experience and meaning;the separationbetween these terms
energizes the interpretiveprojectof ethnography,while difference might also be
situatedbetween the sortof self-conscious exposition of local culturethatis often
offered by senior men, and the voices of those without authority;between those
who stay in the countrysideand those who have left; between those who hold fast
to whatis valorizedas local identityandthose who appearto abandonit to become
Christians,Mormons,or communists. It could also, of course, be situatedin difference among anthropologists,given that one of the reasons for engaging in researchis to gathermaterialthat serves a particularargument.
Fromthis perspective, the notion that fieldworkentails partakingof alterity
and thus requiresan accountof culturaldifference is manifestly insufficient. All
the crucialquestionsare passed over because a multiplicityof culturaldifferences
are condensed. The contrastiveoperationdiscussed is almost inherentin any text
that explicates, or purportsto explicate, the distinctiveness of a "culture." A
monographis not about "other cultures" but ratheranotherculture, and the fact
thatthis must at some level be treatedas a boundedand stable system makes implicit contrastwith a home-pointalmost inevitableeven where thereis no explicit
one-to-onejuxtaposition.However, the numberof cases in which showcase counterpositioningovertly animates analysis is considerable. Insofar as this is what
ethnographicwritingis about, exoticism can only be disposed of by disposing of
ethnography,by breakingfrom one-to-one presentationinto modes that disclose
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312 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGY
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erate fictions to that end" (1988:10). Strathern'sclaims about her own methods
may not reflectviews aboutthe generalconditionof ethnographicwriting, but the
propositionput forwardhere is in fact thatdepiction, theoryand analysisarecharacterizedby a high degree of mutualdependence.
This is very obvious in some recentculturalethnographies.For example, in
The Fame of Gawa (Munn 1986) there is a strong sense that no operationtakes
place outside the elaborationof indigenouscategories in theoreticalterms, or the
reverse-that the elaborationof theoreticalvocabularyis merely illustratedby indigenous counterparts.In this case, the analysis is brilliantlyeffective, but there
are few spaces for adjudicatingplausibilityor implausibilityindependentlyof internalcoherence, and thereis little scope for rereadingethnographicmaterialthat
is separablefrom the analysis from the perspectiveof a differentkind of inquiry.
Ethnographythus establishes things in an empirically isolated and strictly illustrativemanner;cases stand by themselves, and their adequacydepends more on
the effects createdthroughinternalanalyticalnarrationthan either externaltheoretical validationor an interest in the replicabilityof findings (setting aside the
naive positivistic claims associated, for instance, with Freeman's"falsification"
of Mead). The assessmentof a useful ethnographicbook depends above all upon
the persuasivefictions of its analysis.
Munn'sbook mightbe regardedas an extremecase, but fromthe perspective
of this argument,it would be incorrectto consider this state of textual self-referentialityas a quantitypresentin some works to a greaterdegree thanothers. Such
an impressioninsteadderives merely from distinct subjectivereactionsto different theoreticalparadigmsand devices such as Munn's neologisms. What for one
readerappearas clear tools are highly contrived for another. The view adopted
here, which may be counterintuitive,is thatwritingethnographyinto the premises
of analysis is a basic condition of the genre.
I am not saying thatpriorassumptionsplay too substantiala role in the productionof accountsof other cultures. The premise here is that any scholarlydiscourse is an illustrativeoutcome of a conjunctureof theoreticalinterests, disciplinaryprocedures,and case materials;questions of interestdo not relate to the
relative proportionsof these terms-that quantitativeepistemological metaphor
having been eschewed-but instead concern the particularways of seeing permittedor disabledby availabledisciplinaryforms.
The most conspicuous featureof the discourse of ethnographyis a disjunction betweengeneralquestionsin social andculturaltheoryof the kind mentioned
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314 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGY
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316 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGY
sexual asymmetries, which has resisted the tendency for these questions to be
subsumedwithin a localized ethnographyof genderrelations. The importanceof
comparisonemerges also from the fact that some kind of explicit discussion of
regional relationshipsand histories is necessary if older ethnological categories
and adjudicationsare not to be implicitly perpetuated.Many areal categories,
such as "Melanesia" and "Polynesia" live on in contemporaryanthropological
parlanceas thoughthey had linguistic or prehistoricalvalidity, while misleading
typificationsof regional social structuresand culturalforms provide silent contexts for ethnographiccase studies (cf. Thomas 1989b).
At this point it might seem desirable to present an example of the kind of
projectenvisaged here, but this would partlymisrepresentthe claims and intentions of the presentarticle.3 I do not appeal in a messianic mannerto a style of
workthat is unprecedented,which would be supposedto magically transcendthe
orientalizingcontrivanceandparticularismcharacteristicof the disciplineat present. Since this critiqueis directedat a kind of canonical work, it is obvious that
much anthropologicalwriting is not to be subsumedwithin that canon, and that
examplesof comparativeanalysis alreadyexist. The interestis thus in alteringthe
marginalstatusof thatgenre, and elaboratingupon it in certaindirections.
This is not to say, though, that there is an established style of comparison
that should simply be adopted and generalized. To the contrary,it appearsthat
much comparativework is inadequatebecause it is set up as a project secondary
to ethnography;one thatperhapsoperatesat a higherlevel of generality,and with
moretheoreticalambitions,but neverthelessone that is essentially parasiticupon
the richnessof what can be describedas "primarysources" (Strathern1988:10).
This is why it seems importantto establish an intermediatelevel of writing
betweenproblematicuniversalismand ethnographicillustration,a kind of writing
that incorporatesethnographybut is not subordinatedto it. At a theoreticallevel
this should be able to displace discourses of alterity by representingdifference
within culturesand difference among a plurality(as opposed to one-to-one contrast). It should be able to combine nuanced firsthandknowledge of particular
localities with the interpretationof a broaderrangeof "secondary" ethnographic
or "primary"historicaldescriptions.This type of groundingthus depends upon
a model of knowledge ratherdifferentto that implicit in various academicdisciplines, where there is a strong if generally implicit idea that writing ought generally to be based on one's own specialized and originalresearch.Otherwork is
often consignedto a secondaryor residualcategory, such as thatof the "literature
review" or textbook; even though it is obvious that many theoreticallycrucial
workshave not derivedfrom work thatwas primaryin an empiricalsense. A new
kindof post-ethnographicanthropologicalwritingwould presumethe sortof local
knowledge that has always been critical for representingcircumstancesboth at
home and abroad, but would refuse the bounds of conveniently sized localities
throughventuringto speak aboutregionalrelationsand histories. If case material
from a range of associated places cannot expose the historical contingency and
particulardeterminationof social and culturalforms that might otherwise be up-
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318 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGY
advancedto be essential to any novel and critical anthropology,my complaintis that the
questionof exoticism in contemporaryanthropologyhas been passedover-as thoughsuch
works as Anthropologyand the Colonial Encounter(Asad 1974) had expunged the problem.
3Thisperhapsaccountsfor the curiouslyprevalentmisconceptionthatthe authorsof Writing Culture(Cliffordand Marcus 1986) were puttingreflection, criticismor some kind of
theoreticalself-consciousnessin the place of primaryresearch;"it seems more than likely
thatthe book will provokea trendaway from doing anthropology,and towardsever more
barrencriticismand meta-criticism"(Spencer 1989:161). It was quite clear from Anthropology as CulturalCritique(Marcusand Fisher 1986) that at least two of the writerssaw
a kindof criticalethnography,ratherthanany criticismdetachedfrom ethnography,as the
centralprojectof the discipline;it might also be pointedout thatsince WritingCulturewas
publishedsome contributorsat least have producedother substantivestudies (e.g., Rabinow 1989) and not works of "metacriticism." The notion that the 1986 collection and
associated publicationsrepresentedan assault on ethnographyis thus clearly false; this
article departsfrom both WritingCulture and its aggrieved detractorsby insisting on a
fieldwork/ethnography
distinction and using that as a basis for doing what the reflexive
theoristshave been unjustifiablyaccused of doing-arguing that ethnography'stime has
passed.
4Thiswas intended,but not made properlyexplicit, in Out of Time (Thomas 1989a). The
presentarticleis intendedto some extent to be an amendmentto thatcritique,even though
it does not take up the questionof ethnography'slack of history, which was centralto my
book.
'This formof wordsmay suggest thatI do not regardcriticismsof Said's projectas justified;
I hope to explorethe topic of the receptionof Said's work in a separatearticle, butcan note
briefly here that I agree with some of the points made by Clifford, but believe that most
anthropologicalcritics have neglected the sense in which Orientalismis a work of specifically literaryscholarshipand secondly that it is but a partof a series of works thatoperate
at distinct levels of generalityand with distinct purposes (Said 1978, 1979, 1981, 1984,
1986; Said and Hitchins 1988). Some of these works are referredto by Clifford, but most
authorscite nothingotherthanOrientalism;I am not, of course, complainingaboutincomplete bibliographies,but draw attentionto the fact that Orientalismhas been criticizedfor
not doing things thatSaid actuallyhas done elsewhere.
6Strathern
however implies thatherpropositionsare simply intendedto generatenovel theoretical effects, as if the epistemological status of analytical fictions excludes both substantiveclaims, anddisputationbasedon the noncorrespondenceof a fictionwith evidence.
If this is in fact the position of the prefaceto The Genderof the Gift, it would seem at odds
with what are in fact substantivepropositionsin the body of the text, and also a stance that
ratherdisables one's own analysis. My view, which may or may not diverge from a position thatStratherndid not succeed in expressing unambiguously,is that analyticalfictions
are, like other forms of knowledge, partial(in the sense of being both interestedand incomplete), and because of this condition (ratherthan in spite of it), may offer an account
of thingsin the worldthatis adequatefor the purposesof a historicallysituatedcommunity
or arrayof people. Insofaras a fiction is seen to be representative,its substantiveclaims
are as trueas any of the otherthings we believe.
7My use of Negara as a model of the one-to-one contrastthat is fundamentalto ethnographicwriting is quite deliberate, since the historicalcharacterof the work makes it ob-
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320 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGY
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322 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGY
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